Court Upholds 11-Year Sentence for Ex-CoInvestment Fund Head in Ivanishvili Crypto Misappropriation Case
US Report Shows Human Rights Setbacks in Georgia
Georgian Wine Marketing Campaign Launched in Germany
Georgia Celebrates Int’l Youth Day with Action, Dialogue, and Inspiration
Rainbow & Giorgi Gigashvili: A Night of Playful Experimentation, and Digital Whimsy
BY TEAM GT
Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze has emphasized that residents will not be forcibly evicted from their legally owned homes during redevelopment projects, reaffirming the city’s commitment to upholding property rights and supporting vulnerable citizens facing housing difficulties.
Speaking to reporters, Kaladze stated that the municipality's position is firmly grounded in law, and cannot be altered arbitrarily. “The approach will not and cannot change because property rights are determined by law. We do not have the authority to forcibly evict someone from their home and demolish their living space,” he said.
Kaladze addressed recent public discourse surrounding redevelopment, stressing that misleading comparisons have confused the issue. He clarified that removing individuals from illegally occupied private property or demolishing unlawfully built structures on state-owned land is not equivalent to evicting residents from legally owned homes.
“We have never done it, and we will not do it – forcibly evicting people from their own homes, which belong to them,”
Kaladze reiterated.
In addition to reaffirming the city’s legal boundaries, the mayor highlighted existing municipal programs aimed at assisting residents facing housing insecurity. These include rental assistance for registered Tbilisi residents and a separate initiative offering permanent municipal housing for families officially recognized as homeless.
Referencing the ongoing case involving residents of 1 Tvalchrelidze Street, Kaladze said the city had offered temporary rental assistance, which was declined. “The municipality offers to provide rent to citizens who are registered in Tbilisi and have a housing problem. This offer was made to families, but we received a written refusal from them,” he explained.
He emphasized that these programs are designed as short-term support until more permanent solutions become available. “By the end of the year, we will have 400 families with municipal housing,” Kaladze said, noting that applicants must obtain official homeless status to qualify.
Kaladze also clarified that individuals who own property elsewhere in Georgia are not eligible for municipal housing in the capital. “If someone owns land or a house in the regions but wants to move to Tbilisi, they won’t receive financial support for that purpose,” he stated.
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
Construction of a new football technical center and two artificial turf fields are almost completed in Rustavi, a significant addition to the city’s sports infrastructure. The project, implemented by the Municipal Development Fund under the Ministry of Infrastructure, is designed to improve training conditions for ath-
letes and promote the development of football in the region. The facility includes two fully lit football fields, a technical center, changing rooms, bathrooms and utility areas.
As the Ministry of Infrastructure stated, the center will be “fully equipped with appropriate furniture and equipment necessary for the maintenance of the fields.” Funded with GEL 4.9 million from the state budget, the initiative is part of a bigger strategy to modernize regional sports facilities and support youth engagement in athletics.
BY TEAM GT
On Tuesday, the Court of Appeals upheld the Tbilisi City Court’s decision to sentence Giorgi Bachiashvili, former General Director of the Co-Investment Fund, to 11 years in prison. The case involves the alleged misappropriation of cryptocurrency belonging to Bidzina Ivanishvili, founder of the ruling Georgian Dream party.
Bachiashvili was found guilty of largescale embezzlement and money laundering, under Articles 182(3)(b) and 194(3)(c) of the Criminal Code. He received 10 years for the embezzlement charge and 11 years for money laundering, with the longer sentence prevailing.
In his closing remarks during the trial, Bachiashvili forcefully denied the charges and accused Ivanishvili of politically motivated persecution. “I refused to take part in anti-Western propaganda, and Ivanishvili saw that as a betrayal,” Bachiashvili stated. He described the proceedings as being conducted with “old Mkhedrioni - style, 1990s-era methods — complete with torture in prison.”
According to Bachiashvili, legal action only began after he refused to comply with an ultimatum to return the money. “Once the deadline passed, proceedings were launched against me. Then I was warned that they planned to torture me in prison, which is why I left the country,” he said.
He also claimed that upon returning to Georgia, he was assaulted. “They brought me down with a stun gun, allegedly found me in the green zone, and placed me in an isolation cell. No investigation was ever opened into what happened.”
Bachiashvili further accused prison authorities of violence. “What Ivanishvili warned me about happened—an executioner was sent to my cell and physically attacked me. Yet I still haven’t been granted victim status,” he said. He insisted
that the charges were a cover for politically motivated repression. “You can’t intimidate me—not with this trial, not even with an 11-year sentence,” he declared defiantly.
Challenging the prosecution’s version of events, Bachiashvili claimed the cryptocurrency was a loan, not an investment.
“The documents show it was a loan, yet the prosecution and Ivanishvili claim it was an investment. Then why didn’t anyone ask where the return on that investment went?”
He also accused both Ivanishvili and the prosecution of dishonesty. “You won’t find a single paragraph in Ivanishvili’s testimony that isn’t a lie,” Bachiashvili said. “And the prosecutor—he’s under pressure. Why is he doing this? What is he afraid of? It was the same under the previous government. You now have a chance to act differently—so you can look your children in the eye years from now without shame.”
Following the appeals court’s decision, Bachiashvili’s lawyer, Davit Jandieri, said the legal battle is far from over.
“This fight won’t end with today’s ruling. On the contrary, it’s entering a new phase and will continue in international forums,” Jandieri wrote on social media.
He accused the Georgian judiciary of
being entirely under political control and called the trial “another phase of political persecution disguised as a legal process.”
Meanwhile, Prosecutor Mikheil Sadradze defended the verdict, calling it fair and evidence-based. “The Appeals Court thoroughly reviewed all evidence, witness statements, and documentation, and found Bachiashvili guilty,” Sadradze said. He dismissed Bachiashvili’s comments as lacking any legal foundation. “Simply put, his statements had no legal merit whatsoever.”
The case has sparked political tensions as well. Levan Khabeishvili, Chairman of the United National Movement’s Political Council, accused Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze of exposing internal divisions within the Georgian Dream party. Khabeishvili claimed that Kaladze’s comments suggested Russian intelligence (GRU) had a hand in Bachiashvili’s return to Georgia—contradicting official accounts from other party leaders. Kaladze rejected the allegations, saying, “There was no abduction or kidnapping. What kind of investigation should there be? There are no facts. He was simply brought back from a foreign country. The whole claim of abduction is utter nonsense.”
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
On August 14, 1992, the conflict in Abkhazia broke out, the start of one of the most tragic chapters in Georgia’s modern history. The fighting continued for 13 months and 13 days, ultimately ending with the fall of Sukhumi on September 27, 1993. The war began after Georgian Armed
Forces entered Abkhazia following a decision by the State Council of Georgia, then chaired by Eduard Shevardnadze, to restore order along the railway. Upon arrival in the region, the Georgian units came under fire at a traffic police checkpoint in the village of Okhurei, Ochamchire District. The attack was executed by the so-called Abkhaz Guard, an armed group illegally formed under the leadership of Vladislav Ardzinba, Chairman of Abkhazia’s Supreme Council.
The capture of Sukhumi was carried out not only by Abkhaz forces, but also by armed volunteers from the North Caucasus, mobilized Cossacks, and units of the Russian Armed Forces, whose involvement was backed by the Russian government.
The war resulted in a humanitarian catastrophe: up to 300,000 people, mostly ethnic Georgians, were displaced from Abkhazia, and as many as 10,000 people from the Georgian side, including both soldiers and civilians, lost their lives.
Continued from page 1
The frontline is shifting rapidly, as Moscow appears to be pushing harder to secure territory ahead of critical diplomatic talks scheduled for Friday.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky confirmed that Russia is demanding Kyiv withdraw from the entire Donetsk region as a condition for a potential ceasefire — a proposal he flatly rejected. "We will not trade away our land," Zelensky said. “Giving in to this now only guarantees more aggression in the future.”
Ukrainian military leaders say their forces are locked in intense battles near Pokrovsk and Dobropillia, where Russian troops are probing for weaknesses using smaller mobile units. Additional Ukrainian reinforcements have been sent to the area.
Military analysts describe the situation as one of the most serious offensives in recent months. According to the Black Bird Group, a Finland-based conflict research outfit, Russian troops have advanced more than 17 kilometers (10 miles) past Ukrainian lines over the past three days. Their goal, experts believe, is to isolate the strategic city of Pokrovsk — one of the last major urban centers in Donetsk still under Ukrainian control.
“It’s chaotic, but coordinated,” wrote Ukraine’s DeepState blog, which is closely aligned with the Ukrainian military. “The Russians are digging in, reinforcing, and preparing for further advances.”
Still, analysts at the Institute for the Study of War caution that Russia’s gains, while significant, don’t yet constitute a strategic breakthrough.
Ukraine’s fightback has reached deeper
into Russian territory as well. On Monday, Kyiv’s intelligence agency SBU claimed responsibility for a drone strike on a Russian warehouse in Tatarstan housing long-range Shahed drones. It's the second such strike in recent days, and videos shared online suggest the attack was successful.
Meanwhile, Russian authorities reported that a man injured in a separate Ukrainian drone strike on Arzamas, in the Nizhny Novgorod region, later died — underscoring the increasing reach of Ukrainian drone warfare.
Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed its air defences shot down six guided bombs and over 170 drones in a single day — figures that reflect the intensity of ongoing drone combat from both sides.
At the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, which remains under Russian control, the International Atomic Energy Agency said its monitors had seen smoke coming from an administrative building, but reported no radiation leakage or casualties.
As battles rage, international attention is turning to Anchorage, Alaska, where US President Donald Trump is scheduled to meet with Vladimir Putin this Friday. The summit, which Trump’s spokesperson described as a "listening session," is widely seen as a turning point — or tipping point — in the war.
Zelensky was blunt in his assessment:
"This is a personal win for Putin — he's managed to delay sanctions and will now sit at the table on American soil." Yet, the Ukrainian president also acknowledged receiving a tentative message through US envoy Steve Witkoff suggesting that Russia might be open to a ceasefire. No further details were given.
Washington and Moscow continue to
fi
ne-tune the agenda. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Russia’s top diplomat Sergey Lavrov held a phone call Tuesday, confirming their intent to ensure “a productive summit.”
Meanwhile, European leaders are on edge. President Volodymyr Zelensky
arrived in Berlin on Wednesday to participate in a high-level virtual summit hosted by German Chancellor Friedrich Merz. The meeting brought together key European leaders and US President Donald Trump ahead of Trump’s anticipated August 15 meeting in Alaska with
Russian President Vladimir Putin, Al Jazeera reports.
The video conference aimed to coordinate a unified Western stance before the Trump-Putin summit. Participants included Chancellor Merz, President Trump, US Vice President JD Vance, President Zelensky, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron, and Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof, among others.
Following the summit, Chancellor Merz and President Zelensky held a joint press briefing, while Trump delivered separate remarks from the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C.
Merz emphasized the importance of Ukraine’s direct involvement in any peace negotiations:
“Security interests of both Ukraine and Europe must be upheld at the upcoming summit in Alaska. A ceasefire must be the first step, and we’ve made it clear that Ukraine will be part of any follow-up talks. President Trump has expressed that achieving a ceasefire is a top priority.”
Speaking from France, President Emmanuel Macron reinforced this message:
“Any discussion about territorial issues in Ukraine must involve Ukraine itself. President Trump was very clear—his administration seeks a ceasefire in Alaska. Support for Ukraine must remain firm, and that responsibility is shared by both Europe and the United States.”
A spokesperson for UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer echoed this position, stating that Ukraine requires "credible security guarantees" as a condition for peace. He reaffirmed Britain's unwavering support for Kyiv.
Continued on page 6
BLOG BY NUGZAR B. RUHADZE
Amission statement can be defined as a concise declaration of purpose—a summary that articulates why a group of people, an organization, a society, a political party, or even a nation exists, and what it aims to achieve. It serves as a guiding principle for decision-making, and communicates fundamental values and objectives to the wider world.
Drafting a Mission Statement for Sakartvelo (Georgia) is both a political and literary challenge and, in my view, a necessity. Such a statement could take many forms, shaped by an author’s values, education, cultural background, experience, and understanding of the nation. The following text represents what my own heart and mind have prompted, reflecting my personal vision of Georgia’s place in the world and its role in today’s complex struggle for humanity’s survival. It has taken days of reflection to arrive at wording that I believe encompasses the essential elements of Georgia’s mission—a message that the international community should know for the sake of fair, constructive, and respectful cooperation with our country.
Here is the proposed draft:
“Georgia is one of the world’s oldest Christian nations, with its unique culture, language, and script. It continues to live and work peacefully alongside the rest of the world, supported by sufficient human and natural resources.
Georgia understands that freedom and independence are both a confirmation of its self-governance and an opportunity for progressive development—an opportunity it pursues consistently by applying its physical and intellectual strengths. The knowledge and experience accumulated in Georgia form part of humanity’s collective heritage. Georgia is fully aware of its responsibilities toward the civilized world, and recognizes its place among nations. It aspires to be a country that safeguards its existence through the protection of its international rights and obligations.
Georgia advances on the path of progress and democracy, and seeks to be an inseparable part of world civilization—a civilization still burdened by misconceptions and violence. Georgia considers the possible transformations in human life and is determined to guide these changes toward the benefit of humanist civilization, through mutually beneficial cooperation with other nations and adherence to universal human ideals.”
To my mind, this is the kind of statement that needs to be shared with the world if we are to ensure that the world forms the right attitude toward our nation—an attitude that Georgia unquestionably deserves.
And, speaking candidly, I would rather see such a text incorporated into the Constitution than the much-debated Article 78, which states that Georgia remains on its irreversible course toward Euro-Atlantic integration, prioritizing association with NATO and the EU.
Why do I say this? Because I believe that a constitution should primarily contain universal and timeless values—principles that are not vulnerable to political fluctuation and do not need to be altered unless extraordinary circumstances make amendment unavoidable.
To be clear, I am not calling for any change to the existing text of the supreme law. I am merely suggesting that a neutral, unifying mission statement might one day prove useful—should the need arise—in helping to safeguard the country’s stability and in keeping its guiding values above the turbulence of political change.
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
The US Department of State’s 2024 Human Rights Report reveals a problematic picture of democratic and human rights conditions in Georgia, identifying restrictive laws, political pressures and abuses as primary challenges.
The document emphasizes that impunity for human rights violations remains a persistent problem despite occasional efforts by Georgian authorities to investigate and punish certain officials. Reports of torture, inhuman treatment, arbitrary detention and politically motivated prosecutions continued to emerge throughout the year.
Media freedom and free expression were outlined as especially under threat. Journalists and citizens faced violence, intimidation and unjust arrests while newly adopted legislation had a negative effect on public discourse. The so-called ‘Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence,’ as stated by credible non-governmental organizations cited in the report,
BY TEAM GT
Georgian Dream this week officially presented its mayoral candidates for 63 municipalities across Georgia. The announcements were made by the party’s chairman and Prime Minister, Irakli Kobakhidze, who is also head of the party’s election headquarters.
“We have already launched the election campaign, presenting our candidate for mayor of Tbilisi as well as majoritarian candidates for the city council. I am pleased to introduce all 63 mayoral candidates nationwide,” Kobakhidze said.
He noted that most candidates are already known to the public through banners and billboards, but this presentation unites them all at once. “Local self-government enjoys exceptionally high trust according to all surveys. Our task is to further strengthen this trust,
which is a credit to our local party representatives, mayors, council members, and every local government employee. I express my deep gratitude to them for their professionalism and integrity over the past four years,” he added.
The majority of the candidates are incumbent or acting mayors, though new faces are also nominated in various municipalities. Kobakhidze outlined the candidates by region:
In Kakheti, five municipalities will have incumbent mayors running again, including Aleksi Pitskhelauri (Akhmeta), Giorgi Machavariani (Gurjaani), and Malkhaz Begiashvili (Sighnaghi). New candidates include Ilia Mzekalashvili (Kvareli), Vakhtang Kakutashvili (Sagarejo), and Vazha Maghradze (Telavi).
Kvemo Kartli will feature incumbents in Rustavi, Gardabani, Dmanisi, and Tsalkhisi, while new candidates like Dauri Ismailov (Marneuli) and Zamuri Chitanava (Bolnisi) bring public service and legal experience.
In Mtskheta-Mtianeti, the incumbent
Levan Tsiklauri runs in Tianeti, with other candidates including architect Gogi Abuashvili (Mtskheta) and engineer Koba Geladze (Kazbegi).
Shida Kartli sees three incumbents nominated, such as Konstantine Buzaladze in Gori, alongside newcomer Paata Chaduneli in Khashuri.
In Samtskhe-Javakheti, four mayors seek re-election, with Imedi journalist Varlam Tsiklauri nominated in Akhaltsikhe and Mamuka Gelashvili, a former law enforcement official, in Borjomi. Imereti’s slate includes nine incumbents like Davit Eremeishvili (Kutaisi) and Levan Ivanashvili (Sachkhere), plus new candidates including Nodar Giorgidze (Bagdati) and Davit Kublashvili (Tkibuli).
Racha-Lechkhumi and Kvemo Svaneti will nominate Sakrebulo chairmen and successful entrepreneurs such as Zaza Kevanishvili (Ambrolauri).
Samegrelo-Zemo Svaneti presents incumbents in five municipalities, with experienced figures like MP Dato Kodua running in Zugdidi and entrepreneur Giorgi Nachkebia in Martvili.
In Guria, Aleksandre Sarishvili seeks another term in Lanchkhuti, with Paata Kunchulia and Mindia Sunchia nominated in Ozurgeti and Chokhatauri respectively.
Finally, Adjara will nominate incumbents in Kobuleti, Khelvachauri, and Shuakhevi, while in Kedha and Khulo, deputies of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara are nominated. Giorgi Tsintsadze, acting head of the Adjara government administration, is the candidate in Batumi.
“This is the list of our candidates. We are confident they will win in their municipalities. Our goal is to secure victories in mayoral and city council elections in all 64 municipalities nationwide. Polls confirm this is a realistic objective. Our party and election headquarters will mobilize fully to achieve this result. I wish every candidate success,” Kobakhidze concluded.
BY TEAM GT
reduced freedoms of association and expression. Another controversial measure, the ‘Law on Family Values and Protection of Minors,’ criminalized specific forms of expression and further narrowed the space for open debate.
The report connects these legislative changes to broader patterns of coercion, misuse of administrative resources and political intimidation, particularly in the run-up to the October parliamentary elections. Such tactics, it said, undermined the integrity of the electoral environment.
Conditions in the Russian-occupied regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia were also concerning. Both territories remain beyond the control of Georgia’s central government, with de facto authorities backed by Russian forces. Credible accounts indicated arbitrary arrests and detentions in these areas, with both Russian and de facto officials accused of abuses committed with impunity.
Overall, the State Department’s findings point to a deteriorating climate for human rights and democratic freedoms in Georgia, driven by restrictive legislation, systemic abuses and unresolved issues in the occupied territories.
In preparation for Georgia’s upcoming local elections on October 4, 17 political parties have officially registered with the Central Election Commission (CEC). These include both well-established players and newly formed alliances, setting the stage for a highly competitive electoral race.
Among the registered parties are the ruling Georgian Dream party, the Lelo–Strong Georgia coalition led by Mamuka Khazaradze, Giorgi Gakharia’s For Georgia, and Iago Khvichia’s Girchi. Also entering the race are the ultra-conservative Alliance of Patriots of Georgia and Conservatives for Georgia.
This year’s ballot numbers have shifted significantly:
• The number 4, once used by the "Coalition for Change," is now assigned to Unity of Georgians.
• The number 5, historically linked to the United National Movement (UNM), has been reallocated to Our United Georgia. The CEC has released the following list of registered parties and their respective leaders:
• (1) Homeland, Language, Faith – Zaur Khachidze
• (3) Conservatives for Georgia – Giorgi Kardava
• (4) Unity of Georgians – Gaioz Mamaladze
• (5) Our United Georgia – Isaki Giorgadze
• (6) Third Way – Giorgi Tumanishvili (registration pending)
• (7) Free Georgia – Kakha Kukava
• (8) Alliance of Patriots of Georgia –David Tarkhan-Mouravi
• (9) Strong Georgia – Lelo – Mamuka Khazaradze
• (10) Left Alliance – Konstantine Gugushvili
• (11) Georgia – Giorgi Liluashvili
• (12) Green Party – Giorgi Gachechiladze
• (13) Unity and Development Party of Georgia – Kamal Muradkhanov (registration pending)
• (14) People’s Government – Marina Kurdadze
• (25) Gakharia for Georgia – Giorgi Gakharia
• (36) Girchi – Iago Khvichia
• (41) Georgian Dream – Irakli Kobakhidze
• (2) Democratic Alliance – Giorgi Buchukuri (registration pending)
At the same time, nine opposition parties have announced a boycott, including several key actors in Georgian politics:
• United National Movement (UNM)
• Strategy Builder
• European Georgia
• Freedom Square
• For the People – led by Anna Dolidze
• New • Girchi – More Freedom
• It’s Time
• Federalists
“A step, not the end of the story”: RUSI’s Neil Melvin on Trump’s Armenia–Azerbaijan
and the
INTERVIEW BY VAZHA TAVBERIDZE
For the first time in over a decade, the US has a stake in the South Caucasus, - says Dr. Neil Melvin, Director of International Security Studies at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), in a wide-ranging conversation with RFE/RL’s Georgian Service. He calls the newly signed TRIPP agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan “very clearly a breakthrough,” but warns it is “a step, not the end of the story.” He explains how the US-brokered 99-year transit corridor could redraw the strategic map of the South Caucasus, why Iran and Russia may resort to sabotage rather than open opposition, and how the deal feeds into both Washington’s regional ambitions and Ankara’s Turkic-world strategy. Melvin also assesses Donald Trump’s increasingly viable Nobel Peace Prize bid, and delivers a pointed warning to Georgia, which, he says, “risks being marginalized” if it fails to adapt to the new Middle Corridor reality.
WHAT DO WE KNOW AT THIS POINT? WHAT DOES THE TRIPP AGREEMENT ENTAIL, AND WHAT COULD ITS POSSIBLE IMPLICATIONS BE FOR THE GEOPOLITICAL PARADIGM OF THE SOUTH CAUCASUS?
This is very clearly a breakthrough in relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan. They’ve been in something of a diplomatic dance for some time now over how to finalize and move forward in the peace process, but they hadn’t been able to overcome that final hurdle. What President Trump has done is bring them together and, through this agreement on a transit corridor—to be administered by US companies for 99 years— allowed both sides to take a step forward. But we should be clear: this is a step, not the end of the story. There are still issues down the road that will need to be resolved. We’ve also seen some negative reaction in the region, notably from Iran—even outright hostility to it. Russia is in a complicated position and has decided, for now, not to formally oppose it. The agreement has been signed, but its real significance will depend on how it’s implemented—both within Armenia and Azerbaijan, and more widely in the region. It will take time before we can see the full implications.
CRITICS HAVE POINTED TO PRESIDENT TRUMP’S PERCEIVED MERCURIAL NATURE, QUESTIONING WHETHER THE AGREEMENT WILL ACTUALLY BE FOLLOWED THROUGH ON BY HIS ADMINISTRATION.
I’m a little more optimistic, for a number
Georgia will need to recalibrate and figure out how to make itself relevant to all the stakeholders who will shape this east–west corridor
of reasons. First of all, this hasn’t come out of the blue. It builds on a lot of work already done by the Biden administration on this issue—the groundwork was already laid. I think Secretary of State Rubio personally understands the importance of this. Below the White House, the State Department and probably the Pentagon also have their own interests in seeing this work and be implemented. We still don’t know exactly how this 99-year lease will function—whether it’s a purely commercial or a state-backed arrangement. Questions remain about who will be responsible for ensuring security, who will carry out border and customs checks, and similar operational matters. Those details will have to be clarified.
LET’S EXPAND ON THE MANIFOLD US INTERESTS YOU MENTIONED. WHY IS THIS SO IMPORTANT FOR WASHINGTON?
Since the 2008 Russia–Georgia war, we’ve seen a steady decline in US interest in the South Caucasus and, more broadly, the Caspian region. The post-Cold War idea of integrating the South Caucasus into a European order has collapsed. What this agreement does is create a renewed US stake in the South Caucasus, but this time it isn’t about the European order. That moment has passed. Now it’s about economic and trade interests—about building the Middle Corridor that links Europe and Türkiye through the South Caucasus to Central Asia. Geopolitically, it allows the US to insert itself between Iran and Russia, which fits with the Trump administration’s broader thinking on how to disrupt the coalitions forming around Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran. For the first time in over a decade, we are seeing the prospect of a sustained US interest in the South Caucasus. This strengthens a broader trend toward a multi-vector region—not just the established actors like Russia, Iran, and Türkiye, but now also the United States, Europe, China, and the Gulf states. That diversity of engagement helps the countries of the region bolster their sovereignty, giving them options so they aren’t forced into alignment with one power simply because no alternatives exist.
YOU SAID THIS WAS A STEP TOWARD A FINAL PEACE AGREEMENT BETWEEN ARMENIA AND AZERBAIJAN. PRESIDENT ALIYEV SAID IN WASHINGTON THAT “THERE SHOULD BE NO DOUBT THAT ANY OF THE PARTIES INVOLVED WILL TAKE A STEP BACK.” HOW BIG A STEP ARE WE TALKING ABOUT HERE? IS THIS A LEAP?
It’s not quite a leap, but it’s a significant step forward. There are still complex issues to be resolved. Azerbaijan wants Armenia to amend its constitution so that there is no indirect claim to territory beyond its current borders—and particularly not to Karabakh. That will be difficult, especially as we approach next year’s elections, which could well be disrupted, possibly by Russia or others seeking to shape the outcome. This could become a major election issue.
On the Azerbaijani side, Armenia still wants ethnic Armenians who were forced out of Karabakh to have the right to return. Another key question is whether Türkiye will now open its border with Armenia. If steps are taken in the right direction, things could move quickly, and we could soon be looking at a very different situation in the region.
IF TÜRKIYE DOES OPEN ITS BORDER, THAT WOULD MAKE ARMENIA A FULLYFLEDGED PART OF THE MIDDLE CORRIDOR, CORRECT?
Exactly. It would change the political dynamic across the South Caucasus. There will certainly be attempts to spoil it—from Russia, Iran, and perhaps others—but with US backing, we may see major changes.
Türkiye, perhaps the biggest winner from this deal, also stands to gain enormously. With this corridor opening, Nakhchivan—the Azerbaijani exclave bordering Türkiye—becomes a transit link to mainland Azerbaijan and across the Caspian. This feeds into Türkiye’s larger strategic vision as a Turkic-world actor: building economic corridors through the South Caucasus and across the Black Sea to Central Asia, bypassing both Russia and Iran, and positioning itself as a leading regional power.
LET’S LOOK AT THOSE POTENTIAL SPOILERS. WHAT CAN RUSSIA AND IRAN ACTUALLY DO TO RETALIATE?
Iran is in the most difficult position, particularly after the bombing of its nuclear facilities and the war. Now it’s suddenly facing the prospect of the United States sitting right on its border for 99 years—just a few kilometers from the northern Iranian frontier.
It also complicates the embryonic north–south corridor that Iran and Russia have been trying to forge since the Ukraine war began. With an east–west corridor backed by the United States now cutting right across, the project doesn’t disappear entirely, but anything moving along those routes will potentially be open to US observation and scrutiny. Washington will be part of that conversation.
As for Russia, which has publicly—and cautiously—welcomed the agreement, it’s happening at the same time Moscow is engaged in negotiations over Ukraine. That means the Kremlin has to balance its approach. It doesn’t want to be too negative, since Trump clearly sees this Armenia–Azerbaijan deal as his trump card in his bid for a Nobel Peace Prize. They can’t undercut that without also risking the Ukraine talks.
The Russians understand they can’t directly block this agreement, so I expect them to try to sabotage it indirectly: exploiting difficulties in Armenia–Azerbaijan relations, engaging in subterfuge, interfering in Armenia’s elections—possibly coordinating with Iran. Russia hasn’t given up; it’s simply accepted that this is a battle it can’t win outright.
Their goal now will be to keep a foothold in Armenia. They still have levers— the economic relationship, trade ties, and, of course, their military base in Gyumri. But if Armenia’s ties with Türkiye improve and the border opens, Yerevan may become less enthusiastic about hosting that base. The game is still on, but this deal marks a significant shift in the balance among regional actors.
YOU MENTIONED THE NOBEL PRIZE. HOW CLOSE HAS PRESIDENT TRUMP COME TO IT NOW? AND HOW MANY MORE SIGNATURES FROM
Trump clearly sees this Armenia–Azerbaijan deal as his trump card in his bid for a Nobel Peace Prize
WORLD LEADERS WOULD HE NEED TO MAKE IT HAPPEN?
I imagine the Nobel Committee in Norway is hiding right now, hoping nobody finds them. It’s becoming harder and harder for them not to acknowledge that Trump is a strong—perhaps even the leading—candidate. Not necessarily in a way they’d be comfortable with, but it will be difficult to turn him down. If you compare his record to some recent Nobel Peace Prize winners, his case looks strong. Compared to Obama, for example, you could argue Trump has been more committed to seeking peaceful solutions. And the committee has made difficult choices before—awarding the prize to people they weren’t entirely comfortable with, such as Henry Kissinger for ending the Vietnam War. So this is really in the committee’s hands now. They will have to find compelling reasons not to give it to him.
HOW MUCH DOES IT HINGE ON HIS HANDLING OF THE UKRAINE WAR?
I don’t think it hinges just on Ukraine anymore. He can already point to efforts he’s made: mediating between Thailand and Cambodia, India and Pakistan, Rwanda and the DRC, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The big ones, of course, are Gaza and Ukraine—and both are very difficult to resolve in a lasting way. But the other question is: who’s the competition? Who can the committee point to and say, “This person deserves it more than Trump”? That will be a factor.
BACK TO THE SOUTH CAUCASUS—SPECIFICALLY GEORGIA. GEORGIA WASN’T EVEN MENTIONED AT THE WHITE HOUSE, DESPITE PRESIDENT TRUMP SAYING, “WE SHOULD FULLY UNLOCK THE SOUTH CAUCASUS POTENTIAL.” DOES THAT ABSENCE MAKE GEORGIA ONE OF THE LOSERS?
Georgia should look at this very carefully. The regional situation is changing, and the current vector Georgia is on may not help it. This deal reinforces the whole idea of the Middle Corridor, which is fundamentally an east–west route. Given that Georgia has poisoned its relationship with the West in recent years—the government’s doing—and that an alternative southern route is opening up, Tbilisi suddenly has competition as a transit country in the Caucasus.
That said, it’s not necessarily a zerosum game. Ideally, more trade, more routes, and more investment should mean a bigger pie for everyone. But Georgia will need to recalibrate and figure out how to make itself relevant to all the stakeholders who will shape this east–west corridor. Moving closer to Russia is not going to help. Right now, Georgia risks being marginalized by what’s happening.
BY TEAM GT
During his recent visit to Türkiye, Georgian President Mikheil Kavelashvili emphasized the strategic importance and growing strength of regional cooperation, underpinned by political stability and shared values.
"Our discussions touched on a wide range of economic and political matters, as well as the importance of preserving family values," he said. "The strong relationship between Türkiye and Georgia is a great source of motivation for me, and I’m committed to ensuring it continues to grow."
President Kavelashvili highlighted that the broader region holds exceptional promise:
"Everyone can clearly see the vast potential of our region. Political stability leads to economic power and public well-being. This progress has been achieved through policies rooted in
national interest and principle. I also welcome the idea of Armenia gradually joining this regional format."
He went on to challenge the conventional notion of regional rivalry: "Contrary to the idea that you should weaken your competitors, we believe it is in everyone’s best interest for neighboring countries to be strong. This was a central theme in our dialogue—it was a sincere and open conversation that gives me hope our cooperation will deepen further."
According to Kavelashvili, Georgia and Türkiye are united by their commitment to peace, traditional values, and mutual trust. "We have jointly protected peace, national interests, and the institution of the family. Our Turkish counterparts share these principles. That gives me confidence that we will see long-term peace and stability in the region," he said.
He sent a clear message to international partners and observers: "Whether you're a strategic ally, a friend, or even a skeptic—understand this: conflict in this region is not an option. There is deep trust among our nations."
BY TEAM GT
Levan Sanikidze, a senior figure in the United National Movement, has accused the ruling Georgian Dream party of deliberately working to sabotage Georgia’s visa-free travel agreement with the European Union. He claims this is part of a broader agenda by Bidzina Ivanishvili, whom he accuses of effectively “sanctioning” the entire Georgian population.
“Georgian Dream is actively undermining the visa liberalization process. They've already lost the information battle and can no longer shift the blame onto Georgian citizens, our international allies, or the opposition,” Sanikidze said. “In effect, Bidzina Ivanishvili is punishing four million Georgians.”
According to Sanikidze, the ruling party has no intention of meeting its commitments to the European Union.
“Both Georgian Dream and its propaganda apparatus are now backed into a corner. I firmly believe they will fail to honor either the legal or political responsibilities required by the EU,” he stated.
“They are systematically dismantling Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic integration. The remaining time in their term will not be used to fulfill these commitments, which are meant to protect the interests of the Georgian people. But Georgian Dream has no intention of serving those interests.”
Sanikidze referenced events from late 2024, alleging that Ivanishvili’s rise to power on October 26 and the violence on Rustaveli Avenue on November 28 marked a turning point. He emphasized that the EU has previously declared that Georgia’s government will not be seen as legitimate unless it conducts fair elections and releases political prisoners.
“The protection of human rights is paramount. Ivanishvili is using this situation to pressure the Georgian people and Europe. He leverages strategic projects like the Middle Corridor and the fiber-optic cable, along with his regional influence, to manipulate the narrative,” Sanikidze claimed. “If it weren’t for the strong pro-European stance of Georgian citizens, visa liberalization might have already been revoked after the so-called ‘Russian law’ was passed.”
He warned that losing visa-free access to Europe would be a devastating con-
sequence of the government's actions.
“It would be a tragic blow. Ivanishvili’s grip on power is the reason Georgians may end up paying the price,” he said. Sanikidze also addressed the US State Department’s 2024 human rights report on Georgia, highlighting its criticism of Georgian Dream.
“This report, even under the Trump administration, delivers strong condemnation of the current regime. It documents systemic violence, unprecedented media repression, and growing authoritarianism. In my opinion, it speeds up the passage of the MEGOBARI Act,” he noted. “Georgian Dream has no path to legitimacy—not even with Trump’s White House. That’s why we believe the MEGOBARI Act will be passed early this fall. It will send a clear message of solidarity with the Georgian people and strike a serious blow to Georgian Dream’s proRussian regime.”
BY TEAM GT
Russian authorities have sentenced Aleko Elisashvili, a prominent figure in the Georgian political party “Strong Georgia,” to six years in prison in absentia for fighting alongside Ukrainian forces.
The decision was announced in a state-
ment by Russia’s Investigative Committee, which confirmed that the court found the evidence presented sufficient to convict Elisashvili. He was found guilty under Part 3 of Article 359 of Russia’s Criminal Code, which pertains to participating as a mercenary in armed conflict.
The sentence mandates that the term be served in a high-security penal colony. Elisashvili had already been added to Russia’s international wanted list prior to the sentencing.
Continued from page 3
During the Berlin press conference, Zelensky criticized Putin’s peace overtures as disingenuous: “Putin is bluffing. Russia wants to dominate all of Ukraine and is only pretending to pursue peace.
Any negotiations that exclude Ukraine are doomed to fail. All matters concerning Ukraine must be decided with Ukraine at the table. A ceasefire is essential, as are strong and enforceable security guarantees. Russia cannot be allowed to derail our path to EU or NATO membership.”
Zelensky also emphasized the need for continued pressure on Moscow: “If Russia refuses to agree to a ceasefire during the Alaska summit, sanctions must be increased. That’s the only language Putin understands.”
President Trump, in his address, offered a characteristically upbeat assessment of the summit: “It was a great call—very friendly. I’d give it a 10 out of 10. There’s a strong chance of a second, even more productive meeting. The first is really about understanding the situation. I’ll be reaching out to Zelenskyy and European leaders again after my meeting with Putin on Friday.”
Trump issued a strong warning to the Kremlin, vowing serious consequences if Putin does not agree to end the war: “I want to end this war—it’s Biden’s war, but I’ll be the one to finish it. I’ll be proud to end this conflict, just like I ended five others.”
EU leaders issued a joint statement emphasizing that “the path to peace in Ukraine cannot be decided without Ukraine” and that “international borders
must not be changed by force.”
Tensions are high in Kyiv. Reporting from the capital, Al Jazeera’s Charles Stratford described growing unease over the upcoming summit: “European officials fear the closer we get to Friday, the greater the risk Ukraine’s interests will be pushed aside.”
Zelensky has warned that Russia is not preparing for peace — but for a renewed offensive. “All signs suggest they are gearing up, not winding down,” he posted on X.
An escalating humanitarian crisis is brewing at the Russia-Georgia border, where dozens of Ukrainians deported
by Russia remain stranded in a so-called neutral zone. Georgian Dream Deputy Interior Minister Aleksandre Darakhvelidze, speaking at an August 9 briefing, called on Ukrainian authorities to “immediately take measures” to return the deportees, while reiterating Georgia’s refusal to admit them.
Darakhvelidze said approximately 87 deportees remain at the Dariali crossing point. "All of them have serious criminal records and have been convicted multiple times for serious or particularly serious crimes," he claimed. He warned Ukraine against using delay tactics to pressure Georgia into accepting them:
“We categorically declare that we will not endanger the security and public order of our country’s population!”
The deportees reportedly include:
• Former prisoners transferred from occupied Ukrainian territories to Russia;
• Ukrainians who served sentences in Russia;
• Civilians deported after refusing Russian citizenship.
Efforts to repatriate them via Moldova initially saw some success, but later stalled. Moldovan authorities raised concerns when some deportees remained in Moldova illegally. A hunger strike was declared by over a dozen individuals, and one self-harm incident was captured on video, sparking international concern.
The Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed that it is working to "unblock the transit route" and organize the return of its citizens. A Ukrainian representative visited the stranded deportees recently, and medical assistance was provided to three individuals.
“The humanitarian situation at the Georgian checkpoint Dariali on the border with the Russian Federation is under constant control,” a statement from Ukraine’s MFA said, adding that they continue to coordinate with Georgia, Moldova, and international organizations. Kyiv reiterated its calls on Moscow to return the deportees directly to Ukrainian territory and previously accused Russia of “weaponizing deportations.”
Adding another layer to the unfolding geopolitical drama, Azerbaijan has begun to reconsider its previously neutral stance on arms shipments to Ukraine following
what it describes as deliberate Russian attacks on Azerbaijani-owned energy infrastructure inside Ukraine.
According to Baku-based outlet Caliber, Russia has “systematically targeted” facilities owned by Azerbaijan’s state oil company SOCAR. The most recent strike hit a gas compressor station in Odesa Oblast — part of a supply route linking Greek LNG terminals to Ukrainian gas storage. President Ilham Aliyev has so far maintained a delicate balance, offering humanitarian aid to Ukraine while declining to provide weapons. But tensions have escalated since a deadly crash of an Azerbaijani Airlines flight in late 2024 — which Baku has unofficially blamed on Russian actions — and the deaths of two ethnic Azerbaijanis during a Russian police raid in June 2025.
On Monday, Aliyev signed a decree allocating $2 million to Ukraine’s energy sector and signaled a possible shift in defense policy. During a recent speech in Stepanakert (Khankendi), he told Ukrainians: “Never accept occupation.” In response, Russian state media figures launched personal attacks. TV host Vladimir Solovyov suggested that another "special military operation" might be needed to block NATO from reaching the Caspian Sea. Others, like MP Andrei Gurulyov, called for trade bans and hinted that Azerbaijan could become a target of future military actions.
Azerbaijani media didn’t hold back. A scathing Caliber editorial mocked Solovyov and Gurulyov as Kremlin mouthpieces and warned Moscow against escalating: “An attack on Azerbaijan means an attack on Turkey.”
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
During his first official visit to Türkiye as President of Georgia, Mikheil Kavelashvili reaffirmed the “strong political will” shared by both nations for their strategic partnership.
The two leaders emphasized the importance of the Middle Corridor and important infrastructure projects such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, BakuTbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline, Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway and the Southern Gas Corridor. “These projects give our countries roles and functions new dimensions in the global geopolitical arena,” Kavelashvili noted.
In talks with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Kavelashvili said, “We placed special emphasis on prospects for deepening regional, trade-economic and transport-energy cooperation,” adding that Türkiye is Georgia’s number one trading partner. He mentioned the need to increase Georgian exports so
Mikheil Kavelashvili with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan the free trade agreement benefits both sides equally.
The meeting also addressed bilateral and multilateral cooperation, with Kavelashvili inviting Erdogan to visit Georgia and calling for the next session of the High-Level Strategic Partnership Council.
“It is a great honor for me to be making my first official visit as President of Georgia to the friendly Republic of Türkiye, with whom Georgia shares a solid strategic partnership and multifaceted cooperation,” he said, thanking his counterpart for “the exceptional and warm hospitality.”
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
German news platform
T-Online, with over 30 million monthly visitors, has featured Georgia in a new travel story supported by the Georgian National Tourism Administration (GNTA). The piece, targeted at readers in Germany, Austria and Switzerland, emphasizes Georgia’s cities, mountains, Black Sea coast, cuisine and wine culture.
The article paints vivid scenes, from sunrise over the Caucasus to warm evenings at a traditional supra. It praises Tbilisi, Batumi, Svaneti and Ushguli, declaring the latter as one of Europe’s
highest permanently inhabited villages and a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Georgia’s diverse landscapes, from snow-covered peaks to subtropical gardens, are described alongside its legend-
ary hospitality, rich cuisine and 8,000-year-old winemaking tradition.
The feature closes with an invitation: “If you are looking for a place that will stay in your heart, visit Georgia.”
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
Georgia holds potential for renewable energy development because of its abundant solar, wind and hydro resources. However, as Levan Kokaia writes in his new report for BMG, Strategic Legal Advisor in Renewable Energy and lawyer at the Georgian Renewable Energy Development Association (GREDA), the country’s outdated and fragmented permitting system remains a major challenge, slowing down investment and project implementation.
Kokaia’s assessment emphasizes how complex legal requirements, institutional fragmentation and lack of digital tools create excessive delays and uncertainty at every stage, from early feasibility stud-
ies to land access, construction permits and grid connection.
One important obstacle is the absence of legal provisions allowing developers to access land for preliminary feasibility research without formal rights, leading to blocked early-stage assessments.
Kokaia points to Portugal’s model where temporary exploration rights granted through centralized auctions enable developers to evaluate sites before purchase.
Furthermore, Georgia’s overlapping jurisdiction over protected zones and strategic territories forces developers to navigate multiple agencies independently, resulting in bureaucratic complexity and gaps in approvals. Kokaia mentions Denmark and the Netherlands where integrated GIS-based spatial planning systems and automated inter-agency coordination have helped these processes.
Another significant challenge is incon-
sistent construction permitting, largely managed by local municipalities with uneven expertise and policy alignment.
Drawing on Germany’s example, Kokaia recommends establishing a coordination mechanism that balances local input with national energy priorities and avoids delays and contrasting decisions.
Central to Kokaia’s recommendations is the creation of a national-level OneStop-Shop (OSS) for renewable energy permitting. This digital and institutional platform would unify application submission, coordinate among agencies, enforce deadlines and provide developers with transparency, similar to successful EU models. Integration of grid connection procedures within this OSS is also critical as the current process in Georgia is fragmented.
To increase transparency and reduce risks, Kokaia proposes developing a centralized geoportal containing land use, zoning, protected areas and grid capacity data, enabling developers to pre-assess project viability before investing.
Kokaia emphasizes the need to align municipal and central government permitting roles through national guidelines, training and OSS oversight to ensure consistency and compliance with goals. Kokaia also suggests launching streamlined permitting zones in regions with high renewable potential to demonstrate efficiency and build political support for nationwide adoption.
By addressing these bureaucratic and institutional challenges through pragmatic policy and legal reforms inspired by EU best practices, Georgia can unlock its renewable energy resources and attract sustainable investment.
Photo: Georgia Travel.
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
The National Wine Agency of Georgia, with its marketing partner FF.K Public Relations, has launched a new campaign to promote Georgian wine in the German market. The goal of the campaign is to help sales of Georgian wine in primary export markets.
Since 2021, the National Wine Agency has partnered with FF.K Public Relations to increase Georgian wine’s presence in Germany through tastings, seminars,
targeted advertising and media outreach. The campaign also includes wine tours in Georgia for industry professionals and media representatives to raise awareness and interest in Georgian wines. Georgian wines are now featured in over 300 stores of Jacques Wein Depot, one of Germany’s most prestigious wine retail chains, in dedicated promotional sections. Moreover, a special online shelf and page for Georgian wines have been created in HAWESKO’s online store. The campaign will intensify in the fall, a peak sales season, with continued collaboration alongside major retailers and importers such as Mack & Schühle, Interpartner and Rindchen.
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
The National Statistics Office of Georgia (Geostat) published preliminary data revealing that Georgian residents made approximately 715,100 trips abroad in Q2 2025, a 2.5% increase compared to the same period in 2024. Travelers aged 31 to 50 made up the largest share, representing 45.1% of all trips.
Out of the total trips, 564,300 were outbound visits by Georgian visitors, showing a moderate rise of 0.4% from the previous year. Tourist-related visits reached 385,800, growing by 7.1% com-
pared to the same quarter last year. Nearly half (48.3%) of these outbound visits were made by people aged 31 to 50 while women comprised 46.7% of all visitors. The primary reason for travel in this period was visiting friends and relatives, making up for 34.9% of all visits.
Visitors spent an average of 6.4 nights abroad, slightly higher than the 6.3 nights recorded in the second quarter of 2024. Out of these, 98.2% of these visits were repeat trips.
Despite the increase in visits, expenditures during these trips totaled 583 million GEL which is 1.9% lower than in the second quarter of 2024. Average spending per visit decreased by 2.3%, amounting to 1,032 GEL.
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
Georgia’s Health Minister Mikheil Sarjveladze has commented on a recent fine imposed on pharmaceutical companies for excessive markups. He said it shows the need for current efforts to ensure fair pricing in the sector. His statement comes after the Georgian Competition Agency fined four pharmaceutical companies a total of 560,000 GEL for abusing their dominant market position and imposing unfair prices. The investigation revealed markups between
1,000% and 3,000% compared to import prices.
Sarjveladze noted that the pharmaceutical markets are “often criticized for lack of competition and artificially high prices, and in many cases, this is justified.” He added that while regulations such as reference pricing have improved competition for necessary medicines, risks remain.
The Minister said future steps could include strengthening the reference pricing system as well as strict monitoring: “Wherever such violations occur, we will turn to law enforcement or relevant agencies… the Ministry will be absolutely irreconcilable when unfair prices are offered to patients.”
BY TEAM GT
On August 12, Georgia joined the global community in marking International Youth Day—a day dedicated to celebrating the potential, power, and voices of young people. From vibrant discussions in Kakheti to green initiatives in Khobi and Poti, youth across the country demonstrated that they are not just the future— they are active changemakers today.
This year’s celebrations in Georgia focused on three key areas young people consistently say they need most: knowledge, skills, and opportunities. As highlighted by recent UNICEF research, Georgian youth are eager to deepen their learning, engage with their communities, and take on leadership roles in shaping a better future.
One of the highlights of Youth Day was the spotlight on young environmental leaders in Khobi and Poti, who are transforming global climate goals into local solutions. Through the “Greening the Future” initiative—supported by the Government of Denmark, the Embassy of Denmark in Georgia, UNDP, and CENN—these youth are advancing energy efficiency, renewable energy, sustainable
transport, and eco-conscious living in their communities.
“As the future of our planet hangs in the balance, young people are not just imagining—but creating—a world where people and nature thrive together,” said project partners.
Earlier this summer, many of these young activists gathered at a Green Camp, where they exchanged ideas, built skills, and mapped out community-driven climate actions.
CONFLICT-AFFECTED VILLAGES
In Nikozi, a village affected by conflict,
BLOG BY TONY HANMER
Herewith, some detailed information about our visitors over the last 13 or 14 years of Hanmer Guest House. Not dry, though, I think.
Whence? (Where from?) Currently our biggest three guest countries of origin are the Czech Republic, Germany and Poland. Some years ago, they were Ukraine, Poland and Israel. Some things change; others do not, on this timescale. But our guest book has 66 languages or dialects in it, from the A-Z of Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, and many different writing systems, not all of which are strictly alphabets; every continent except Antarctica.
Wherefore? (Why?) For 99% of them, to trek. Most of these are groups of 14-18 people, met in Kutaisi airport, vanned up here, have supper and spend the night. Next morning, they have breakfast, load their big luggage into the same van, grab a pack lunch, and trek off towards Mazeri with two guides and daypacks. 1 or 2 people have showed up to work for room and board, and that’s gone well. Some groups,
1-3 per year, come to do volunteer work in the village in various ways. Some both trek and camp, fully kitted out with a heavier backpack and their own food.
Demographic? More singles than couples or families; ages from not yet walking to geriatric but still fit, which one needs to be.
Whither? (Where to?) Mostly to Mazeri, Mestia, Mulakhi, Adishi, Kala and Ushguli, with a night in each. Rarely, to spend more than one night with us, and explore Etseri.
X-vores? X, the diet, can be: standard omnivorous; next, vegetarian; followed by tiny numbers in the classes of vegan, kosher, halal, pescatarian and church fasts. Lactose- or gluten-intolerant, and celiac are also possible. We try to meet all vores’ needs. We offer less than a full version of each meal, for a lower budget, and self-catering too. Some of the above diets we admit to having to look up to be sure to get it right. We always ask about “special dietary needs.” A couple of times we’ve been asked to supply a birthday cake and champagne for a lucky guest from friends; if the price is right, quite possible.
Sleeping? 1-4 in a room; in tents or hammocks outside.
Bookings? The previous year, a month
International Youth Day was preceded by a powerful event that used sport as a tool for peacebuilding and resilience. Young people and civil society organizations came together for a day of games with purpose—demonstrating that sport can break down barriers and foster solidarity.
“For youth living near conflict divides, sport is more than a game—it’s a powerful tool for inclusion and hope,” said Luka Metreveli, a rock climbing champion from Zemo Nikozi.
The initiative, organized under the #EU4Dialogue project, was supported by the European Union, UNDP, Step to
or so in advance, a few days in advance, the same day, hours ago, 15 minutes ago, or simple walk-ins trying their luck with no booking at all. By: Georgian or foreign tour companies; booking.com; Facebook; Google Maps; maps.me; WhatsApp; email; websites like caucasus-trekking. com or TranscaucasianTrail.org; the signs at the bottom of the road or at our house; or direct phone call.
Motion Mode? Foot traffic is the vast majority. Some drive their own or a rented car. Some come by bicycle or motorbike. We’ve also had a two-person tandem bike once, and a pushed bikewheel barrow for a child.
Non-English-Speaking? Hardly anyone, especially as a non-mother tongue; the next most common language for nonEnglish-speakers would be Russian. But almost all Russians go straight to Mestia, and don’t trek more than a few hours a day.
Returnees? Few, except for friends or those who fall hard for Svaneti, as we have. The world is big, Georgia too is very diverse, and I don’t blame people for wanting as much of that variety as possible. But coming back and digging in a bit deeper has its own different rewards.
Longest Gap? That’s easy: 16 months during Covid with not a single guest. We came through it mercifully well, with no bank loans outstanding and other sources of income to keep us going. Not so, for many of our colleagues in the local hospitality industry. It was brutal.
Other Notables? Approximately 120
Peace, and the Center for Environmental Policy and Education.
DIALOGUE FOR INCLUSIVE FUTURES
In Kakheti, more than 110 young people engaged in open and inspiring discussions with Ambassador Anne Toft Sørensen of Denmark, UNDP Deputy Representative Nils Christensen, and local civic leaders. Hosted in partnership with Sakartvelo Regional Empowerment Foundation (SREF), the event centered on youth inclusion, education, and civic engagement.
“These conversations matter,” said one
participant. “It’s important that decisionmakers hear our ideas and understand the real challenges we face.”
The dialogue underscored the importance of empowering youth from diverse and underrepresented communities, ensuring their voices shape public life and local development.
As Georgia celebrated International Youth Day, one message rang clear: young people are not just beneficiaries of change—they are drivers of it. With the right support, opportunities, and platforms, they are leading the way toward a more inclusive, sustainable, and peaceful future for all.
metric tons of snow moved by one of our volunteer teams, in February 2020. Covid was setting in; school was out; and the outdoor sports stadium was an object of longing glances by local boys. I supplied shovels, wheelbarrows and measurements; the group of 12 worked for about 10 days, then still had the energy to play soccer with the boys afterwards!
The supplying of a playground set, 8 by 12 m in size, donated from the USA, with others paying for its trucking up here and cement installation. It sits next to the above-mentioned stadium. We were only a channel for it, but delighted to be so. It’s worth about $60k.
Rating? A high of 9.8 on booking.com,
I’m proud to say, for which we work hard. Season? We’re here from May through late October; elsewhen in Tbilisi, with a return usually in February to jump into deep winter and celebrate Lamproba with our village (Tony only).
Tony Hanmer has lived in Georgia since 1999, in Svaneti since 2007, and been a weekly writer and photographer for GT since early 2011. He runs the “Svaneti Renaissance” Facebook group, now with over 2000 members, at www.facebook.com/groups/ SvanetiRenaissance/ He and his wife also run their own guest house in Etseri: www.facebook.com/hanmer.house.svaneti
BY TEAM GT
n July and August, UN Women, in collaboration with the IDP Women’s Association 'Consent,' the Women’s Information Center, and the Women’s Charity Humanitarian Fund 'Sukhumi,' organized trainings in Zugdidi, Kutaisi, and Gori. These
sessions targeted women and girls from self-help groups formed through the social mobilization methodology. The goal was to strengthen participants' leadership skills and support the development and implementation of community initiatives.
Since 2010, UN Women has been using the social mobilization approach to promote community engagement. This method empowers vulnerable groups—
especially women and youth—to take part in local decision-making and lead advocacy efforts that bring positive change. Empowerment activities for self-help group members will continue through August and September, followed by the identification and implementation of initiatives based on community needs. These trainings are part of the Women Act for Peace and Security project, funded by the UK Government.
The Nokalakevi mineral travertine. Image source: wildandwithout
BY TAJANA MONTIK
Not far from the ancient fortress of Nokalakevi in Samegrelo region lies a wondrous place: hot hydrogen sulphur springs with water so hot that you can easily boil eggs in it! These are two self-flowing boreholes surrounded by pillow-like carbonate deposits. A little lower, by the Tekhuri River,
a small waterfall of thermal water flows down from these carbonate formations that strongly resemble ice. Here, the water is less scalding, so if you're brave enough, you can sit beside the falling hot drops, just like in a steam bath.
Nearby, a cool, clean river flows, and these two waters — the river's and the springs' — merge. If you get really hot, the best thing to do is to run and jump into the cool river. For those who prefer a more moderate contrast, there's another option: build a small "minitub" with river stones and lie in the
diluted, moderately warm thermal water for a perfectly relaxing experience. We arrived at this spa on a hot July evening. As we walked down from the parking lot to the river, we realized we weren't the only ones who needed to cool off. The place was so crowded, and all the spots under the "bath waterfall" were already taken, so we headed to the river. The river's mini-tubs were also quite full, so we had to settle in the river itself, closer to the springs. This made our thermal baths less warm than
expected, but they were perfectly refreshing for a sweltering evening. We just had to be careful that the strong river current didn't carry us all the way to the Black Sea.
The beach itself is located in a picturesque canyon, so it's no surprise that it attracts a diverse crowd—from casual travelers and tourists to local residents.
Many of the locals, spoiled by river activities, come here simply to feast. One company at a generously set table invited us to join their banquet, promising that "we'll definitely go for a swim later."
Well, that's a rather unique style of Georgian-only recreation!
Another local, 68-year-old Irodi, told us he's been coming to this "river bathhouse" since his childhood because it's "very good for your health." Naturally, he also brings his guests here every time. Irodi warned us never to sit in the "steam room" if you have heart problems, as it could make them worse.
Seeing a group of foreign guys and girls splashing in the river, we were curious to ask about their impressions. It turned out that one of the young men, Danny from Johannesburg, works as a volunteer at a hostel in Nokalakevi. He ended up in Georgia by chance while looking for a place to volunteer. He arrived with no prior knowledge of the country, but immediately fell in love with it. "I'm loving Martvili Canyon and all the other places around here. We often go swimming further up the river. And this thermal spring is a miracle! It's a great balance: first, you warm up in the hot water, and then you jump into the cold river. We have nothing like this in South Africa. It's a true natural wonder: a thermal spring right next to a river!"
In this exotic location, we met some really exotic people! For example, Dan-
ny's friend, Nicolas, came from Uruguay as part of his tour of Europe and Asia.
"I love Georgia! It is, unexpectedly for me, a European country, although it has Asian traits too. I'm also really enjoying the local food and nature! We have neither mountains nor such amazing natural springs in Uruguay. I have so much fun here every day," the Uruguayan shared with us.
One of the vacationers complained that the thermal springs on the Tekhuri "have not been developed yet, and there is no infrastructure or service here." It's hard to say how this place will change when businesses arrive. The question is whether it will be able to maintain its "local charm."
At this beach, one enterprising person has already started a small business by diverting several pipes from the sulphur waterfall away from the river, creating several tubs with varying temperatures. This service is for those who don't want to build their own tub at the river or for when the entire beach is occupied. A half-hour soak in one of these "improved tubs" costs 10 GEL. At the entrance, there is detailed information in Russian and English about the benefits of such a treatment.
The "Tekhuri Bathhouse" seemed such an appealing place to us that we are ready to return again and again, especially during the summer heat when the soul craves freshness and coolness. Regular visitors, however, claim that at other times of the year it´s magical there as well. This is not surprising, because right next to each other you have both - ice and fire.
Discover more of Tatjana Montik’s travels around Georgia in our upcoming interview in GEORGIA TODAY, and in her book: Georgia - A Tapestry of Time and Space.
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
On August 12, Georgia commemorates Didgoroba, the anniversary of the decisive Battle of Didgori in 1121, when King David the Builder’s forces triumphed over the Great Seljuq Empire.
The Didgori battle resulted in King David IV’s victory over Seljuk forces invading under Ilghazi, and the subsequent reconquest of the Muslim-held Tbilisi, which then became the royal capital. The victory at Didgori began the medieval Georgian Golden Age, and is celebrated in the Georgian chronicles as a “miraculous victory.”
tions usually involve folk music, dance, feigned battles and song at the Didgori monument.* This year, handicrafts were also on display.
Speaking at the celebration, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze called Didgoroba “a symbol of the Georgian nation’s indomitable spirit, unity and victory,” adding that “in every nation’s history, there exist dates which fundamentally determine its future. August 12, 1121, is precisely such a date for us.”
The Prime Minister emphasized that the victory was more than a battlefield success. It represented the triumph of Georgian statehood and Christian values, principles that, he said, have shaped the nation’s culture and history for centuries.
The outnumbered Georgian army’s win was credited to King David’s strategic brilliance, the soldiers’ dedication and
the unity of the nation. Kobakhidze drew a parallel between the historic battle and contemporary challenges, saying that today’s ‘modern Didgori’ is the struggle for the country’s full unification and the strengthening of its sovereignty. “Didgori’s main lesson remains unchanged for all generations: when a nation is united for a common purpose, driven by faith in its own righteousness, and possessing a worthy leader, no insurmountable obstacle exists for it,” he said. In his speech, he called for unity in defending both Georgia’s independence and the Christian values on which, he said, not only the Georgian identity but also European civilization have been founded. “I am confident that through our unity and with this spirit, we shall inevitably achieve our historic goal,” he concluded.
REVIEW BY IVAN NECHAEV
Tbilisi’s Amirani Cinema, usually a sanctuary for film lovers, transformed on August 12 into a stage for something different — the premiere of Momende, a fresh collaboration between Mechanical Rainbow and pianist Giorgi Gigashvili, with special guest Nikala. What unfolded was a textured, multi-layered event: part concert, part art happening, part communal ritual. It felt like a conversation across time, genres, and generations; a cultural snapshot of Georgia’s evolving soundscape.
The evening opened with Giorgi Gigashvili, whose reputation as a classically trained pianist was on full display in the crystalline beauty of his Ravel and Paliashvili passages. His playing was poised and deliberate without being mannered — each note placed with the precision of someone who understands that restraint can be as moving as flourish. But this was not a recital. Beside him, Nikala — an electronic musician and sound designer — built pulsive, shifting textures around the piano, turning each piece into something both familiar and strangely new. His contributions were not intrusive flourishes, but atmospheric frames, sometimes swelling into the foreground, sometimes dissolving into silence. The result was a dialogue between acoustic clarity and electronic haze — a 21st-century take on the old piano-and-accompaniment format.
At one point, Gigashvili himself sang, his unpolished but sincere voice carrying through the room with a kind of understated honesty. Later, the audience took over, turning the moment into something between a folk gathering and a sound-art installation. It was less about virtuosity than about presence — the kind of performance that made everyone feel they were co-creating the moment.
When Mechanical Rainbow took the stage, the air changed. Gone were the careful, chamber-like textures of the opening set — in their place came the raw, immediate sound of live guitars, drums, and a frontman whose emotional range could turn from a whisper to a near-shout in the space of a verse. The set was a study in contrasts: tight, deliberate musicianship laced with moments that felt almost reckless in their emotional urgency. If Gigashvili and Nikala had opened the night in a space of measured intimacy, Mechanical Rainbow drove it into full-bodied exuberance. The audience reacted instinctively — heads nodding in sync, bodies leaning forward as if to catch more of the sound, bursts of applause breaking through between songs. It was the kind of music that didn’t need to be understood in order to be felt.
The debut of the Momende music video felt like the natural culmination of the evening’s energies. Visually, it leaned into a distinctly Zoomer sensibility — bright, almost hippy-saturated colors, a kind of knowingly kitsch humor, and Sims-like
It was the kind of music that didn’t need to be understood in order to be felt
This was not just a music-video launch. It was a live experiment in how artistsGeorgian navigatetodaytradition and innovation
characters coasting through a park, waving to the camera as though trapped in a loop of cheerful absurdity. It was a love letter to both play and irony, two pillars of contemporary digital culture. Beneath its surface humor, the video hinted at deeper cultural undercurrents: the fluidity of identity, the playful recycling of older aesthetic tropes, and the blurred lines between reality and its online simulacra. In a way, it mirrored the evening itself — a work of art that refused to choose between sincerity and self-awareness.
In the final stretch, the performers invited the audience to join them in singing Momende multiple times, each iteration dressed in a different arrangement — one stripped to voices alone, another layered with rich accompaniment. It became a ritual, an act of collective authorship, dissolving the line between stage and crowd. In a time when so much of music consumption is private and algorithmically filtered, there was something almost radical in this shared, physical act of singing together.
This was not just a music-video launch. It was a live experiment in how Georgian artists today navigate tradition and innovation, seriousness and play, the personal and the communal. The setting — a cinema turned concert hall — underlined the hybrid nature of the event, where music could be a site of both deep listening and active participation. From Gigashvili and Nikala’s tender, intimate opening to Mechanical Rainbow’s sprawling sonic adventures and the joyful, multi-voiced renditions of Momende, the night offered a sense of cultural continuity in motion. It was a reminder that music in Georgia today is not frozen in categories, but moves freely between them, creating spaces where the past can converse with the present and where an entire room can become, for a moment, part of the same song.
BY IVAN NECHAEV
On August 10, in the thick heat of a Georgian summer, people filed into cinemas across the country to mark what would have been Gia Kancheli’s ninetieth birthday. At Amirani in Tbilisi, before the lights dimmed for Angels of Sorrow, a documentary about the composer, violinist
Anastasia Aghladze walked onstage and, with an almost conspiratorial stillness, raised her bow. What followed was the sort of playing that makes an audience forget to shift in its seats: long, transparent tones, the pauses as important as the sound itself, a performance pitched somewhere between an invocation and an autopsy of memory.
The film, directed by Teo Jorbenadze and originally made for Kancheli’s eightieth, refuses the usual cradle-to-grave hagiography. Instead, it drifts alongside
the composer during a tour of Berlin, Brussels, Antwerp, Baku, and Tbilisi. There are no staged revelations or climactic reconciliations—only the slow accumulation of moments: the curve of a conductor’s hand, a snatch of backstage banter, John Malkovich reading aloud a particularly vicious review with the air of someone savoring an obscure wine. Kancheli appears not as a marble bust, but as a man aware that a life’s work can be both monumental and provisional, subject to revision even in its final bars.
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eyes mid-phrase, you sense that Kancheli’s true language was not Georgian or Russian or English, but the shared grammar of pause and release.
With Kancheli, the end of the piece is never the end. The silence that follows is part of the score
The tour isn’t filmed as a victory lap. It’s more like a moving workshop in survival. We watch Kancheli slip between languages and climates, bowing to applause that is warm but never quite the same from one city to the next. Backstage, there’s the quiet rustle of sheet music, the clink of a cup set down, the silent communions with fellow musicians—some of them old friends, some new conspirators in this rolling act of defiance.
For Kancheli, freedom was never a slogan—it was the working condition without which music could not exist. In the Soviet Union, this insistence was enough to make him suspect. Party critics accused him of writing music like a drug: slow, intoxicating, “pleasing to enemies in capitalist countries.” It was meant as a condemnation, but the truth is, the charge was accurate. His compositions did offer something addictive: a pacing so deliberate it felt subversive, a refusal to hurry toward resolution, an orchestral palette that could slip from lullaby to detonation in a single movement.
The film makes clear that these accusations didn’t silence him—they sharpened him. He answered not with speeches, but from the stage. A crash of brass where they expected a march. A minute-long silence where they expected fanfare. A sudden swell of strings that felt less like patriotism than a warning. Watching the Berlin audience lean forward in their seats, or the Tbilisi crowd close their
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Before the screening, Aghladze’s playing acted as a preface. She approached Kancheli’s score as if it were an unstable document, a text to be read aloud in the knowledge that the ink was still drying. Her bow lingered at the edge of each phrase; her vibrato barely disturbed the line. At one point she held a note so delicately that you could hear the airconditioning sigh above the audience. This was not the sort of virtuosity that courts applause—it was a kind of tact, the musical equivalent of leaving a sentence unfinished so the listener can supply the ending.
Sociologists of ritual might say that Kancheli’s concerts—like the one captured in Angels of Sorrow—function as communal acts of mourning disguised as cultural events. They are places where private grief becomes shareable, where silence is not awkward but binding. Anthropologists might go further and point out the resemblance to traditional Georgian laments, the kind sung at funerals in mountain villages: a single voice bending around the note, stretching it into a space big enough to hold loss without breaking.
The documentary makes you aware of how rare this is now. In the twenty-first century, speed is the reigning aesthetic; art is praised for its immediacy, its “impact.” Kancheli’s work resists that economy entirely. Byung-Chul Han calls it the “time of the tired self”—an era when our inability to dwell in slowness erodes our inner life. Kancheli composed against that erosion. His music insists on the value of duration, of staying in the wound long enough to learn its shape. When the credits rolled at Amirani, the audience didn’t move. The lights were already up, the hum of the projector replaced by the mechanical breath of the ventilation system, and still they sat there. Perhaps they were reluctant to shatter the mood. Or perhaps they understood something essential about Kancheli: that the end of the piece is never the end. The silence that follows is part of the score.
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