ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Our first and greatest debt continues to be to the bodies that have provided funding for the Lexicon of Greek Personal N anzes. Since 2007, core funding for the project has come from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, in the form of grants under the Research Project scheme (2007-12, 2012-16, 2016-19). We also acknowledge the continuing assistance of the British Academy in granting funds for special purposes. The Academy of Athens has maintained its generous support of LGPN and we thank in particular Vasileios Petrakos its Secretary General, for his role in securing its patronage. '
We repeat our expression of gratitude to Robert Parker Director of LGPN, for his advice and support in obtainin~ this funding, as well as in many other scholarly, administrative, and practical matters that have contributed to the completion of yet another stage of the project.
Once again, in the compilation of this volume, we have incurred many debts to colleagues in Britain and in other countries and we take the opportunity to thank warmly all those who have given generously of their time, expertise, and advice or have provided us with materials not yet published. Without their contributions, this volume, like its predecessors, would be greatly impoverished.
As will be explained in the Introduction, no systematic work of compilation for the regions covered in this volume had been conducted in the early stages of the LGPN project. The only exception has been Stephen 1\/Iitchell's work on northern Phrygia. Much more recently Edouard Chiricat compiled the names from Eastern Phrygia, as part of a wider study of the region carried out over nine months in 2011/12 with the support of a grant from the John Fell Fund (University of Oxford).
Our debts to individual scholars for contributions of various kinds relating to the specific regions included in this volume are recorded below.
Eastern Phrygia
In October 2016, Peter Thonemann generously provided the texts of seventy-six unpublished inscriptions recorded by W. M. Ramsay during two journeys in this region in 1906 and 1911, together with five more from Ikonion and its territory. Altogether they have added 182 named individuals. These transcripts are preserved in Ramsay's notebooks, now housed in the Centre for the Study of Ancient Documents, Oxford University. Reference to this material cites Ramsay's notebook by year, followed by Thonemann's draft catalogue numbers (e.g. Unp. (Ramsay 1906)) which will also be cited in the eventual publication.
Galatia
Stephen Mitchell kindly made available the unpublished draft of The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Ankara ( Ancyra). II, Late Roman, Byzantine and Other Texts edited by him and D. H. French (to be published in the Vestigia series, Munich).
Christian Wallner, during a three-month visit to work with LGPN in 2015, made a detailed study of the material compiled from Galatia, working closely with Chiricat.
See below (Phrygia) for the material from western Galatia recorded by Peter Frei.
Isauria
Mehmet Alkan granted access to the forthcoming corpus Haczb~ba Dagz. Isauria Bolgesi'nde Bir Epigrafi ve Eskirag Tarzhz Arajtzrmasz edited by him and Mehmet Kurt, containing_some seventy unpublished inscriptions with photographs, which greatly ennch the onomastic profile of an otherwise poorly documented region. Its publication is expected in the Akron Series of the Akdeniz University (Antalya).
Kappadokia
Timothy Mitford provided the epigraphic chapter of his East of Asia Minor: Rome's Hidden Frontier (Oxford, 2017), which presents the inscriptions from Melitene to Daskousa and beyond along the Euphrates, in the far east of Kappadokia bordering Armenia.
Kibyratis-Kabalis
Names have been drawn from a considerable number of unpublished inscriptions, in particular from the territory of Kibyra and the region to its north and northeast; most of these will be published by T. Corsten in Inschriften aus der Kibyratis und Pisidien (IKibPis), while others are drawn from the unpublished schedae and notebooks in the collection of the 'Arbeitsgruppe Epigraphik' (formerly the 'Kleinasiatische Kommission') of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna which generously allowed use to be made of their archives. The names from recently discovered inscriptions at Kibyra, many of Hellenistic date and therefore of great onomastic significance, unfortunately could not be made available.
Milyas
Bi.ilent iplikvioglu made available more than one hundred copies of inscriptions made by him during field trips in the Milyas and Western Pisidia during the years 1991-6. Although this important material could not be integrated in this volume, it has been of great help in the verification of old and new names attested in the region.
Phrygia
An enormous debt of gratitude is owed to Tullia Ritti who besides much other help, provided a full set of corrected read~ ings for the published funerary inscriptions from Hierapolis. Her corrections are indicated where appropriate as '(reading Ritti)'.
The late Peter Frei's unfinished corpus of the inscriptions of Dorylaion and Midaion and their respective territories in northern Phrygia was made available at a late stage through the offices of Christian Marek and Thomas Corsten. This enormous collection contains many unpublished texts. The names extracted from them have been entered in such a way as to allow their identification when this material is eventually published. For many of the inscriptions housed in the museum at Eski§ehir the inventory numbers recorded by Frei have been used, e.g. 'Unp. (Eski§ehir Mus.) A-2-94', but sometimes these are lacking. Frei also was able to copy a
number of inscriptions in a private collection in Eski~ehir, to which we refer as 'Unp. (Eski~ehir, Private Coll.)'. For many others, recorded in modern villages, the village name has been added as an aid to identification, e.g. 'Unp. (Frei, Avdan)', 'Unp. (Frei, Karapazar)'. The draft made available to us also includes a large number of texts from the northern part of the territory of N akoleia and smaller quantities described in less detail from some of the administrative districts of western Galatia, which appear here as e.g. 'Unp. (Frei, Sivrihisar district)'. In addition Frei made many improvements to the readings of personal names in previously published inscriptions, as well as recording the find-spots of stones which later found their way to the Eski~ehir museum without any note of their provenance; such instances are noted respectively as '(reading Frei)' and '(locn., Frei)'. vVe are indebted to Alan Cadwallader for drawing our attention to an inscription, so far not fully published, described and illustrated in his Fragments of Colossae: Sifting through the Traces (Adelaide, 2015) (non vidimus). He has also provided an advance copy of a paper publishing two further inscriptions from Kolossai (now published in Stone, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Ancient Religion in honor of Dennis E. Smith (Atlanta, 2016).
The late 1\/Iaurice Byrne sent photographs and copies of unpublished inscriptions recorded by him at and around ancient Thiounta (modern Gozler). These are cited as 'Unp. (Byrne)' followed by the number of his provisional catalogue.
Michael \,Vorrle kindly provided his revised readings of the names of the ambassadors of Aizanoi sent to congratulate Septimius Severns in 195 AD (Oliver, Greek Constitutions 213). His corrections are indicated as '(reading Worrle)'.
Pisidia
We owe a particular debt of gratitude to Asuman Co~kun Abuagla. During her visit as LGPN academic visitor in 2013 she worked on the edition of the inscriptions of the Isparta :Museum, due to be published in the series Erganzungsbande zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris of the Austrian Academy. She kindly allowed us to make use of her work on new texts and enabled the verification of many old texts.
During his visit as LGPN academic visitor to Oxford in 201 S, in addition to being instrumental in facilitating contacts with Turkish epigraphists, Burak Takmer provided access in advance of publication to articles in the volume dedicated to the memory of Sencer ~ahin (Vir Doctus Anatolicus: Studies in Nlenwry of Sencer $ahin (Istanbul, 2016), in which new inscriptions from the region are published.
We are grateful to Claude Brixhe for providing the names from inscriptions published for the first time in Steles et langues de Pisidie (Nancy, 2016) in advance of publication.
Pontos and Armenia 111.inor
Timothy Mitford provided the sections on KabeiraNeokaisareia, Komana-Hierokaisareia, and Sebasteia extracted from his draft of Studia Pontica III (2), covering the eastern part of Pontos as far as the Euphrates. When published it will complete the epigraphic coverage of Pontos and Armenia Minor begun in 1910 by J. G. C. Anderson, F Cumont, and H. Gregoire. Mitford also made available the epigraphic :hapter of his East of Asia Minor: Rome's Hidden Frontier :Oxford, 2017), in which the inscriptions from Nikopolis and
Satala are presented, following the numeration to be employed in Studia Pontica III (2).
Thanks to Mustafa Adak we were able to see his and Christian Marek's Epigraphische Forschungen in Bithynien, Paphlagonien, Galatien und Pontos (Istanbul, 2016) in advance of publication.
Numismatics
Richard Ashton has once again acted as a general advisor on numismatic matters, among other things keeping us informed of newly attested names on coins for sale in the market. He also made available his important study of the late Hellenistic bronze and brass coinage of Apameia, due to be published in Kelainai-Apameia Kibotos. II, Une metropole achemenide, hellenistique et romaine (Bordeaux).
Christopher Howgego and Jerome Mairat allowed us to consult Roman Provincial Coinage. III, Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian (AD 96-138) prior to its publication in 2015.
Marguerite Spoerri provided a copy of the late Edoardo Levante's unfinished draft of Roman Provincial Coinage. VIII, Philip I.
William Metcalf checked and supplemented the short list of magistrates' names which figure on the coins of the second half of the third century AD, which will be included in Roman Provincial Coinage. X, Valerian to Diocletian ( AD 253-297).
Other Acknowledgements
The project is grateful to the Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften for its continuing generosity in donating copies of new volumes of Inscriptiones Graecae to the LG P N library, and to Thomas Corsten for the annual gift of the latest Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (SEC). For other donations we are grateful to Mustafa Adak, Alexandru Avram, Ferit Baz, Wolfgang Bli.imel, Dan Dana, Laurent Dubois, JeanLouis Ferrary, Miltiades Hatzopoulos, Bilge Hi.irmi.izli.i,Pantelis Nigdelis, Spyros Petrounakos, and Soren Sorensen.
For help and advice of a general or specific nature and for communicating newly published papers we would like to thank Mustafa Adak, Alexandru Avram, Frarn;:ois de Callatay, Domitilla Campanile, Sylvain Destephen, Armin Eich, Nuray Gi:ikalp, Christina Kokkinia, Guy Labarre, Ergi.in Lafh, Neil McLynn, Nicholas Milner, Philomen Probert, Eimear Reilly, Efthymios Rizos, Peter Thonemann, Soren Sorensen, Penny Wilson, and Michael Zellmann-Rohrer.
We are as ever grateful to Jonathan l\!Ioffett for his patience and help in resolving technical issues involving the LGPN database and the typesetting of the book. Sebastian Rahtz, the other digital architect of previous volumes, sadly died on 15 March 2016. Sebastian had long been an advocate of the radical transformation, now close to being realized, of LGPN's system of data storage and its associated working routines. This will see all its work conducted within the framework of a single XML database and will be a long-lasting memorial to his brilliance in the digital humanities.
As previously, it is a pleasure to acknowledge the administrative support received from the Classics Office in Oxford, as well as to express our thanks to Neil Leeder and Diggory Gray for providing day-to-day help and advice on matters relating to IT. Finally, we are grateful to Maggy Sasanow (Centre for the Study of Ancient Documents) for her contributions to the administration of the project and much other assistance.
This, the last of the three projected fascicles of Volume V, treats the regions of inland Asia Minor and this introduction has as one of its objectives the provision of the essential socio-historical background against which the onomastics of its constituent regions should be set. In this geographical space, for the first time in LGPN's coverage of the personal names of the ancient Greek world, not a single Greek city-state of the Archaic or Classical periods is to be found. 1 During the Archaic period, large parts of the region lay under the control of powerful indigenous centralized states, to begin with the Phrygians whose dominant role was briefly taken over by the Lydians before the Persians came to rule all of Asia Minor in the second half of the sixth century, a situation that remained essentially unchanged until the conquests of Alexander the Great. This was a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual landscape in which there was no one dominant culture. Some of its inhabitants were direct descendants of their second-millennium Luwian predecessors, while others such as the Phrygians, the Celts, and Italians were later newcomers from continental Europe. The non-Greek component (indigenous, Iranian, Celtic, Italian) among the names in this fascicle is correspondingly substantial, something which also characterized those regions treated in LGPN V.B where native culture remained resilient and/or hellenization made little impression until comparatively late. In the period before the Macedonian conquest, inland Asia Minor was a world in which large central places with urban functions were few and far between. Contacts with Greeks were very limited, mainly confined to exchanges in luxury goods and the trade in slaves, though the simultaneous adoption by Greeks and Phrygians of an alphabet sharing many of the same characters, based on the Phoenician script, does imply rather closer and more intimate relations. So, when Xenophon with the 10,000 accompanied Kyros the Younger on his journey to Mesopotamia in 401 BC, they were probably the first large body of Greeks, many of them from the Peloponnese and Central Greece, to set foot in the central and southern parts of inland Asia Minor before the Macedonians traced some of the same routes in 334-333 BC. No Greek inscription is known from any part of this vast land mass before the conquest. 2 Soon after those world-changing events, pioneering Greco-Macedonian settlements appeared in parts of Phrygia. Subsequently the Seleucid and Attalid kingdoms kept a great part of inland Asia Minor integrated into the wider Greek world, reinforcing the Greek presence in southern Phrygia and northern Pisidia through the foundation of cities (Laodikeia, Hierapolis, Apameia, Eumeneia, Apollonia, Antiocheia), some of which rose to great prominence and prosperity. Elsewhere the impact of cultural and political hellenization was felt to varying degrees in the third and second centuries BC. Situated on the fringe of the Greek world, Pisidian communities, though receptive to hellenizing influences, remained determinedly independent of external control until the first century BC. Celtic tribes migrating from the
' Vve are grateful to Simon Hornblower, Stephen lVIitchell, Robert Parker, Peter Thonemann, and Michael Zellmann-Rohrer for their constructive comments on earlier drafts of this Introduction. Vvefurther wish to emphasize that the bibliographical references cited here are intended as a guide to a wider literature and are by no means comprehensive.
Balkans occupied the north-eastern part of Greater Phrygia in the third century, controlling large territories from old centres of population, and were for a long time a destabilizing element in the geopolitics of western Asia Minor. In the northern and eastern parts of inland Asia Minor, dynasties of Iranian origin in Pontos (the Mithradatids, traceable from the end of the fourth century BC) and in Kappadokia (Ariarathes I, active at the time of the Macedonian conquest) ruled over vast territories where Iranian cultural influences were strong. Paphlagonia was divided among minor chiefdoms, the strongest centred on Gangra in the south, and frequently contested between the Bithynian and Pontic kings. Lykaonia and Isauria remained much more isolated and barely figure in any way in the Hellenistic period, in spite of the fact that a route of vital importance to the Seleucids led by way of the Kilikian Gates through Lykaonia to their possessions in western Asia Minor. By promoting large-scale urbanization on the model of the Greek city with its characteristic institutions, the conquest and rule of Rome firmly attached inland Asia Minor to the Greco-Roman Niediterranean world, and this was further promoted by the later spread of Christianity. It is on this latter stage in the onomastic history of these regions, and especially during the climax of the Roman ascendancy from c.100 to 300 AD, that the epigraphic and literary evidence throws the most intense light.
For the reasons summarized above, the original plan, enunciated in the Introduction to Volume I (pp. vii-viii), consigned inland Asia Minor to a second phase of the LGPN project which would concern itself with those parts of the ancient world which were largely untouched by Greeks and the Greek language until the conquests of Alexander: Syria, Palestine, Arabia, Egypt, and the trans-Euphratic regions, as well as what Fraser termed 'continental Asia Minor'. This policy was changed only when more detailed plans were being made for Volume Von Asia Minor between 2000-2. In the Introduction to LGPN V.A (p. x) it is stated that it was to be the first of three fascicles on Asia Minor, the third of which would treat the interior. However, the consequence of the earlier plan meant that no systematic work had been done on the basic compilation of the personal names for inland Asia Minor in the initial stages of the project, other than those found scattered among documents and texts relating to those regions covered by LGPN I-V.B. So when work on this fascicle began in earnest in late summer 2013, it involved working ab initio on a large body of epigraphic material for which there is relatively little coverage in the standard corpora of inscriptions, much of it being found in journal publications of the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Therefore, within the constraints of time imposed by the funding for its completion, the main thrust of our work has had to be directed at the basic compilation of the personal names.
Previous innovations in LGPN practices and conventions announced in the Introductions to LGPN V.A and V.B have
1 The cities treated in this volume of course fall outside the chronological scope of the Copenhagen Palis Centre's Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis (Oxford, 2004).
2 The only possible exception is the inscription on a rock tomb of Lykian type dated to the fourth cent. (Kokkinia, Boubon 91) in what was later the territory of Boubon in the Kabalis but less than 15 km from Lykian Symbra.
been adhered to in this fascicle. Therefore, bearers of the Roman tria nonzina with an Italian cognomen vvho were permanent residents in the region all find a place, all the more importantly in inland Asia l\!Iinor where a significant number of Roman colonies and new foundations contribute to an abundant and highly diverse collection of Italian names. "\i\Then attested in Latin, Italian names are transliterated into Greek; only very rarely is there no attested Greek form which allows a documented rendition of a name written in Latin; as always the Latin form is given in the final brackets. A very small number of Greek names has been drawn from inscriptions of the Hellenistic and Imperial periods written in Greek script in the Phrygian language, as well as inscriptions of Imperial date in Pisidian. The principles set out in LGPN V.B (p. xxviii) for the treatment of other non-Greek names are also followed. Indigenous Anatolian names and Lallnamen are neither accented nor aspirated, though manuscript traditions which supply one or other or both are recorded in the final brackets. No attempt is made to standardize the orthography of variations in the spelling of what is evidently the same name; each form appears under a separate heading. Where the nominative form has to be deduced from an oblique case, the attested form is recorded in the final brackets. Celtic names are treated in the same way as the indigenous names, while diacritics are applied to Iranian and Semitic names only when they are known from literary sources. The inherent difficulties that sometimes arise in determining whether a name should be treated as Greek or indigenous were elaborated at some length in LGPN V.B (pp. xxviii-xxix) and are equally valid here.
In his I<:.leinasiatischePersonennamen, which has remained for us a fundamental guide for the identification and treatment of Anatolian onomastics (see already LGPN VB p. xxx), Zgusta paid particular attention to the geographical distribution of personal names. 3 The main regional divisions (Phrygia, Lykaonia, Pisidia, etc.) adopted in his work largely coincide with those used in LGPN V.C. However, since his collection of names was mainly conceived as a work on Anatolian linguistics, his geographical arrangement of the material sometimes differs considerably from that followed in LGPN.+ The most significant difference in this respect is his use of transitional and border regions (Ubergangs- and Grenzgebiete). 5 Two cases may serve to illustrate his method. Zgusta placed the Anatolian names from the Kibyratis within a 'siidphrygischpisidisches Ubergangsgebiet' and those from the Killanion pedion, the Orondeis, Amblada, and Ouasada in a 'pisidischlykaonisches Ubergangsgebiet'. One of the reasons advocated for this practice was that it allowed users of his catalogue to assign names from these transitional areas to one region or another on linguistic grounds. 6 This kind of arrangement overlaps with an underlying problem in the study of Anatolian onomastics, which cannot be fully addressed here, that of the general difficulty of identifying Anatolian names as exclusively !saurian, Kappadokian, Phrygian, Pisidian, etc. on the sole basis of geographical criteria and more generally associating
a stock of Anatolian names with ethnic designations used by historians of the Classical world. In this context it is worth stressing that the percentages given for the category 'indigenous names' in each region in Table 1 (p. xxviii) relate to a broad category of names rather than to names specific to each region (e.g. the figure of 43% for indigenous names in Isauria does not relate only to !saurian names).
The Contents of the Volume
The two previous fascicles of Volume V covered the coastal regions of Asia l\llinor, from Trapezous at the easternmost limit of Pontos to Kilikian Rhosos on the south side of the Gulf of Issos. Volume VC presents the personal names of the interior, from the westernmost parts-Phrygia, the Kibyratis and Kabalis, the Milyas, and Pisidia-to the central and eastern regions-Galatia, Eastern Phrygia, Lykaonia, Isauria, Paphlagonia, inner Pontos, Armenia Minor, and Kappadokia. This vast area, often referred to as Anatolia, covers approximately 300,000 km 2 and stretches more than 800 km from Laodikeia in the west to Melitene on the Euphrates in the east, and almost 550 km from northern Paphlagonia to the mountains of Isauria. 7 Geographically, inland Asia Minor is dominated by a high central plateau, for the most part between 900-1, 100 m above sea level, which incorporates most of Phrygia, Galatia, Eastern Phrygia, Lykaonia, and western Kappadokia. It is bordered to the north by the high mountain ranges of Paphlagonia and Pontos and to the south and east by the formidable barriers of the Taurus and Antitaurus in Isauria and eastern Kappadokia. These sharply divide the interior from the coast and form a natural obstacle to easy communications between the two. There are many remarkable and contrasting aspects to its landscape, from the upland lakes of northern Pisidia, to the flat steppe plain of Lykaonia, the great salt lake (Lake Tatta, modern Tuz Golii) in the centre, the eroded volcanic terrain of western Kappadokia, the lush river valleys of Pontos, the forests of Paphlagonia, and the inaccessible canyons of the Antitaurus, to name but a few. A continental climate of hot dry summers and harsh winters prevails on the plateau, but, surprisingly, this did not prevent the cultivation of the olive in certain favoured places, notably in the environs of Synnada and in upland Pisidia around Sagalassos. 8 Western Phrygia, the Kibyratis and Kabalis, the Milyas and Pisidia occupy transitional zones between the Anatolian plateau and their coastal neighbours along the Propontis, Aegean, and l\!Iediterranean, with which they were connected at most periods. It is, however, in Pisidia and the Kabalis that city sites are found at the highest altitudes; Sagalassos is situated above 1,500 m and the acropolis of Balboura is even higher at over 1,600 m. In the east the area covered in this volume does not extend beyond the river Euphrates into Armenia nor to the south of the eastern spur of the Taurus mountains into Kommagene, which will be treated in Volume VI.
Although this volume is the fruit of the joint work of the four co-editors, each has had the principal responsibility
.1 Zgusta, KP pp. 31-9; see also his distribution maps in Anatolische Personennamensippen (Prague, 1964).
• E.g. I onia is not used as a geographical division, so that Anatolian names found at Ephesos appear under Lydia (Zgusta, KP p. 34).
5 Border zones also figure in \1/aelkens, Tiirsteine pp. 240, 249, 275.
6 Zgusta, KP pp. 33--4.
7 A magnificent and wide-ranging synthetic study of inland Asia lVIinor, concerned primarily with the period of the Roman Empire until late antiquity, is to be found in the two volumes of S. lVIitchell's Anatolia. Land, JI/Jen,and Gods i11Asia Jl!Iinor (I, The Celts, and the Impact of Roman Rule; II, The Rise of the Church. Oxford, 1993).
8 See Jllfaeander Valley pp. 53-6. Strabo also mentions olive cultivation in other parts of Pisidia (xii 7. 1) and around Melitcne in Kappadokia (xii 2. 1).
for particular regions or parts thereof, as follows: Balzat: Pisidia, the Milyas, southern Lykaonia, and Isauria; Catling: Paphlagonia, Pontos with Armenia Minor, Phrygia (except for Laodikeia), northern Lykaonia, and Kappadokia; Chiricat: Galatia and Eastern Phrygia; Corsten: Kibyratis/Kabalis and Laodikeia in Phrygia. No further additions were made to the contents after the end of January 2017.
Each of the regions treated in this volume is described in what follows, with particular attention given to defining their borders. In addition, those aspects of their history and ethnic composition that influenced their onomastic profiles are summarized, together with any other background information deemed to be relevant. In some instances more detailed explanations are required to clarify problems specific to a particular region or city and their treatment here.
Phrygia
Phrygia is the westernmost of the regions of inland Asia lVIinor and as defined here describes a much more limited area than it had at its greatest extent in the early first millennium BC. 9 Until the arrival of the Celtic tribes in the third century it extended east as far as lake Tatta, over all the area later designated as Galatia where its old royal capital Gordion was located. 10 It also naturally included Eastern Phrygia, treated separately here for reasons set out below, and reached as far as lkonion, referred to by Xenophon (An. i 2. 19) as the furthermost city of Phrygia. The vast fortified city on Mt Kerkenes, perhaps to be identified as Herodotos' city of Pteria (i 76-9), situated on the frontier with Kappadokia, may have been a Phrygian foundation. To the north-west Phrygia also encompassed the southern shores of the Propontis (so-called Hellespontine Phrygia), but in spite of their encounters with the Greek colonial cities the inhabitants showed themselves surprisingly unreceptive to Greek culture. Hellespontine Phrygia has been treated in LGPN V.A as part of Mysia and Bithynia. At its greatest extent during the Early Iron Age and Archaic periods, Phrygia was a significant regional power in western Asia Minor, with a centralized system of administration, stratified society, and craft specialization (most visible in the monumental architecture and tumuli at Gordion and the rocktombs in the Phrygian Highlands), features which underlie Greek traditions about King Midas and the wealth of Phrygia. Although Phrygian supremacy eventually gave way to the Lydians in the late seventh century, it was only after the Persians had established control over western Asia lVIinor that there was a marked decline in social and economic complexity.
Phrygia in its reduced state was bordered to the west by Mysia, Lydia, and Karia, to the north by Bithynia, to the east by Galatia, and to the south by Pisidia. Conspicuous mountain barriers separate southern Phrygia from Karia and Pisidia, and again in the north divide the Tembris valley from the
Sangarios valley in Bithynia. But there is no such natural barrier between Phrygia and Galatia, nor with Eastern Phrygia. In the Tembris valley the division with Galatia may be placed around modern Beylikova to the east of Alpu, and further south by the upper reaches of the Sangarios; the territory of Amorion runs seamlessly into Eastern Phrygia, but further south there is a perceptible change of terrain from rolling hills to open steppe. In the south-west the Maeander and its northern tributaries separate Phrygia from Lydia, while further north its limits are marked by the transition from the upland plains and basins around Temenothyrai, Aizanoi, and modern Tav~anh to the more rugged and fragmented landscape of north-eastern Lydia and Mysia, where lie the headwaters of the river systems that flow towards the Aegean. 11 Within these boundaries, Phrygia comprises a patchwork of fertile upland basins and river valleys of varying extent, separated from one another by broken terrain and several high mountain ranges with peaks in excess of 2,200 m. The centres of human settlement all lie above 750 m, the majority between 900 and 1,100 m, the only exception being the Lykos valley in the south-west around Hierapolis, Laodikeia, and Kolossai.
Nucleated settlements are well attested in Phrygia from an early date. Herodotos (vii 30) in his account of Xerxes' march from Kappadokia to Sardis mentions Kelainai, the small city of Anaua (probably identical with Sanaos), and the much larger Kolossai, all of which had a long history of ancient occupation. Some eighty years later Xenophon (An. i 2. 6-7) also passed through the large, populous, and prosperous cities of Kolossai and Kelainai before taking a circuitous route via Peltai, the otherwise unknown Keramon Agora and Thymbrion, before reaching Tyriaion; an equally early history is possible for many other places attested later as cities. However, urbanization on the model of the Greek polis is not recognizable until after the lVIacedonian conquest, when a number of small cities populated at least in part by GrecoMacedonian settlers first emerges, sometimes bearing the name of their founders (e.g. Dokimeion, Dorylaion, Lysias, Philomelion, Themisonion); several other cities later boasted of their Macedonian origins (Eukarpia, Peltai; perhaps also Synnada). These were substantially reinforced by Seleucid city foundations in the third century, the most important being Laodikeia and Hierapolis in the Lykos valley, as well as the refoundation of Kelainai as Apameia. 12 Further Attalid foundations occurred in the second century (Dionysopolis, Eumeneia) and there is other evidence for the presence of military settlers at Amorion, Aizanoi, and Tyriaion in the late third and second centuries; an inscription dated to the years after 188 BC details the grant of polis status by the Attalid king Eumenes II to the inhabitants of Tyriaion, a mixture of Greeks, Galatians, and indigenous people. 13
In spite of their geographic isolation, there are some signs of interaction with Greek cities of the eastern Aegean; citizens
9 For an excellent summary account of the critical phases in the history of settlement and the hellenization of Phrygia, see P. Thonemann, 'Phrygia: an anarchist history, 950 BC-AD 100' in Roman Phrygia pp. 1-40.
10 This has the rather unfortunate result that all the names recorded from Hellenistic Gordion appear under the heading of Galatia, rather than Phrygia.
11 Strabo (xiii 4. 12) remarks on the difficulties of defining these borders.
12 For these eponymous city foundations of the Hellenistic period, see P. lVI. Fraser's detailed appendix in Greek Ethnic Terminology (Oxford, 2009) pp. 325-76 and, more generally, G. Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements
in Europe, the Islands, and Asia 1Vli11or(Berkeley & Oxford, 1995) pp. 275326.
13 L. Jonnes and M. Riel, 'A New Royal Inscription from Phrygia Paroreios: Eumenes II Grants Tyriaion the Status of a po/is', Epigr. Anal. 29 (1997) pp. 1-30 = I Sultan Dag1 393. The spelling of the place-name found in the texts of Xenophon and Strabo has been adopted, even though the inscription cited indicates that its proper form, in the Hellenistic period at least, was Toriaion: see P.Thonemann, 'Cistophoric Geography: Toriaion and Kormasa', NC 2008, p. 48 and Zgusta, KO 1387-2.
of Laodikeia and Synnada appear in a list of proxenoi of Chios perhaps as early as the late third century, and the city of Peltai invites a judge from Antandros in the Troad to adjudicate a local dispute in the second century. 14 But it is only in the late second and first centuries that evidence builds for an emerging civic life conducted along Greek lines, the minting of coinage expressing city identity, and, most importantly for the recording of personal names, the development of the epigraphic habit. This relatively sudden and widespread development coincided with Phrygia's incorporation into the Roman province of Asia between 122 and 116 BC. From the mid-first century BC Italian negotiatores and their agents are widely attested, many of whom settled permanently in the region, thereby introducing an influential new strain of personal names. Apameia in particular was a centre for their activities, as a slave-market among other things. 15 Within this partially urbanized landscape, with a stable population and free from insecurity, the Romans had no pressing need to reinforce it with colonies or new foundations; the city of Sebaste was founded under Augustus through the synoikism of a number of villages, 16 and the city of Hadrianopolis in Phrygia Paroreios may also have replaced an earlier settlement (perhaps Xenophon's Thymbrion). At a much later date, some formerly dependent villages acquired city status. 17 Although most cities were physically small, Laodikeia and Hierapolis developed large urban centres and have much more in common with the cities of the coastal regions. The city elites, many of Italian origin, participated in the public life of the province, with members of the most prominent families becoming high priests of the provincial imperial cult, even from insignificant cities such as Alioi, Diokleia, Otrous, Stektorion, and the otherwise unknown Okokleia. However, it was extremely rare for these to reach the higher offices of the imperial administration and senatorial rank. Although Phrygia was primarily an agrarian society and economy, it was most famous for the marbles from the quarries at Dokimeion and in the Upper Tembris valley, under imperial control and procuratorial management, and the textiles produced at Hierapolis and Laodikeia. 18
Several cities often treated as part of Phrygia have previously found a place in some of its neighbouring regions. Thus, along the poorly defined western limits, Kadoi, Synaos, and Ankyra Sidera have been placed in Mysia while Blaundos was attached to Lydia, all covered in LGPN VA. However, following convention, the three cities of the modern Ac1payam valley (Eriza, Keretapa, and Themisonion) in the far south-west are included in Phrygia in spite of their closer geographical and cultural affinities with the Kibyratis and western Pisidia. Although the political geography of Phrygia has been well established in its essentials since the pioneering work of
1+ Chios: RPh 1937, pp. 327-811. 16-17; Antandros: Michel 542.
15 See JVIaeander Valley pp. 88-129.
16 In the list of cities attached to the conventus of Apameia, Sebaste appears as <P1t<µ,<<s o[ vvv lt<yoµ,<vo,I:</3aar17voi:C. Habicht, 'New Evidence on the Province of Asia', JRS 65 (1975) pp. 85-6; other villages perhaps included Babdalai, Dioskome, and Eibeos.
17 Soa, in the Upper Tembris valley, evidently acquired independence from Appia (J\IIAMA IX p. xvi with n. 15), while Orkistos in north-eastern Phrygia, formerly a dependency of Nakoleia, was granted po/is status by Constantine in 331 AD (MAMA VII 305).
18 lVIarble from the Dokimeion quarries was transported overland to Ephesos and exported to many parts of the Mediterranean: Robert, OJVIS VII pp. 71-121; BE 1984, no. 457; Fant, Cavum Antrum pp. 6-41; P. Pensabene,
Ramsay, Anderson and others, many small Phrygian cities which minted coinage cannot be firmly identified with sites on the ground (e.g. Akkilaion, Eriza, Hydrela, Keretapa, Lysias, Okokleia, Otrous, Palaiobeudos, Peltai, Siblia, Siocharax, Themisonion, Tiberiopolis), even if their approximate location can be determined. It is revealing that nine of the 21 cities and political communities listed in an Ephesian inscription of the Flavian period under the conventus of Apameia cannot be located and that three of the nine are only known from this text (Kainai Komai, the Ammoniatai and the Assaiorhenoi) .19 Part of the reason for this must lie in their small physical size and their lack of the monumental characteristics typical of a Greco-Roman city. Of the very much larger number of village names / ethnics attested epigraphically (well in excess of 150), only a small number can be identified with an archaeological site.
As a consequence, attributing inscriptions to a particular city, let alone a village, is fraught with uncertainties, especially when so many are found far from any central place. The situation in the Ac1payam valley is particularly acute; none of its three cities can be located with certainty. In this volume cautious identifications are made for Keretapa with remains at modern Ye~ilyuva at the north end of the valley, for Eriza with the prominent mound site at Karahiiyuk in the middle, and for Themisonion with a cluster of epigraphic finds in villages at its southern end (Dodurga, Kumaf~ar, Yumruta~ and i~kenpazar), in the knowledge that future discoveries may prove them wrong. 20 There is a similar difficulty concerning the exact location of Tyriaion in south-east Phrygia. It is often identified with modern Ilgm which probably preserves the name of ancient Lageina, a village possibly on the territory of Tyriaion. In spite of the uncertainties and for the sake of convenience, all the names from the inscriptions found at Ilgm and in its environs have been entered under the heading of Tyriaion. In north-west Phrygia, an impressive number of inscriptions comes from the Tav~anh basin, where no ancient city is known; prosopographical links and the style of the funerary monuments suggest that this formed part of the territory of Aizanoi and it is treated so in this volume. 21 Still further north, some inscriptions have been found in the area of modern Domani<; on the Rhyndakos, where Phrygia meets Mysia and Bithynia; in the absence of any ancient toponym, the few names involved appear under the heading 'Domani<; (mod.) (area)'.
Within Phrygia there were two cities called Hierapolis and two called Metropolis, to be differentiated as follows. The much smaller Hierapolis of the Pentapolis is designated 'Hierapolis (N.)' (i.e. Hierapolis (North)) to distinguish it from the great mercantile city of the Lykos valley, which appears without any further identifying markers. The Metropolis between Apameia
I manni nella Roma antica (Rome, 2013) pp. 360-87. Other quarries, such as those around Thiounta, supplied local demands (ibid. p. 390). Textiles: lVIaeander Valley pp. 185-90
19 C. Habicht (n. 16) pp. 64-91, esp. 80-7.
20 It should be noted that the personal names found in two inscriptions from modern Hisarkoy (BCH 24 [1900) p. 51), in an isolated location on the south-east slopes of lVIt Sal bake in the upper reaches of the modern Dalaman (:ay (the ancient Indos, marked on the Barrington Atlas [p. 65) as the Kazanes), which drains the Ac1payam valley, have been listed under the heading of Phrygia. One of the names, Arr17s, is common in the Kibyratis and suggests that the named persons should be associated with regions upstream rather than with Karia or Lykia.
21 JVIA1VIA IX pp. xix-xx.
and Synnada in southern Phrygia, is designated 'Metropolis (S. )', while its more northerly homonym, located in the socalled Highlands of Phrygia, is referred to as 'Metropolis (N. )'.
In most of the cities of Phrygia the Sullan era, starting in 85 BC, was used for dating purposes. This era was also in force at Aizanoi where the Actian era, starting in 31 BC, had previously been thought to apply. 22 An adjustment of fiftyfour years has therefore had to be made for the dated inscriptions of Aizanoi. This mainly involves the earliest group of pediment doorstones from Aizanoi (Waelkens Typ M, MAMA IX Type IV), many of which are dated. An upward adjustment of half a century has been applied to the undated inscriptions on the same type of doorstone, so that all are now ascribed to the second half of the first century AD rather than to the first half of the second century. No further revisions to the chronology of the later doorstones are required once the chronological overlap between the pediment stones and the earlier series of complete doorstones has been removed.
The Phrygians spoke an lndo-European language unrelated to the Anatolian family to which most of the other languages of Asia Minor belonged. Instead it is related to Greek and from the eighth to the third century BC was written in an alphabetic script which shares many letters with Greek, though it is only partially understood. It is likely that the Phrygians, like the Bithynians and, much later, the Galatians, were an intrusive population in Asia lVlinor from the southern Balkans, but it is far from clear when and under what circumstances they arrived. 23 Inscriptions in Old Phrygian are most numerous from the eighth to sixth centuries and their wide distribution, from Daskyleion in the north-west, to Kerkenes in the north-east and Tyana in the south-east, is an indicator of the extent of Phrygian influence across central Asia Minor. 24 The decline in social complexity of the later sixth century was accompanied by a decline in literacy and the rapid demise of the Old Phrygian script. 25 However, as a spoken language it survived among the Phrygian population in order to be revived in written form on a limited scale in Neo-Phrygian inscriptions of the second and third centuries AD, almost exclusively in the form of formulaic curses against the disturbance of a tomb appended to a standard funerary epitaph in Greek. 26 The distribution of these inscriptions seems to imply that the language did not survive in the whole of Phrygia. Most numerous in the east and south-east,
22 lVI. Worrle, 'Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Aizanoi II: Das Problem der Ara von Aizanoi', Chiron 25 (1995) pp. 72-5 revising M. Waelkens in Tiirsteine pp. 48-9 and MAIVIA IX pp. liv-lvi, and also W. Leschhorn, Antike Aren (Stuttgart, 1993) pp. 234-44.
23 Herodotos (vii 73) records a Macedonian tradition that the Phrygians had once inhabited a part of Europe adjoining lVIacedonian territory.
24 The Old Phrygian inscriptions have been published as a corpus: C. Brixhe and lVI.Lejeune, Co,pus des inscriptions paleo-ph rygiennes (Paris, 1984 ), with supplements in Kadmos 41 (2002) pp. 1-102 and 43 (2004) pp. 1-130.
25 A unique inscription in Phrygian dated c.300 BC is written in Greek, indicating that the Old Phrygian script was by then defunct: see P. Thonemann (n. 9) pp. 18-19.
26 There is no comprehensive, modern corpus of these inscriptions, which are most conveniently collected in 0. Haas, Die ph1ygischen Sprachdenkmiiler (Sofia, 1966) pp. 113-29 where 110 texts are listed; for some more recent finds, see C. Brixhe and lVI. Lejeune, 'Decouverte de la plus longue inscription neo-phrygienne: !'inscription de Gezler Koyil', Kadmos 24 (1985) pp. 161-84; C. Brixhe and T. Drew-Bear, 'Huit inscriptions neo-phrygiennes', in Frigi efrigio. Atti de/ 1" Simposio Internazionale, Roma, 16-17 ottobre 1995, edd. R. Gusmani, M. Salvini, and P. Vannicelli (Rome, 1997) pp. 71-114; C. Brixhe, 'Prolegomenes au corpus neo-phrygien', Bulletin de la societe de linguistique de Paris 94 (1999) pp. 285-315.
as well as throughout Eastern Phrygia and some of the northernmost parts of Pisidia, and to a lesser degree in the north of Phrygia, Neo-Phrygian texts are completely absent from the west half of the region where hellenizing tendencies were always strongest and most deeply rooted.
It is in Phrygia that some of the early Christian communities are documented in inscriptions for the first time. 27 The funerary monuments of several bishops can be dated to the latter half of the second century. 28 Most famous of these is the elaborate funerary epigram of Abercius, bishop of Hierapolis in the Pentapolis (SEC XXX 1479). 29 The name Apollinarios inscribed on the tomb of Philip the Apostle at the other Hierapolis, the city where he was martyred, has been tentatively identified with the bishop Claudius Apollinarius, known for his polemics against heretics and non-believers in the same period. 3° From the early third century, the so-called 'Eumeneian formula' (lurni ain0 1rpo,Tov fh6v, 'he shall reckon with God'), an addition to the familiar imprecations against disturbance of the grave, is appended to funerary inscriptions in southern Phrygia, predominantly by Christians and occasionally by Jews. 31 At much the same time in the Upper Tembris valley and adjacent areas of western Phrygia, Christians unambiguously proclaimed themselves on their gravestones as 'Xpwnavoi XpwnavoZ,' ('Christians for Christians'). 32
Kibyratis-Kabalis
The region called Kibyratis-Kabalis, as well as serving as a geographical term, is a cultural rather than a political entity, except for a period of about one hundred years from the early second until the early first century BC, when the territory of the so-called 'Kibyratan Tetrapolis' grouped together the cities of Kibyra, Boubon, Balboura, and Oinoanda. 33 The cultural ties between the four cities go back to the late third or early second century BC, when they were (re- )founded by 'colonizing' Termessians in the context of Pisidian expansion to the west. 34 It is unknown whether all were previously existing centres of habitation, but there were certainly small settlements, whose remains have been identified, at or close to the later cities. Politically, the Kibyratis-Kabalis is presumed to have been under nominal Seleucid control in the third century (perhaps amounting to no more than a Seleucid
27 Mitchell, Anatolia 2 pp. 37-43.
28 Two funerary monuments naming bishops of Temenothyrai are dated to the 180s: see S. Mitchell 'An Epigraphic Probe into the Origins of lVIontanism', in Roman Phrygia pp. 173-5 nos. 1 and 3. Slightly earlier are several dated Christian gravestones from nearby Kadoi, often treated as a Phrygian city: see MAIVIA X pp. xxxvi-xxxix.
29 See P. Thonemann, 'Abercius of Hierapolis. Christianization and Social Memory in Late Antique Asia lVIinor', in Historical and Religious Memory pp. 257-82 on the use of epigraphic material in the composition of the life of St Abercius.
30 See F. D'Andria, 'II santuario e la tomba dell'Apostolo Filippo a Hierapolis di Frigia', Rend. Pont. 84 (2011-12) pp. 3-61, esp. 53-4 on Apollinarios.
31 Robert, Hell. 11-12 pp. 399-413.
32 The texts are collected in Gibson, Christians.
33 Balboura 1 p. 78.
34 A reminiscence of the movement in Str. xiii 4. 17. See Balboura 1 pp. 62-7; T. Corsten, 'Termessos in Pisidien und die Griindung griechischer Stadte in "Nord-Lykien"', in Euploia. La Lycie et la Carie antiques. Dynamiques des territoires, echanges et identites. Actes du colloque de Bordeaux, 5, 6 et 7 novembre 2009, edd. P. Brun, L. Cavalier, K. Konuk, and F. Prost (Bordeaux, 2013) pp. 77-83.
claim), but the power vacuum towards the end of this century was exploited by the Pisidians, in particular from Termessos, to expand into the region. The newly founded or re-founded cities of the Kabalis must have been independent from Seleucid rule, as they were not incorporated into the Attalid kingdom after the peace of Apameia. In Imperial times, however, the southern part of the region, comprising Boubon, Balboura, and Oinoanda, was attached to the province of Lycia when this was established in 43 AD, whereas Kibyra remained in the province of Asia to which it had belonged since about 84 or 82/1 BC. 35
The designations ancient writers employed for this region are not always entirely transparent. Thus, Strabo distinguishes first Kibyra and the Kabalis, but later establishes a connection between the two by reporting that the Kabalis was occupied by the Kibyratans. He names Pisidia, the Milyas, Lykia, and the Rhodian Peraia as the regions surrounding Kibyra, unless he is speaking of the Kibyratan Tetrapolis at that point; for, even if probable, it is not obvious whether Strabo counts Boubon, Balboura, and Oinoanda as Kabalian cities or not. 36 Ptolemy, on the other hand, follows the Roman provincial boundaries and, consequently, separates Kibyra, which he places in 'Greater Phrygia', from Boubon, Oinoanda, and Balboura, which constitute the Kabalis. 37
The boundaries of the Kibyratis-Kabalis and those of its four cities cannot be determined in every detail and anyway are likely to have changed over time; therefore we adhere to what is believed to have been the situation in the Imperial period to which most of the personal names belong. 38 The western border with Karia is clearly marked by the Indos and Kazanes valleys and the formidable Salbake mountain range, while the remaining borders are best defined by the territorial limits of its four cities. The territory of Kibyra consists mainly of two large valleys, one in which the city itself is located and another to its north-east containing a large private estate, centred on the village of Alassos. 39 Inscriptions from this latter valley include lengthy lists of the farming population from the second and third centuries AD, yielding 818 named individuals. A narrow defile to the north-west of Kibyra gives access to the plain of modern Ac1payam, here treated as part of Phrygia, which, at least in its southern section, may have belonged to Kibyra in the Imperial period. Lagbe, at the eastern end of the Kibyra valley, was perhaps an independent city in the Hellenistic period, but since fines for the violation
.15 The status of Boubon, Oinoanda, and Balboura between 84 BC and 43 AD remains a vexed issue: SEC LV 1452; Xanthos 10 pp. 99-107; Balboura 1 p. 123. For the date of 82/1 BC for the abolition of the Kibyratan Tetrapolis, see !VI.Vitale, 'Kibyra, die Tetrapolis und IVIurena: eine neue Freiheitsara in Boubon und Kibyra?', Chiron 42 (2012) pp. 551-66.
.1, Str. xiii 4. 14--17. J. J. Coulton, in Balboura 1 p. 10, assumes that, for Strabo, 'the territory of these four cities constituted the whole of, or more probably a large part of, a district called Kabalis'.
.17 Ptol. v 2 (Kibyra) and v 4 (Kabalia).
.1s See Balboura 1 pp. 1 and 10-11 with fig. 1.9 (p. 13).
.19 For the location of Alassos near the modern towns of Karmanh and Tefenni, see T. Corsten, T. Drew-Bear, and !VI.Ozsait, 'Forschungen in der Kibyratis', Epigr. Anat. 30 (1998) pp. 50-7.
40 Balboura 1 p. xxii (modern names) and pp. 28, 30-1, and 98. A. S. Hall and J. J. Coulton, 'A Hellenistic Allotment List from Balboura in the Kibyratis', Chiron 20 (1990) p. 128 n. 15, suggest that Lagbe was already under Kibyra's control in the Hellenistic period.
41 N. P. IVIilner, in Balboura 2 pp. 412-13, seems to count it under Balboura, whereas Coulton assigns it to the territory of Kibyra (see, e.g., his fig. 1.2 in Balboura 1 p. 2).
of tombs were payable to Kibyra in the Imperial period, it is taken here to have been a dependent town. 40 The area with the rock-sanctuary of the Dioskouroi at Kozagac1 to the southeast of the city, as 1.vell as the environs of modern Golci.ik and K1z1lbel, are all assigned to the territory of Kibyra, 41 this last being the only departure from Coulton's definition of Balbouran territory. 42 Boubon was the smallest city in the Kabalis and also had the least extensive territory. 43 In spite of their geographical location on the fringes of the plain of Elmah, which forms the core of the l\!Iilyas, the villages of Orpenna and Elbessos had become dependent on Oinoanda in the Imperial period. 44 As everywhere in inland Asia Minor, the epigraphic evidence dates very largely from the Imperial period and exhibits a predictable dilution of the indigenous onomastics. However, the long allotment list from Balboura of the later Hellenistic period contains some 320 named individuals, the vast majority bearing Anatolian names, many of which reveal a close connection with Pisidian Termessos. 45 A similar pattern of naming is likely to have prevailed in the other cities of this region, where names of Pisidian origin continue to be comparatively frequent in the Imperial period. On the other hand, there are no names that can be attributed with certainty to the Lydian or the obscure Solymian languages, which, according to Strabo (xiii 4. 17), were spoken in the Kibyratis in addition to Greek and Pisidian. 46
Milyas
The Milyas, and the Anatolian people called the Milyai or l\llilyeis, are mentioned several times in connection with the Kabalians, Lykians, and Pamphylians by Herodotos (i 173; iii 90; vii 77). Where exactly these Milyai were settled and the extent of the land they occupied is uncertain and likely to have varied over time.47 Following the treaty of Apameia in 188 BC, the Attalid king Eumenes II was granted a large portion of inland Asia Minor, including Greater Phrygia, L ykaonia, and the Milyas (Plb. xxi 46. 10). At that time the Milyas might have encompassed a large area directly to the west of the Pisidian communities (Termessos, Kremna, Sagalassos), extending from the plain of modern Elmah (ancient Akarassos) as far north as the lake of Burdur. 48 In this volume the Milyas describes a much more restricted space, confined to the small cities and communities of the Elmali plain, leaving the Lysis valley and the Bozova plain as far as Isinda in Pisidia. 49
42 Balboura 1 pp. 26-31 and 80-3; see the map with the putative territory of Balboura on p. 2 (fig. 1.2) and that delineating the borders between the four cities of the Tetrapolis on p. 27 (fig. 2.11 ).
43 Kokkinia, Boubon pp. 12-14.
44 Xanthos 10 pp. 114-20 with figs 40 and 41; Balboura 1 pp. 29-30, cf. p. 27 fig. 2.11.
45 A. S. Hall and J. J. Coulton (n. 40) pp. 130-2; cf. Balboura 1 pp. 65-7.
46 It is not clear what relationship Lydian names such as Kaooas and Kaows (LGPN V.A svv.) have with Ka8aas, Kaoaos, Kaoaovas, Kaoavas, and Kaoovas, names which are attested in the Kibyratis-Kabalis and neighbouring parts of Pisidia. Complex names with Kao- as the first root element, as well as simple names, also occur in Isauria.
47 The evidence is discussed in detail in A. S. Hall, 'R.E.C.A.lVI. Notes and Studies No. 9: The lVIilyadeis and their Territory', Anat. Stud. 36 (1986) pp. 137-57. Several inscriptions bearing on the geography of the area have recently come to light and are treated by D. Rousset in Xanthos 10 pp. 6-12 no. 1 and pp. 135-52 nos. 4-6.
.,s Str. xiii 4. 17 and A. S. Hall (n. 47) pp. 142-52.
49 In an inscription from the L ysis valley the 'IVIilyadeis and the Roman businessmen living among them and the Thracians settled among them' are
Orientated on a south-west-north-east axis, this narrow upland plain borders two powerful neighbours, which competed for control of it.so To the north-west, it adjoined the territory of Oinoanda, and on its southern side, Lykia. To the north-east a defile connects to the plain where the Pisidian city of Isinda lay. 51 The treaty between the Lykian confederation and Rome in 46 BC reveals that Choma, the main polis of the Milyas, and smaller communities like Elbessos, Akarassos, Terponella, and Kodopa, belonged to the Lykian confederation, while in the time of Claudius Choma, Podalia, Kodopa, Akarassos, and Soklai are mentioned as stations on the stadiasmus of the province of Lykia. 52 These small communities are here treated as independent cities, in spite of the uncertain political status of many of them. Even though the number of individuals recorded from the Milyas is small (147 entries), the indigenous component in the personal names is instructive as to their affiliation with their Pisidian rather than their Lykian neighbours.
Pisidia
Pisidia is the highland region that derives its name from the ancient Pisidians, an Anatolian population of Luwian origin. It stretched from the edge of the Pamphylian plain to the lakes of Burdur, Egridir, and Bey 9ehir on the fringes of Phrygia. 53 In the Hellenistic period, the Pisidians were divided among independent communities in settlements that were usually fortified and mostly located above 1,000 m (Termessos, Selge, Kremna, Sagalassos, etc). In this volume, Pisidia also encompasses, to the north of the lakes, Apollonia/Sozopolis, Antiocheia towards Pisidia (1rpo,IIwio{av) and the Killanion pedion, which all had close cultural links with Phrygia. On its eastern side the Sultan Dag1 and the Erenler Dag1 form natural mountain barriers separating Pisidia from Phrygia and the Lykaonian plain. The Orondeis, including Pappa-Tiberiopolis and MistiaKlaudiokaisareia, as well as Ouasada, are therefore placed within Pisidia. 54 Along the upper reaches of the river Melas, the Pisidian strongholds of Kotenna and Etenna command the borders with Kilikia and Pamphylia. Its western limits extended north from Termessos to Isinda, the Roman colony
found dedicating a monument to Rome and Augustus (text published and translated by A. S. Hall. [n. 47] p. 139). Note the veteran of Legio VII (do1110 Nfilyada) attested in an epitaph from Dalmatia (CIL III 8487 with observations by S. Mitchell, 'Legio VII and the garrison of Augustan Galatia', CQ 27 [1976] p. 304). Recorded here under the Milyas this veteran may have been from the group of lVIilyadeis attested in the Lysis valley under Augustus. See also a man with the ethnic Mv,\,\d, in the Hellenistic allotment list of Balboura (SEGXL 1268 C, 33).
5
° For its location, see Stadiasmus map 3 and Xanthos 10 figs 41 and 43.
51 A. S. Hall (n. 47) pp. 148 and 151 makes a distinction between the Lykian lVIilyas and the Pisidian lVIilyas, which, although useful, is supported by no textual evidence.
52 SEG LV 1452, 54, 58-9 (treaty) and Stadiasmus p. 39 11. 35-42. As indicated above, Elbessos and Orpenna were dependent communities in the territory of Oinoanda during the Imperial period.
53 For a physical description of Pisidia, see X. de Planhol, De la plaine pa111phylien11eaux lacs pisidiens. Nomadisme et vie paysanne (Paris, 1958) pp. 23-64.
54 For the Killanion pedion and the Orondeis, see Robert, Hell. 13 pp. 73-94.
55 This ha_sbeen identified, probably incorrectly, with Keretapa/Diokaisarea by L. Robert, Villes pp. 105-21; 318-38; contra von Aulock, NISPhrygiens 1 pp. 65-70 and J. Nolle, 'Bcitr,ige zur kleinasiatischen Miinzkunde und Geschichte 6-9', Gephyra 6 (2009) p. 54 n. 289.
of Olbasa, and as far as an ancient site near modern Ye 9ilova, on the eastern shore of the Salda lake. 55 Pisidians first appeared in Greek sources when Kyros the Younger launched an attack against them after they had ravaged the Persian king's territory (X., An. i 1. 11 and HG iii 1. 13). During the Hellenistic period Pisidian cities are evoked mainly for their military strength in historical accounts of warfare, s6 and the warlike reputation of the Pisidians is reflected in their regular appearance among the mercenaries of the Hellenistic kings. 57 Thracian names attested in the region in the Imperial period are likely to originate in the settlement of Thracian soldiers on its margins (in the Lysis valley, at Apollonia, and in the Killanionpedion) by the Seleucid kings_ss Around 200 BC the dynamism of the Pisidian communities is demonstrated by the involvement of the Termessians in the (re-)foundation of Kibyra, Oinoanda, and Balboura in the Kabalis. 59 The first Roman to march through Pisidia was the consul Manlius Vulso on his way to Galatia in the aftermath of the battle of Magnesia in 189 BC (Liv. xxxviii 15). During the second and first centuries BC large-scale public buildings (paved agoras, temples, bouleuteria, heroons, stoas) appeared in many Pisidian cities. 60 In the second century BC Greek inscriptions also show some of these cities to have been wellorganized independent communities with a developed civic life based on characteristic Greek political and social institutions. 61 The Orondicus Tmctus, an area of land north of the city of Mistia, was incorporated in the ager publicus during the campaigns of Servilius Isauricus in the 70s BC. Pisidia became part of the Roman province of Galatia in 25 BC following the death of Amyntas who had been installed as king fourteen years earlier by Marcus Antonius (App., BC v 75). Later, perhaps as early as 43 AD, most of Pisidia was attached to the province of Lycia-Pamphylia, though Apollonia and Antiocheia remained in Galatia. 62 The early Imperial period is marked by the foundation of Roman colonies at Antiocheia, Komama, Kremna, Olbasa, and Parlais under Augustus, at PappaTiberiopolis under Tiberius, and at Mistia-Klaudiokaisareia under Claudius, some of which were connected by the Via Sebaste built in 6 BC. 63 These Roman foundations account for
56 S. Mitchell, 'Hellenismus in Pisidien', in Forschungen in Pisidien, ed. E. Schwertheim (ANIS 6. Bonn, 1992) pp. 4-6.
57 Launey 1 pp. 471-6.
58 Onom. Thrac. p. !iii.
59 T. Corsten (n. 34) pp. 77-83.
60 S. Mitchell (n. 56) pp. 7-20.
61 Robert, Documents p. 53 (Termessos, 281 Be); TANI III (1) 2 (Termessos and Adada, second cent. Be); IBurdurNius 326 (Olbasa, 159-158 BC).
62 For the administrative organization of the area under Rome, see G. Arena, Citta di Panfilia e Pisidia sotto il do111inioromano (Catania, 2005) pp. 35-47; H. Brandt and F. Kolb, Lycia et Pamphylia. Eine romische Provinz im Siidzuesten Kleinasiens (lVIainz, 2005) pp. 20-6. For Sagalassos, see VI. Eck, 'Die Dedikation des Apollo Klarios unter Proculus, legatus Augusti pro praetore Lyciae-Pamphyliae, unter Antoninus Pius', in Exempli gratia. Saga lassos, JYiarc TVaelkens and I11terdiscipli11aryArchaeology, ed. J. Poblome (Louvain, 2013) pp. 43-9.
63 B. Levick, Roman Colonies in Southern Asia JYiinor (Oxford, 1967); A. De Giorgi, 'Colonial Space and the City: Augustus' Geopolitics in Pisidia', in Roman Colonies in the First Century of their Foundation, ed. R. J. Sweetman (Oxford, 2011) pp. 135-49. For the milestones of the Via Sebaste, see D. H. French, Roman Roads and Milestones of Asia JY[inor. 3, Nfilestones. 3.6, Lycia-Pamphylia (BIAA Electronic Monograph 6. Ankara, 2014) pp. 26-45 (http://biaa.ac. uk/publications/item/name/electronicmonographs).
the large number of Roman names, including some rare nomina gentilicia, attested in Pisidia. 64 Under the empire individuals from local elite families regularly pursued equestrian and senatorial careers. 65 The troubles of the middle and late third century AD, marked in Pisidia by the Roman siege of Kremna in 278 AD and more widespread brigandage, encouraged the greater involvement of local men in Roman military careers. 66
The bulk of the epigraphic evidence dates to the first three centuries of the Imperial period, coinciding with the most intense period of public construction in the region. An exceptionally large number of names (more than 4,500 out of the 10,658 registered in Pisidia as a whole) has been preserved from Termessos, the great majority inscribed on sarcophagi and other funerary monuments of the second and third centuries AD, which often record the names of several generations of ancestors. 67 Another substantial and coherent body of material comes from the territory of the Roman colony of Antiocheia, where the sanctuary of Men Askaenos with its Ionic temple dating from the second century BC has yielded abundant epigraphic evidence in the Imperial period, mainly in the form of dedications in Greek and Latin (c.350 individuals). At two locations on the territory of Antiocheia, as many as forty-five inscriptions, many of them fragmentary, which list the contributions of a cult association, have produced the names of c.600 of its members entitled the Xenoi Tekmoreioi.
68 Around 130 different ethnics, mostly of villages, are attested in these lists. Few of these villages can be located, though they were presumably not very far from Antiocheia, either in northern Pisidia or south-eastern Phrygia; the many unlocated ethnics appear under the heading 'Phrygia (S.E.)Pisidia (N.)'. 69 Also noteworthy in the epigraphy of the Imperial period are the inscriptions in a 'Pisidian' language written in Greek script, mainly from the area of Tymbriada, from which those individuals bearing Greek names have been included in this volume. 70
Galatia
Galatia comprises the northern part of the Anatolian plateau, which, until the early third century BC, had been part of Greater Phrygia. 71 To the west it borders with Phrygia, to the north with the south-eastern tip of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and
64 See 0. Salomies, 'Roman names in Pisidian Antioch. Some Observations', Arctos 40 (2006) pp. 91-107.
65 For an illustration of this process of integration, see H. Devijver, 'Local Elite, Equestrians and Senators: a Social History of Roman Sagalassos', Anc. Soc. 27 (1996) pp. 105-62.
66 S. l\/Iitchell, 'Native Rebellion in the Pisidian Taurus', in Organised Crime in Antiquity, ed. K. Hopwood (London, 1999) pp. 155-7 5; K. Hopwood, 'Greek Epigraphy and Social Change. A Study of the Romanization of SouthWest Asia Minor in the Third Century AD', in XI Congresso Internazionale di Epigrafia Greca e Latina. Roma, 18-24 settembre 1997. Atti, II (Rome, 1999) pp. 428-31; ICentPisid 29 and 105.
67 Among these funerary monuments some belonged to families composed of freed individuals and ol,dra, (e.g. TANI III (1) 338, 421, 429, 485, 772). To avoid splitting family groups, freedmen and olKera, of Termessos have consistently been entered under the heading 'Termessos". For Termessian onomastics, see 0. van Nijf, 'Being Termessian: Local Knowledge and Identity Politics in a Pisidian City', in Local Knowledge and Niicroidentities in the Imperial. Greek World, ed. T. Whitmarsh (Cambridge, 2010) pp. 163-88.
68 Most of the lists were published by W. M. Ramsay and J.R. S. Sterrett. For a new fragment, see C. Wallner, 'Xenoi Tekmoreioi. Ein neues Fragment', Epigr. Anal. 49 (2016) pp. 157-75.
western Pontos, to the east with north-western Kappadokia, and to the south with Eastern Phrygia. None of these boundaries are very securely fixed. 72 The divide with Phrygia is marked largely by the upper course of the Sangarios, which runs between the territory of Pessinous on the Galatian side and those of Nakoleia, Orkistos, and Amorion on the other (for further detail seep. ix above). Towards the north-west, the river Hieros/Siberis separated Galatia from luliopolis and Bithynia, while to the north the modern Terme <;::ayperhaps divided it from Paphlagonia. Further to the north-east the boundary with Pontos is placed in this volume along a line running to the south of modern Sungurlu and Alaca, assuming a large territory for Pon tic Amaseia. To the east the border lies between the small Galatian cities of Kinna and Aspona and the equally small Kappadokian city of Parnassos, at the top of lake Tatta. However, it is much less clear how far the territory of Taouion extended to its east and south; a rather arbitrary line has been drawn between Lake Tatta north-east to modern Yerkoy and Sorgun. The southern boundary is equally ill-defined. The region of Haymana very likely formed part of the territory of Ankyra but further south the central plateau with its great estates lay outside its jurisdiction. A line, north of modern Kozanh, Kerpis;, and Emirler, where the first evidence for these estates appears, is used to demarcate Galatia and Eastern Phrygia (see below p. xvi for further detail).
The region derives its name from the Galatians, a Celtic people, who, after crossing from Europe into Asia Minor in 278/7 BC and causing havoc among the cities of western Asia Minor, settled in north-eastern Phrygia by the end of the 60s. In the Hellenistic period the main urban centres were, from west to east, the temple-state of Pessinous (the centre of an ancient Phrygian cult of Kybele), the old Phrygian capital of Gordion, destroyed by Manlius Vulso in 189 BC, and the trading centre of Taouion. 73 It therefore comes as a surprise to find seventy-seven individuals buried at Athens bearing the ethnic 'AyKvpav6,/f1 who are dated to the Hellenistic period, when other evidence suggests that Ankyra was not yet a polis. Outside the urban centres, the Galatians clung to their tribal organization, exercising control over their territories from small fortified strongholds.
74 Following the death of its last king Amyntas in 25 BC, Augustus annexed his kingdom and established the province of Galatia. He founded three urban communities, the Sebasteni Tolistobogii Pessinuntii,
69 Out of the many variant spellings of the same ethnic that occur in these lists (e.g. To.A,p.<TEVS,TaA<<p.<T'7Vos,To.A<p.<TT'7Vos), a 'standard' form has been adopted under which all those from that place are registered (in the above case 'Talimeteis' was chosen).
70 Brixhe, Steles.
71 For the history of the Galatians in Anatolia, see Mitchell, Anatolia l pp. 11-58; K. Strobel, Die Galater: Geschichte und Eigenart der keltischen Staatenbildung auf dem Boden des hellenistischen und romischen Kleinasien. I, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und historischen Geographie des hellenistischen und romischen Kleinasien I (Berlin, 1996); and, for more recent bibliography, references in A. Co~kun, 'Histoire par les noms in Ancient Galatia', in Personal Names in Ancient Anatolia, ed. R. Parker (Oxford, 2013) pp. 79-82.
72 Cf. K. Strobel, 'Galatien und seine Grenzregionen. Zu Fragen der historischen Geographie Galatiens', in Forschungen in Galatien, ed. E. Schwertheim (Bonn, 1994) pp. 30-65.
73 Hellenistic Pessinous: P. Thonemann, 'Pessinous and the Attalids: A New Royal Letter', ZPE 194 (2015) pp. 125-6; Hellenistic Gordian: P. Thonemann (n. 9) pp. 20-1; Taouion: Mitchell, Anatolia l pp. 51-4.
7+ For a gazetteer of Galatian fortresses, see INGalatia pp. 25-7.
the Sebasteni Tectosages Ancyrani, and the Sebasteni Trocmi Taviani, incorporating the lands of the Galatian tribes into a civic organization. 75 Not far to the north of Pessinous he also founded the Roman colony of Germa. However, the largest of the Augustan foundations was Ankyra, the capital of the new province. 76 North-west of lake Tatta, the small settlement of Kinna acquired the status of a polis perhaps during the early second century AD. 77 A little further east, close to the border with Kappadokia, was another small city, Aspona. In the north-west, in a fertile region between the lower Tembris and Sangarios, a group of seven villages comprised the Konsidiana choria, a private estate which by the second century AD had become imperial property; another private estate, belonging to the family of the Plancii of Perge, was located a little further north in the same general area. 78 Since the inscriptions from these estates contain significant numbers of Celtic names, they have been treated as parts of Galatia.
The Celtic language of the Galatians apparently remained in use in spoken form, perhaps until the late sixth century AD. 79 All the epigraphic documentation, as elsewhere, is in Greek or Latin and almost exclusively of Imperial date or later. However, a significant number of names in these inscriptions, as well as in the literary sources relating to the Hellenistic period, can be identified as Celtic. 80 The names recorded in the literary sources, which belong to members of the Galatian ruling class in the Hellenistic period, are almost exclusively of Celtic origin, suggesting that the nobility did not intermarry other than with members of other dynastic families of Asia Minor. 81 A different pattern emerges from the inscriptions of the rural hinterland, showing Celtic names to have been current in families which also favoured names of Phrygian, Greek, and Italian origin. 82
Eastern Phrygia
Eastern Phrygia is a term used to refer to the tract of land comprising the territory of Laodikeia Katakekaumene and
75 The creation of these cities was probably simultaneous, despite slightly different foundation dates extrapolated from local eras: see IVIitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 87.
76 For the borders of the Galatian cities, see INGalatia, pp. 19-22 and Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 87-8.
"MAMA XI p. xxvii; TIE 4 pp. 189-90.
78 For these estates, see IVIitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 152-3. The Konsidiana choria had become an imperial estate as early as the reign of Hadrian. The property of the Plancii was acquired during the Julio-Claudian period, perhaps by the senator !VI.Plancius Varus himself.
79 S. Mitchell, 'Population and the Land in Roman Galatia', in ANRTY II 7.2 (1980) p. 1058. This is attested in Luc., Alex. 51; St Jerome, Comm. in ep. ad Galatas 2. 3; Cyr. S., V Euthym. SS (after 543 AD).
80 X. Delamarre's Noms de personnes celtiques dans l'epigraphie classique (Paris, 2007), ,vhich covers the Celtic personal names attested in Europe, has been a valuable point of reference in identifying some of the less distinctively Celtic names. vVhenever a Galatian name finds a counterpart in the Celtic West, a reference to Delamarre's book has been added, and where necessary to the list of roots found at its end. But, given the limitations in our knowledge of the indigenous languages, Phrygian in particular, these references should not always be taken as decisive.
81 S. Mitchell (n. 79) p. 1057 with n. 17.
82 See also A. Co~kun (n. 71) pp. 100-1 on the distribution of Celtic names in the hinterland.
83 It has been employed inter alias by W. M. Calder in l\lIAJ\IIA I and VII for a rather wider area, by L. Zgusta in his JQeinasiatische Personennanzen P- 38 (Ostphrygien) and by C. Brixhe in his Essai sur le grec anatolien au debut de notre ere (2nd edn, Nancy, 1987) (Phrygie Orientale). The treeless steppe is equivalent to the region referred to under the headings of the Axylon and Laodikeia Katakekaumene in l\lJAJ\IIA I pp. xv-xvi and XI pp. xxiv-xxvi (see
the treeless steppe to its north, 83 which on various grounds could equally have been treated as part of either Phrygia or Galatia. There are, however, sound geographic, historical, cultural, and practical reasons for treating it separately from these two regions. It forms the westernmost part of the arid Anatolian steppe plateau, with a long history of pastoralism, 84 distinct from the patchwork of mountains and plains characteristic of much of Phrygia. In the late Hellenistic period a part of it may have been ceded to the Galatians and included in what Ptolemy called the Proseilemmene, 'the added land', and under the Roman Empire it was administered as part of the province of Galatia, whereas the rest of Phrygia lay within the province of Asia. 85 The small town of Ouetissos, close to its northern limit, was included among the poleis of the Galatian Tolistobogioi by Ptolemy. 86 However, this region presents a number of Phrygian cultural markers during the Imperial period which set it apart from Galatia. Not only do Neo-Phrygian inscriptions occur throughout but it preserves a stock of personal names, including some of its most common, which can plausibly be identified as Phrygian. 87 Door-stone funerary monuments, typical of so much of Phrygia, are also found in good numbers, but they also occur over a much wider area, including Galatia. Not surprisingly, it has been characterized as a Phrygian-Galatian transitional zone. 88 Unlike neighbouring regions Eastern Phrygia remained largely non-urbanized throughout antiquity. Laodikeia, a Seleucid foundation at its southern edge, and Ouetissos, insignificant enough for its exact location to remain unknown, are its only cities. 89 In the Imperial period it is essentially a zone of villages (e.g. Gdanmaa, Pillitokome, Selmea) and large estates whose owners along with their freedmen and other agents often figure in the inscriptions. Initially these estates were privately owned but by the second century some of them had become imperial properties. 90 The Sergii Paulli of the Roman colony of Antiocheia in Pisidia owned a large estate near
below n. 88). Other authorities have treated it as part of Lykaonia, e.g. L. Robert in 1Vo111sindigenes passim.
" Strabo (xii 6.1) reports that king Amyntas had owned three hundred herds of animals in the plain of Lykaonia: Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 148.
85 See Plin., HN v 25 and Ptol. v 4. 8 with Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. SS and 148. According to K. Strobel (n. 72) pp. 56-7, the Proseilemmene was assigned as a regio attributa to the territory of Ankyra in 25/4 BC and then to the territory of Kinna during the Antonine period: see also Der Neue Pauly 10 col. 437 s.v. Proseilemmenitai.
86 Ptol. v 4. 5. A few Galatian names occur in Eastern Phrygia, mostly in the area of Ouetissos and at Laodikeia: B<AAa, BpoyopEL,, Bwi3op,,, I'avi3aTO<;, Erroaaopi,;, Kaµµa, Karµapo,, and Kovf3anaKo<;.
87 See the distribution map of Phrygian inscriptions in MAJ\IIA VII p. xliv with 0. Masson, 'Review of MAMA VII', RPh 1959, pp. 108-10. For the Phrygian names Iµav, Guava{;-, IIp(<)m-/IIpELov-, IIp,(3,s, see C. Brixhe, 'The Personal Onomastics of Roman Phrygia' in Roman Phrygia pp. 64-7. Indigenous names particularly frequent in Eastern Phrygia also include Iw and Iw/3-/Iwv-, M(<)ipo,, Mouva(,), and .Eovaov(,).
88 K. Strobel (n. 72) pp. 56-7. For a geographical description of the central Anatolian plateau, see Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 143-4. This region has often been considered a southern extension of the so-called Axylon (Livy xxxviii 18. 4 with J. Briscoe, A Commentary on Livy: Books 38-40 [Oxford, 2008] p. 82). Livy used the expression terra axylos following a lost account of Polybios. This phrase should be understood as a Latin translation of the Greek expression a{;v>.o,yij and should be translated as 'treeless land' (i.e. steppe).
89 Laodikeia: G. Cohen (n. 12) pp. 346-7.
9 ° For a detailed account of the families that owned property in this region, see S. IVIitchell (n. 79) pp. 1073-9 with the map on p. 1072 and Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 151-7.
Ouetissos. 91 South of Laodikeia an imperial estate known as the praedia Quadratiana had apparently belonged originally to C. Antius Aulus Iulius Quadratus of Pergamon. 92 A leading member of the Ankyran aristocracy who was also a Roman senator, C. Julius Severus, possessed land in the region of Ozkent in the second century AD. 93 There is also a solid practical basis for distinguishing Eastern Phrygia as a separate region. In the absence of a framework of ancient cities to which the personal names can be attached and where the evidence for ancient village names is lacking, the modern names of small Turkish villages have had to be used to locate a significant proportion of the named individuals. These are difficult enough to locate at the best of times, but the task would have become all the harder had they been buried within the much fuller documentation for the rest of Phrygia.
Bearing all the above in mind, the region has been delimited in the following way. Lake Tatta forms a natural boundary to the east. 9 + To the north it runs up against the territories of Ankyra and Kinna in Galatia, not marked by any natural barrier but roughly corresponding to the area of transition between the steppe and the shrub-covered hills. 95 In the west its boundaries are defined by the territory of Amorion and the low hills (the Golcuk Dag1) which mark the eastern limits of the cities of Phrygia Paroreios (from Philomelion to Tyriaion); its southern edge is clearly drawn by the mountainous backdrop to the territory of Laodikeia. For a region such as has been described above, with only one city of any lasting consequence, the quantity of epigraphic documentation is remarkable. Inscriptions, scarce before the second century AD, greatly increase in quantity during the third to fourth centuries and, in contrast to the rest of Phrygia, still occur in considerable numbers in the fifth and sixth. 96 For the sake of imposing some order on material found widely dispersed throughout the region, they have wherever possible been grouped in clusters around an ancient village name or attributed to modern places where it is assumed that the rural centre of an ancient community existed. In total, about 1,650 individuals out of 3,037 have been assigned to Laodikeia and its territory, while the remainder come from scattered village communities, an extraordinarily high proportion by comparison with other regions. Persons from this region have been entered under the heading 'Phrygia-Eastern' in order to juxtapose them as closely as possible to the entries for Phrygia, at the same time as enforcing their separation.
91 Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 151-2. For the approximate location of Ouetissos, see NlAi\lIA XI p. xxvi.
92 MANIA I 24 with discussion in NIAi\lIA XI p. 235.
93 Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 154.
°' Strabo (xii. 5. 4) includes the territory west of Lake Tatta as far as the Taurus mountains (i.e. the region around Laodikeia Katakekaumene) in Greater Phrygia.
95 The precise delineation of the territories of these cities is not possible with the evidence available. Further criteria for defining the somewhat arbitrary dividing line between Galatia and Eastern Phrygia are the northern limit to the distribution of Neo-Phrygian inscriptions (around modern Saath, Kerpic;o, and Kozanh), and the southernmost find-spots (at (:ekirge and Inlerkatranc1) of the Haymana-type door-stones typical of southern Galatia. For a map of the area, see vVaelkens, Tiirsteine pl. 109 and lVIitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 99 map 6 where most of the plateau is incorporated in the territory of Laodikeia.
96 See, for example, the numerous Christian epitaphs from the village of Gdanmaa: NIAi\lIA XI p. xxv.
Lykaonia
Lykaonia is here broadly defined as the open steppe region in the southern part of the Anatolian plateau, bordered to the west by the mountains of north-eastern Pisidia and the Taurus range to the south. 97 In the eastern part of the steppe its boundary with Kappadokia is less clearly defined, but starting from lake Tatta it can be drawn in between Koropassos and Garsaoura-Archelais (Str. xii 6. 1), passing to the east of the Karacadag and reaching the Taurus mountains at lake Akgol between Hyde and Sidamaria on one side and Herakleia and Kybistra on the other. To the north its limits are defined by the low hills separating the plain of Ikonion from the territory of Laodikeia Katakekaumene in Eastern Phrygia. A northerly spur of these hills marks the continuation of this boundary between Lykaonia and Eastern Phrygia as far as lake Tatta. At its north-western fringe, the territory of Ikonion stretched beyond the plain to include the sanctuary of l\!Ieter at Zizima and must have extended further west into the mountainous terrain separating it from Pappa-Tiberiopolis in Pisidia.
Lykaonia and Lykaonians make their first appearance in Greek sources in Xenophon's Anabasis, at a time when it was Persian territory and ruled by a satrap who also had charge of Kappadokia (An. vii 8. 25). When in 401 BC Kyros rested his army at Ikonion en route to the Kilikian Gates, Xenophon calls it the last polis in Phrygia (An. i 2. 19), implying that Lykaonia began directly south-east of Ikonion. There is some evidence that the Phrygian language continued in use there until the Imperial period. 98 It is only from the time of Cicero that Ikonion is regarded as the principal city of Lykaonia. Earlier, this role had been taken by Laranda, ·which in 322 BC figures as a city sacked by the successors of Alexander (D.S. xviii 22). In the 80s BC the region was incorporated in the large and amorphous province of Kilikia, with the possible exception of the cities (Derbe and Laranda) ruled by Antipater the tyrant, at least during Cicero's governorship. 99 Following the death in 25 BC of King Amyntas, who had gained control of the entire region along with Isauria, 100 Lykaonia was absorbed into the new province of Galatia. Under Augustus Roman colonies were founded at Ikonion and Lystra as part of a wider programme of colonization aimed at promoting the pacification of the rebellious populations of eastern Pisidia and Isauria. At Ikonion the Augustan colony seems to have co-existed with the old hellenized polis as
97 G. Laminger-Pascher (KILyk chs 10-12) attributes to the Roman colony of Lystra a vast territory extending south to Aydogmu~ (Dorla), including all the sites of the <;:ar~amba valley. Here, however, Taspa, Aydogmu~ (Dorla) and Kodylessos have been treated as independent communities of Lykaonia, though their incorporation in Lykaonia remains debatable. Aydogmu~ was long identified with, or placed in the territory of, Isaura Nea; see discussion in KILyk p. 124. The conventional identification of Giidelesin with Kodylessos is here preferred to the one with Dalisandos argued in KJLyk pp. 32-3. Some inscriptions found scattered in the foothills of the Isauro-Lykaonian borderland, but not recorded in KILyk, have been here assigned to Lykaonia and associated with the nearest neighbouring sites. Note that Kodylessos and the Takourtheis, the one placed here in Lykaonia, the other in lsauria, formed a civic association, attested by a man honoured as a ycpalO~ 1(wµWv 8Vo Ta1<ovp0<wv 1rni Ko8v>.riuu,wv ,rav8f11sov: SEG XXXVI 1233.
98 0. Haas (n. 26) pp. 120-1 nos. 49-50.
99 Cic. Ad jam. xiii 73 and Str. xii 6. 3.
1110 R. Syme, 'Isaura and lsauria: Some Problems', in Societes urbaines, societes rurales dans l'Asie mineure et la Syrie hellenistiques et romaines, ed. E. Frezouls (Strasbourg, 1987) pp. 135-6.
separate political entities until the two communities were amalgamated as a single colony under Hadrian. 101 Numismatic evidence shows that a koinon of the Lykaonians united the south-eastern cities of Barata, Dalisandos, Derbe, Hyde, Ilistra, and Laranda in the second century AD. The existence of some of the smaller cities (e.g. Hyde, Ilistra, Kana, Perta, Saouatra, Sidamaria) is known almost entirely from epigraphic and numismatic sources. Some of the ancient toponyms employed to locate individuals within the region ranked no higher than villages or stations on the imperial highways (e.g. Anzoulada, Komitanassos, Senzousa) which cannot be attributed to the territory of a particular city. In spite of its remoteness, Lykaonia participated in the rich literary life of the Roman Imperial period, Laranda being noted as the home of L. Septimius Nestor, the famous poet of the Severan period. 102 The influx of Italians is readily apparent in the personal names, as well as in the use of Latin in inscriptions, especially at Lystra. 103 In terms of their onomastics, the north and south parts of Lykaonia point in differing directions. The north has much in common with Eastern Phrygia, while in the south there are close affinities with Isauria where the Luwian onomastic heritage is strong, a further indicator that the ethnic boundaries were not coterminous with the geographical. A Lykaonian language was still spoken in the first century AD in Lystra and apparently survived until late antiquity though no evidence of it remains in written form. 10+
Isauria
Isauria is narrowly defined as the section of the high Taurus chain separating the Lykaonian plain from the Kilikian shore, though a clear divide between Isauria and south-western Lykaonia cannot easily be fixed (see above). For the present purposes, it extends south-eastwards from Lake Trogitis to the headwaters of the Kalykadnos, its easternmost point being the fortress Papiriou phrourion, named after an I saurian bandit of the middle of the fifth century AD. Here too it is claimed in a hagiographic source that the local population was still using its native speech as late as the sixth century AD. 105The Homonadeis, against whom King Amyntas lost his life in battle in 25 BC, may have had their stronghold to the south or south-west of lake Trogitis, not far west of Isaura
101 Cogently argued by S. lVIitchell, 'Iconium and Ninica: Two Double Communities in Roman Asia Minor', Historia 28 (1979) pp. 411-25.
102 J. lVIa, 'The vVorlds of Nestor of Laranda', in Severa11 Culture, edd. S. Swain, J. Elsner, and S. Harrison (Cambridge, 2007) pp. 83-113. His name was a Homeric reminiscence of the eloquence of Nestor, but its popularity in Lykaonia and Isauria might have originated in its resemblance to the epichoric indigenous name NYJai,/NYJaw,; cf. P. Thonemann, 'Heroic Onomastics in Roman Anatolia', Historia 64 (2015) pp. 368-71.
103 Like some other regions treated in this volume, local recruitment in the Roman army also furthered the diffusion of Roman personal names among the rural population and ruling elites of its small pole is. M. P. Speidel, 'Legionaries from Asia Minor', in ANRW II 7 .2 (1980) pp. 730-46 notes the case of an ordinary legionary fron1 Sebaste in Phrygia ,vho ,vas E,c1rpoyOvwv dpxu,o<;,cat'f3ov,\EVT~S(SEG XXX 1489).
Jo; Act.Ap. xiv 11. K. Holl, 'Das Fortleben der Volkssprachen in Kleinasien in nachchristlicher Zeit', Hennes 23 (1908) pp. 243-4.
105 La vie ancie1111ede S. Symeo11 stylite le Jeune, 1, ed. P. van den Ven (Brussels, 1962) pp. 167-8 eh. 189; reference is also made to the use of the lsaurike dial_ektos in the life of Konon, the martyr of the first cent. AD (ZSP 11 [1934] p. 317, 22).
106 A. S. Hall, 'The Gorgoromeis', A11at. Stud. 21 (1971) p. 157 and TIE 4 p. 240.
Palaia (modern Bozkir), but, unlike their relations, the Gorgoromeis, not one person can be nan1ed from this tribal community. 106 The I saurians are first recorded in Diodoros' account (D.S. xviii 22) of their heroic resistance against Perdikkas, shortly before the death of Alexander the Great. But it is only from the time of the campaign of P. Servilius Vatia, who captured Isaura Palaia in 76 or 75 BC, thereafter taking the cognomen Isauricus, that the evidence increases. 107 Strabo employed the term komai to describe the numerous settlements of the Isaurians, including Isaura Palaia and Isaura Nea. 108 However, inscriptions of the second century AD at Isaura Nea make frequent mention of the boule and the de.mosof the I saurians, and the city, later renamed as Leontopolis, continued to thrive in the early Byzantine period. 109 Archaeological and epigraphic evidence from the Imperial period bears witness to the general rise of urbanization in the region; some communities which designated themselves as komai, nevertheless achieved a degree of monumentality visible in their physical reniains. 110 A recently surveyed site at Masdat/ Muratdede, perhaps an independent kome, has brought to light a good number of inscriptions. 111 A rich and distinctive range of funerary monuments (stelae, larnakes, ostothekai, lion grave-covers) also evolved in Isauria during the Roman period, 112 and the masons (TEXVELTatand AaTv1roi)who produced them regularly find a mention in the accompanying inscriptions. The reforms of Diocletian in the early fourth century created a province of Isauria which extended south to the coast and had its administrative seat at Seleukeia, thereby swallowing up Kilikia Tracheia. From this tirne the inhabitants of the province were called Isaurians, regardless of whether their origins lay in Isauria, as defined here, or in Kilikia. As a result, the "Iaavpoi whose exact origins are unknown are listed under Isauria but are likely to include individuals who came from Kilikia Tracheia (see LGPN V.B p. xviii). In the late Roman Empire !saurians figure on a number of occasions in literary sources, taking a leading role in major outbreaks of banditry or as high-ranking officers in the Roman army. 113 One of these, Zeno, married the daughter of the emperor Leo and himself succeeded to the throne from 474-491 AD; his rival, the general Illous, was also an Isaurian. 11+ In the sixth century AD several !saurians are named by Procopius arnong the military staff of Belisarius.
107 On Isauria during the early Imperial period, see R. Syme (n. 100) pp. 131-47.
w, Str. xii 6. 2. A Latin dedication celebrating the victory of P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus (AE,p 1977, no. 816) has definitely fixed the location of Isaura Palaia at modern Bozkir (Siristat). According to Strabo (xii 6. 3), Amyntas built for himself a royal residence at the same site.
109 Sterrett, WE 180-3 and 187-90; TIE 4 pp. 198-200.
1" 1 Kamai: Gorgoromeis (SEG VI 537); Astranoi (B-M, Rough Cilicia 1964-8 121); Olosadeis (ibid. 135).
111 Alkan-Kurt, Hac1baba Dag1.
112 For illustrations, see A. Royer and H. Bahar, 'Astra en Isaurie', Anatolia Antiqua 19 (2011) pp. 149-98.
113 Among several recent studies on !saurians of the late Roman Empire may be mentioned K. Feld, Earbarische Eii1ger. Die lsaurer und das Romisclze Reich (Berlin, 2005) and H. Elton, 'The Nature of the Sixth-Century !saurians', in Ethnicity a11dCulture in Late A11tiquity, edd. S. lVIitchell and G. Greatrex (London & Swansea, 2000) pp. 293-307.
IH On native names in late Ro1nan Isauria, see D. Feissel, 'Inscriptions of Early Byzantium and the Continuity of Ancient Onomastics', in Epigraphy and the Historical Scie11ces, edd. J. Davies and J. Wilkes (Oxford, 2012) pp.9-11.
Paphlagonia
Paphlagonia occupies the northernmost part of Asia Minor, bordered by Bithynia to the west, Galatia to the south and Pontos to the east. These boundaries are more closely fixed on the west by the middle course of the river Billaios, on the east by the river Halys; the southern boundary with Galatia is formed by a range of mountains (the modern Koroglu Daglan) and further east by a tributary of the Halys (the modern Terme <;ay). Its coastal district fringing the southern shore of the Black Sea, which includes several important Greek colonial settlements and their territories (notably Sinope and Amastris), was treated as part of coastal Pontos in LGPN V.A. Paphlagonia has always been sparsely populated on account of its mountainous terrain, which, unlike much of inland Asia 1\/linor, is heavily forested; communications between its northern and southern parts are obstructed by the range of Mt Olgassys rising to 2,587 m. Apart from the names of a few dynasts and kings, none of whom seem to have controlled more than parts of the region, as well as a few Paphlagonian slaves attested elsewhere, almost nothing is known of its onomastics before the Roman Imperial period. 115 Until the first century BC and the Pompeian settlement of the territories controlled by Mithradates VI, Gangra, in the south of Paphlagonia and seat of its kings in the Hellenistic period, is the only significant central place, though more of a stronghold than a city. 116 Pompey founded two cities in 63 BC, Pompeiopolis in the fertile valley of the Amnias in central Paphlagonia, later assuming the title of metropolis of Paphlagonia, and Neapolis in the Phazemonitis, east of the Halys adjoining the territories of Pontic Amisos and Amaseia. Neapolis was refounded under Claudius as Neoklaudiopolis, but is also known as Andrapa in later sources. 117 Its incorporation in Paphlagonia contradicts Strabo's assertion (xii 3. 9) that the Halys formed the boundary between Paphlagonia and Pontos. 118 In the far west of the region, close to Bithynian Krateia, a community attested at the end of the first century AD and called the Kaisareis Proseilemmeneitai, perhaps having been detached from Bithynia, was refounded as Hadrianopolis under Hadrian. 119 The city and part of its territory lay west of the river Billaios, regarded above as the boundary between Bithynia and Paphlagonia. Gangra itself was renamed Germanikopolis at some point in the first half of the first century AD. This small number of cities controlled very large territories; the lands of Pompeiopolis may have extended at least 100 km to its west. The northern part of Paphlagonia was integrated into the Pompeian province of Pontus et Bithynia before the entire region became part of the enlarged province of Galatia in 6/5 BC. 120 Strabo (xii 3. 25) refers to a Paphlagonian language and a stock of names distinctive of
115 For Greek cultural influence in Paphlagonia, see S. Mitchell, 'The Ionians of Paphlagonia', in T. Whitmarsh (n. 67) pp. 86-110.
116 See Robert, ATAJVJ pp. 203-19.
117 Marek, Stadt pp. 63-73.
118 See S. L. Sorensen, Between Kingdom and Koinon. Neapolis/Neoklaudiopolis and the Pontic Cities (Stuttgart, 2016) pp. 139-53, who argues that it belonged to Pontos.
119 Marek, Stadt pp. 116-25; IHadrianopolis p. 1.
120 Mitchell, Anatolia 2 pp. 152-3.
121 See Robert, Noms indigi!nes p. 535.
122 See S. Mitchell, 'In Search of the Pon tic Community in Antiquity', in Representations of Empire. Rome and the 1\!JediterraneanvVorld, edd. A. Bowman et al. (Oxford, 2002) pp. 50-9; 'E. Olshausen, 'Zurn Hellenisierungsprozess
its people, of which only few traces survive in the epigraphic record.
121
Pontos
For the purposes of this volume Pontos refers only to the inland regions of northern Asia Minor bounded to the west by Paphlagonia, to the south by Kappadokia and to the east by Armenia Minor. The river Halys marks a clear boundary to the west though the region of the Phazemonitis with the city of Neoklaudiopolis is treated as part of Paphlagonia (see above); to the east its limits fall in the valley of the Lykos where it narrows between Kabeira-Neokaisareia and Nikopolis; in the south and south-west there is no such clear demarcation and the division between Pontos and Kappadokia and north-eastern Galatia depends on how far south the territories of Sebasteia, Sebastopolis, and Amaseia are deemed to have extended. The cities of the narrow coastal strip, some of them Greek foundations of the Archaic period, from the mouth of the Halys to Trapezous on the south shore of the Black Sea, were treated in LGPN V.A. Inner Pontos is separated from the coastal regions by a high mountain chain (the Paryadres range) which runs parallel to the sea and its landscape is dominated by the three east-west river valleys (from north to south, the Lykos, the Iris, and the Skylax) which converge and find a passage north to empty into the sea east of Amisos. It formed the core of the Hellenistic kingdom of the Mithradatids, a dynasty of Iranian origin which fostered a connection with past Persian dominance of Asia Minor, while promoting certain aspects of Hellenism. 122 The old royal centre was at Amaseia, home to Strabo the geographer of the Augustan period. Under the Mithradatids, the landscape was dominated by royal strongholds serving also as treasuries and the three temple states of Komana (Ma), Kabeira (Men and Selene), and Zela (Anaitis) where the priests of these Iranian cults enjoyed high status and ruled large populations of sacred slaves. 123 Only two small cities, Laodikeia and Eupatoria (incomplete at the time of Mithradates VI's final defeat), were founded under the patronage of the Mithradatids in the interior. If anecdotal sources are to be believed, 1\/Iithradates VI spoke twenty-two languages used by his subjects, some if not most of which must have been spoken in Pontos itself; the lasting resilience of the indigenous languages is clearly implied in some late sources. 124
Pompey's reorganization of Pontos led to the establishment of cities on the Greek model, controlling contiguous territories, for the most part based on the pre-existing centres of population (e.g. Amaseia, Kabeira, Zela, and, somewhat later, Komana), though some of these, such as Gazioura, were
am pontischen Konigshof', Anc. Soc. 5 (1974) pp. 153-70; B. C. IVIcGing, The Foreign Policy of 1\lhthradates VI Eupato1; King of Pontus (Leiden, 1986); C. Marek, 'Hellenisation and Romanisation in Pontos-Bithynia: An Overview', in Mithradates VI and the Pontic Kingdom, ed. J. !VI. Hojte (Aarhus & Lancaster, 2009) pp. 35-46.
123 For these temple states and their Iranian deities, see S. lVlitchell, 'Iranian Names and the Presence of Persians in the Religious Sanctuaries in Asia l\!linor', in Old and New Worlds in Greek Onomastics, ed. E. lVlatthews (Oxford, 2007) pp. 163-5; E. Sokmen, 'Characteristics of the Temple States in Pontos', in J. !VI. Hojte (n. 122) pp. 277-87.
12+ T. Reinach, 1\!Iithridate Eupator roi de Pont (Paris, 1890) p. 282 with n. 1; Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 172.
permanently abandoned. 125 Remarkably little of the epigraphic evidence relates to the Mithradatid period, the vast majority being associated with the new cities and their territories. As elsewhere, the lands attached to these cities were very extensive; Amaseia, situated close to the eastern edge of its territory, controlled areas far to its west and south in the regions of Pimolisene, Babanomon, and Ximene. 126 Further reinforcement of the city structure was added under Augustus with the foundation of Sebastopolis close to the notional boundary with Kappadokia; in the same period Pompey's city of Megalopolis, further to the south and east, was renamed Sebasteia. It is much less clear when Kabeira and Komana received their new imperial names N eokaisareia and Hierokaisareia respectively. Euchaita, originally a village in the territory of Amaseia, became a famous pilgrimage site as the burial place of the early fourth-century martyr Theodoros Teron, and subsequently developed into a small city in its own right; 127 it is treated as such for all those recorded in the early Byzantine inscriptions found there and in its environs.
Kappadokia
By far the largest of the regions in this volume, Kappadokia occupies the south-eastern part of inland Asia l\!Iinor, bounded to the west by the Lykaonian steppe plain and lake Tatta, to the south by the high Taurus mountains, to the east by the Euphrates and to the north by poorly defined borders with north-eastern Galatia and Pontos (see above). 128 Before the Pompeian settlement of Pontos in 63 BC, Kappadokia could be used as a term for the entire land mass between the Halys and Euphrates and between the Taurus and the shores of the Black Sea, and it was only after this that a clear distinction was made between Kappadokia and Pontos; 129 under the Roman Empire the two were joined for administrative purposes for long periods. Although it is a region of high relief almost throughout (the volcanic Mt Argaios rises to 3,940 m and the peaks of the Antitaurus in many places surmount 3,000 m), it divides very roughly between the more open rolling terrain and basins of the smaller western part and a much larger and more intractable mountainous eastern part, where the Antitaurus veers north-east towards Armenia.
The Kappadokians, referred to as Syrians or Leukosyroi ('White-Syrians') in Greek sources from Herodotos onwards, 130 were recognized as a distinct people apparently united by a common non-Greek language of which no written trace survives, though a number of personal names can be designated as specific to the region. 131 Earlier than any other part of Asia Minor, they came under the control first of the Medes in the
125 Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 31-2; E. Olshausen, 'Pontus und Rom (63 v. Chr.-64 n. Chr.)', in ANRW II 7.2 (1980) pp. 903-12.
126 Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 88 n. 90 extends the territory of Galatian Taouion far into what must have been the territory of Amaseia.
127 ODE s.v. Theodore Teran.
128 As a result it is hard to decide to which region should be attributed those individuals attested in the areas of modern Yozgat, Sorgun, and Akdagmedeni.
129 Str. xii 1. 4; see S. Mitchell (n. 122) pp. 48-50; according to Strabo (xii 1. 1) the Kappadokian language was spoken throughout this much larger region.
130 Hdt. i. 72 (L'vpw,); Str. xii 3. 5 and 9 (.ilwJ<6avpo,).
131 Robert, Noms indigenes pp. 523-40.
132 Kappadokia is referred to as Katpatuka in Persian cuneiform texts.
late seventh century and then the Persians from the mid-sixth. Marked Iranian elements in their culture and population are evident in their cults and their personal names, most notably those of the ruling dynasty of the Hellenistic period (e.g. Ariaramnes, Ariarathes, Ariobarzanes, Orophernes) and the well-documented onomastic repertoire of Komana-Hierapolis in Kataonia, as well as in the very name of the region. 132 Kappadokia was largely bypassed by the Macedonian conquest of Asia Minor and for most of the following centuries remained independent of the successor kingdoms. So, although there was no Macedonian or other Greek settlement in the region, it is remarkable to find as early as the third century BC, in an area notable for its lack of cities, clear evidence for the adoption of Greek modes of civic organization and certain aspects of Greek culture in indigenous communities of great antiquity (e.g. Hanisa, Morima, Tyana/ 33 This was perhaps promoted by marriage links between the Kappadokian royalty and their Seleucid and Attalid neighbours, as well as the philhellenic leanings of this dynasty, shown to the greatest degree by Ariarathes V in the mid-second century. 134 The honours they received in various cities of the Aegean (especially Athens, but also Rhodes, Kos, Samos, Delos, and Priene) are testimony to their benefactions and enthusiastic participation in the cultural life of the Greek world. 135
In spite of this hellenizing tendency on the part of the Kappadokian nobility, it was not accompanied by widespread urbanization of the region itself on the Greek polis model; a few small cities bearing dynastic names (Ariaratheia, Ariaramneia, Archelais) were perhaps no more than rechristened old settlements. The only two large ancient cities, Mazaka (renamed Eusebeia under the kings and acquiring its more familiar name Kaisareia from King Archelaos in the Augustan period) and Tyana (perhaps attested as early as 401 BC under the name Dana 136 and for a time also renamed Eusebeia), potentially controlled vast tracts of land in adjoining areas otherwise devoid of traces of nucleated settlements. For the rest of Kappadokia, large parts may have consisted of royal estates and land belonging to temple states comparable to those found in Pontos. The largest of the temple states centred on the cult of Ma was at Komana, and another dedicated to Zeus existed at Ouenasa; 137 an inscription (SEC XLI 1417) found east of lake Tatta may hint at a smaller temple state of Anaitis, an Iranian goddess, in the area. 138 For administrative purposes Kappadokia was divided into ten strategiai (Str. xii 1. 4); had their boundaries been better known, it would have been helpful to apply this ancient regional terminology to locate the persons attested in its sparsely inhabited north and east.
133 This phenomenon is brilliantly elaborated by L. Robert in his discussion of the decree of Hanisa, one of the jewels of the Hellenistic epigraphy of inland Asia Minor, in Nonzs indigenes pp. 457-523. The honorific decree of Delphi for a Kappadokian from l\ilazaka, a teacher of rhetoric who had previously been awarded Athenian citizenship, dated to the first cent. BC, is also instructive about the cultural leanings of an educated elite: PD III (4) 59.
13+ See R. D. Sullivan, 'The Dynasty of Cappadocia', in ANRW II 7.2 (1980)p~ 1125-68.
135 Athens: JG IF 1330; 3426-8; 3434; IEleusis 272; Rhodes: SEG XXXIII 642; Kos: JG XII (4) 291; Samas: JG XII (6) 349; Delos: ID 1575-6; Priene: IPriene 10.
136 Xenophon (An. i 2. 20) describes Dana as a large, well-populated, and prosperous city.
137 Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 81-2 and (n. 123) pp. 164-7.
138 See L. Robert's commentary in BE 1968, no. 538.
More remarkably, this situation did not substantially alter under the Roman Empire, even after the incorporation of Kappadokia into the provincial administration in 17 AD. 139 A Roman colony was established at Garsaoura-Archelais under Claudius (often referred to in later sources simply as Colonia), but apart from the colony at Faustinopolis created by l\/[arcus Aurelius on the site of the death of his wife Faustina, and the honorific title of colonia bestowed on Tyana by Caracalla, little else changed in the settlement structure of Kappadokia. The royal estates no doubt passed into imperial hands and the temple states assumed the appearance of a typical Greek polis in their institutional organization, but the grip of the old cults on the indigenous population seems not to have been diminished. 140 Northern Kappadokia was devoid of cities altogether and its eastern half remains a virtual epigraphic desert. Likewise, no city existed in the vast area east of a line between Ariaratheia and Komana until l\1elitene is reached on the Euphrates, and there too a similar dearth of inscriptions occurs.
Kappadokia, like many other parts of inland Asia l\!Iinor, was fertile ground for the early spread of Christianity and in the fourth century hosted the three great early Christian fathers, Basil of Kaisareia, Gregory of Nazianzos, and Gregory of Nyssa. All three were educated either at Athens or Constantinople in rhetoric and pagan philosophy and became strong defenders of orthodoxy against Arianism and other heresies. Their writings, especially their letters, refer to a great number of individuals, very often leaving it unclear from what city or region they originated. 141 Rather than omit all those whose origin is not specified, a number of individuals have been included with a cautionary question-mark, either under the name of a particular city or, more often, under the general heading of Kappadokia, wherever the context makes it seem probable.
Armenia Minor
Situated in the far north-east of Asia Minor, between Pontos to its west, the Euphrates, separating it from Greater Armenia, to the east, and a poorly defined border ,vith north-eastern Kappadokia to the south, Armenia l\!Iinor is a predominantly mountainous region isolated from the Black Sea coast by an easterly continuation of the north Pontic range. The upper reaches of the Lykos valley contain its core zone of habitation and it was in this fertile part that Pompey founded Nikopolis following his reorganization of the territories which had formerly been under the control of l\!Iithradates VI . 142 A succession of rulers after 63 BC ended when it was eventually incorporated in the provincial administration under Vespasian, at the same time that the Euphrates was fixed as the eastern boundary of the Roman Empire. Henceforth it became a primary line of communication with the legionary fortress at Satala, established under Trajan to defend the northern
139 Mitchell, Anatolia l pp. 97-8 describes it as the 'Cappadocian exception'.
140 See SEG LII 1464 ter with C. P. Jones, 'A Roman vVill in Cappadocia', Epigr. Anat. 37 (2004) pp. 95-100.
141 Those named in the works of Gregory of Nazianzos arc conveniently collected in Hauser-Meury, Prosopographie; for a study of the people who figure in the letters of Basil, see J.-P.Pochet, Basile le Grand et son univers d'amis d'apri!s sa correspondance: une strategie de communion (Rome, 1992); see also !VI. Cassia, Fm biografia e cronografia. Storici cappadoci nell'eta dei Constantinidi (Acireale & Rome, 2014) pp. 227-57.
142 Mitchell, Anatolia I p. 94.
frontier section between the Euphrates and Trapezous on the Black Sea. 143 vVith a few minor exceptions, all the epigraphic evidence, insignificant in quantity, comes from Nikopolis with its territory and Satala.
Numismatics
As in all other volumes, a significant contribution is made by the personal names attested on coins, even if by comparison with the two previous fascicles for Asia l\!Iinor the absolute numbers are considerably smaller (767 from a total of 42,830, less than 2%). In Isauria no personal names are recorded on the coins, in others only regal or dynastic names (e.g. Galatia, Paphlagonia, Pontos, and Kappadokia), though these can be significant in establishing the correct form of a royal name and its associated titles. For Kappadokia the coins are of crucial importance in clarifying poorly documented periods of the royal succession, even if there has been considerable controversy over the attribution of certain issues to kings who bear the same name. For the sake of convenience we have followed 0. Hoover who represents the general consensus which favours the position of 0. M0rkholm against B. Simonetta . 144 The further revisions of E. Krengel concerning the dates of Ariarathes VI and VII have also been adopted. 145 Only in Phrygia are names on coins both numerous and widespread among its many cities, both great and small (fortysix in all). Of the total of 767 persons mentioned above, 704 (92%) relate to Phrygia. Best represented are the great cities of administrative and commercial importance, Apameia (141 ), Laodikeia (81), and Hierapolis (58), though other larger cities (e.g. Aizanoi, Eumeneia, Kotiaion, Synnada) also figure prominently. But proportionately coins provide the most important evidence for the smallest cities, for some all that is known of their inhabitants (e.g. Bria, Hydrela, Siblia, Siocharax) and even in the case of Okokleia its very existence. Of equal importance, in areas where so few inscriptions date earlier than the Augustan period, is the contribution coins make to what is known of the onomastic profile of certain cities before the wholesale introduction of Italian personal names. For Apameia (112 out of 503, 22%) and Laodikeia (57 out of 943, 6%), the numbers are significant. \!\There the figures are rather smaller, the sixteen pre-Augustan names on the coins of Synnada, the twelve from Eumeneia, the twenty-one from Pisidian Antiocheia or even the five from Kibyra still provide valuable evidence for the composition of their ruling elites; the five late Hellenistic names on the coins of Peltai form a significant fraction of the small number (seventeen) of persons attested for this long-lived but poorly known polis.
Geographical Organization
Throughout LGPN the fundamental unit within its geographical system of organization has been the city (polis) in
143 See T. B. Mitford, 'Cappadocia and Armenia Minor: Historical Setting of the Limes', in ANRW II 7.2 (1980) pp. 1169-1228.
144 0. D. Hoover, CNCA pp. 296-334; B. Simonetta, The Coins of the Cappadocian Kings (Fribourg, 1977). For bibliography and further details of the differences between Simonetta and M0rkholm, see 0. lVforkholm, 'The Cappadocians Again', NC 1979, pp. 244-6. See also de Callatay, HGNI pp. 186-214. The Simonetta case has been restated by his son, A. !VI. Simonetta, in Parthica 9 (2007) pp. 9-152, esp. 27-37.
145 'Die Regierungszeiten des Ariarathes VI. und Ariarathes VI I. anhand einer Neuordnung ihrer Drachmenpragung', SNR 90 (2011) pp. 33-67.
its classic Greek form-an autonomous community of free citizens with an urban nucleus and a dependent territory from which it provided for its basic needs. In this respect, the present volume is no different, even though no Classical citystate existed in this region. The institutional organization of centres of population mentioned in the Classical period or at the time of the Macedonian conquest is largely a blank. 146 Evidence for the spread of a polis culture in the Hellenistic period (Greek language, civic institutions and offices, the gymnasium) in the areas covered here is also very uneven. In the Kibyratis/Kabalis and Pisidia, which had much in common with Karia and Lykia, the hellenization of urban centres is apparent by the second century BC. In Phrygia, especially in the west and south, large-scale Greco-Macedonian settlement between the late fourth and the second centuries BC radically altered the pattern of settlement. Apart from a few large old settlements, such as the temple state of Pessinous or the trading centre of Taouion, Hellenistic Galatia was characterized by the small, rather remote fortified strongholds adopted by the Celtic tribes. 147 In Pontos and Kappadokia, royal fortresses and temple states, some of them controlling very large territories, dominated the landscape. Here too, under the influence of philhellenic kings and the arrangements imposed by Pompey following the dissolution of the Pontic kingdom of the Mithradatids, elements of polis culture were adopted in the late Hellenistic period. But it was only under the Roman Empire that a network of cities with Greco-Roman civic institutions came into existence across most of inland Asia l\/Iinor. 148 The pacification of the Taurus and the organization of the province of Galatia under Augustus brought about the transformation of many indigenous settlements of central Asia 1\/Iinor into Greco-Roman cities. This process continued during the first century AD and by the second century a great part of the land across the interior is found incorporated, not least for administrative reasons, into city territories. The creation of a complex road system, leading across the interior to the garrisons on the frontier with the Parthian and, later, Sasanian empires and the province of Syria, completed the harnessing of central and eastern Anatolia to the 1\/Iediterranean world.
Even though most inscriptions of the Roman Imperial period, to which the epigraphic evidence largely belongs, can be ascribed to a city or its territory, the realities lying behind the geographical headings and subheadings in this volume deserve further elucidation. In some cases, inscriptions are found concentrated in the urban centre, as is normal in the city-states of Greece and the Aegean. Thus, the majority of persons known from highly developed cities such as Hierapolis (Pamukkale), Laodikeia on the Lykos, or Termessos are found under the city heading. However, many more cities of inland Asia 1\/Iinor, such as Kibyra, Sagalassos, Ankyra, Dorylaion, and many of those in Pontos and Kappadokia, came to possess, by the time of the Roman period, large territories which furnish much, if not the majority, of the epigraphic material. Whenever people are attested in inscriptions from a substantial but lower order settlement in the territory of a city, the practice of LGPN is to list them under a subheading
146 The designation of some of them as poleis in Classical sources is of course a loose use of the term.
147 Mitchell, Anatolia 1 p. 58.
148 \Vith the exception of central and eastern Kappadokia: IVIitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 97-8.
as a reflection of the settlement hierarchy. Where known, the ancient place-name is used, but in many cases a modern toponym, most often a village name, serves this purpose. In order to avoid the excessive use of modern village names, the personal names from stray inscriptions are as far as possible grouped with one of the ancient or modern toponyms, with the addition of the qualifying term '(area)'. This formula is used extensively in this volume where it is a question of associating widely scattered material with either a known ancient place, or a modern name for a site whose ancient name is unknown, or a larger modern place which the user can easily locate on a 1nap.
For some cities the proportion of people ascribed to their territories can greatly exceed those known from the urban centre. This is especially true of cities that were physically small, less than 10 ha in area and sometimes located on a mound site (a hoyiik or tell) typical of prehistoric settlement (e.g. Eriza, Kolossai, Midaion, Prymnessos). Sites such as these may largely have been occupied by public and religious space and the homes of an elite group. 1\/Ieanwhile, the bulk of the population primarily involved in agrarian activities resided in villages scattered across the disproportionately large territories of these small cities, probably as a continuation of a much older pattern of settlement. 149 Evidence for these villages is apparent both in their physical remains on the ground and in the numerous village ethnics recorded in the local epigraphy. No fewer than 160 are attested in Phrygia alone, while some 130 distinct community ethnics occur in the lists of the Xenoi Tekmoreioi, which most likely relate to villages in northern Pisidia and south-eastern Phrygia; the rich plain of Chiliokomon ('of a thousand-villages') north-west of Pontic Amaseia drew its name from the large number of villages within it. Only very rarely is it possible to match with certainty one of these village names with a site on the ground, either through the evidence of an inscription or the survival of the toponym in a slightly altered form from antiquity to the present. Even if allowance is made for the removal of inscriptions from the place where they had originally been erected, the widespread distribution of the epigraphic evidence in the rural hinterland presumably reflects the corresponding dispersion of the population to which the inscriptions relate. Thus, in the Upper Tembris valley in western Phrygia, apparently divided between two cities, Appia and Kotiaion, inscriptions are found in and around almost every modern village, and only infrequently in the cities themselves; 150 an even wider dispersal of inscriptions occurs in the territories of Dorylaion and Nakoleia in northern Phrygia. Except for those few cases where an ancient village name can with some degree of certainty be associated with a modern village or site, all the personal names from these texts are ascribed broadly to the territory of a given city. However, where the boundaries of city territories are so imprecisely known, it is not always possible to say with certainty to which territory the person(s) named in an inscription belong(s); for example, it is not at all clear how far the territory of Aizanoi in north-western Phrygia extended to the north and east. In such cases, a note of caution has been given by the addition of a question-mark.
149 One of the largest cities, Laodikeia on the Lykos, seems to have had a much smaller territory than many of its smaller counterparts.
150 IVIAlVIA IX pp. xlii-xhc
Geographical subheadings are also employed to represent spatial entities other than dependent communities. Thus the known ancient subdivisions of the vast civic territory of Pontic Amaseia (Gazakene, Chiliokomon, Diakopene, Pimolisene, Babanomon, Ximene) have been used as subheadings. In this case, a Turkish toponym in brackets following such a subheading indicates a more precise location for the materiale.g. 'Chiliokomon (Merzifon (mod.))'.
The combination of a rich rural epigraphy and specific patterns of settlement has also resulted in a more flexible use of the heading usually reserved for cities, which can sometimes give the false impression on the printed page that some lower-order settlements might be ranked as cities. In reality, more than in any other volume, the status of many small communities is unknown or it has been felt more appropriate to stress the autonomy of some communities that lay in a loose subordinate relationship. 151Strabo describes lsauria as a land of komai, but in the narrow confines of LGPN's settlement hierarchy most named places of this order are classified as autonomous cities. 152In some cases the system of organization based around the city is no longer entirely appropriate; for example, those parts of inland Asia Minor which remained non-urbanized to the extent that there is no known city with which the individuals attested in an inscription may be affiliated. These conditions apply especially to Eastern Phrygia, whose only city of any substance, Laodikeia, lay at its southern margin, and to much of Kappadokia, especially its north half where no city existed between l\!Iazaka-Kaisareia and Taouion in Galatia to the north-west and Sebasteia in Pontos to the north-east.
Some explanation is also required for the treatment in this volume of the persons attested in the extensive landed estates which are such a ubiquitous feature of the territorial organization and economic exploitation of inland Asia Minor. 153 Some of the old royal estates and temple lands were absorbed into newly formed civic territories, whereas others fell into the hands of the Roman emperors. However, a widespread phenomenon of the early Imperial period was the acquisition of large private estates by wealthy families; many of them were of Italian origin which had settled in the cities of Asia Minor. These estates usually incorporated entire villages and the evidence suggests that they lay outside the jurisdiction and authority of the cities in whose territories they stood, especially where imperial officials were involved in their management.154 The titles of some estates preserve the names of their original owners, such as the praedia Quadratiana in the vicinity of Laodikeia in Eastern Phrygia, the K.onsidiana choria comprising seven villages in north-western Galatia and a partially preserved title (the -ciana) in the Upper Tembris valley. In most cases the existence of such an estate, whether private or imperial, has to be inferred from epigraphic evidence recording the presence of the personnel who managed
151 Pertinent situations occur in the !Vlilyas, in southern Lykaonia, and in the case of the imperial estates (see below).
152 Seen. 108.
153 Estates have not previously been encountered on such a large scale in otber regions; see Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 160-2 on estates in Bithynia and Lydia.
15+ This is i_mplied by the imperial rescript of 370/1 AD to the governor of Asia granting control of imperial estates to the cities (JEph 42). They were probably administered in much the same way as the better attested imperial estates in North Africa: Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 162-4. A petition of the
the properties on behalf of the owners (oikonomoi, pragmateutai, epitropoi, as well as freedmen bearing the nomen of the owner, procurators, imperial freedmen and slaves, and various other officials with Latin titles), as well as those who leased the land (misthotai) . 155Only in a few cases where boundary markers survive is it possible to establish with any accuracy the limits of these private and imperial estates. For this reason the estate does not normally figure as part of the geographical order of inland Asia Minor; instead, the individuals associated with them are listed under the name of their village and the city in whose territory it lay (e.g. Alassos in the Kibyratis). Exceptionally, two estates in Pisidia, the kome of Tymbrianassos (SEC XLVIII 1550) and the Orondicus Tractus, whose extent can be traced in part by boundary stones, do not appear under the heading of a city, but stand by themselves. Only in the case of the Konsidiana choria and an estate of the Plancii, both in north-western Galatia, is the title of the estate used as a designation for the people attested within their conjectured boundaries.
Attention should also be drawn to other cases where the normal system of geographic organization has had to be modified or violated. Most of the individuals recorded with their village ethnics in the prolific lists of the Xenoi Tekmoreioi (seep. xiv) have been entered under a joint heading, Phrygia (S.E.)-Pisidia (N.), to reflect the known distribution of its members and ignorance of the village locations. The wide dispersion of epigraphic finds across the landscape may help to explain why it is that in nearly all the regions covered here a significant number of inscriptions in provincial Turkish museum collections lack any record of their provenance, the only parameters for which are the modern administrative boundaries of the province in question. 156In these circumstances, much broader designations have to be applied for the individuals concerned, such as 'Pisidia (W.)' for unprovenanced finds in the Burdur museum, or 'Kappadokia (N.W.)' for similar finds in the Kiqehir museum, or 'Phrygia (S.W.)?' for stray finds in the Denizli museum, the question-mark being necessary because the provincial boundaries of Denizli also cover parts of north-eastern Karia and south-eastern Lydia. For some specific categories, such as the numerous Ridergod reliefs, many of which are to be found without provenance in the museums of Burdur, Antalya, and Fethiye, a tentative attribution has been attempted on the basis of the gods represented in the reliefs. 157Thus, for example, the reliefs depicting Herakles, the Dioskouroi, and the unnamed gods are listed under the heading 'Pisidia (W.)' with the alternative location '(or Kibyratis-Kabalis)', whereas those concerned with Kakasbos are located under 'Kibyratis-Kabalis (or Milyas)', and so on.
In some cases, unprovenanced inscriptions can be assigned to a particular part of a region on the basis of typology and style without greater precision being possible. This is
residents on an imperial estate in the territory of Appia in the Upper Tembris valley, to the joint emperors, the two Philips between 244--24 7 AD, at no point involves the city in the process: see T. Hauken, Petition and Response. An Epigraphic Study of Petitions to Roman Emperors, 181-249 (Bergen, 1998) pp. 140-61.
155 Many of these individuals are marked with an asterisk to indicate that they perhaps or probably originated from elsewhere.
156 Even this is not an infallible guide, when collections have been moved from one place to another; see C. vVallner's remarks in IYozgat pp. 10-13.
157 A large number of them are conveniently collected in IRidergods.
especially true of the epigraphically rich district of the Upper Tembris valley in Phrygia, where distinctive votive reliefs, combined with local cult titles, and diagnostic funerary monuments and their accompanying epigraphic formulae permit a secure attribution. The names in inscriptions of this kind have been registered under the general heading of 'Upper Tembris'. A similar formula has been employed for a small number of names from votive texts found in the northern part of the Phrygian Highlands; here the heading 'Highlands' has been employed.
In the rendering of ancient place-names and regions into English, the practice of LGPN is to adhere as closely as possible to the Greek spelling, with the exception of the few which have entered general usage in an anglicized form (e.g. Athens, Thebes, Thessaly). Some places may therefore appear in forms that do not correspond to those that are customarily used in the wider literature. Most prominent among these is Taouion in place of Tavium; others worth noting are Ouasada (Vasada), Ouenasa (Venasa), Ouetissos (Vetissos), and Saouatra (Savatra). 158 A further point relating to places is that where a place-name is only attested as an ethnic, as is most often the case with the numerous villages, its members are entered under the ethnic heading; no attempt is made to derive the toponym from the ethnic unless it takes the form -Kwp.,/2rYJ,/ai from which the place-name can easily be resolved (e.g. Dioskome from i.lwa1<wfL/2TYJ,,Kakkabokome from KaKKa/30Kwf1,/2TYJ,).
Language and Dialect
Although inland Asia Minor was a multi-lingual area and many of its languages may have survived in spoken form until late antiquity, only the Phrygian and Pisidian languages were committed to writing. Personal names occur in the Old Phrygian texts of the eighth to third centuries BC, but none are Greek and no attempt has been or should be made to render them in Greek form. 159 Names are much less frequent in the Neo-Phrygian inscriptions of the Imperial period which were largely confined to formulaic funerary curses. In a very small number of cases a Greek name occurs and these have been duly recorded with an indication of the original language '(Phryg.)'. As for the inscriptions in Pisidian, mainly funerary, found at Tymbriada and Kesme-Asar Tepe (north of Selge), a slightly different approach has been adopted. 160 Since the Pisidian texts are written in the Greek alphabet and the Greek names follow Greek rules of declension, the indication '(Pisid.)' has not been used, whereas indigenous names following Pisidian declension are not recorded. 161 The indication '(Pisid. ?)' has been used for a few indigenous names when it is difficult to decide whether the text in which they occur, usually very short, is in Greek or Pisidian. 162
While Greek is the language for the vast majority of inscriptions, a noteworthy number of names (667-1.5%) are attested in Latin in this volume, far more than in the coastal districts of Asia Minor and an eloquent witness to the pres-
ence of Italian emigres and colonists. Inscriptions in Latin are closely correlated with the presence of Italian colonies, as well as with locations where Roman officials or the Roman army were based. For example, the persons recorded in Latin texts in Pisidia and Lykaonia are almost all from Roman colonies, above all Antiocheia (185) but also Kremna (27), Olbasa (10), and Komama (5) in Pisidia, Lystra (36) and Ikonion (14) in Lykaonia. In Phrygia there is a wide scatter of inscriptions composed in Latin, but the only concentrations are around Synnada and Dokimeion, from where as many as forty-six persons primarily associated with the management and working of the imperial marble quarries are known from Latin texts; elsewhere only at Apameia (nine), an important commercial and administrative centre, are more than a handful of names recorded in Latin. In Galatia, by far the greatest number of individuals in Latin inscriptions come from its capital Ankyra (forty-eight), seat of the Roman provincial administration. The effect of the military presence on the use of Latin is most visible in the major frontier forts on the Euphrates, at Satala (six persons) in Armenia Minor and at Melitene (seven persons) in Kappadokia.
Complications arising from dialect in the Greek language inscriptions are not an issue in this volume. Instead, where so much of the epigraphical material belongs to an advanced stage in the Imperial period and later, and in addition belongs to the private rather than the public sphere, the morphology and syntax of the Greek language and in particular the orthography of the personal names very frequently depart from the standard 'correct' form that might be expected in a literary text or inscription of the Classical or Hellenistic periods. These orthographic variations correspond to the phonetic evolution of the spoken language, prefiguring many of the developments seen in modern Greek. While this phenomenon is widespread in the epigraphy of all regions of the Greco-Roman world, it is seen in a more acute form in inland Asia Minor, producing what appear to the untrained eye to be outlandish forms (e.g. EZ1ToOCLp.,ia for 'J1T1ToOCLp.,Eia,MEpTE{vYJfor MEAT{VYJ,and some of the many variations on the Semitic naine 'JwCLVVYJ,-ElovaVYJ<;,'Hoavi<;,etc.). 163
In accordance with established LGPN practice, Greek names are presented in their normalized Attic or koine form, with the variant orthography, most often just the variant syllable(s), recorded in the final brackets (e.g. 'A0/2vaw,, -vE-; 'A1To>..>..wvw,, -1To>..6-;"O>..vf1,1TO<;,->..vv1r-)164 As for Italian names, variant spellings of a particular name have also been regularized so as to appear under a single heading, but the principles followed are inevitably somewhat looser (e.g. OvaMpw, for BaMpw, and Zrnvijpo, for ZE/3ijpo,, but the f3 is retained in IIpi(l,iT'i/30,; Aoyy'ivo, for AovyE'ivo,, but IIp{vKE!p and ZavKTo, correspond more closely to Latin 'Princeps' and 'Sanctus'). Regarding the accentuation of Italian names, the convention that applies Greek rules to Latin names, as evinced in literary texts (e.g. AvyovaTo,, ZEVEKa,), has been followed, in full awareness that in some cases this disregards the quantity of the Latin vowel (e.g. the Latin u is short in names like 'lovKovvoo, or Movvoo,). 165
158 The same orthography is also to be found in the Barrington Atlas.
159 The same principle was applied to Karian and Lykian names in their respective native scripts in LGPNV.B (seep. ix). For personal names in Old Phrygian, see C. Brixhe (n. 87) pp. 57-8.
16° For these texts, see Brixhe, Steles.
161 E.g. SEG XXXVII 1198 and 1202.
162 SEGXXXII 131 andlBurdurNlus 294.
163 For a detailed study of these developments, see C. Brixhe (n. 83).
1 " See LGPN I p. xii.
165 See P. Probert, Ancient Greeh Acce11t11atio11(Oxford, 2006) pp. 131-6; for a dissenting view regarding this convention, see H. Solin, Arctos 49 (2015) p. 289.
Statistics
This fascicle contains a total of 42,830 attestations of personal names, but as has been noted in the two previous fascicles of LGPNV (VA p. xvi, VB p. xxx) this figure is not to be equated with the number of individuals represented, given the large number of individuals attested with more than one name. Some of these additional names are nicknames (e.g. )boAAwvw, /lamua,), others just double names (e.g. )11TE;\;\[017,Bia.vwp), frequently connected by a phrase such as 6 Ka[or 6 Jm,wAovµ,Evo,; occasionally even longer strings of names occur (e.g. A. 116.mo, <l>;\aovi"avo,OvlKTwpZvo, ZwTll(OS').11 ' 6 The frequent combination of names with the suffix -iavos/~ with other names is well documented and their possible patronymic sense has been discussed. 167 Of the above total 33,636 (78.5%) are masculine, 9,015 (21°/r,) feminine; 179, in large part indigenous names from Isauria and Lykaonia, cannot be assigned to a gender. These totals are divided among 7,328 separate name forms, 5,321 masculine, 2,023 feminine, and 144 of uncertain gender. It should be noted that some name forms are borne by both males and females, ·which accounts for the fact that the sum of masculine and feminine names is greater than the total number of names on record. 168 A very large proportion of names is attested just once, 4,212 in total (57%). Of the masculine names, 2,979 (56'¼,)occur only once, of the female 1,164 (57%), of uncertain gender 69. Comparatively few names occur ten times or more, 552 (10%) masculine, 187 (9%) feminine. The largest numbers of entries are derived from Phrygia (15,291-35.7%) and Pisidia (10,658-24.9%); 169 the other regions contribute rather smaller numbers, though in relation to their size the Kibyratis/Kabalis (3,528) and Eastern Phrygia (3,037) are well represented, compared vvith the relatively low figures for the vast regions of Paphlagonia (766), Pontos (883), and Kappadokia (2,166) in the north and east of inland Asia lVIinor. Very small numbers have been produced from the tiny region of Milyas (147), largely confined to the Elmali plain, and the much more extensive but thinly populated region of Armenia Minor (101) in the north-east.
In all previous LGPN volumes a theophoric name has 1 170 Th. always topped the table of the most popu ar names. 1s pattern is broken in the regions of inland Asia lVIinor where the commonest masculine name is )!Mtavopo, (759). It became very popular as an aspirational name throughout the Greek East and Italy during the Roman Imperial period, being especially favoured among people of low social standing. 171 Although it is one of the commonest names in all the regions so far covered by LGPN, its popularity in the inner regions
of Asia lVIinor was on an altogether different scale, being adopted by more than 2% of all males. 172 Of the three theophoric names, )'[170;\;\wvw,(696), iJ17µ,~Tpw,(304), and iJwvvuw, (257), which are by far the commonest names in coastal Asia Minor (LGPN VA pp. xvi-xvii and V.B p. xxxi), only A1To;\;\wvw, maintains its widespread popularity. A number of other names occur in some quantity across all the regions of inland Asia lVIinor. This is true of certain names with a 1\/[acedonian flavour, such as M,lvavopo, (315), JhrnAo, (284 ), and AvT£oxo, (157), as well as the feminine name LTpaTov[K17 (60). Latin names are also conspicuous by their abundance, the commonest being the simple male praenomina, I'a.i"o, (367), Map,rn, (285), and /lov,ao, (176), as well as the feminine names 'IovMa (64), MapKla (50), llpoKAa (44), and LEKovvoa (41). Lallnamen are even more prolific in this volume than in those parts of coastal Asia 1\/[inor where their frequency has previously been noted (LGPN VA p. xvii and V.B p. xxxi). For males, only the names lla1Ta, (195) and llama, (191) stand out. As elsewhere, Lallnamen are particularly favoured among women. Aµ,µ,ia/Aµ,ia (354) is the most frequently recorded feminine name in inland Asia 1\/[inor and other na1nes of this category given to women occur in large numbers: TaTEi,/Tan, (169), Tana (128), Nava (87), Tarn (86), ANua,/Aµ,ia, (81), A1T1T7I(69), and Ampw (54), as well as other names based on these same common roots. They are especially frequent in Phrygia, northern Pisidia, and Eastern Phrygia. 173 Deriving from the same domestic context to which the Lallnamen belonged, are the Greek and Latin names with the simple meaning of 'master' or 'mistress' or 'married woman/wife', which again were evidently felt more appropriate for women than men. Thus there are many more women called Kvpi,\;\a (156), Kvp[a (31), iJo~iva/17(271), and MaTpwva (82), than men called KvpiAAo, (67), Kvpw, (2), and iJoµ,vo, (89). 174 Together with the related names KvpiaKo, (47) and KvpwK~(,) (24) which signify 'of the master/lord', their religious connotations made them suitable names to be borne by Christians.
175
However, the bare figures conceal a great degree of regional diversity. Many of the most frequently attested names, both masculine and feminine, have a restricted distribution within a particular area. For example, 'Epµ,aZo,(596), TpoKovoa, (315), Mo,\ 11 , (216), and the feminine names 'ApTEµ,i, (258) and Apµ,aurn (129) are mainly to be found in the culturally coherent area encompassing the Kibyratis/Kabalis, the lVIilyas, and Termessos.
176 For some of these names the disproportionately large number of people attested at the Pisidian city gives a distorted impression of their frequency across the region at large. Likewise, ZwnKo<; (330), a name which overwhelmingly
166 For a study of multiple names in Lydia, see !VI. Ricl's paper in Onomatologos pp. 530-51.
167 See D. Feissel, 'Citoyennete romaine et onomastique grecque au lendemain de la constitutio Antoniniana: les cognomina en -iavOS" clans Jes inscriptions de Bithynie et de Pamphylie', in Vir doctus Anat. pp. 349-55; T. Corsten's study in Onomatologos pp. 456-63 and briefer remarks in LGPN V.A p. x,· and LGPN V.B p. xxx.
168 See LGPN V.B p. xxx n. 182.
169 The figures for Pisidia include the people from the lists of Xenoi Tekmoreioi who have been ascribed to Phrygia (S.E.)-Pisidia (N.). 17° For the most popular names in LGP1V 1-V.B, sec sections on statistics at http://www.-lgpn.ox.ac.uk/publications/index.html.
171 It is the third most common Greek name attested in Rome, where it was particularly favoured by slaves and freedmen: see Solin, CPR' pp. 191-200.
172 Although the proportion may seem small, it is only exceeded by the popularity of the name Apollonios in coastal Asia Minor where it accounts for almost 3% of all named males.
173 For Lallnamen in Phrygia, see C. Brixhe (n. 87) pp. 58 and 62, who associates these names with the Anatolian precursors of the Phrygian population.
m L'.loµvo,and L'.loµvaare syncopated renditions of Latin Dominus and Do1nina.
175 S. Destephen, 'Christianisation and Local Names: Fall and Rise in Late Antiquity', in Changing Names. Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Greek Onomastics, ed. R. Parker (forthcoming).
176 For the geographical distribution of these names, see J.-S. Balzat, 'Names in ERJYI- in Southern Asia IVIinor. A Contribution to the Cultural History of Ancient Lycia', Chiron 44 (2014) pp. 273-7.
dates to the Roman Imperial period, 177 and the feminine name Ba{3ns (64) are mostly attested in Phrygia, northern Pisidia, and Eastern Phrygia. In an extreme case, the inscriptions enumerating the inhabitants of Alassos, a relatively insignificant village in the territory of Kibyra, register a majority (155) of all those called Mijvis (285). The feminine name Ma (51), almost exclusively found in Kappadokia and immediately adjacent areas, was also the name of the great Kappadokian goddess whose cult centre was at Komana. Her identification with Athena as a goddess of war helps to account for the frequency of names such as i-l0~vaws and i-l017vafrin Kappadokia. 178 Also worthy of note is the marked concentration of theophoric names related to the indigenous god Men in Phrygia. At a time when the range of most theophoric compound names was drastically reduced, no fewer than sixteen (twenty-two including their shortened forms and extensions) occur in Phrygia related to Men, of which eight are found only in Phrygia in inland Asia Minor. Of the 399 persons attested with such names in this volume, 312 (78%) are from Phrygia. A similar pattern is detectable for the compounds relating to Meter, identified with the Phrygian Kybele, whose main cult centre was at Pessinous in what became western Galatia. All nine names (sixteen including shortened forms and varied terminations) occur in Phrygia and Galatia, relating to 95 (86°/4,)of the 111 individuals attested in inland Asia Minor. The small concentration of thirty-two such names at Aizanoi is likely to be associated with the local cult of l\ileter Steunene. 179
The under-representation of women in the documentation for the Greco-Roman world is well known and clearly apparent in the raw figures generated from the work of LGPN. In most regions, especially the ancient city-states of old Greece and the Aegean, it is unusual for women to make up more than 15% of the attested population, and in many of them they comprise a much smaller proportion, between 5-10%. The explanation lies in the limited role played by women in public life, to which so much of the epigraphic material relates. Most of the evidence for women and their names derives from texts concerned with private matters, above all in funerary inscriptions, though the pattern of under-representation persists here too and is exacerbated by the custom of identifying women, as well as men, by their patronym and, sometimes, by their husband's name. As will be seen on Table 3 the proportion of women attested in the regions of inland Asia lVIinor averages at 21 %, well above the norm for the GrecoRoman world and most of coastal Asia l\ilinor, but in line with regions such as Bithynia (18%), Lydia (21 %) and Kilikia Pedias (21 %) which also have a rich rural epigraphy. 180 The
177 There is a single occurrence of the name ZwT<Ko,in the Hellenistic period in LGPN II (6). See an additional occurrence of the Hellenistic period in JG II 2 957 ii, 42.
178 Robert, Noms indigimes p. 494.
179 See JYIAi\!IA IX pp. xxxiii-xxxv.
180 The percentage of women in the Kibyratis/Kabalis is artificially depressed by the exceptional number of male names (785-22% of the region) attested in the inscriptions from the village of Alassos.
181 There are comparable and even higher figures for women in some of the regions of South Italy where Latin funerary epigraphy is one of the main epigraphic sources: Apulia (37%), Calabria (28%), Campania (28%), Lucania (20%).
182 This is especially conspicuous when the evidence is compared with that from Karia and Lykia.
183 Officials: Phrygia (OGIS 308); Kibyratis (SEG LX 1568); Pisidia (SEG L 1304; TAJ',1 III (1) 2 and 8; Robert, Dowments p. 53; ID 1603;
primary reason for these elevated figures lies in the nature of the documentation, which is dominated by funerary texts and private dedications and contains relatively so little of a public nature. 181 However, the strikingly high proportion of women recorded in Eastern Phrygia (31 %), whose epigraphic documentation is overwhelmingly rural (even when associated with the territory of its only city, Laodikeia), may also suggest a greater degree of equality in gender relations in such agrarian communities than in the more developed urban societies in surrounding regions.
The personal names treated in this fascicle have a thoroughly uneven chronological distribution. Apart from a tiny handful attributed to the Archaic and Classical periods, many of which belong to semi-mythical figures, all the named individuals are attested in the period following the l\ilacedonian conquest of the Persian Empire. As noted already in the opening section of this Introduction, this sets it apart from all the previously published volumes, as well as the two fascicles covering coastal Asia l\ilinor, where names dating from the two centuries before the conquest are much more evenly represented. Even for the Hellenistic period, when Greco1\ilacedonian settlements appear in certain parts of the interior, there is a dearth of epigraphic documentation, which only begins to pick up in the first century BC. Overall the record is patchy, lacking anything like adequate evidence for the evolution of naming practices in some regions (Isauria, Lykaonia, Paphlagonia, Pontos), 182 but it is suggestive of highly varied onomastic patterns across this enormous and ethnically diverse land mass. Fewer than 5% of the individuals recorded here can be dated before the Augustan era. For the most part they are the names of officials named in public documents, together with a small number from funerary inscriptions on gravestones of typical Greek forms. 183 As far as can be judged from the small number of official documents of the third and second centuries in the Kibyratis/Kabalis, Pisidia, and Galatia, Greek names did not predominate among the elites. A remarkable list of allotment-holders from Balboura in the Kabalis, dated c.150-50 BC, in which only 12% of the 320 individuals attested certainly bore Greek names, sheds light on the cultural milieu of one social group. 184 In contrast, Greek names far outnumber other categories in the equally small number of Phrygian official texts of this period, 185 a picture amply corroborated by the names found on the second-and firstcentury coins; with a very few exceptions, the roughly 225 monetary officials all bore Greek names such as might be found anywhere in coastal Asia Minor. For regions such as Galatia, Lykaonia, and Kappadokia most, if not all of those attested in the Hellenistic period are known from inscriptions
Swoboda-Keil, Denkmiiler p. 33 no. 74); Galatia (IPessinous 2; 4; 5); Kappadokia (Robert, Noms indigenes pp. 458-9).
1" A. S. Hall and J. J. Coulton (n. 40) pp. 137-8.
185 ILaodLyk 2 (third cent. BC), OGIS 308 (Hierapolis), and the funerary text SEG XL V 1721 (Aizanoi) with typically Macedonian names. Note also the Greek names on two early Hellenistic stelai from Dokimeion, one of them in the Phrygian language (P. Thonemann [n. 9) pp. 18-20). A late third-or second-cent. list of proxenoi from Chios includes a Patroklos son of Sophron from Synnada, as well as a lVIenandros son of lVIetrodoros from Laodikeia (RPh 1937, pp, 137-8 II. 16-17); several second-cent. proxenoi probably from Phrygian Hierapolis, all with Greek names, are found in Crete (IC 2 p, 26 no. 9; p, 200 no, 7 B), On the development of the 'epigraphic habit' in Phrygia, see P. Thonemann (n. 9) pp, 29-31. The earliest epigraphically attested person with a Phrygian city ethnic is a woman, Kosmia, from Kelainai, named on a mid-fourth-cent. tombstone at Athens (JG II 2 9009).
found in the major centres of the Hellenic world where they had arrived as slaves (gravestones at Athens and Rhodes, manumissions at Delphi) or as mercenaries in Egypt, 186 but almost never as free citizens in official lists of proxenoi, theorodokoi, or victors in competitions. 187 Exceptional and difficult to account for are the seventy-nine men and women from Ankyra of the Hellenistic period, almost exclusively attested at Athens who, with a couple of exceptions, all had Greek names. 188 Literary sources, sometimes corrected and supplemented by epigraphic and numismatic evidence, record the names of the chieftains of Galatia and of the royal house of Kappadokia, with their distinctive Celtic and Iranian nomenclature.
By comparison, the epigraphic evidence for the first three centuries AD, a period which coincides with the most concentrated phase of urban monumentalization in pre-modern Anatolia, is remarkably full. From the point of view of onomastics, the fact that it consists to a very large degree of funerary texts and private dedications is a positive advantage. The main obstacle to exploring onomastic developments within this period is that a very large number of the inscriptions cannot be dated with greater precision than 'Imperial'. With this in mind, some general observations can be made relating just to the main categories of names. Although bearers of Greek names are substantially less numerous than in the coastal regions of Asia Minor (with the exception of Kilikia), and in spite of a widespread tendency to homogenization in the Roman period, 189 they are still the most popular type of name in most parts, generally comprising 50-60% of the onomastic repertoire and a similar proportion of the named individuals. However, there are exceptions to this pattern. In Lykaonia and lsauria Greek names are markedly less common, in the latter constituting only 23% of the repertoire and 26°/4,of the named individuals; this onomastic landscape resembles, in a more extreme form, that of neighbouring Kilikia Tracheia (LGPNV.B p. xxxv Table 1). Phrygia, on the other hand, approximates most closely to the coastal regions of Asia Minor, with Greek names forming 68% of the repertoire and 69% of the named individuals. In those regions where Greek names are fewest, indigenous names are correspondingly more frequent. On a broader level it is evident that the indigenous, Anatolian nomenclature survived and flourished in the southern regions of the Taurus (Isauria, south-
186 For mercenaries from these regions, see Launey 2, pp. 1223-5 and 1229-30 with additions in Bernand, Pan du Desert 85 (indigenous) and SEG XXVII 973 bis (Greek).
187 lVIost of the names attested epigraphically in Hellenistic Galatia are derived from graffiti on pottery found at Gordian: SEG XXXVII 1104-63. For persons attested abroad with an ethnic designation, perhaps indicative of a servile background, see FRA p. 60 (I'aAaT17,), p. 114 (Ka1r1ra8ofl, p. 146 (Av,movwa); pp. 252-3 (llacf,Aaywv), pp. 313-14 (<!>pvt),and also D. Morelli, 'Gli stranieri in Rodi', Studi classici e orientali 5 (1955) pp. 179-84.
188 Non-Greek are 8av8a, Mavta (possibly Greek), Nwv17, and PoaKTwp. Two individuals from Ankyra occur at Teos, the remainder at Athens. After the 2,011 Milesians, 618 Herakleiots, and 561 Antiochenes, Ankyra is the fourth most numerous ethnic for the foreigners at Athens: see FRA pp. 3-7. The fact that they bear a city ethnic, are almost always accompanied by a patronym, and are sometimes known to have been married to Athenian citizens or other free resident aliens, means that they cannot be regarded to be of servile origin.
189 This process is termed 'koinefication' by C. Brixhe, 'Anatolian Anthroponymy after Louis Robert ... and Some Others', in R. Parker (n. 71) pp. 20-2.
ern Lykaonia, Pisidia, the Milyas, Kibyratis/Kabalis, as well as Kilikia Tracheia). 19° From the very limited evidence available, all from Pisidia and the Kibyratis/Kabalis (e.g. texts from Sagalassos and Balboura), there is good reason to believe that this was an even more marked feature in the Hellenistic period. 191 In these regions the extraordinary popularity of certain Greek names arose from their phonetic proximity to common indigenous onomastic roots, a phenomenon already noted in LGPNV.A (pp. xv-xvi) and V.B (pp. xxx and xxxiii). 192 By contrast, indigenous naming is distinctly scarce in the north (Paphlagonia, Pontos, Armenia Minor, Galatia, and Phrygia). The reasons for this are varied. In Phrygia it is hard to isolate a distinctive repertoire of names derived from the Phrygian language and those that can be regarded as 'Phrygian' tend to be concentrated in the south-east and to a greater degree in Eastern Phrygia. 193 As an explanation for this scarcity of Phrygian names the extensive Greco-Macedonian colonization that occurred in the Hellenistic period is not entirely convincing, given the tenacity with which its people clung to their ancestral language and other aspects of their cultural identity. 194 In Galatia, formerly part of Greater Phrygia, this scarcity is more easily understood to have been the outcome of its occupation by Celtic tribes in the third century BC; 9% of its onomastic repertoire is Celtic and 6% of the individuals from Galatia bear names of this type, a third of whom belong to the Hellenistic period. 195 In Pontos and Paphlagonia, where the pre-Imperial onomastics are essentially unknown (at least for their non-hellenized interiors), 196 it is natural to trace the loss of its indigenous name-stock to the wholesale reordering of the regions by Pompey in 63 BC, entailing among other things the settlement of Italians and the disappearance of the old elites which had served the Mithradatids. In contrast, Kappadokia, which was never subject to large-scale Greek or Italian settlement or other major disruptions to its ethnic composition, yields a significant body of indigenous names (13% of the name stock and 10% of the individuals attested) which can be regarded as characteristically Kappadokian, some of which (e.g. Avo1TTYJVYJS,I:aaas, Ti>.>.17,)have a wider distribution in coastal Pontos and the Kimmerian Bosporos in the north Black Sea. 197 A further distinctive element in Kappadokian onomastics is the comparatively large number of Iranian names, both within the stock of names (4%) and the number of bearers (5%), much greater than for
19° First studied in detail in P. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Ci/£cia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period (Leiden, 1961); see also H. C. Melchert, 'Naming Practices in Second-and First-Millennium Western Anatolia', in R. Parker (n. 71) pp. 31-49.
191 In Karia and Lykia, where the epigraphic evidence permits an analysis of broad categories of names in the Hellenistic and Imperial periods, there was a general decline in the use of Anatolian names in the Roman period. For Lykia, see C. Schuler, 'Lycian, Persian, Greek, Roman: Chronological Layers and Structural Developments in the Onomastics of Lycia', in R. Parker (n. 175) (forthcoming).
192 See also P. Thonemann (n. 102) pp. 357-85 who also argues that local factors account for the adoption of certain heroic Greek names.
193 See C. Brixhe (n. 87) pp. 55-69.
194 C. Brixhe (n. 87) pp. 68-9.
195 For a survey of names in Galatia, see A. Co~kun (n. 71) pp. 82-104.
196 It is perhaps legitimate to speculate that the indigenous onomastics of Pontos were similar to what is found in Kappadokia, considering the cultural and linguistic ties connecting the two regions. There is, however, very little overlap between the small body of indigenous names attested in coastal Pontos and Kappadokia.
197 Robert, Noms indigenes pp. 523-40.
any other region of Asia Minor. 198 Such names were not confined to the ruling nobility but figure prominently among ordinary people in the well-documented onomastics of Komana-Hierapolis in the Imperial period. They are one aspect of the wider Iranian cultural influences in Kappadokia, felt to an even greater extent in its eastern neighbours Kommagene and Armenia. 199
Although they never supplanted Greek names, there was an exceptional diffusion of names of Italian origin in inland Asia Minor in the Imperial period, for which only Bithynia (23% of individuals) and Kilikia Pedias (27% of individuals; see LGPN V.B p. xxxiv) in the coastal regions can provide a match. In this volume, the number of bearers of Italian names makes up almost 19% of the total records. However, not only are the absolute numbers of Italian names and their bearers remarkable, but the extraordinarily wide stock of names also deserves comment, including many unattested elsewhere in Asia lVIinor.200 There exist striking regional and more localized variations in the distribution of these names. Paphlagonia and Pontos (with Armenia Minor) produce the highest percentage of persons with Italian names (40% and 42% respectively) as well as high numbers for the overall name stock (35% and 33% respectively). The lowest figures by both measures are found in the south-west and western regions, the Kibyratis/Kabalis (9%-13%), Pisidia (14%-18.5%), and Phrygia (17%-20%). Roman (re-)foundations of cities, as well as colonies of Roman citizens, together with high levels of army recruitment, had a major effect in regions such as Galatia, Lykaonia, and Pisidia, and were influential in the introduction, diffusion, and adoption of Roman nomenclature.
201 The long-term impact of the Pompeian establishment of new cities and the introduction of Italian settlers in the old territories of the Mithradatid kingdom shows up in the elevated figures for Italian names in Pontos and Paphlagonia. Galatia and Eastern Phrygia were also home to large senatorial and imperial properties peopled by a large body of superintendents and their dependents. Broad figures, however, can pre-
198 Ibid. pp. 514-22; for Iranian survivals in Kappadokia and more widely in Asia Minor, see Mitchell, Anatolia 2 pp. 29 and 73 and S. Mitchell (n. 123) pp. 151-71, esp. 163-9.
199 These Iranian features in the onomastic repertoire would be even more apparent if those persons dated to the fourth cent. AD and later were excluded from the tally.
200 Both nomina gentilicia (e.g. Balabia, Caetranius, Calvisius, Lafrenus, Nemetorius, Sornatius, Titurnius, Valgius) and cognomina (e.g. Barbas, Calvinus, Carosus, Fristana, Gallicanus, Glabrio, l\!Iarsulla, Mutata, Nominatus, Novellus, Pansa, Patroinus, Restituta, Superatus, Superstes, Tiro, Tranquillus, Varro) used as an individual personal name.
201 See Mitchell, Anatolia 1 pp. 81-96 (city foundations) and pp. 136-42 (army recruitment). In Isauria, Greek and Italian names seem to have been equally popular. Since there were no Roman colonies here, the large numbers bearing Italian names (21 %) may reflect in part the success of native recruitment into the Roman army.
sent a distorted picture and obscure marked variations within a region. Almost half the individuals attested from Pisidia come from Termessos in the south, a city with predominantly Greek and indigenous names. But Roman colonies elsewhere in Pisidia, notably Antiocheia, clearly show how Italian names became diffused in other parts of the region.
The peak in the number of inscriptions in the second and third centuries AD in inland Asia l\!Iinor is repeated in many other parts of the Greco-Roman world, as also is the decline in the epigraphic habit after the mid-third century. 202 In this volume fewer than 10% of the individuals recorded can be assigned to the period from the fourth to the early seventh century AD. A good number of these, besides, are known from literary, especially Christian, sources. Once again, there is considerable regional and intra-regional variation. In Kappadokia, which became an important centre of Christianity and learning in the fourth century, 20% of the total number of individuals are dated to this century, the vast majority documented in literary sources, most notably the three Kappadokian Church Fathers. Here and in Pontos and Galatia, hagiographic sources provide the names of numerous martyrs and clergymen, though many of them are of doubtful authenticity or are certainly fictitious. 203 However, while the epigraphic habit was certainly in decline, funerary epigraphy continues strongly in some urban centres (e.g. Ankyra, Germia, and Taouion in Galatia), as well as in other parts where there was a flourishing tradition of rural epigraphy (e.g. the Upper Tembris valley in Phrygia, throughout Eastern Phrygia, and the <;aqamba valley in southern Lykaonia), at least during the fourth century. It was in the towns and villages of Phrygia and Lykaonia that Christians for the first time came openly to declare their faith and identity. 204 Accompanying the new faith, there began a new era in Greek onomastics characterized by an increasingly impoverished stock of names, but also by their overtly Christian values and biblical references. Names of this type are much better documented in inland Asia Minor than in the centres of the ancient pagan religion in the coastal areas. 205
202 R. McMullen, 'The Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire', AJPh 103 (1982) pp. 233-46 and 'Frequency of Inscriptions in Roman Lydia', ZPE 65 (1986) pp. 237-8; see also E. Meyer, 'Explaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire: The Evidence of Epitaphs', JRS 80 (1990) pp. 74-96.
203 An exceptional source for personal names from the far north-west of Galatia in the late sixth and early seventh centuries AD is the Life of St Theodoros of Sykeon (ed. A. Festugiere, 1970).
2°' S. Mitchell, 'Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity', in Offentlichkeit-Monument-Text, edd. W. Eck and P. Funke (Berlin & Boston, 2014) pp. 275-97. Of Destephen's catalogue of 275 preConstantinian inscriptions, the majority (248) come from inland Asia Minor: 'La christianisation de 1'Asie l\!Iineure jusqu'a Constantin: le temoinage de l'epigraphie', in Le probleme de la Christianisation du monde antique, edd. H. Inglebert, S. Destephen, and B. Dumezil (Paris, 2011) pp. 159-94.
205 D. Feissel (n. 114) pp. 1-14; S. Destephen (n. 175).
Table 1. Distribution of names by category across the regions. The two sets of figures and percentages correspond to the totals recorded first for the number of name forms, and second for the number of individuals.
• Includes twelve different names borne by seventeen individuals that are possibly Celtic.
