issue#1515

Issue no: 1515

• AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025 • PUBLISHED WEEKLY

PRICE: GEL 2.50

In this week’s issue...

Wizz Air to Add Direct Flights to Venice via Kutaisi NEWS PAGE 2

Ukraine Latest: Frontline Fury and Diplomatic Maneuvers — Ukraine's Resolute Defense During a Week of Battlefield Shifts POLITICS PAGE 3

Letters Against Silence POLITICS PAGE 4

FOCUS ON SERGO KOBULADZE Discover Georgia’s great artist and his miniature treasures In photo: Sergo Kobuladze working on the curtain for the Tbilisi Opera and Ballet Theatre.

Source: AFA Archive

PAGE 11

"Putin Won Alaska": Expert Slams Trump-Putin Summit as Kremlin Victory and Warning for Ukraine POLITICS PAGE 5

Georgia Expands Entrepreneur Support Programs with New Grants

After Alaska Talks, Trump, Zelensky, EU Leaders BUSINESS PAGE 7 Stray Futures: What Hold High-Stakes Ukraine Summit in D.C. Georgia’s Animal Control Experiment Says About Society, Power, and Civilization

BY TEAM GT

F

ollowing last Friday’s high-profile but inconclusive summit between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska, a critical round of diplomacy unfolded Monday at the White House. This time, the message was different: Ukraine was not alone. Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky were joined by top European leaders in an effort to forge a coordinated Western strategy to end the war in Ukraine.

The meeting brought together German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, French President Emmanuel Macron, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Finnish President Alexander Stubb, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte—underscoring a stark pivot from the Alaska summit, which drew widespread criticism for sidelining Ukraine and producing no formal ceasefire agreement.

Continued on page 6

SOCIETY PAGE 9

The Blood Commons: How Georgia Is Reinventing the Gift Economy in the Age of Platforms SOCIETY PAGE 10

On the 2025 International Festival ‘Night Serenades’ European leaders listen to Trump in the Oval Office on Monday. Source: REUTERS

CULTURE PAGE 10

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NEWS

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

US Skips UN Statement on Georgia War Anniversary as Russia Praises GD Government A Wizz Air plane. Source: Business Insider.

Wizz Air to Add Direct Flights to Venice via Kutaisi

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

T

he United Airports of Georgia reported that Wizz Air is adding a direct flight to Venice from Kutaisi Airport, starting December 2. The company will operate the Venice-KutaisiVenice route twice weekly on Tuesdays and Saturdays.

“It will now be possible to travel directly from Kutaisi to a third Italian city. Wizz Air, Europe’s most environmentally sustainable airline, will operate flights on the Venice-Kutaisi-Venice route with two weekly frequencies, on Tuesdays

and Saturdays, using an Airbus A321neo aircraft,” the statement reads.

Earlier this year, Wizz Air resumed flights from Kutaisi International Airport to Madrid and Hamburg and began operating direct flights to Lyon in June, with two weekly routes.

Since 2022, Wizz Air has maintained its position as the leading airline in Georgia’s aviation market. “According to data for the first seven months of 2025, Wizz Air served nearly 900,000 passengers in Georgia. In the first seven months of 2025 alone, the airline operated approximately 4,800 flights to and from Kutaisi, which is almost 9% more than the same period last year,” the airports’ statement noted.

Security Council members. Source: UNSC

BY TEAM GT

Modern Tram Line to Connect Didi Dighomi with Didube Metro Station in Tbilisi

A tram in Asia. Source: Cities Development Initiative For Asia

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

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bilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze announced that a modern, European-standard tram line will be constructed to connect the Didi Dighomi district with the Didube metro station.

He clarified that the goal of the project is to give residents of Dighomi faster and more comfortable transportation options to different parts of the city.

The planned tram line will be 7.5 kilometers long and include 11 stops. “As a

result, the tram will ensure safe, comfortable, and fast travel for the growing passenger flow in the Dighomi settlement, ease the load on buses and minibuses, reduce traffic congestion, and improve the ecological situation,” Kaladze said.

He also emphasized that the Didube metro station is not only a key point for the capital’s transport system but also for intercity travel. “The tram will be integrated into the existing public transport network. A unified, flexible, comfortable and sustainable transport system will be created, tailored to the needs of every citizen,” the mayor noted.

Gori Council Chairman Denies Praising Russia, Says NYT Misrepresented His Words

BY TEAM GT

D

avid Razmadze, Chairman of the Gori Municipal Council, has denied remarks attributed to him in The New York Times, claiming his words were distorted and misrepresented.

“This is slander. I never said anything positive about Russia. I never used the phrase ‘Saakashvili’s thugs.’ What I said was that Saakashvili’s government abandoned the city,” Razmadze told TV Pirveli. He further alleged that the journalist who interviewed him was biased: “The man who interviewed me turned out to be an advocate for Saakashvili. I don’t even know if he truly represented The New York Times. I doubt it—he was sent. If my teammates stand by me, of course, I will sue.”

Responding to a question about EU

integration, Razmadze emphasized his political alignment: “I am a member of Georgian Dream. Has Georgian Dream ever said we are against European integration?!”

When asked about his position on the 2008 August war, Razmadze clarified that he does not directly blame former president Mikheil Saakashvili for starting it, but accuses him of “facilitating” Russia’s aggression. “How can I blame Saakashvili? The Russians started it. I accuse him of facilitating. Saakashvili contributed to the annexation of Georgian territories,” he said.

For context, The New York Times had quoted Razmadze as praising Russian troops during the 2008 August war, saying: “The Russians came here as peacekeepers, and thank God they did, because Misha’s thugs were looting the entire city.” The American publication also noted that in his interview, Razmadze pinned responsibility for the war on Saakashvili.

T

he United States did not join a UN statement supporting Georgia on the anniversary of the Russia– Georgia war, while Moscow praised the Georgian Dream government for its “wisdom.”

On August 18, the UN Security Council held a closed session to discuss the 17th anniversary of the war, focusing on the Russia–Georgia conflict and the situation in the occupied territories.

After the meeting, a joint statement in support of Georgia was issued by Security Council members the United Kingdom, France, Slovenia, Denmark, and Greece, along with incoming member Latvia.

“The Russian invasion of Georgia in August 2008 marked the beginning of Moscow’s increasingly aggressive policies toward its neighbors. Russia continues down this path with its unprovoked and unjustified aggression against Ukraine,” the statement said. It reaffirmed support for Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and condemned Russia’s actions.

The declaration highlighted concerns over annexation efforts, unlawful detentions of Georgians, restrictions on education in their native language, damage to Georgian cultural heritage, and other violations. It condemned the killings of Davit Basharuli, Giga Otkhozoria, Archil

Tatunashvili, Tamaz Ginturi, Vitali Karbaia, and Irakli Kvaratskhelia, calling for accountability.

It also stressed the right of displaced persons to return to their homes and urged Russia to withdraw its forces from Georgian territory and revoke its recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states.

US POSITION The UN Security Council has 15 members, including five permanent ones — the US, UK, Russia, France, and China.

Traditionally, on the war’s anniversary, Security Council members issue a joint statement supporting Georgia. The US has joined these statements every year since 2018, but this year it was absent.

During the Trump administration, Washington shifted its rhetoric on such conflicts, citing the promotion of peace.

The US stopped supporting General Assembly resolutions that directly referenced Russia’s aggression in Ukraine and instead began proposing softer, alternative resolutions.

RUSSIA’S POSITION Russia’s deputy envoy to the UN, Dmitry Polyanskiy, praised the Georgian Dream government for its “wisdom” and criticized the European members of the Security Council who signed the statement.

“You have just witnessed a living illustration of the miserable uselessness of European diplomacy. They tried to drag out a conflict from the mothballs that is

no longer so relevant as to warrant Security Council debate — with the sole aim of undermining the current efforts to normalize relations between Russia and Georgia,” Polyanskiy said.

He noted that bilateral trade turnover between Russia and Georgia stands at $2.5 billion, and 1.5 million Russian tourists visited Georgia last year.

“This shows the desire of our two nations to restore ties and normalize relations. But there are those who don’t like this scenario. Those who wanted to turn Georgia into a pawn of their geopolitical interests think they succeeded with Ukraine. However, Georgia’s leadership had the wisdom to reject such a malicious path. Our European colleagues, however, cannot rest and are trying to push Georgia into the same tragedy they have already dragged Ukraine into. We will oppose such attempts,” he added.

He claimed that Russia seeks to normalize relations between Georgia, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia and conclude treaties on non-aggression and the nonuse of force.

This is not the first time Russia has praised Georgian Dream at the UN, even citing its statements blaming Georgia for the 2008 war.

For instance, in June, Russia’s deputy permanent representative Maria Zabolotskaya quoted a Georgian Dream statement blaming former President Saakashvili’s “adventurist actions” — allegedly orchestrated from abroad — for the 2008 war.

Georgia Transfers Opioid Substitution Treatment to Full State Control

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

F

rom August 15, Georgia’s opioid substitution treatment program is fully managed by the state, with all private therapy centers closed. The service will now be provided free of charge to beneficiaries.

Health Minister Mikheil Sarjveladze said 1,512 people have already registered for state treatment, while around 100 people have not yet given consent to continue the program.

The move follows a June 25 decision by the Georgian Dream party to exclude private providers from the program.

Party chairman Irakli Kobakhidze said there was “reasonable suspicion’ that some private companies were supplying narcotics rather than focusing on treatment.

Drugs. Source: Addiction Experts

POLITICS

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

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Ukraine Latest: Frontline Fury and Diplomatic Maneuvers — Ukraine's Resolute Defense During a Week of Battlefield Shifts COMPILED BY ANA DUMBADZE

T

his week in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, ferocious fighting was marked by tactical advances, drone warfare, civilian suffering, and heightened diplomatic intrigue.

On the ground, the Dobropillia offensive remains one of the most critical flashpoints. Beginning on August 11, Russian units mounted a ground assault northeast of Rodynske, severing the vital highway from Dobropillia to Kramatorsk.

Penetrating deep into Ukrainian defenses, they captured several villages in their initial push—unleashing what analysts called Russia’s biggest one-day advance since May 2024. Over the following days, Ukraine’s 1st Azov Corps and reinforcements stabilized the front, recapturing settlements, including Hruzke, Rubizhne, Vesele, and Zolotyi Kolodiaz, by August 17. Official reports detail at least 271 Russian soldiers killed, 101 wounded, and 13 taken prisoner, underscoring the tremendous cost of the offensive.

As of August 15–16, intense fighting persisted. Ukrainian forces continued clearing positions northeast of Dobropillia, notably in Vesele and Hruzke. But Russian counterattacks remained fierce— seeing them attempting to advance northwest of Poltavka and northeast of Volodymyrivka, while launching flanking maneuvers toward Sofiivka and probing Shakhove from multiple directions.

Despite the onslaught, Ukrainian counteroffensives began threatening the very base of the Russian penetration near Mayak, signaling a potential turning point.

In Sumy Oblast, towns like Okhtyrka again came under drone attack. Russian forces launched 93 drones and two mis-

siles, wounding 14, including a family with three small children. At the same time, Odesa’s port and energy infrastructure suffered strikes that ignited fires at fuel facilities and damaged SOCAR oil depots and gas transport lines in Poltava—reinforcing the brutal reach of Russia’s strikes on civilian infrastructure.

Tuesday night’s massive drone-andmissile barrage—Russia’s largest in weeks—was particularly devastating.

Deploying 270 drones and 10 missiles, the attack killed at least 14 people, injured over 50, and included a tragic wholefamily loss in Kharkiv. July had already been the bloodiest month yet, with 286 civilians killed in one month alone— signaling escalating civilian vulnerability far from the frontlines.

Beyond these key hotspots, the Institute for the Study of War reported modest Ukrainian advances near Kupiansk and Toretsk. Russian forces continued pressing near Lyman, Toretsk, and Pokrovsk—especially intensifying operations in eastern and central Pokrovsk. More than 110,000 Russian personnel are still massed in the Pokrovsk sector, attempting to probe Ukrainian defenses using small fire teams and armored vehicles.

Ukrainian defenders reported persistent probes, infiltration attempts, and efforts to encircle critical towns—in particular, Ukrainian forces repelled incursions near Pokrovsk itself. Meanwhile, the northeastern Donetsk campaign has seen enduring tension. Russian forces captured Bilohorivka in early 2025 and continued to press westward toward Siversk.

These offensives generated brutal urban fighting, with incremental advances near Hryhorivka and Serebrianka, though Ukrainian troops held defensive lines despite repeated assaults. Recent days have revealed tactical nuance across multiple fronts. In the Pokrovsk–Dobropillia axis, Russian troops have shifted to using smaller assault teams—one to

two soldiers each—camouflaged with thermal cloaks and greenery, attempting to bypass drone surveillance and infiltrate defenses. They’ve also begun deploying motorcycles for stealthy flanking raids.

On August 16, Ukrainian forces retook Andriivka-Klevtsove near Velykomykhailivka, indicating offensive pushback outside Donetsk. At the same time, geolocated material confirmed that Russian units were advancing east of Velykomykhailivka toward Voskresenka, Oleksandrohrad, and Myrne—and to the southeast toward Vilne Pole and Maliivka—suggesting a multi-pronged effort to widen the battlefield. Ukrainian drone crews and artillery successfully targeted these advances, frustrating Russian attempts to broaden control.

In Kharkiv’s Kupiansk sector, continued skirmishes along the Oskil River have seen Russian forces maintaining bridgeheads and launching probing attacks, even as Ukrainian troops strive to contain the advance. Collectively, these developments reflect a grinding, attritional war characterized by fleeting gains, localized counterattacks, and technological adaptation on both sides.

This week highlights the dual nature of the war: while diplomacy churns above, the frontlines evolve in dust, fire, and unwavering resistance. Ukrainian forces continue to contest every meter, repelling assaults across Donetsk, Sumy, Kharkiv, and Lyman, while sustaining heavy civilian tolls under relentless bombardment.

As the battle rages on, the diplomatic stage has also witnessed significant developments this past week, particularly surrounding US President Donald Trump's discussions with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and key European leaders. These meetings took place on August 18 in Washington, where Trump emphasized security guarantees

Firefighters work at the site of a Russian drone strike in Sumy region. Source: REUTERS

for Ukraine, especially in the realm of air support and intelligence, but notably excluded the prospect of US troop deployments or Ukraine’s NATO membership.

In the talks, Trump acknowledged the devastating toll of the war on Ukraine, but continued to take a more cautious stance compared to his European counterparts. His support for Ukraine was conditional, focusing mainly on US air defense systems and airstrikes as potential assistance—while dismissing direct military intervention. Zelensky expressed gratitude for the support, but remained firm in his position: Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity cannot be bargained away.

Several European leaders, among them German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, French President Emmanuel Macron, and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, also attended the meeting, where Western security guarantees were discussed at length. However, despite their pledges for continued arms supplies, they too seemed to have reservations about offering full NATO membership to Ukraine in the immediate future. This has sparked criticism from some Ukrainian officials, who argue that such guarantees are insufficient to deter Russian escalation.

The meeting ended with no clear breakthrough, though all sides acknowledged the critical importance of diplomacy and

long-term peace talks, which some analysts believe will need to involve territorial compromises to end the war. However, within Ukraine, there is widespread resistance to any settlement that might involve giving up disputed regions like Donbas. President Zelensky, speaking to the press afterward, reiterated that the ultimate goal remains Ukraine's full restoration of its borders and a halt to Russian aggression.

In Moscow, the response to the diplomatic meetings was dismissive. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov called the talks an exercise in "inclusiveness" that only perpetuates an "illusion of peace." He pointed to Ukraine’s landfor-peace offers as unrealistic, criticizing any effort that does not include Russia in the conversation. Lavrov’s statements mirrored Russian President Vladimir Putin’s increasingly aggressive rhetoric that Ukraine should surrender the contested Donbas region to avoid further suffering, which has fueled concerns about future escalations.

While these diplomatic talks take place on one front, the battlefield rages on, with both sides determined to maintain their territorial integrity. The potential for compromise seems distant, as political leaders on both sides brace for the next phase of the war, which could involve more than just military might.

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POLITICS

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

Letters Against Silence

A prisoner reading a letter. Photo by Ron Lach

Letters to prisoners. Source: innocenceproject

BY IVAN NECHAEV

I

t begins, improbably, with a Google form. You type a few sentences, pick a name from a list of sixtythree prisoners, and agree to a declaration—“Freedom to prisoners of the regime, fire to the oligarchy.”

Somewhere in Georgia, activists print your words on paper and deliver them to a prison cell.

The gesture is almost anachronistic.

We live in a time when politics is measured in clicks, when a protest can erupt on Telegram before it reaches the streets.

And yet, the act of writing to a prisoner— a stranger, someone whose name you may only know from a list—is as old as dissent itself. The message may be simple: we are thinking of you. But behind it lies a tradition that stretches from the gulags of the Soviet Union to the jails of the American South, from Robben Island to present-day Russia.

Political letters, unlike most correspondence, are written with two audi-

ences in mind. There is the recipient— the prisoner who reads them as lifelines.

And there is history, which tends to collect them like artifacts. Vaclav Havel’s Letters to Olga turned his confinement into a philosophical diary. Martin Luther King Jr., scribbling on scraps of newspaper in Birmingham Jail, fashioned a manifesto for civil rights. Mandela’s prison letters were so heavily censored that they sometimes read like coded poetry, yet they preserved his political identity through decades of isolation.

The Georgian platform inserts itself into this lineage. But where Havel labored over sentences for days, the twenty-firstcentury writer performs the act in minutes, on a phone. Solidarity has been streamlined. It travels at the speed of Wi-Fi. In the age of envelopes and stamps, a letter to a prisoner carried weight, in part because of the time and trouble it demanded. The handwriting, the trip to the post office, the anxiety over whether it would reach its destination—this was solidarity with calluses. By contrast, an online form makes the act frictionless.

Solidarity is now only a few keystrokes

away, which is to say: it risks becoming indistinguishable from everything else we do online.

Still, the form retains its force. To send a letter is to insist that someone locked away has not disappeared. Michel Foucault once described prison as a machine of silence, a place where speech is confiscated along with freedom. A letter slips through that silence.

Anthropologists might call it a ritual of care. You reach toward someone you do not know, someone the state has tried to erase from public life, and you declare, however briefly: you remain visible. This act, repeated across dozens or hundreds of writers, becomes a chorus. Durkheim would have called it “collective effervescence”—a secular liturgy that binds people together.

The point is less the content of the letter than the gesture itself. The prisoner learns that their name circulates outside the prison. The writer learns that their words, however small, have a destination in the dark. Both sides participate in a ceremony of recognition.

Of course, nothing is neutral. To send

a letter through the Georgian platform, one must first agree to the slogan: “Freedom to prisoners of the regime, fire to the oligarchy.” It’s a litmus test of allegiance, a reminder that solidarity is always entangled with politics.

Habermas might bristle at this—the public sphere, in his model, is meant to foster free and unconstrained communication. Yet Antonio Gramsci would have smiled knowingly: every counterhegemonic movement depends on ritual, slogans, repeated affirmations.

To sign the declaration is to join a collective voice, not just to comfort an individual.

Here lies the dual nature of the practice. On one hand, it is intimate, almost tender: strangers writing to the confined.

On the other, it is overtly political, a way of amplifying dissent. The prisoner becomes both a person and a symbol, and the letter serves both roles at once.

If all this feels steeped in European history, it’s because the letter has always been the medium of exile. The Decembrists, banished to Siberia in the nineteenth century, sent letters that became legends. In apartheid South Africa, Winnie Mandela guarded her husband’s censored notes as if they were relics. In the Soviet labor camps, prisoners tucked malinki—tiny letters—into food or cloth-

ing, a network of messages that testified to survival.

Even today, the practice persists. Navalny’s dispatches from Russian prisons are still posted online and circulated as if they were state-of-the-nation addresses.

The letter refuses to die. It remains the slow weapon of the weak.

We live in cynical times, when political action is measured by its virality, when solidarity risks collapsing into hashtags. Against this backdrop, the Georgian initiative feels oddly earnest.

To write to a prisoner is not glamorous; it doesn’t produce a dopamine spike of likes or shares. It is, instead, a small act of civic decency.

And perhaps that is precisely what makes it powerful. Societies are remembered for how they treat their prisoners—not only in law and punishment, but in whether those behind bars are allowed to vanish. To write a letter is to refuse that vanishing.

The archives of the future will include these letters. Historians will read them the way we now read Havel or Mandela: as fragments of a time when words tried to pierce walls. And maybe, just maybe, it will be these fragile sheets of paper— printed from a Google form—that tell the most durable story of what solidarity looked like in Georgia in the 2020s.

Georgian NGOs Defy ‘Foreign Agents’ Law

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

S

ix Georgian non-governmental organizations say they have once again been targeted by the Anti-Corruption Bureau, which accused them of violating the country’s controversial ‘Law on the Registration of Foreign Agents’ and demanded explanations for their refusal to sign onto the ‘Registry of Foreign Interest Entities.’

The organizations, Civil Society Foundation, Sapari, Transparency International Georgia, Media Development Foundation, ISFED, and Social Justice Center, report that they received new letters from the Bureau on August 11, warning of criminal liability.

“On August 11, six organizations received another letter from the Anti-Corruption Bureau accusing us of violating the socalled ‘Law on the Registration of Foreign Agents,’ threatening us with criminal liability, and requesting explanations as to why we have not registered as agents,” the joint statement reads.

The NGOs reiterated their longstanding position, refusing to register under what they describe as a ‘Russian-style’ law.

“We will not register as entities serving the interests of a foreign country. We are independent Georgian non-governmental organizations operating in accord-

Georgian NGO members. Source: 1TV

ance with our own statutes. Our mission is to protect the rights of women, children, workers, persons with disabilities, internally displaced persons and all oppressed individuals.”

They stressed that their work includes monitoring elections, exposing corruption and disinformation, defending democracy, and assisting the Georgian

people.

The groups say they will send legal documentation to the Anti-Corruption Bureau to demonstrate that they are not required to register under the law, including by the standards of the US Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) which the Georgian government claims the legislation mirrors.

“Under the standards of the American FARA, which this law supposedly mirrors, we are not required to register in this registry,” they said, adding that they will submit the “corresponding legal documentation to the IvanishviliKuprashvili Bureau.”

The NGOs accused the authorities of following the Kremlin’s playbook.

“In the style of Putin’s Russia, the persecution of independent NGOs and free media aims to dismantle democracy.

However, we will continue our work and will not leave the Georgian people without support. We will fight until Georgia becomes the free, democratic, and EUmember state that the Georgian people deserve.”

POLITICS

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

5

"Putin Won Alaska": Expert Slams Trump-Putin Summit as Kremlin Victory and Warning for Ukraine INTERVIEW BY VAZHA TAVBERIDZE

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utin won Alaska - That’s how Volodymyr Dubovyk, Professor of International Relations at Odesa’s Mechnikov National University and Senior Fellow at CEPA, sums up the muchhyped Trump-Putin summit. In a wideranging conversation with Radio Free Europe’s Georgian Service, Dubovyk describes the spectacle as “a laser show to flatter Putin,” warns that Trump’s abrupt shift from ceasefire to “comprehensive peace” plays straight into the Kremlin’s hands, and explains why Zelensky now faces what he calls “a menu of bad options.”

LET’S START WITH YOUR IMPRESSIONS AND THE TAKEAWAYS FROM THE ALASKA SUMMIT. WHAT CONCLUSIONS CAN BE MADE? What we saw was essentially a laser show Trump staged to flatter Putin. And for me, as a Ukrainian, it was pretty disgusting. All the red carpet, the clapping, the smiles, being chummy, the ride in the Beast. This is not how you receive a man directly responsible for the deaths of so many people—in my country, in his own country, and elsewhere around the world. The optics were awful, horrendous, and, I’m sure, upsetting for many people worldwide.

The first impression was that the meeting produced no real results. No statement, no agreements. Putin said that they actually reached some agreements, only for Trump to immediately contradict him and say there was no deal. So, as the summit ended, it looked like an abject failure—just as many expected. It seemed like a nothingburger. But by the next morning, that nothingburger had acquired quite a sour aftertaste. Now it looks like, in

GO FURTHER THAN THAT. HE WOULDN’T ATTACK UKRAINE, BECAUSE I’M PRESIDENT.”

fact, there were things agreed on.

THE BIGGEST CHANGE IN TONE WAS TRUMP’S POSTSUMMIT TRUTH SOCIAL POST, WHERE HE SAID THE AIM IS NO LONGER A CEASEFIRE BUT A “COMPREHENSIVE PEACE.” THAT’S QUITE A CHANGE. That is exactly what Putin wanted. And it completely contradicts, 100%, what Trump himself was saying, even on his way to Alaska. He said: “I’m going there to get the deal, to get the ceasefire. If there’s no ceasefire, then there’s no deal.”

Then suddenly he flips the script completely.

This is dangerous in so many ways.

First, who makes a 180-degree U-turn in the middle of such a charged and complicated situation—a full-scale invasion—without consulting anyone? Trump said it was agreed “by all.” Who is “all”?

Zelensky? The European leaders? We don’t know.

Second, instead of a ceasefire, now we’re supposedly working toward a comprehensive peace treaty. But they couldn’t even manage a temporary ceasefire. If that was impossible, how are they going to pull off something so much more complicated? Good luck with that.

I suspect Trump doesn’t understand what such a treaty would require, what it would entail, or why it is so much harder to achieve than a simple ceasefire.

For him, it’s: “I want this war to end. I want a Nobel Peace Prize. Whatever gets me the prize.”

HOW CLOSE HAVE WE COME TO A GREAT-POWER BARGAIN MADE OVER THE HEADS OF EUROPEANS AND UKRAINIANS, GIVEN PUTIN’S REMARK AT THE SUMMIT, AND TRUMP, IN AN INTERVIEW WITH FOX NEWS, SAYING “UKRAINE HAS TO AGREE TO A DEAL”?

I don’t know. The question is: which

Yes, that’s his mantra. But Trump is someone you can work with, if you know how. Putin had his moment in Alaska.

Now it will be Zelensky’s turn. I don’t think it’s hopeless. But my fear is that Trump could revert to his old line that “Zelensky is the main problem, that’s why we don’t have peace.” That would be a disaster.

IF IT WERE A BOXING MATCH, WHO WON THE ALASKA ROUND?

Presidents Putin and Trump in Alaska. August 15.

Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Trump will we see? The early-Trump, in his first months as president, when he was pressuring Ukraine and portraying Zelensky as the obstacle to peace while casting Russia as the one seeking to end the war? Or the more recent Trump, who said Ukraine must be supported and that it’s Putin who wants to prolong the war?

Or maybe we’ll see Trump number three—we just don’t know.

I don’t think there’s any sort of fleshed out deal already. At best, there’s a basic orientation on how to proceed. But then again, Trump did also say Ukraine’s interests must be taken into account. So the real question is: will he go back to pressuring Zelensky to concede?

PUTIN HASN’T CHANGED HIS DEMAND FOR CONTROL OVER THE ENTIRE DONBAS— MEANING UKRAINE MUST CEDE THE PART IT CONTROLS.

HOW DIFFICULT WILL IT BE FOR ZELENSKY TO SAY NO IF BOTH TRUMP AND PUTIN AGREE, ESPECIALLY GIVEN TRUMP’S EARLIER REMARKS THAT “SOME LAND SWAP IS BOUND TO HAPPEN”?

It’s very difficult. Zelensky is staring at a menu of bad options.

There is already an understanding that Ukraine may have to accept de facto occupation, since we cannot liberate those lands anytime soon. But recognition? That’s a hard no. Withdrawal from Donbas? That’s a no as well. That’s where Zelensky has to maneuver.

And Trump might well say: “Okay, Volodymyr, why not withdraw? It’s the path to peace. It will stop the killing of millions.”

“…AND VLAD HERE IS A MAN OF HIS WORD. HE WON’T

Putin won, clearly. He gained legitimacy.

He broke out of isolation. Even without mentioning a deal, he secured a win. Sanctions that had been threatened now look dead in the water. He appeared strong, while Trump looked pale in comparison.

Trump got outplayed by Putin and now Trump wants to get the most out of the situation. But Putin is the better manipulator. He knows how to deliver his message and his ultimatums while still flattering Trump—praising his “energetic efforts,” saying the war wouldn’t have happened if Trump had been president, and so on.

SO PUTIN GOT PLENTY OF WHAT HE WANTED. BUT WHAT DID TRUMP GET? OTHER THAN HAM-FISTED FLATTERY, THAT IS? That’s enough for Trump. That’s his currency. He wants to be in the limelight.

He wants to be flattered. His ego has no limits. He craves being the center of attention. And he got it, tons of it, from around the world.

He got to say: “Now we’re going to do this, we’re going to get things done.” And if it doesn’t work, he can always blame others.

I suspect he still wants some sort of strategic partnership with Russia. He wanted it in his first term. He still wants it now.

The Georgian Paradigm of Peace

The Georgian Paradigm of Peace by Professor Zurab Khonelidze. Source: FB

BLOG BY NUGZAR B. RUHADZE

F

ew people – whether in Georgia (Sakartvelo) or abroad – are aware of a remarkable book already translated into twelve languages: The Georgian Paradigm of Peace by Professor Zurab Khonelidze, president of the Georgian Academy of Education. This work

deserves close attention not only from Georgian society but also from the wider international community, as it touches on one of the most urgent questions of our time: how to pursue peace in a world where conflict dominates the headlines.

Khonelidze argues that the modern global order is inconsistent, multipolar, and driven by consumption, yet dangerously lacking any durable foundation for peace. Georgia, as part of this system, is caught in the middle: politically divided,

ideologically unsettled, and economically struggling. Burdened by problems inherited from earlier governments, the nation faces the critical challenge of maintaining peace at home. Ironically, however, the government’s peace-oriented policies are frequently attacked – criticized both by domestic opposition groups and by segments of the Western liberal community, as though the pursuit of stability were somehow suspect.

To move beyond this deadlock,

Khonelidze insists, requires a transformation in the way people think – both within Georgia and beyond. The restoration of territorial integrity and the resolution of ethnic-political disputes cannot succeed without the involvement of global powers and international institutions. Peace in Georgia depends not only on internal reforms but also on understanding the balance of interests that sustains the world order.

The recent peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, signed in Washington under US mediation, illustrates this point. Georgia was not officially present, but its absence was only procedural.

Its geopolitical significance ensures that it remains central to any vision of regional stability. As Khonelidze observes, American interest in the South Caucasus extends far beyond bilateral negotiations: the United States sees the entire region, and especially Georgia, as strategically vital.

The South Caucasus itself holds a special place in Professor Khonelidze’s framework. While the North Caucasus is part of the Russian Federation, the South Caucasus consists of three independent states – Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. This region, shaped by a synthesis of Caucasian, Eastern, and Western influences, has long served as a bridge between civilizations. Within it, Georgia plays a unique role: it is both a historical link and a natural balancing force between East and West.

Yet the dream of Caucasian unity has never been realized. For Georgia, legitimate positioning in the international system requires embracing its regional role while fostering balance in domestic politics. This, Khonelidze stresses, means countering polarization and exposing false narratives with clear, fact-based analysis. The battle for peace is not only

geopolitical, but also intellectual and cultural.

At the heart of this vision lies the consolidation of Georgian society. Here, youth have a particularly important role.

Energetic, motivated, and less burdened by the divisions of the past, young Georgians represent the healthiest part of society. Their participation in building a unified and peaceful nation is essential.

This project is animated by the loftiest national value: Georgia’s perpetual quest for freedom.

Khonelidze’s message is clear: without Sakartvelo, peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus are nearly impossible to achieve. Georgia is indispensable not only for its own future but also for the stability of the entire region. The country’s historical position, cultural identity, and strategic geography make it a cornerstone for any sustainable peace in the Caucasus.

For over three decades, Professor Khonelidze has advanced this idea with conviction and consistency. His book, The Georgian Paradigm of Peace, is more than a scholarly text. It is a call to action, a reminder that peace is not a passive condition but an active choice that requires courage, imagination, and persistence. At a moment when global politics is overwhelmed by conflict and distrust, his message is both urgent and timeless: humanity must choose peace over war, reason over radicalization, and cooperation over division.

Zurab Khonelidze’s vision may be ambitious, but it is rooted in a truth often overlooked: peace is not simply the absence of conflict; it is the deliberate construction of unity, stability, and freedom. For Georgia – and for the world – this paradigm offers not just hope, but a roadmap for the future.

6

POLITICS

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

After Alaska Talks, Trump, Zelensky, EU Leaders Hold High-Stakes Ukraine Summit in D.C. Continued from page 1

A SYMBOLIC YET SUBSTANCEFREE SUMMIT IN ALASKA The Anchorage meeting between Trump and Putin, held on August 15 at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, featured redcarpet fanfare, a military flyover, and even a symbolic joint limousine ride. Yet the theatrics belied the outcome: no ceasefire, no agreement, no press Q&A. Trump declared the meeting “productive” and claimed “great progress,” but avoided specifics during a joint statement with Putin. The Russian leader reiterated long-standing demands: Ukraine must not join NATO, and it must be demilitarized. Despite calls for broader peace talks, no concrete steps or timelines were announced.

Criticism was swift and widespread.

Analysts, diplomats, and lawmakers across Europe and the U.S. warned that the summit lent legitimacy to Russia’s invasion while excluding the country most affected: Ukraine. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk called it a “decisive phase” for European security and warned, “Putin has again proven to be a cunning and ruthless player.”

In the US, reactions were predictably polarized. Republicans largely praised Trump for restarting diplomatic engagement, while Democrats accused him of pandering to a dictator and fracturing the West’s unity. Former intelligence officials went further, saying Trump’s performance verged on capitulation.

Russian state media celebrated the event as a Kremlin victory, noting Trump’s rejection of NATO expansion and absence of new sanctions.

A SOBERING HUMAN RIGHTS REMINDER Beyond the geopolitical chessboard, Ukrainian human rights voices reminded the world of the war’s devastating toll.

Nobel Peace Prize laureate Oleksandra Matviichuk warned that peace efforts lacking Ukrainian representation risk ignoring tens of thousands of victims.

“What will happen to the tens of thousands of illegally detained citizens, men and women, and prisoners of war?” she asked in a BBC interview. “This question is very urgent.”

Ukrainian officials estimate that over 16,000 civilians are still being held in Russian prisons, with nearly 20,000 children forcibly relocated to Russia. Families of detainees fear their loved ones are being forgotten in the pursuit of high-level deals.

WASHINGTON SUMMIT MARKS A SHIFT IN TONE Monday’s Washington summit was widely seen as a corrective to the Alaska meeting. Before talks began, Trump and his European counterparts posed for a joint photograph outside the White House— a staged but pointed display of transatlantic unity.

Earlier in the day, Trump and Zelensky met privately in a bilateral session that revealed both shared priorities and deep divergences. Both leaders agreed on the urgency of ending the war, but differed sharply on NATO membership, ceasefire strategy, and the future of occupied Ukrainian territories.

At Monday’s meeting between Zelensky, Trump and European leaders. Source: REUTERS

ten commitments: “Protection must be written in agreements. Ukrainians deserve certainty, not just words.”

Trump also made clear that Ukraine’s NATO aspirations were off the table—for now. “Ukraine will not be joining NATO. That’s not going to happen,” he said bluntly, a statement widely viewed as a concession to Moscow’s long-held red line.

Zelensky didn’t directly respond but reiterated Ukraine’s refusal to cede land.

“We will not trade away Donbas or Crimea. These are our lands, our people, and our future.”

Analysts believe Trump’s approach signals a shift toward a “NATO alternative”—a bespoke bilateral or multilateral framework that provides military support and security guarantees without full alliance membership, similar to US relationships with Israel or South Korea.

CEASEFIRE NOT A PREREQUISITE, SAYS TRUMP

be the beginning of the end if we stay united.”

POSSIBILITY OF A TRILATERAL SUMMIT Trump confirmed he plans to speak with Vladimir Putin “very soon,” and floated the idea of a trilateral summit with both Putin and Zelensky at the table. “A meeting with all three of us is possible,” Trump said.

Zelensky cautiously welcomed the suggestion: “I am ready for any format that brings us closer to peace.”

If realized, such a meeting would mark the first time all three principals sit down for direct negotiations—potentially redefining the diplomatic trajectory of the war. It would also be a critical opportunity for Ukraine to assert its role after being largely excluded from the Alaska discussions.

EUROPEAN LEADERS DEMAND UNITY AND SUBSTANCE

while NATO’s Mark Rutte reiterated that any deal must prevent future Russian aggression.

GEORGIA, PROXY WARS, AND WARNINGS FROM THE REGION Beyond Washington, the ripple effects of the Alaska summit were felt in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. Georgian Parliament Speaker Shalva Papuashvili interpreted the Trump-Putin meeting as confirmation that the Ukraine war is part of a broader Russia-West confrontation.

He credited Georgia’s government with avoiding entrapment in a similar conflict.

Opposition leader Paata Manjgaladze was more scathing. He warned that the summit’s symbolism revealed Putin’s imperial ambition: “They dream not of peace but of new conquests,” he said.

He accused pro-Russian sympathizers in Georgia of turning a blind eye to the Kremlin’s occupation of 20% of Georgian territory.

We are fighting TRUMP PROMISES “VERY Trump also challenged the conventional European participants in the Washington WHAT COMES NEXT? GOOD PROTECTION,” REJECTS diplomatic sequence by downplaying summit made clear that their presence As the Washington summit concludes, for a future where NATO MEMBERSHIP the need for a ceasefire before launching was not merely symbolic. A follow-up all eyes are now on whether this show In remarks after the meeting, Trump peace talks. “You don’t need a ceasefire session between Zelensky and European of Western unity will translate into peace is real, leaders focused on coordinating a uni- meaningful action. While no formal reiterated US support for Ukraine’s to make a deal,” he said.

Zelensky, while open to creative for- fied position on Ukraine’s security archi- agreements were signed, the symbolism defense—but stopped short of announcfreedom is ing additional military aid or troop mats, remains wary. His government tecture, reconstruction funding, and a of a united front was unmistakable—and deployments. “We’re going to give insists that negotiations must not legit- shared negotiating posture with Moscow. perhaps a signal to both Moscow and protected, and Zelensky emphasized the importance Kyiv that the next phase of diplomacy Ukraine very good protection,” he said, imize Russian occupation or allow Rushinting at a move toward structured sian forces to regroup. Nonetheless, the of staying united: “Our strength is in will not exclude Ukraine. justice is delivered security guarantees rather than open- tone between the two leaders remained unity. If the United States and Europe Zelensky was clear about what’s at ended support. “Ukraine will be safe. cordial. Trump praised Zelensky as “a stand together, Russia cannot divide us.” stake: “We are not just fighting for ter- President tough guy, a fighter, a winner,” and ZelenFrench President Macron and UK Prime ritory. We are fighting for a future where That I can promise.”

Zelensky welcomed the pledge but sky responded with cautious optimism: Minister Starmer reportedly support peace is real, freedom is protected, and Zelensky emphasized the need for binding, writ- “This is not the end of the war, but it can creating binding multilateral guarantees, justice is delivered.”

Kaladze on Alleged Foreign Efforts to Destabilize Georgia and Undermine Sovereignty

BY TEAM GT

T

bilisi Mayor and General Secretary of the ruling Georgian Dream party, Kakha Kaladze, this week again accused foreign powers and organizations of attempting to interfere in Georgia’s internal affairs, using pressure, misinformation, and political manipulation to destabilize the country and undermine its sovereignty.

Responding to speculation about a potential suspension of visa-free travel with the EU, Kaladze dismissed claims of foreign concern for Georgia as insincere. “Claims that they are supposedly crazy about Georgia and care about the Georgian people are a big lie—don’t believe it, friends. This is an attempt to punish the Georgian people,” he said.

He questioned the rationale behind linking domestic legislation to visa liberalization, stating there has been no clear explanation or justification from Georgia’s Western partners. “It is completely incomprehensible how the two

Kakha Kaladze. Source: IPN

mentioned laws are related to visa liberalization,” he said. “This is simply an attempt to punish the Georgian people.”

According to Kaladze, the true motivations behind these actions lie in geopolitics. “If they were truly our friends, they would not call on the country to join sanctions [against Russia], pass resolutions, or pressure our leaders to

open a second front,” he said, referencing past Western demands he views as contrary to Georgia’s interests.

“They have their own interests, and that’s understandable. It’s politics, they are big countries with their own interests, but don’t we have brains and common sense?! We must not allow anyone to use our small country for the interests

of some big country,” he added.

Citing the devastation caused by the war in Ukraine, Kaladze warned of similar dangers for Georgia if it becomes entangled in global power struggles. He reaffirmed the government's current course, emphasizing that it must remain unchanged in the face of external pressure. “Look at what’s happening in Ukraine—a complete catastrophe, a total tragedy,” he said.

Kaladze also addressed recent reports claiming that activists are being trained abroad to interfere in Georgia’s upcoming elections, calling such efforts part of a broader campaign to provoke unrest.

“We can cite many examples of attempts to organize revolutions in recent years, so it’s no surprise that some are being trained and prepared. Every such attempt, saturated with radicalism and hatred, will be defeated.”

He claimed that certain actors from what he described as the “global war party” and the “deep state” are actively seeking to overthrow the Georgian government because it has refused to serve foreign interests. “These countries, specific organizations, and individuals...

cannot and will not rest. They want to create chaos in the country and stage a coup.”

According to Kaladze, the government has faced sustained attacks because it prioritized the interests of the Georgian people. “They are fighting the Georgian government today because we protected our country’s interests and the interests of the people living here. This is very difficult for them and suits them the least.”

He assured the public that Georgian state institutions remain alert and prepared to counter any subversive activities. “Our relevant agencies are always up to the task,” he said.

Kaladze concluded with a warning about the risks of being drawn into external conflicts and emphasized the importance of preserving national stability.

“The danger of being drawn into war exists as long as the Russia-Ukraine war continues, so we must be very cautious to ensure our country is not used for their interests.” He added, “There is no alternative to peace,” and noted, “I won’t comment on Europe, but the US is genuinely trying to achieve peace.”

BUSINESS

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

7

Georgian Companies to Join Alibaba With Government Support Photo: Tata Nexarc Blog.

Georgia Expands Entrepreneur Support Programs with New Grants

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

T

he Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development’s agency ‘Enterprise Georgia’ has announced changes to its programs that will expand financial and grant opportunities for local entrepreneurs.

The universal industrial component will undergo important updates, including an increase in the co-financing of loan and leasing interest rates by two percentage points. These changes will be applied from September 1.

Photo: Enterprise Georgia.

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

W

ith the help of Georgia’s Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development, a number of local companies are set to be featured on Alibaba.com, one of the world’s leading B2B e-commerce platforms.

Founded in 1999, Alibaba.com is a leading global B2B e-commerce platform that connects buyers and suppliers in more than 200 countries and regions. It covers a wide range of industries, helping businesses expand globally while enabling buyers to discover products,

find suppliers and place orders quickly and efficiently.

The ministry noted that up to 50 Georgian companies will be registered on the platform at the initial stage. The initiative is being carried out through the ‘Produce in Georgia’ agency.

“The agency will fully cover the annual membership fee, as well as other expenses related to product promotion and placement on the platform,” the ministry announced. “Georgian companies will benefit from the so-called Global Gold Supplier status – a form of verification that increases trust in companies and helps potential buyers make informed decisions.”

Officials say placement on Alibaba.com will offer Georgian companies a unique

opportunity to enter the global market, attract international partners and increase exports.

The selection process for participating companies is taking place in two stages.

“At the first stage, we selected companies from the agency’s electronic platform, tradewithgeorgia.com, that have achieved the highest scores over the years,” the ministry explained. “In the second stage, the companies submitted to Alibaba.com will undergo additional verification by the platform’s team. After the selection process, the agency will provide training, and then the companies will be placed on the platform.”

In the near future, an Alibaba.com delegation is expected to visit Georgia to learn more about local products.

TBC Bank Wins Google Cloud DORA Award for Tech Leadership

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

T

BC Bank, one of Georgia’s largest financial institutions, has been honored by Google Cloud’s DORA Awards for its achievements in technology and team performance. The bank won in the ‘Loosely Coupled Teams’ category, emphasizingits ability to maintain independent, high-performing teams that

deploy and improve systems efficiently.

The DORA Awards, based on research into software delivery and operational performance, recognize companies excelling in critical tech areas. Bidzina Matsaberidze, TBC Bank’s CIO, said, “Our inclusion in this key global benchmark confirms the effectiveness of our approach and highlights our continued tech leadership in Georgia and beyond.”

Giga Shubitidze, SDLC Governance Lead, said that TBC’s transformation included product-aligned teams, reduced

inter-team dependencies, microservices adoption, automated CI/CD and realtime monitoring. These measures have cut software delivery times from months to days and increased deployment frequency by over 600%.

TBC Bank commands a 38% share of customer loans and deposits in Georgia.

Founded in 1992, it is part of Londonlisted TBC Bank Group and operates TBC Uzbekistan, one of the region’s biggest digital banking system with 21 million users.

Besides co-financing, new grant components will be introduced in several strategic areas: highland, agrotourism, green initiatives, digitalization and research and development (R&D).

Women entrepreneurs will receive increased grant amounts across all of these components, offering targeted support to help gender-inclusive growth.

The reforms also apply to the state program for micro-entrepreneurship.

The updated framework now covers new types of economic activity, such as food production, various categories of specialized construction work and the cultivation of additional annual crops.

CEC Contracts Smartmatic for $2.3M Ahead of 2025 Elections

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

T

he Central Election Commission (CEC) of Georgia has signed a $2.3 million contract with the international company ‘Smartmatic’ to provide software and voter list loading services for the October 4, 2025, local self-government elections. The same company supplied equipment for the 2024 parliamentary elections.

As the agreement dictates, the CEC will pay Smartmatic for several impor-

Photo: CEC.

tant services: loading voter lists ($295,348), preparation of ballots ($369,110), transmission of results ($327,845), and project management services, expert support, reporting and warehouse operation support ($1,269,806).

In addition, the CEC had earlier purchased equipment from Smartmatic under a $2.9 million contract signed in April 2025 which included 450 new votecounting devices, 450 ballot boxes and consumable materials.

For comparison, during the 2024 parliamentary elections, the CEC paid Smartmatic 54.2 million GEL for equipment and software.

8

SOCIETY

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

Georgia: A Tapestry of Time and Space – Interview with the Author, Tatjana Montik Georgia is about ancient history and fascinating connections with other world cultures. It's about deeply rooted traditions and values have allowed me to peer even further behind the curtain of local customs and traditions. This is something I have tried to capture in my book.

WHAT HAVE BEEN YOUR MOST INCREDIBLE, MOST SURPRISING, AND MOST DIFFICULT EXPERIENCES WHILE TRAVELING IN GEORGIA?

The book cover. Source: Amazon

INTERVIEW BY KATIE RUTH DAVIES

T

atjana Montik – journalist, author, and passionate admirer of Georgia – has spent the past 15 years living in and reporting on this captivating South Caucasus country.

With the upcoming release of her new travel diary and cultural guide, Georgia: A Tapestry of Time and Space, GEORGIA TODAY sat down with Tatjana to learn more about her journey, her inspiration, and what makes this book stand out.

Georgia: A Tapestry of Time and Space is far more than a traditional travel guide.

As Tatjana explains, “This isn’t a tourist manual filled with clichés or surfacelevel tips. It’s a journey through Sakartvelo across time and space—an attempt to uncover the soul of Georgia.”

Drawing on years of journalistic experience and deep research—including consultations with ethnographers, historians, and local experts, and hours spent poring over ancient texts at the

National Library—Tatjana weaves together a collection of stories that explore Georgia’s hidden corners, rich traditions, diverse subethnic groups, and national minorities.

But at its heart, the book is a tribute to the Georgian people—their warmth, creativity, and unwavering love for their homeland.

“I hope this book inspires you,” Tatjana says, “and helps you fall in love with Sakartvelo as deeply as I have.”

I've found so many incredible and surprising things here. What I've always loved is the readiness of Georgians to help, to show you the way, tell you a story, or invite you into their homes. I quickly learned that you can't thoroughly prepare for a trip here, because something will always come up to change your plans. Someone will give you a hand unexpectedly, and you'll find new friends and fresh experiences. I say that Georgia is so close to heaven that you should be careful what you wish for—it will most likely come true.

What was difficult at times was dealing with certain men who were disappointed to learn that I wasn't looking for a romantic affair during my travels.

AS A PROFESSIONAL EXPLORER, IN WHAT ASPECTS DO YOU FIND GEORGIA

HOW DID YOU COME TO GEORGIA AND END UP FALLING SO IN LOVE WITH IT? I had longed to live in Georgia for a long time, even before I first visited. For me, Georgia was a fairytale land, full of miracles. When I came here to work and live with my children in 2010, my feelings were proven right: Georgia is a miracle, and discoveries are waiting for you at every turn.

EXCELS/IS STILL IN NEED OF SOME IMPROVEMENT? I think Georgia should further specialize in family-run hospitality, a sector that's really blossoming here. The true essence of Georgian hospitality lies within its families. I recently stayed at a family hotel in the village of Balda in Samegrelo, where every member—right down to the grandchildren—was involved in making our stay as pleasant as possible. I loved the hostess's attitude: "We consider our guests to be part of our family." In my opinion, that says a lot.

I also really wish that summer holidays by the sea in Georgia were as high-qual-

ity and positive as they are in other resorts around the world, like in Turkey, Cyprus, or Greece. For now, I'm hesitant to go on a summer holiday to the Black Sea, because all my past experiences have been a disappointment.

WHICH GEORGIAN LEGEND DO YOU FIND MOST POIGNANT/INSPIRING? I find a few legends particularly powerful. I love the stories of Dali, the Svan hunting goddess, as a personification of fierce, untamed female power. The legends about her, often dark and compelling, show a deep connection between humanity, nature, and fate.

I also find the legend of the Tmogvi Fortress very strong and poignant. It tells a story of betrayal and justice, teaching a harsh lesson: a traitor who deceives their own people and leads them to defeat should not be shown mercy, even by the winning side. It's a powerful reminder of the value of loyalty and the severe consequences of treachery.

WHAT DO YOU HOPE READERS WILL TAKE AWAY FROM EXPLORING YOUR STORIES? I hope my readers would see that Georgia is more than the usual clichés. It's not just about dancing, singing, wine, and khachapuri, and it's not even just about my beloved mountains or other irresistible landscapes. Georgia is about ancient history and fascinating connections with other world cultures. It's about deeply rooted traditions and values—ones that have explanations in complex historical phenomena, but not those being shared now by certain social influencers.

Georgia is also about its many cultural layers, diverse subethnic groups, and unique minorities, and above all, its tolerance. This, and so much more, is what makes Georgia so precious, unparalleled, and invaluable.

TELL US ABOUT YOUR BOOK - THE MOMENT (OR PLACE OR PERSON) THAT INSPIRED YOU TO START WRITING. I started writing from my very first day in Tbilisi. Everything and everyone around me was an inspiration: the nature, the landscapes, and the views (back then, we lived near the road to Turtle Lake), the incredibly warm-hearted people, especially their ability to love and be friendly, Georgia's rich history (I'm a huge history fan!), and the feeling of excitement before great discoveries.

At its heart, the book is a tribute to the Georgian WHICH IS YOUR FAVORITE REGION OR LOCATION people—their IN GEORGIA? WHY? I come from a country with no mounwarmth, creativity, As tains at all, I love all of Georgia's regions. everywhere you go, you can see and unwavering Almost the mountains and feel their strong spirit.

My favorite mountain regions are Tushlove for their eti and Svaneti. I admire their unique natural beauty, culture and traditions. homeland My conversations with ethnographers

Tatjana hiking in Svaneti, at Mkheri Church

WHERE/HOW CAN READERS BUY YOUR BOOK?

Tatjana visiting a tea plantation in Guria

Currently, you can order it worldwide on Amazon. It will also be on sale here in Georgia during my book presentations, which we're planning for the autumn. I'm hoping some local bookstores will also order copies from Germany (IBIDEM Publishing House) to sell here.

SOCIETY

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

9

Stray Futures: What Georgia’s Animal Control Experiment Says About Society, Power, and Civilization

W

henGeorgia’sNational Fo o d Agency announced a pilot program in Batumi, Kutaisi, and Gurjaani to register, sterilize, vaccinate, and shelter nearly 9,000 stray animals, it sounded—at first glance—like an uncontroversial measure of public health.

Rabies prevention, population management, animal welfare: who could argue?

Yet when one looks closely, the project resonates far beyond veterinary science.

It touches on some of the deepest cultural questions: how societies draw lines between the wild and the domesticated, the cared-for and the expendable, the human and the non-human.

This initiative, ostensibly technical, carries echoes of Michel Foucault’s “biopolitics”: the ways states take life itself—its reproduction, movement, and health—into their administrative grip.

Stray dogs and cats are no longer just wandering presences in Georgian streets; they have become “populations” to be measured, classified, sterilized, and archived into national databases. In short, they enter the state’s field of vision not as individuals but as governable data.

whose lives are maximized, and whose are minimized? Which animals are welcomed as pets, which as livestock, which as pests?

BIOPOLITICS ON FOUR LEGS

CULTURAL MIRRORS: WHAT STRAY DOGS REVEAL ABOUT US

Sterilization programs might look like pure pragmatism, but they are also exercises in what anthropologist James C. Scott calls “legibility”: the state’s drive to make complex realities—whether forests, cities, or animal populations— manageable by simplifying them into categories and numbers. A stray is not just “a dog in the street” but becomes “unregistered reproductive potential,” a site of risk to be neutralized.

Here, Foucault’s notion of biopower is instructive: modern states increasingly govern not by coercion but by fostering or restricting life processes. Registration and sterilization—these are not punishments but preventative, medical, “humane” interventions. Yet the language of humanity can conceal hierarchies:

Street dogs. Source: gspsa.org.ge

BY IVAN NECHAEV

Georgia’s approach positions itself somewhere between these poles: neither mass extermination nor laissez-faire tolerance, but systematic medicalization.

FROM SACRED COMPANIONS TO URBAN PROBLEMS Human history is entangled with the history of dogs and cats. Archaeologists date the domestication of dogs back at least 15,000 years, with burial sites in Natufian cultures showing humans interred alongside their canine companions. Cats, famously semi-domesticated, joined agricultural societies as protectors of grain against rodents. Yet their status has always been double-edged: sacred in ancient Egypt, persecuted in medieval Europe, indispensable in modern households.

Strays occupy an even more liminal position: neither wild nor properly owned.

In many cultures, they become symbols of neglect, poverty, or moral disorder.

In 19th-century Paris, the dogcatcher (le commissaire des chiens) was both feared and ridiculed, part of Haussmann’s broader remaking of the city into a hygienic, orderly modern capital. In today’s Bucharest, the stray dog issue sparked violent controversy, culminating in a 2013 law legalizing mass euthanasia after a child was killed. In contrast, Istanbul embraces its street dogs and cats as urban citizens in their own right, feeding them through state-provided stations and allowing them to roam freely—a model of coexistence celebrated in documentaries such as Kedi.

The treatment of strays often reveals more about human societies than about the animals themselves. Stray management intersects with class, space, and visibility. In affluent neighborhoods, strays may be seen as threats to order; in rural villages, they may be tolerated as semi-functional guardians or scavengers. The modern city, however, with its obsession with hygiene, branding, and tourism, has little patience for the unregulated presence of wandering animals.

Georgia, a nation negotiating between deep rural traditions and its aspirations toward European modernity, faces this symbolic challenge sharply. Will the stray dog become a reminder of disorder incompatible with Western integration, or a creature woven into the urban identity like in Istanbul?

SANITATION, COMPASSION, OR CONTROL?

Stray dogs and cats are no longer just wandering presences in Georgian streets; they have become “populations” to be measured, classified, sterilized, and archived into national databases

Programs like Georgia’s inevitably raise ethical dilemmas. Is sterilization a benevolent alternative to culling, or does it reduce animals to biological units stripped of their autonomy? Does “humane management” risk masking what Giorgio

I

have already written in GT the story of The Dancer who appears on the wall-mountain opposite Etseri; how the locals used to believe he controlled their coming year’s good or bad fate by the way of his melting. The young men would actually go and attack him with shovels, leaving only his longer, outstretched leg, pointing to our village: an attempt to wrest this good fate back each year. In my story, he is alive, and roughly, woundingly warns them not to play with forces beyond their understanding, rolling down on them in a mini-avalanche. In one ending, they persist and die, heedless of the rebuke; in the other, their leader turns away and persuades his compatriots to do the same, saving them.

This year, I have taken perhaps the best, most comprehensive set of photos ever of one season of The Dancer’s emergence from the surrounding snow, heyday in full form, and eventual melt into nothing. From July 11 through early August, I tried to shoot every day one vertical distant shot of the Dancer’s ravine (70mm on my long lens) and another horizontal one of just him as he comes and goes (300mm, same lens).

My goal was to put together sort of a

time-lapse set of photos, a rough film from these individual frames. The light varied; so did the weather and time of day, and I did miss a few days. So the set is not perfect. But I hope it captures some sense of what my neighbors and I see happening each year.

I am glad that the villagers no longer make that long journey to attack The Dancer, whether through attrition, apathy, or coming to their senses about how the world works. Having been up that wall myself, I know how long it takes: about 6 hours from the southern edge of the village (Ladreri) down to the raging Enguri, across its thin bridge, and up, up the other side, zig-zagging due to the steepness. I took the journey on horseback in July 2005, long before I had seen The Dancer for the first time or heard his story, my blood brother’s brother accompanying me. My goal was to meet some villagers on the other side of the mountain wall, summering there with their cattle, living in crude wooden huts away from electricity and cell phone signal, grazing the livestock on the best grass, making sulguni cheese from its milk, and sending it back to Etseri weekly.

They no longer do this, Ladreri having lost quite a few of its population and the will to summer thus.

The view from up there north was all peaks shrouded in cloud, save proud Ushba’s peak, poking through and delight-

ing me. Etseri almost invisibly far and down. Facing south, a small arc of rainbow seemed to be erupting from what looked like a volcano’s mouth. It was unforgettable. But too early for me to meet The Dancer. That vision and story would come many years later.

Now, in summer 2025, I might ask AI to add detail where my frames’ edges don’t match up with each other; or have it fill in whole frames to make the video transitions smoother. But that’s not me and my modus operandi. I prefer to keep things more real (although every frame is digital, and combined into the set on a laptop, I freely admit). One step farther from imaginary or fake, as I see it. Just as my fantastical stories about Svaneti

THE FUTURE OF COEXISTENCE The Georgian pilot project may ultimately be remembered not just for whether it succeeds in reducing strays, but for how it reshapes the cultural imagination of human-animal relations. Will citizens come to see stray dogs less as dangerous nuisances and more as part of a shared urban ecology? Or will sterilization become a symbol of invisible violence, of lives neatly managed out of sight?

History suggests that every city tells its own story through its animals. In the 21st century, where biodiversity loss and zoonotic diseases loom large, the question is not whether we control animal populations, but what kind of relationship we choose to cultivate. Georgia’s program, if read carefully, is not only about dogs and cats. It is about what kind of society Georgia imagines itself to be: one of eradication, of tolerance, or of negotiated coexistence.

Street dogs. Source: gspsa.org.ge

He Dances Again BLOG BY TONY HANMER

Agamben called the state of exception, in which certain lives are quietly excluded from full recognition?

At the same time, public health imperatives are real: rabies kills thousands annually worldwide, primarily through dog bites. The World Health Organization supports mass sterilization and vaccination campaigns as the most sustainable solution. Here, compassion and control are not mutually exclusive but tightly interwoven.

are all based on photographic images, so is this set of movie frames just a collection of such images. I’ve tried to align them so that The Dancer’s position is as near to motionless as possible, despite his changing size as the snow around him melts and then he, too, least sun-hit, does the same. This set of photos is going to take many hours more time to assemble than the usual several images I attach to one of my GT articles; but it’s definitely worth it. The Google Drive link for it is: h t t p s : / /d r i v e . g o o g l e . c o m / file/d/1eutcRlORu3I4kvwSlIIoFqC17k7j pHK-/view?usp=drive_link This time I notice a most evil monster’s grin to the left of The Dancer, in the days

before he appears; this then gives way to a funnier monster, also with a grin, and finally to him. I also see that The Dancer is not quite the last bit of snow left on that rock face; but nearly so. All that remains for a scant few days after him is several inconsequential blobs, soon gone.

Only Laila’s deep glaciers, higher up and further back, are permanent.

In the autumn, The Dancer’s gorge will take on many more warm hues as its deciduous trees’ leaves’ chlorophyll retreats from them. The evergreen will stay, well, greens, while we might be blessed with a dusting of snow further to dazzle the scene before the big leafdrop and winter whitening turns the scene practically monochrome. But The Dancer will be only a memory by then… until he reappears next summer (barring a geological slip which alters his rock substrate and erases his form forever).

Until then, Dancer, dissolved into the air and water, enjoy your freedom awhile.

Winter snow will return your tableau to us; summer melt will set you free until you vanish again. Around and around.

This is all part of the privilege of staying in one place and getting to know it more deeply.

Tony Hanmer has lived in Georgia since 1999, in Svaneti since 2007, and been a weekly writer and photographer for GT since early 2011. He runs the “Svaneti Renaissance” Facebook group, now with over 2000 members, at www.facebook.com/groups/ SvanetiRenaissance/ He and his wife also run their own guest house in Etseri: www.facebook.com/hanmer.house.svaneti

10

SOCIETY

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

The Blood Commons: How Georgia Is Reinventing the Gift Economy in the Age of Platforms

BY IVAN NECHAEV

A

t a time when digital platforms are mostly associated with financial speculation, ride-hailing, or algorithmically curated entertainment, Georgia has introduced a different kind of platform economy: one built not on extraction, but on circulation. The recent initiative launched by Bank of Georgia in collaboration with Selfless Blood Donors and the digital creative agency Windforce transforms blood donation into a civic commons, accessible through a simple registration portal. What began as a project for 8,400 employees and their friends and families has expanded into a national experiment in altruism.

The platform, hosted at blooddonors. bog.ge, functions like an inverted dating app: instead of swiping for companionship, users register their blood type and location, waiting for the moment when their biological compatibility may save an anonymous other.

This is more than a medical utility. It is a reactivation of what anthropologist Marcel Mauss famously called “the gift economy”—a system where the value of exchange is measured not by money but by obligation, reciprocity, and social solidarity.

Blood donation has long carried symbolic weight far beyond the hospital. In many cultures, blood is life-force, a mystical essence binding the individual to the community. From the Aztec sacrifices to Huitzilopochtli, where human blood was offered to sustain the cosmos, to the Christian Eucharist, where the metaphor of Christ’s blood signifies redemption

and community, the fluid has always operated as a form of social glue.

Modern transfusion medicine—pioneered in the early 20th century—secularized this symbolic economy. Yet even in hospitals, blood retains a quasi-sacred status. To give blood is not merely to perform a biological transaction; it is to enter into an ancient continuum of shared vulnerability and survival.

In this sense, Georgia’s digital platform updates what the French philosopher Georges Bataille described as “expenditure without return”—acts of generosity that resist commodification. Unlike the marketplace, where transactions are closed by payment, blood donation opens a cycle of indebtedness: the recipient owes their life not to a particular individual, but to the anonymous collective.

Such models echo other historical experiments in civic altruism. In postwar Japan, for instance, the Red Cross mobilized millions of citizens in a mass blood donation campaign framed as an act of national rebuilding. In Scandinavia, voluntary blood banks became institutionalized as expressions of the welfare state, reinforcing the notion that the body of the individual contributes to the health of the collective.

The Georgian platform, however, introduces a crucial 21st-century element: the logic of the platform society (as theorized

by José van Dijck and Thomas Poell).

Here, data-driven infrastructures mediate acts of care, transforming altruism into a networked resource. While Uber coordinates cars and Airbnb distributes apartments, this platform orchestrates veins and arteries.

Blood donation platforms reveal a paradox of modern life: the digital systems often blamed for isolation, distraction, and commodification can also gen-

Imahe source: orbelianimeti.ge

erate forms of solidarity that echo the deepest anthropological structures of society.

Georgia’s experiment resonates with a broader trend. In China, the “Mutual Help” app connects patients with rare blood types to potential donors, functioning like a grassroots insurance mechanism. In the United States, initiatives like “Blood4All” emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic to coordinate volunteers amid shortages. Each of these reflects an attempt to reimagine the commons in a digital key—a shared resource sustained not by the state or

market alone, but by networked citizens.

Anthropologist David Graeber once argued that debt and obligation are the primordial glue of societies, more fundamental than markets. Blood, circulating outside monetary exchange yet binding individuals through life-debt, may be the most visceral example.

If Georgia’s platform succeeds, it may point toward a new model of digital humanism—technologies designed not only to extract value but to facilitate solidarity. It also raises difficult questions: How far should corporations be involved in managing the flows of human

life? Can altruism scale without being absorbed into metrics and branding?

And what does it mean to entrust our most intimate biological exchanges to databases and algorithms?

What is clear is that this initiative touches something elemental. To give blood is to recognize the fragility of the self and the dependence on others. To build a platform for it is to ritualize that recognition in code and infrastructure.

In an era where “sharing” is too often reduced to retweets and likes, Georgia has offered a reminder of an older, deeper kind of sharing: the literal circulation of life.

CULTURE

On the 2025 International Festival ‘Night Serenades’

BY TEAM GT

T

he International Festival “Night Serenades”, founded in 1982 in Abkhazia by world-renowned violinist and conductor Liana Isakadze, is Georgia’s longest-running classical music festival. Over the years, it has become a cultural landmark, uniting celebrated musicians and audiences from around the globe.

This year, the festival will take place from August 20 to October 11, offering six unforgettable concerts in Borjomi, Batumi, and Tbilisi.

STAR PERFORMERS OF 2025 The festival program brings together internationally acclaimed artists alongside young talents, including: • Beatrice Venezi – conductor (Italy)

• Veriko Tchumburidze – violin (Georgia/Turkey) • Balletto di Roma – ballet company (Italy) • Mario Stefano Pietrodarchi – bandoneon (Italy) • Nello Salza – trumpet (Italy) • Sopho Khalvashi – vocals (Georgia) • Andres Gabetta – violin/conductor (France) • Maurice Steger – recorder (Switzerland) • Tamar Licheli – piano (Georgia) • Giorgi Shiolashvili – piano (Georgia) • Festival orchestra “Georgian Virtuosi” (concertmaster Lela Mtchedlidze).

FESTIVAL HIGHLIGHTS • August 20 (Borjomi, 19:00) – Grand Opening under the stars with Mario Stefano Pietrodarchi (bandoneon, Italy), Maurice Steger (recorder, Switzerland), and the Georgian Virtuosi.

• August 22 (Batumi) – “Morricone: The

Legend of Cinema”, featuring Nello Salza, Morricone’s longtime trumpet soloist, who will bring to life unforgettable film scores from Once Upon a Time in America, Cinema Paradiso, Malèna, and more.

• August 24 (Batumi) – “Vivaldi Fever” with baroque stars Andres Gabetta (violin/conductor) and Maurice Steger (recorder), joined by Mario Stefano Pietrodarchi and the Georgian Virtuosi.

• August 26 (Batumi) – “The Soul of Tango”, a fiery program inspired by Argentinian passion, featuring works

by Astor Piazzolla, Martin Palmeri, Roberto Molinelli, Igor Stravinsky, and Ángel Villoldo.

• October 9 (Tbilisi, Conservatoire Grand Hall) – Beatrice Venezi conducts a program including Brahms’ Violin Concerto in D Major (soloist Veriko Tchumburidze) and Tchaikovsky’s Serenade for Strings.

• October 11 (Tbilisi) – Georgian premiere of “Astor”, a dance-theatre project by Balletto di Roma, created in 2021 to mark Piazzolla’s centenary. A fusion of music, drama, and choreography, accompanied by Mario Stefano Pietrodarchi.

BEYOND MUSIC In addition to concerts, the festival will host: • Exhibitions of Georgian artists • Thematic masterclasses • Educational workshops for students and people with disabilities Since 2018, the artistic director of the festival has been Giorgi Isakadze, nephew of the founder.

The festival is organized by Art Alliance (Director: Nina Tsagareli) with the support of the Ministry of Culture of Georgia, Adjara Ministry of Culture, Tbilisi, Batumi, and Borjomi City Halls, the Embassy of Italy in Georgia, Radio Fortuna, and Fortuna.ge.

Ambrolauri Airport. Source: 1TV

Additional Flight Scheduled from Natakhtari to Ambrolauri for ‘Gemo Fest’

BY MARIAM RAZMADZE

T

he United Airports of Georgia has announced an additional flight to Ambrolauri in connection with the upcoming gastronomic festival “Gemo Fest.”

Gemo Fest, organized by the Georgian Tourism Administration, highlights the unique flavors of local cuisine. Regional chefs, winemakers, and home cooks come together to present their specialties at food stalls, while live music adds to the festive atmosphere of this two-day event set against a snowy mountain backdrop.

The festival, being held for the second time in Ambrolauri, will take place on

August 29–30. To accommodate visitors, an extra flight has been scheduled for August 28 from Natakhtari to Ambrolauri’s local airport.

Flight Schedule (August 28): • Natakhtari-Ambrolauri – Departure at 15:45 • Ambrolauri-Natakhtari – Departure at 17:00 Currently, flights between Natakhtari and Ambrolauri operate three times a week.

Tickets: • Standard fare: 50 GEL • Infants (0–3 years): Free of charge • Children (3–12 years): 30% discount United Airports of Georgia stated the additional flight is intended to make travel more convenient for festival attendees.

CULTURE

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 22 - 28, 2025

11

The Unknown Sergo Kobuladze: Georgia’s Great Artist and His Miniature Treasures

Liza Kobuladze, granddaughter of Sergo Kobuladze and Head of the Archive at AFA. Photo courtesy: Giorgi Shengelia

BY TEAM GT

I

t might seem that Sergo Kobuladze’s story has been fully told.

The Georgian master was a polymath of near-Renaissance scope: he studied the golden ratio, illustrated the nation’s epic The Knight in the Panther’s Skin, and designed the celebrated curtain for the Tbilisi Opera and Ballet Theatre. His legacy is monumental in every sense, towering over Georgia’s cultural memory.

Yet his archive continues to reveal surprises. Behind the scale of his public works lay an intimate pursuit: miniature clay medallions, small enough to rest in the palm of a hand. These tiny items were never exhibited or sold. They were often set in rings and given as personal gifts to friends, family, and his most distinguished students.

Family recollections suggest that Sergo Kobuladze created the first medallionset rings for his daughter-in-law, the striking Tinatin Vardanashvili, remembered for her role in the Georgian classic film When Almonds Blossom. Kobuladze’s granddaughter, Liza, associates the rings with her earliest memories of her mother: “In my childhood, these

rings were inseparable from her,” she recalls. “I first noticed one on her hand and asked where it came from. For him, creating ring cameos was a hobby. He was fascinated by ancient art and the Renaissance, which I think explains his choice of designs.”

Kobuladze began making medallions in the early 1970s. Liza recalls discovering them in his studio long after his passing: “Sergo was very orderly. Everything was sorted, catalogued, arranged neatly.

Yet his studio felt like a treasure chest.

One afternoon, I found an old chocolate box tucked away in a corner. Inside, medallions of various shapes and colors were arranged with extraordinary care.

To me, it felt like opening a casket of hidden treasure. I will never forget that discovery.”

Art historian Sophio Chitorelidze notes that interest in medal-making in Georgia peaked between the 1950s and 1970s, when many artists explored miniature forms. Kobuladze was among them. His pursuit of perfection extended even to these small works: he studied classical Italian medals from the Renaissance and later periods, in both theory and practice. Unusually, he chose clay — a material rarely associated with medal art — drawn to its plasticity and expressive freedom. He treated the medium with

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the same rigor as his large-scale projects, researching the chemical properties of clays and experimenting with production techniques. The surviving medallions, in biscuit porcelain, faience, clinker clay, and terracotta, reveal not only technical mastery but also a sculptor’s eye for line, proportion, and relief.

FASCINATION WITH PALLAS ATHENA A lasting motif in Kobuladze’s miniature world was Pallas Athena, goddess of wisdom and war. His interest in classical forms began in youth and deepened through study of the Renaissance. In 1929, as a star pupil at the Tbilisi Academy of Arts, he traveled to Moscow and Leningrad to visit museums, encouraged by the Academy’s vice-rector, Yakob Nikoladze, and his mentor, Eugène Lanceray. Living frugally, he spent his savings on books and wrote home about the Hermitage’s treasures: “Tell the Academy people that the most unforgettable things are Velázquez’s Portrait of Pope Innocent, Rembrandt’s Danaë, and Athena Pallada. I plan to copy the latter.”

Meanwhile, back in Georgia, Bolshevik terror and a “cultural revolution” threatened the Academy itself. Kobuladze graduated in 1930, at a time when the institution had been abolished and

reduced to an arts faculty within a pedagogical institute. When the Academy was later restored, he returned as rector, mentoring generations of Georgian artists while remaining devoted to classical forms, despite the limitations imposed

by Soviet ideological constraints.

REVIVING KOBULADZE’S LEGACY We explore Kobuladze’s medallions in the artist's meticulously reconstructed studio, now preserved at the Art Foundation Anagi (AFA). This project, undertaken by the newly established Foundation in collaboration with Kobuladze’s family, recreates the intimate environment in which he worked. Surrounded by shelves he crafted himself, along with his sketches, artworks, and cherished objects, visitors can feel a close connection to the artist’s world.

Among the most striking of Kobuladze’s surviving medallions are those featuring a neoclassical depiction of Athena Pallada: a circular, one-sided relief showing the goddess in profile. The geometric severity of her helmet contrasts with the serene calm of her face, while one version bears a delicate floral motif, lending a subtle, lyrical grace. On the reverse rests his monogram signature.

Thea Goguadze-Apfel, curator and co-

founder of the Art Foundation Anagi, explains: “Many families in Georgia still treasure the rings Kobuladze gifted, each adorned with his medallions. We decided to bring this remarkable story to life. We wanted to connect that heritage with contemporary design, creating beloved ‘must-have’ objects that carry the past into the present. His work contains endless potential for this.”

Using Kobuladze’s original moulds, the Foundation has launched a limited jewelry line, bringing his intimate creations to life while remaining true to his vision.

Thea Goguadze-Apfel recalls Nana Kiknadze’s story from the book The Unknown Sergo Kobuladze, which illustrates how Kobuladze was determined to pass on Georgia’s cultural legacy to his students alongside European traditions — a principle also reflected in the Foundation’s mission.

In the 1950s, as head of the Academy, Sergo Kobuladze introduced classical drawing and national motifs, even during Soviet times. Yet many young artists of the period, including Edmond Kalandadze, Jibson Khundadze, Koki Makharadze, Gogi Totibadze, Mito Khakhutashvili, Merab Berdzenishvili and others, resisted these initiatives, dismissing them as old-fashioned.

In response, Kobuladze famously called a meeting with his students. Holding up a bottle, he said: “This is not what you think,” he remarked, prompting laughter.

“It’s filled with water. If I add just one drop of French perfume essence, it becomes real French perfume. This is my request to you: create whatever new you want, but never lose that one drop of Georgian.” His words were met with applause.

When asked whether Sergo himself would have appreciated the revival of his medallion rings, Liza Kobuladze smiles: “He was excessively modest. He shunned praise, rarely spoke of himself, and was always critical of his work. He would say: ‘There is no such thing as a finished work.’”

AFA signature jewelry featuring Sergo Kobuladze’s Pallas Athena medallions.

Photo courtesy: Giorgi Shengelia

Journalists: Ana Dumbadze Vazha Tavberidze Tony Hanmer Nugzar B. Ruhadze Ivan Nechaev Mariam Razmadze

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