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NONTRADITIONAL ACTIVATIONMETHODS INGREENAND SUSTAINABLE APPLICATIONS
NONTRADITIONAL ACTIVATIONMETHODSIN GREENANDSUSTAINABLE APPLICATIONS
Microwaves;Ultrasounds;Photo-, Electro-andMechanochemistryand HighHydrostaticPressure
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Contributors
RicardoBelloso
DepartmentofChemistry,GeorgiaSouthernUniversity,Statesboro,GA,UnitedStates
ClarenceCharnay
ICGM,UnivMontpellier,CNRS,ENSCM,Montpellier,France
PedroCintas
DepartmentofOrganicandInorganicChemistry,FacultyofSciencesandIACYS-GreenChemistry andSustainableDevelopmentUnit,UniversityofExtremadura,Badajoz,Spain
EvelinaColacino
ICGM,UnivMontpellier,CNRS,ENSCM,Montpellier,France
GiancarloCravotto
DepartmentofDrugScienceandTechnology,andNIS-CentreforNanostructuredInterfacesandSurfaces, UniversityofTurin,Turin,Italy
FrancescoDelogu
DipartimentodiIngegneriaMeccanica,Chimica,edeiMateriali,Universita degliStudidiCagliari,Cagliari, Italy
FranziskaEmmerling
BAMFederalInstituteforMaterialsResearchandTesting,Berlin,Germany
SatoshiFujii
DepartmentofInformationandCommunicationSystemEngineering,OkinawaCollege,Okinawa,Japan
AharonGedanken
DepartmentofChemistry,BarIlanUniversity,RamatGan,Israel
AllenGordon
DepartmentofChemistryandBiochemistry,GeorgiaSouthernUniversity,Statesboro,GA,UnitedStates
NorbertHoffmann
CNRS,UniversitedeReimsChampagne-Ardenne,ICMR,EquipedePhotochimie,UFRSciences, Reims,France
Istva ´ nJablonkai
MTATTKLenduletFunctionalOrganicMaterialsResearchGroup,InstituteofOrganicChemistry,Research CentreforNaturalSciences,Budapest,Hungary
AnkeKabelitz
BAMFederalInstituteforMaterialsResearchandTesting,Berlin,Germany
AttilaKunfi
MTATTKLenduletFunctionalOrganicMaterialsResearchGroup,InstituteofOrganicChemistry,Research CentreforNaturalSciences,Budapest,Hungary
ShainazLandge
DepartmentofChemistryandBiochemistry,GeorgiaSouthernUniversity,Statesboro,GA,UnitedStates
CorentinLefebvre
CNRS,UniversitedeReimsChampagne-Ardenne,ICMR,EquipedePhotochimie,UFRSciences, Reims,France
Ga ´ borLondon
MTATTKLenduletFunctionalOrganicMaterialsResearchGroup,InstituteofOrganicChemistry,Research CentreforNaturalSciences,Budapest,Hungary
KatiaMartina
DepartmentofDrugScienceandTechnology,andNIS-CentreforNanostructuredInterfacesandSurfaces, UniversityofTurin,Turin,Italy
AdamA.L.Michalchuk
BAMFederalInstituteforMaterialsResearchandTesting,Berlin,Germany
ManishaMishra DepartmentofChemistry,UniversityofMassachusettsBoston,Boston,MA,UnitedStates
TaraMooney DepartmentofChemistry,UniversityofMassachusettsBoston,Boston,MA,UnitedStates
MariaJesusMoran
DepartmentofDrugScienceandTechnology,andNIS-CentreforNanostructuredInterfacesandSurfaces, UniversityofTurin,Turin,Italy
BilalNis ¸ ancı DepartmentofChemistry,FacultyofScience,AtaturkUniversity,Erzurum,Turkey
Istva ´ nPa ´ linko ´ UniversityofSzeged,Szeged,Hungary
AndreaPorcheddu DipartimentodiScienzeChimicheeGeologiche,Universita ` degliStudidiCagliari,CittadellaUniversitaria, Monserrato,CA,Italy
IndraNeelPulidindi DepartmentofChemistry,BarIlanUniversity,RamatGan,Israel
Da-HuiQu
KeyLaboratoryforAdvancedMaterials,SchoolofChemistryandMolecularEngineering,EastChina UniversityofScienceandTechnology,Shanghai,China
ChristianSchafer DepartmentofChemistry,UniversityofMassachusettsBoston,Boston,MA,UnitedStates
AbidShaikh DepartmentofChemistry,GeorgiaSouthernUniversity,Statesboro,GA,UnitedStates
Pa ´ lSipos UniversityofSzeged,Szeged,Hungary
Ma ´ rtonSzabados UniversityofSzeged,Szeged,Hungary
BelaT € or € ok DepartmentofChemistry,UniversityofMassachusettsBoston,Boston,MA,UnitedStates
ShuntaroTsubaki SchoolofMaterialsandChemicalTechnology,TokyoInstituteofTechnology,Yokohama,Japan
Ga ´ borVarga UniversityofSzeged,Szeged,Hungary
YujiWada
InstituteofInnovationResearch,TokyoInstituteofTechnology,Yokohama;MicrowaveChemicalCo.Ltd., TechnoAlliance3F,Suita,Osaka,Japan
KazutakaYamamoto
HeadofLaboratory,FoodProcessEngineering,DivisionofFoodProcessingandDistribution,FoodResearch Institute,NationalAgricultureandFoodResearchOrganization,Tsukuba,Ibaraki,Japan
Applicationofnontraditional activationmethodsingreenand sustainablechemistry: Microwaves,ultrasounds,electro-, photo-,andmechanochemistry, andhighhydrostaticpressure
ChristianSch€ aferandBelaT € or € ok DepartmentofChemistry,UniversityofMassachusettsBoston,Boston,MA,UnitedStates
1Introduction
Manydiscoveriesmadeinchemistryinthe20thcenturyenabled strongdevelopmentsinthepreparationofabroadrangeofproducts.The developingchemicalindustrywasmostlybasedonpetroleumresourcesthat providedasteadyflowofrawmaterials.Thecontinuousdevelopmentof newfieldssuchasmedicinalchemistry,polymersandplastics,agrochemicals,andthelikesresultedinboomingindustrialproduction.Although thenewproductshadalargelypositiveimpactonthesocietyasawhole, severalunintendedissuesbegantoappear.Theseincludedindustrialdisasters,drugsideeffects,andthedamagecausedtoEarth’sprotectiveozone layeramongmanyothers.Theseincidentsmadethesocietyrealizethe potentialharmfuleffectsoflarge-scaleproductionandtheassociatedwaste producedbyit,someproductsthemselves,andtheinabilityoftheseproducts todecomposeattheendoftheirlifecycle.Inaddition,theextensiveuseof fossilfuelsforenergyproductionandpetroleumderivativesforindustrial feedstockresultedinissuesthatcanfurtherthreatentheplanet’secosystem. Whiletherehavebeencorrectivemeasuresimplementedalongthewayin theformsofgovernmentregulations,aconcentratedeffortinthelate1990s resultedinthebirthoftheGreenChemistrymovement1 toaddressthefundamentalnatureoftheproblems.Infact,thecurrenteffortsoftenappearto bejointventuresbygovernment,academia,andindustrysuggestingamuch
moreeffectivetacklingoftheproblemsthanwhentheseentitieswere activelyworkingagainsteachotherdelayingthedevelopmentofactualsolutions.Thisongoingpartnershipensuresthecontinuousexpansionand advancementofenvironmentallyfriendlyprocessesandproducts,2–4 and greenchemistryandenvironmentalsciencemadesteadydevelopmentsin thegeneralscienceeducationaswell.5–7 Therearemanywayschemistry cancontributetotheseadvances,replacingoldoutdatedchemicalprocesses withoneshavinglessenvironmentalimpact,traditionalpetroleumbased rawmaterialswithsustainableones,ornotoriouslystableconventionalplasticsandotherchemicalswithbiodegradablealternatives.
Thisintroductorychapterandtheentirebookfocusonaspecialtoolset thatisagreatcontributortothedevelopmentofgreensyntheticmethods; theso-callednontraditionalactivationmethodsthatusealternativeenergy formstoconventionalconvectiveheatingtoinitiatechemicalreactions. Alargemajorityofchemicalreactionsrequireactivationenergyinorder tooccur.Traditionallythisenergywasintroducedtoareactionasheat mostlyviaconvectiveheatingusinganexternalheatsource.Althougheffective,convectiveheatingisslowandessentiallydependentonheatdiffusion (mixing)inthesystem.Anotherproblemisthatthetemperatureofthewall ofthereactionvesseliscommonly10–20°Chigherthanthatinthecenterof theliquid,oftencausingsidereactionsordecompositiononoraroundthe surfaceofthewall.Toalleviatetheseissues,severalnontraditionalactivation methodshavebeendeveloped.Althoughdifferentinnature,thecommon featureofthesemethodsisthattheyarebasedonthedirectenergytransferin thereactionmixture.Inthischapter,wewillonlyattempttodescribethe basicfeaturesofthesemethods,suchasmicrowave-andultrasonicirradiation,photo-,electro-andmechanochemistryandhighhydrostaticpressure withafewrepresentativeexamples,whichwillbefollowedbystate-of-theartspecificapplicationsintheupcomingchapters.
2Microwave-assistedorganicsynthesis
Thefirstobservationsofthemicrowaveheatingeffectoccurredinthe 1940swhenthemagnetron,nowthecommonmicrowavesource,was appliedduringthedevelopmentoftheRADAR.Followingupontheoriginaldiscoverytheapplicationofmicrowaveovensinthefoodandairline industrybeganinthe1950s.8 Althoughthefirstsyntheticapplicationin 19699 largelywentunnoticed,theindependentpublicationof microwave-activatedsyntheticapplicationsbytwoteams,Gedyeetal.10
andGiguereetal.11 initiatedanexponentialdevelopmentofmicrowaveassistedsynthesis.Sincethenmicrowave-assistedorganicsynthesis (MAOS)hasbecomeahouseholdnameinlaboratories,withthousands ofpaperspublishedinthisarea.Thecontemporarymicrowaveinstruments andreactorsprovidetheessentialelementsthatarerequiredinsynthetic chemistry,suchastemperaturecontrol,reliability,reproducibility,andin specialcases,scalability.Thetheoriesofhowmicrowavesinteractwith materialshavebeenasubjectofasometimesintensedebate12–14 andnumerousreports,andreviews.15–17 Here,weonlyfocusonthebasicinformation relatedtothisissue.
Thefrequencyrangeformicrowaveradiationisbetween1and300GHz appearingintherelativelylowenergyregionoftheelectromagneticspectrum.Microwavespossesslowerenergythaninfraredirradiation,buthigher thanradiowaves.Giventheirlimitedenergy,microwaveirradiationisnot abletoexciteelectrontransitions,breakchemicalbonds,orevenactivate changeswithinindividualmoleculessuchasvibration.Therotational motionofmoleculesisthephysicalphenomenonthatmicrowaveenergy canexcitetogenerateinternalheatformation.Thisentailsthatthemicrowaveeffectislimitedtoliquidsandsolids.Although,gaseousmaterialscan absorbmicrowaves,duetothelimitedinteractionbetweenthemoleculesit doesnotgenerateheat,ratherresultsinsharppeaksinafingerprintfashion, whichisthefoundationofmicrowavespectroscopy.Inmoredensematerials,therotatingmoleculeswillcollidewitheachother,andduetothe restrictedmovement,dielectricpolarizationwilloccur,whichisthemajor sourceofmicrowaveheating.Particularlytwofeatures,thedielectricconstant(ε0 )anddielectricloss(ε00 ),andtheirratio,theso-calledlosstangent delta(tg δ ¼ ε00 /ε0 )areimportanttodeterminehowacertaincompound ormaterialisabletoconvertthemicrowaveirradiationtoheat.Materials ofsignificantdipolemoments(polarsolvents,salts,ionicliquids,certain metaloxides,etc.)arethebestmediaformicrowave-assistedchemistry. Nonpolarmaterials(hydrocarbonsandmostplastics)areweakmicrowave absorbers(orcompletelytransparent)andthusdonotgenerateinternalheat formation.
Althoughtheapplicationofmicrowaveirradiationasanactivation methodcarriesmultiplebenefits,themajoradvantagesarerapidreactions, andthereforesignificantlyreducedreactiontimes.Thiscouldbequitesignificant;inourexperienceforexample,thecondensationof trifluoroacetophenoneswithavarietyofbenzylaminesrequire168h (1week!)heatingat130°C,whilethesamereactionheatedbymicrowaves
iscompletewithin45minproducingevensomewhatbetteryields.18 In manyothercases,thehourslongreactiontimecanbereducedtofew minutes.19,20 Thereducedreactiontimesarealsobeneficialduetothe diminishedsidereactionsthatresultinhigherselectivityandoverallhigher productpurity.Itcertainlycarriessignificantgreenadvantagesandoftenthe productpurificationisnotnecessary,whichcansavealargeamountofsolventsoradsorbentsforchromatography.Asignificantdisadvantageof microwavereactorsisthelimitedpenetrationdepththat,dependingon theactualsystemcouldbenomorethanabout2.5cm.It,commonly,is notamajorissueforlaboratory-scaleinstruments;however,evenarelatively moderatesize(upto20kg)batchreactorhasmuchgreaterdimensions (abouta50–60cmdiameter).Thisproblemcanbeaddressedintwodifferentways;(i)abatchsystemwithhighlyeffectiveagitationsystem21 or(ii)the applicationofmicrowaveflowreactors.22,23 Dependingonthescaleofthe production,microwaveflowsystemsappearmorebeneficialforlarge-scale operationthanthebatchreactors,astheyallowcontinuousflowoperations andthusuninterruptedpreparationoftheproduct(dependingoncatalyst stability).Theseflowreactorsgainedincreasingpopularityaswithaneven limitedsizemicrowavecavitythescale-upofreactionscaneasilybecarried out.InthemajorityofapplicationsMAOSalsoappearstobemoreenergy efficientthanthetraditionalconvectiveheating,however,severalpapers pointedoutthatlowerenergyconsumptionisnotanautomaticfeature forallmicrowave-assistedreactionsandeveryreactionshouldbeseparately evaluated.24–26
TheapplicationpossibilitiesforMAOSaretrulyunlimited.Overthe yearsseveralthousandsofreactionshavebeendescribedfromsolvent-free acidcatalysisormulticomponentreactionstometal-catalyzedtransformationsbothinhomogeneousandheterogeneouscatalyticsystems.Thefollowingfewexamplesareintendedtoshowaglimpseofapplicationsof thisbroadfield.
SeveralexamplesofMAOSinvolveheterogeneouscatalysis,astheuseof solidcatalystsoftenenablestheuseofsolvent-freeconditions.Kokeland Torokshowedthatmicrowaveactivationcanbeagoodwaytoachieve transformationsthataretypicallyassociatedwithharmfulanddangerous chemicals.Theyusedasolvent-freeapproachtosynthesizebenzotriazoles from o-phenylenediaminesusingmicrowaveheating.20 Thereactionswere performedusingmontmorilloniteK10asacatalystandNaNO2 asnitrogen source.Substrateswithelectron-donatingandelectron-withdrawingsubstituentsgavethecorrespondingbenzotriazolesinexcellentyields (Scheme1).
Scheme1 Microwave-assistedsolvent-freesynthesisofbenzotriazolesviaasolidphase diazotization.
Scheme2 Synthesisofchalconesbyamicrowave-assistedcondensation.
Theapplicationofmicrowavesincondensationreactionswasreported bythegroupofMenendez.TheauthorsusedmontmorilloniteKSFasacatalystfortheformationofchalconesfromacetophenonesandbenzaldehydes.27 Theproductswereobtainedinmedium-to-goodyields,with electron-withdrawingsubstituentsgenerallygivinglowerproductamounts thanelectron-donatingsubstituents(Scheme2).
Thechemoselectivereductionofchalconesundermicrowaveconditions wasreportedbySinhaetal.28 UsingPdCl2 anchoredtosilicagelthey showedthesuccessfultransformationintothesaturatedcarbonylcompound usingaMeOH,HCOOH,H2Osystemasahydrogensource.Avarietyof electron-donatingand-withdrawingsubstituentsweretoleratedinthereaction(Scheme3).
TheapplicationofmicrowavesinmulticomponentreactionsisillustratedbyanexamplepublishedbyShindeetal.29 Thesynthesisofmultisubstitutedpyrroleswasachievedbycombininga β-ketoester,anamine, analdehyde,andnitromethane(Scheme4).Aheterogenousacidcatalyst (p-toluenesulfonicaciddopedpolystyrene,PTSA-PS)wasusedandthe authorscouldshowthatmicrowaveheatinggavehigheryieldsinshorter reactiontimescomparedtoconventionalheating.
Theuseofmicrowavechemistryisnotlimitedtotheuseinsynthetic organicchemistrybutcanalsobeusedinapriorstage.Ros-Lisand coworkersrecentlysummarizedtheuseofmicrowavesinthesynthesiscovalentorganicframeworks,aclassofcompoundsthatareoftenusedascatalysts inmicrowavechemistry.30
3Ultrasonicactivation
Theapplicationofultrasoundsinchemicalsynthesishasanearly 100yearsoldhistory.31 Thefirstapplicationdatesbackto1927,32,33 with theearlymechanistictheoriesappearingin1945.34 Thewidespreaduseof thetechniquebeganinaround1980swhenthededicatedreliableinstrumentsappearedonthemarket.Themedicalapplicationssuchasnoninvasive diagnosticsfurtherinitiatedtheinstrumentdesignandbythe1990sultrasonicactivationbecameamainstreamtechniqueinbiologyandchemistry laboratories,withseveralindustrialapplications.35,36 Sonochemistryisa significantcontributortogreensynthesisdesignaswell.37–42
Thefrequencyrangeofultrasoundsisbeyondthatofthehumanhearing, whichrangesfrom16Hzto18kHz.Itisabroadrangewithdifferentuses. Themostcommonfrequencyspanforthesyntheticuseofultrasounds isbetween20and100kHz,alsoknownaspowerultrasounds.43 The100kHz–2MHzregioniscommonlyreferredtoashighfrequency
Scheme3 Transferhydrogenationof α,β-unsaturatedcarbonylcompoundsunder microwaveconditions.
Scheme4 Amicrowave-assistedmulticomponentsynthesisofpyrroles.
ultrasounds.44 Finally,the5–10MHzrangegainedwidespreadapplication possibilitiesinnoninvasivemedicaldiagnosticsandothertreatments.45 Overall,theoverarchingultrasoundstermcoversthe20kHz–10MHz frequencyrange.
UnlikeMAOS,theapplicationsofultrasoundsarelimitedtotheliquid medium.Whenultrasoundwavesarepassedthroughaliquidmediumthey initiatetheoscillationofthemoleculesofthemedium.Duetotheirperiodic nature,theoscillationswillresultinaseriesofcompressionsandrarefactions intheliquid,effectivelybreakingthesecondaryforcesthatkeepthemoleculestogether.Bythis,ultrasoundswillgeneratecavities(orsmallbubbles) withintheliquid,whichiscommonlyreferredtoasacousticcavitation.Due tothenatureofthecavitation,thereisaconsiderablevacuuminsidethebubbles.Largebubblesappeartobequitestableandremainintheliquidfor extendedtime(stablecavitation).Incontrast,thesmallerbubblestendto collapse,whichreleasesasignificantamountofenergylocally(transientcavitation).Theenergyreleasedatthespotofthebubblecollapsewillresultin hightemperatureandpressureintherangeof1000–3000Kand105 kPa accordingtotheoreticalestimates.46 Theexperimentalevidence,described bySuslicketal.confirmedthisassumption,reportingevenhighertemperaturevaluesupto4000–5000K.47 Duetothelocalizednatureofthephenomenonithasbeennamedas hotspot model.48 Although,thereare certainlyothertheories,49 suchastheelectricmodel;thehotspottheory providesthebroadestinterpretationoftheexperimentalobservationsin solventsofdifferentpolarity.
Similarlytomicrowavechemistry,experimentalvariablesaffecttheefficacyofultrasonicactivation.Themajorparametersare;frequency,power, temperature,externalpressure,thegasthatfillstheexperimentalvessel,e.g.,a regularlabairorprotectivegas.Last,butnotleast,thesolventwillalsohavea significanteffectonmodifyingcavitation.Manyoftheparameterswith numericaldescriptors(e.g.,frequency,power,temperature,andpressure) usuallypossessanoptimumvalue,essentiallyshowingamaximumcurve asafunctionofproductyieldsvsincreasingvalueofthevariable.50 While thefrequencyandpoweraffectthesystemviatheenergyinput,thetemperature,andpressuremodifythepressureinsidethecavitiesandthushavea significanteffectontheintensityofthebubblecollapse.Theprotecting gascanalsomodifytheefficacyofthesystemintwoways;monoatomic gases,oftenimprovetherates,whilereactivegases(O2,H2,N2,etc.)can participateinthereactions.Thesolventmustbestableunderthereaction conditions,whichisararecase,asmostsolventsundergosomeformof
radicaldegradationundersonochemicalconditions.Asshownbythisbrief description,sonochemicalreactionscanbeverycomplexandwhilegenerallyuseful,oftentheyrequireathoroughoptimizationprocess.Similarlyto MAOS,herealsotheinternallyandlocallygeneratedheatisthemaindrivingforceforreactions,thusresultinginshorterreactiontimesandhigher yields.Unlikemicrowaves,however,cavitationalsocontributestoreactions bytheextremelyeffectivemixingand,inheterogeneouscatalyticsystems, bythepowerfulsurfacecleaningeffect.Representativeapplicationsof sonochemistryincludeawidevarietyofreactionsasdescribedbelow.
Anexampleforacondensationreactionperformedundersonochemical conditionswasreportedbyVidaletal.51 UsingsimpleK2CO3 asacatalyst andwaterasthesolvent,thesynthesisofpyrimidinolsfrom β-ketoestersand amidineswasachievedinmoderateyields(Scheme5).
TheapplicationofultrasoundsinC Ccouplingchemistrywillbedemonstratedbytwoexamples.TheClaisen-Schmidtreactionbetween acetophenoneanddifferentbenzaldehydescanbeachievedusingKF/aluminaasacatalyst.52 Theproductswereobtainedingoodyieldsusingethanol asthesolvent(Scheme6).Theapplicationofultrasoundsallowedfora reductioninreactiontime.
Theuseofultrasoundsinpalladium-catalyzedcross-couplingchemistry wasillustratedbyDasandcoworkers.53 TheSuzuki-couplingofseveralaryl iodideswithphenylboronicacidgavethedesiredproductsinhighyields usingawater-methanolsolventmixture(Scheme7).
Scheme5 Sonochemicalcondensationof β-ketoestersandamidinestopyrimidinols.
Scheme6 AsonochemicalClaisen-Schmidtreaction.
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easily withstand; but if they are obliged to give way to numbers, or to engineering, nevertheless they remain in the end masters of the ground, and annul all the momentary advantages gained by their enemies.”
The year 1840 was still more fatal to the arms of Nicholas. Almost all the new forts on the seaboard were taken by the Circassians, who bravely attacked and carried the best fortified posts without artillery. The military road from the Kuban to Guelendchik was intercepted, Fort St. Nicholas, which commanded it, was stormed and the garrison massacred. Never yet had Russia endured such heavy blows. The disasters were such that the official journals themselves, after many months’ silence, were at last obliged to speak of them; but the most serious losses, the destruction of the new road from the Kuban, the taking of Fort St. Nicholas, and that of several other forts, were entirely forgotten in the official statement.
On the eastern side of the mountain the war was fully as disastrous for the invaders. The imperial army lost four hundred petty officers and soldiers, and twenty-nine officers in the battle of Valrik against the Tchetchens. The military colonies of the Terek were attacked and plundered, and when General Golovin retired to his winter quarters at the end of the campaign, he had lost more than three-fourths of his men.
The great Kabarda did not remain an indifferent spectator of the offensive league formed by the tribes of the Caucasus; and when Russia, suspecting with reason the unfriendly disposition of some tribes, made an armed exploration on the banks of the Laba in order to construct redoubts, and thus cut off the subjugated tribes from the others, the general found the country, wherever he advanced, but a desert. All the inhabitants had already retired to the other side of the Laba to join their warlike neighbours.d
THE EMPEROR’S CONSERVATIVE PATRIOTISM
However, in spite of all these disastrous campaigns, Nicholas had not lost sight of his most important task—that of consolidating internal order by reforms. His attention had been directed above all to the administration, from the heart of which he had sought especially to exterminate corruption with a severity and courage proportioned to the immensity of the evil. Then he had announced his firm desire to perfect the laws, and had charged Count Speranski to work at them under his personal direction. The digest (svod) promulgated in 1833 was the first fruit of these efforts and was followed by various special codes. Finally, turning his attention to public instruction, he had assigned to it as a basis the national traditions and religion and charged Uvarov, president of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, a man of learning and talent, to animate it with this spirit, so hostile to the ideas of the west, but—let us say it at once—better suited to the real needs of the country.
Nicholas, allowing himself to be ruled by this spirit, plunged further and further into a system which, though contrary to that of Peter the Great, we do not pretend absolutely to condemn on that account, and which the marquis de Custinee has highly extolled in his celebrated book, LaRussieen 1839. “The emperor Nicholas,” he said, “thought that the day of mere seeming was past for Russia, and that the whole structure of civilisation was to remake in that country. He has relaid the foundations of society. Peter, called the Great, would have overturned it a second time in order to rebuild it: Nicholas is more skilful. I am struck with admiration for this man who is secretly struggling, with all the strength of his will, against the work of Peter the Great’s genius. He is restoring individuality to a nation which has strayed for more than a century in the paths of imitation.”
Without ceasing to borrow diligently from Europe her inventions and arts, her progress in industry, in administration, in the conduct of land and sea armies—in a word, all the material improvements which she devises and realises, he endeavoured to close Russia to her ideas on philosophy, politics, and religion. He condemned exotic
tendencies as pernicious to his states, and, without depriving himself of the services of the Germans, the principal depositaries of superior enlightenment in that country, as yet only imperfectly moulded to civilisation, he relied by preference on the party of the old Russians, which included the clergy, whom he treated with respect in spite of the inferiority of their position. Nationality, autocracy, orthodoxy— these three words, taken as the national watchword, sum up the ideas to which he subordinated his internal policy. The expression, Holy Russia, which has been the object of such profound astonishment to the Latin world, reflects also this spirit.
He surrounded with great solemnity those acts which he performed in his quality of head of the church in his own country, and posed as the protector of all his co-religionists in Moldavia, Wallachia, Servia, Montenegro, and other countries. Like his ancestors of preceding dynasties, he adorned himself on solemn occasions with a gold cross which he wore diagonally on his breast. This bias was summed up in the new word cæsaropapism. He regarded with special enthusiasm that one act on account of which, the accusation of religious intolerance was fixed upon him—an accusation justified by many of his deeds. In consequence of the decisions of the council of Florence, and up till 1839, there were in Russia 1,500,000 United Greeks, subjected to the papal obedience. At their head was the archbishop, sometimes the metropolitan, of White Russia, and the bishop, or archbishop, of Lithuania. In 1839 these two prelates, having met in conjunction with a third, at Polotsk, the seat of the first of these eparchies, had signed a document in which they expressed the wish to unite, they and their church, with the national and primitive church, and prayed the emperor to sanction this union. Nicholas referred the matter to the holy synod, and, the latter having with great eagerness signified its approval of the act, he sanctioned it in his turn, adding these words beneath his signature: “I thank God and I authorize it.” It is well known to what complaints on the part of the pope this suppression of the uniate Greek church soon afterward gave rise.c
UNVEILING OF THE MONUMENT AT BORODINO
The emperor Nicholas was fond of great gatherings of the troops, and an occasion for such was afforded in 1839 by the unveiling of the monument erected on the battle-field of Borodino. The thought of this muster of the troops had already occupied the emperor’s mind since 1838, but at that time he had in view not merely the participation of the troops in manœuvres and exercises, but the immortalisation of the tradition of the valorous exploits of the Russian army in the defence of the fatherland against the invasion of Napoleon. On the day of the unveiling of the Borodino monument, August 26th, 120,000 men were gathered around it. The emperor invited to take part in the solemnities all the surviving comrades of Kutuzov and many foreign guests.
On the anniversary of the battle of Borodino a great review of all the troops assembled on this historic spot took place. In the morning, before the review began, the following order of his imperial majesty, written by the emperor’s hand, was read to the troops:
“Children. Before you stands the monument which bears witness to the glorious deeds of your comrades. Here, on this same spot, 27 years ago, the arrogant enemy dreamed of conquering the Russian army which fought in defence of the faith, the czar and the fatherland. God punished the foolish: the bones of the insolent invaders were scattered from Moscow to the Niemen—and we entered Paris. The time has now come to render glory to a great exploit. And thus, may the eternal memory of the emperor Alexander I be immortal to us: for by his firm will Russia was saved; may the glory of your comrades who fell as heroes be also everlasting, and may their exploits serve as an example to us and our further posterity. You will ever be the hope and support of your sovereign and our common mother Russia.”
This order aroused the greatest enthusiasm amongst the troops, but it was highly displeasing to the foreigners; it appeared to them
strange and almost offensive, they considered that “in reality it was nothing but high sounding phrases.”
Three days later the emperor Nicholas had the battle of Borodino reproduced. After the unveiling of the Borodino monument the laying of the first stone of the cathedral of Christ the Saviour took place in Moscow. This solemnity brought to a close the commemoration of the year 1812 which had delivered Russia from a foreign invasion and was the dawn of the liberation of Europe.
The year 1839 was remarkable for yet another important event: the reunion of the Uniates.[68]
DEATH OR RETIREMENT OF THE OLD MINISTERS
Little by little the workers in the political arena of Alexander’s reign had disappeared. Count V. P. Kotchulzi, who had been president of the senate since 1827 and afterwards chancellor of the interior, died in 1834 and had been replaced by N. N. Novseltsev as president of the senate. After his death the emperor Nicholas appointed to that office Count I. V. Vasiltchikov, who remained at his post until his death, which took place in 1847.
The emperor was above all grieved at the death of Speranski in the year 1837. He recognised this loss as irreparable, and in speaking of him said: “Not everyone understood Speranski or knew how to value him sufficiently; at first I myself was in this respect perhaps more in fault than anyone. I was told much of his liberal ideas; calumny even touched him in reference to the history of December 26th. But afterwards all these accusations were scattered like dust, and I found in him the most faithful, devoted and zealous servant, with vast knowledge and vast experience. Everyone now knows how great are my obligations and those of Russia to him— and the calumniators are silenced. The only reproach I could make him was his feeling against my late brother; but that too is over”.... The emperor stopped without finishing his thought, which probably contained a secret, involuntary justification of Speranski.
In 1844 died another statesman who was still nearer and dearer to the emperor Nicholas; this was Count Benkendorv of whom the emperor said: “He never set me at variance with anyone, but reconciled me with many.” His successor in the direction of the third section was Count A. F. Orlov; he remained at this post during all the succeeding years of the emperor Nicholas’ reign.
In that same year Count E. F. Kankrin who had been minister of finance even under Alexander I was obliged on account of ill health to leave the ministry of which he had been head during twenty-two years. As his biographer justly observes Kankrin left Russia as an heritage: “Well organised finances, a firm metal currency, and a rate of exchange corresponding with the requirements of the country. Russia was in financial respects a mighty power whose credit it was impossible to injure. And all this was attained without any considerable loans, and without great increase in taxes, by the determination, the thrift and the genius of one man, who placed the welfare of the nation above all considerations and understood how to serve it.”
But at the same time it must not be forgotten that all these brilliant results were attainable only because behind Count Kankrin stood the emperor Nicholas. The enemies of the minister and of his monetary reforms were many; but the snares they laid were destroyed before the all powerful will of a person who never wavered. This time that inflexible will was directed in the right path, and the results showed unprecedented financial progress, in spite of the three wars which it had been impossible for Russia to avoid, despite the ideally peace-loving disposition of her ruler; and to these calamities must be added also the cholera and bad harvests. Kankrin’s resignation was accompanied by important consequences; he was replaced by the incapable Vrontchenko, while Nicholas took the finances of the empire into his own hands, as he had previously acted regarding the other branches of the administration of the state.
Among the old-time servitors of Alexander I, Prince P. M. Volkonski remained longest in office. He lived until he attained the rank of field-marshal and died in 1852, having filled the office of minister of the court during twenty-five years.
One of the younger workers of the Alexandrine period, P. D. Kisselev, former chief of the staff of the second army, attained to unusual eminence in the reign of the emperor Nicholas. In 1825 his star nearly set forever, but soon it shone again with renewed brilliancy and on his return from the Danubian provinces, which he had administered since 1829, Kisselev was created minister and count. “You will be my chief of the staff for the peasant department,” said the emperor to him, and with this object, on the 13th of January, 1838 there was established the ministry of state domains, formed from the department which had until that time been attached to the ministry of finance.
GREAT FIRE IN THE WINTER PALACE
A disastrous fire at the Winter Palace began on the evening of the 29th of December, 1837, and no human means were able to stay the flames; only the Hermitage with its collection of ancient and priceless treasures was saved. The ruins of the palace continued to burn during three days and nights. The emperor and the imperial family took up their abode in the Anitchkov palace.
The rebuilding of the Winter Palace upon its previous plan was begun immediately; the palace was consecrated on the 6th of April, 1839 and the emperor and his family were installed there as previously. As a token of gratitude to all those who had taken part in the rebuilding of the palace a medal was struck with the inscription: “I thank you.”—“Work overcomes everything.”
On the last day of the Easter holidays the emperor Nicholas resolved to allow visitors access to all the state rooms, galleries, etc.; and in that one day as many as 200,000 persons visited the
palace between the hours of six in the evening and two in the morning.
Twice the emperor and his family passed in all directions through the palace that was thronged with the public. An eye-witness writes that “the public by prolonging their visitation for seven hours so filled the palace with damp, steamy, suffocating air that the walls, the columns, and carvings on the lower windows sweated, and streams of damp poured down on to the parquet flooring and spoiled everything, while the marble changed to a dull yellowish hue.” 35,000 paper rubles were required to repair the damage. But the matter did not terminate with this; during one night that summer, fortunately while the imperial family were staying at Peterhov, the ceiling in the saloon of St. George fell down with the seventeen massive lustres depending from it.
THE 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE CORONATION OF NICHOLAS I (1851 A.D.)
In August 1851, upon the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of his coronation the emperor Nicholas left St. Petersburg for Moscow, accompanied by his family. For the first time the journey was accomplished by the newly completed Moscow railway, constructed in accordance with the will of the emperor, and in opposition to the desires of many of his enlightened contemporaries. The opening of the railway to the public followed only on the 13th of November. In Moscow the emperor was met by Field-marshal Paskevitch, prince of Warsaw. On the eve of the festivities in honour of the anniversary of the coronation Nicholas visited the fieldmarshal, and addressed the following memorable words to him:
[1851 A.D.]
“To-morrow will complete twenty-five years of my reign—a reign which you, Ivan Feodorovitch, have made illustrious by your valiant service to Russia. It was under sorrowful prognostications that I ascended the throne of Russia and my reign had to begin with
punishments and banishments. I did not find around the throne persons who could guide the czar—I was obliged to create men; I had none devoted to me. Affairs in the east required the appointment there of a man of your intellect, of your military capacity, of your will. My choice rested on you. Providence itself directed me to you. You had enemies: in spite of all that was said against you, I held fast to you, Ivan Feodorovitch. You proved, commander, that I was right. Hardly had affairs in the east quieted down when my empire was overtaken by a public calamity—the cholera. The people ascribe every misfortune to the person who governs. God knows how much suffering this national affliction cost me. The war with Poland was another grievous trial. Russian blood was shed because of our errors or because of chastisement sent from above. Our affairs were in a bad way. And again I had resource to you, Ivan Feodorovitch, as the only means of salvation for Russia; and again you did not betray my trust, again you exalted my empire. By your twenty years’ administration of the Polish land you have laid the foundation for the happiness of two kindred yet hostile elements. I hope that the Russian and the Pole will constitute one Russian Empire—the Slavonic Empire; and that your name will be preserved in history beside the name of Nicholas. It is not so long ago—when western Europe was agitated by aspirations after wild, unbridled freedom; when the people overthrew lawful authority and thrones; when I decided to give a helping hand to my brother and ally, the monarch of Austria—that you, commander, led my soldiers to a new warfare: you tamed the hydra of rebellion. In six weeks you had finished the war in Hungary, you supported and strengthened the tottering throne of Austria, Ivan Feodorovitch. You are the glory of my twenty-five years’ reign. You are the history of the reign of Nicholas I.”
THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS’ VIEWS ON LOUIS NAPOLEON
When Prince Louis Napoleon had accomplished his coup d’étatof the 2nd of December, 1851, and the restoration of the second
empire was to be expected, the emperor Nicholas, judging by a letter which he had received from Frederick William IV, said: “Before the end of next year Louis Napoleon will become our colleague. Let him become what he likes, even the great mufti, if it pleases him, but to the title of Emperor or King I do not think he will be so imprudent as to aspire.” According to the emperor’s opinion, as soon as Louis Napoleon desired to make himself emperor he would become a usurper, because he did not possess the divine right—he would be emperor in fact but never by right; in a word, “a second Louis Philippe, less the odious character of that scoundrel.”
When the French diplomatic representatives in St. Petersburg and Warsaw evidenced an intention to celebrate the 15th of August, the emperor Nicholas drew up the following resolution: “A public church service for Napoleon cannot be allowed, because he ceased to be emperor, being banished and confined to the island of St. Helena. There is no propriety in celebrating the birthday of the late Napoleon in our country, whence he was despatched with befitting honour.” The Napoleonic empire had already transcended the limits which the emperor Nicholas would at one time have allowed; it was in direct contradiction to the stipulations of the congress of Vienna, which formed the basis of the national law of Europe. The emperor’s allies, however, looked on the matter somewhat differently. Austria and Prussia recognised Napoleon III; it therefore only remained to the emperor Nicholas, against his will, to follow their example; but still he departed from the usually accepted diplomatic forms, and in his letter to Napoleon III he did not call him brother, but “le bon ami” (good friend). Soon on the political horizon appeared the Eastern question, artfully put forward with a secret motive by Napoleon III; his cunning calculations were justified without delay; the Russian troops crossed the Pruth in 1853, and occupied the principality, as a guarantee, until the demands presented to the Ottoman Porte by the emperor Nicholas were complied with. Austrian ingratitude opened a safe path for the snares of Anglo-French diplomacy. The Eastern War began, at first upon Turkish territory and afterwards concentrated
[1853 A.D.]
itself in the Crimean peninsula around Sebastopol; France, England, and afterwards, in 1855, little Sardinia, in alliance with Turkey, took up arms against Russia; on the side of the allies lay the sympathy of all neutral Europe, which already dreamed of wresting Russia’s conquests from her.b
EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE CRIMEAN WAR
The revolution of July, 1830, by threatening Europe with the ideas then triumphing in France, had tightened the bonds, previously a little relaxed, between the czar and the two great German powers, Austria and Prussia. Independently of diplomatic conferences, the three monarchs had frequent interviews for the purpose of adopting measures to oppose the invasion of the revolutionary principle. Even whilst affecting to abandon the west to the dissolution towards which he felt it was marching, and to regard it as afflicted with approaching senility, Nicholas by no means lost sight of its development. But the East, then in combustion, remained the true mark of Russian policy. A movement was on foot for the overthrow of the declining Ottoman power, and its substitution by an Arab power, inaugurated by Muhammed Ali, the pasha of Egypt. France regarded this movement with no unfriendly eye, but Russia entered a protest. By giving the most colossal proportions to this Eastern Question, which extended as far as the countries of central Asia, the situation created grave embarrassments for the British government. For, to begin with, when, in 1833, Ibrahim Pasha, at the head of the Egyptian army, was ready to cross the Taurus and march on Constantinople, within two months the northern power (summoned to aid by that very sultan whom Russia had hitherto so greatly humiliated) landed on the Asiatic coast of the Bosporus a body of fifteen thousand men in readiness to protect that capital; then the secret treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi (July 8th, 1833) granted her, as the price of an offensive and defensive alliance with the Porte, the withdrawal in her exclusive favour of the prohibition forbidding armed vessels of foreign nations to enter the waters of
Constantinople; finally, by the conclusion of the Treaty of London July 15th, 1840, which left France, still obstinately attached to the cause of Muhammed Ali, outside the European concert, she had the joy of causing the rupture of the entente cordiale between that country and Great Britain—but only momentarily, for a new treaty, concluded the 13th of July, 1841, likewise in London, readmitted the French government to the concert.
The events of the year 1848, by bringing back the Russians into Moldavia and Wallachia, afforded Europe new apprehensions relative to the preservation, growing daily more difficult, of the Ottoman Empire and the political balance, the latter of which was seriously threatened if not destroyed by the colossus of the north, with its population now increased to as much as sixty-five million souls. But Germany was absorbed by the serious situation of her own affairs, to which the czar was far from remaining a stranger; and the latter linked himself by new ties to Austria, in whose favour he had already renounced his share in the protectorate over the republic of Cracow, when at the request of the Vienna cabinet he marched against insurgent Hungary (June, 1849) an army which beat the insurrectionary forces, compelled them to submission, and thus closed the abyss in which one of the oldest monarchies of Christendom was about to be engulfed. Then, in 1850, chosen as arbiter between Austria and Prussia, who were on the point of a rupture, the czar turned the scale in favour of Austria, and kept Prussia in check by threats.
“Austria will soon astonish the world by her immense ingratitude”: this famous prophetic saying of Prince Felix of Schwarzenberg, prime minister of the young emperor Francis Joseph, was not slow of accomplishment. The ingratitude was a necessity which the history of Austria explains; for in her case, as for the rest of Europe, the continued and immoderate aggrandisement of Russia was the greatest of dangers. This leads us, in finishing this general glance over the history of the period, to say a word on the complications which, at the moment of the empire’s attaining its apogee, commenced for it a new phase.
We have elsewhere explained the final cause of the decay of Turkey. That decay was consummated in favour of the northern neighbour who followed with attentive gaze the progress of what she called the death struggle. Certain words pronounced by the autocrat on this subject, and consigned to diplomatic despatches, had, not long ago, a great circulation. But the influence of Russia was counterbalanced by that of France and that of Great Britain. The cabinets of Paris and Vienna obtained important concessions, we might say diplomatic triumphs, from Constantinople—the one in relation to the Holy Places, the other on the subject of Montenegro. Russian jealousy immediately awoke. According to the czar, Turkey had a choice between two things only: she must regard Prussia as either her greatest friend or her greatest enemy. To remind her of this, and to neutralise the embassy of the prince of Linanges on behalf of Austria, Nicholas sent Prince Menshikov, one of his ministers and confidants, to Constantinople. Arriving February 28th, 1853, Menshikov exhibited a haughty and irritable demeanour; and, after astonishing the Divan by his noisy opposition, put forward pretensions relative to the Holy Places which were only designed to lull the vigilance of England, but were soon followed by others more serious and exorbitant; for they amounted to nothing less than the restoration to the czar of the protectorate over all the sultan’s subjects professing the Græco-Russian worship—that is to say the great majority of the inhabitants of Turkey in Europe.
OUTBREAK OF THE CRIMEAN WAR (1853 A.D.)
In vain the Divan protested; in vain the friendly powers interceded. Unable to obtain the satisfaction he was demanding with the extreme of violence, the Russian ambassador extraordinary quitted the Bosporous with menace on his lips. And, in effect, on the 2nd of July, the czar’s troops crossed the Pruth to occupy, contrary to all treaty stipulations, the two Danubian principalities. Nicholas was not prepared for war and did not expect to be obliged to have recourse to that last appeal; he hoped to triumph over the Divan by
audacity. Moreover, he did not think the western powers were in a position to come to an understanding and to act in common. He was mistaken: Turkey’s death struggle did not prevent her from making a supreme effort to sell her life dearly, if it were impossible for her to save it; and on the 26th of September the sultan declared war on the aggressor. Hostilities began in the course of the month of October, first on the Danube and afterwards in Asia, where a surprise made the Turks masters of the little maritime fort of St. Nicholas or Chefketil. The Porte was not long abandoned to its own resources, for the time of political torpor in regard to the territorial aggrandisement of the Muscovite colossus had gone by; the eyes of all were at last opened and a European crisis was inevitable. At that moment, the fleets of France and England were already at the entrance of the Dardanelles; and even before the end of October these fine naval armies passed the straits under the authority of a firman, and approached Constantinople. In consequence of the position taken up by these two states, the autocrat broke off relations with them in the beginning of February, 1854. On the 21st of the same month he informed his subjects of the fact in a manifesto, recalling to some extent, by its tone, by its biblical references, and its exalted language, the Treaty of the Holy Alliance. It may be worth while to reproduce here the following passage:
“Against Russia fighting for orthodoxy England and France enter the lists as champions of the enemies of Christianity. But Russia will not fail in her sacred vocation; if the frontier is invaded by the enemy we are ready to resist him with the energy of which our ancestors have bequeathed us the example. Are we not to-day still the same people whose valour was attested by the memorable displays of the year 1812? May the Most High aid us to prove it by our deeds. In this hope, and fighting for our oppressed brothers who confess the faith of Christ, Russia will have but one heart and voice to cry: ‘God, our Saviour! whom have we to fear? Let Christ arise and let his enemies be scattered!’”
FRANCE, ENGLAND, AND TURKEY IN ALLIANCE
[1854 A.D.]
Thus, by an almost miraculous concourse of circumstances, an alliance was formed between France and England, those two ancient and ardent rivals. Preceded by a formal alliance with the Porte (March 12th), it was signed in London, April 10th, 1854. This was not all: this memorable document was immediately submitted to the governments of Austria and Prussia and sanctioned by a protocol signed at Vienna by the four powers, by which the justice of the cause sustained by those of the west was solemnly proclaimed. Austria and Prussia laid down the conditions of their eventual participation in the war in another treaty, that of Berlin, of the 20th of April, 1854, to which the Germanic Confederation on its side gave its adhesion. Finally at Baïadji-Keui, on the 14th of June, 1854, the great Danubian power also concluded a treaty with the Ottoman Porte, in virtue of which she was authorised to enter into military occupation of the principalities, whether she should have previously expelled the Russian army or whether the latter should of its own will have decided to evacuate them. Russia was in the most complete isolation; the Scandinavian states, who had hitherto been her allies, declared themselves neutral; an insurrection in her favour, which was preparing in Servia, was prevented; that of the Greeks, openly favoured by King Otto, was stifled. The Turks, thus effectively protected, were able to turn all their forces on the frontiers, and to prove by heroic acts that they had not lost all the bravery of their ancestors. In return for Europe’s efforts in favour of the integrity of his empire, and in order to ward off the reproach they might incur by supporting the cause of the crescent against a Christian state, the sultan as early as the 6th of June, 1854, published an edict or irade, by which he improved in a notable manner the condition of the rayas, and prepared for their civil freedom, as well as for a complete remodelling of the laws which, governing up to that day the internal government of the Ottoman Empire, seemed to render its preservation almost impossible.
Thus that movement of expansion to which Russia had been impelled during four centuries, and which by conquest after
conquest, due either to diplomacy or the sword, had made Russian power the bugbear of Europe, finds itself suddenly arrested. “Republican or Cossack,” was the famous prognostic of Napoleon.c
The immense superiority of the marines belonging to the allies made it possible to attack Russia on every sea. They bombarded the military port of Odessa on the Black Sea (April 22nd, 1854), but respected the city and the commercial port; the Russian establishments in the Caucasus had been burned by the Russians themselves. They blockaded Kronstadt on the Baltic, landed on the islands of Åland, and took the fortress of Bomarsund (August 16th, 1854).f
THE TAKING OF BOMARSUND
This fight had lasted from four in the morning until four in the evening, when the allies saw a white flag over the tower battlements. The commander asked an armistice of two hours, which was granted. He recommenced firing before the interval was over. The French batteries overthrew the armaments, whilst the Vincennes chasseurs acting as free-shooters attacked the cannoneers. Resistance ceased towards evening and the tower yielded at three o’clock in the morning. One officer and thirty men were made prisoners. On Monday no notice was taken of provocation from the fortress, but preparations were made for the morrow.
On the morning of August 15th the English attacked the north tower. In six hours three of their large cannon had been able to pierce the granite and make a breach of twenty feet. The north tower was not long in surrendering; four English and two French vessels directed their fire on the large fortress. A white flag was hoisted on the rampart nearest the sea. Two officers of the fleet were sent to the governor, who said, “I yield to the marine.” This officer had only a few dead and seventy wounded, but smoke poured in through the badly constructed windows, bombs burst in
the middle of the fortress, without mentioning the carbine fire of the free-shooters. A longer resistance was useless.g
In 1855 the Russians bombarded Sveaborg. The allies attacked the fortified monastery of Solovetski, in the White Sea, and in the sea of Okhotsk they blockaded the Siberian ports, destroyed the arsenals of Petropavlovsk, and disturbed the tranquillity of the Russians on the river Amur.
Menaced by the Austrian concentration in Transylvania, and by the landing of English and French troops at Gallipoli and Varna, the Russians made a last and vain attempt to gain possession of Silistria, which they had held in a state of siege from April to July at the cost of a great number of men. In the Dobrudja an expedition directed by the French was without result from a military point of view, the soldiers being thinned out by cholera and paludal fevers. The Russians decided to evacuate the principalities, which were at once occupied by the Austrians in accord with Europe and the sultan. The war on the Danube was at an end.
THE SEAT OF WAR TRANSFERRED TO THE CRIMEA (1854 A.D.)
The war in the Crimea was just about to commence.f Siege-trains were ordered from England and France, transports were prepared, and other preparations were gradually made. But the cholera attacked both the armies and the fleets, which for two months lay prostrate under this dreadful scourge.
In the Black Sea, meantime, the preparations for the Crimean expedition were pressed forward with greater energy in proportion as the cholera abated. But many successive delays occurred. Originally the invading force was to have sailed on the 15th of August; then the 20th was the day; then the 22nd; then the 26th; then the 1st of September (by which time the French siege-train would have arrived at Varna); then the 2nd of September. At length all was ready; and 58,000, out of 75,000 men, cavalry, infantry, and
artillery, were embarked at Baltjik on the 7th. The French numbered 25,000, the English the same; and there was a picked corps of about 8,000 Turks. In a flotilla of between two and three hundred vessels, this first and much larger part of the united army were transported up the coast to Fidonisi, or the Island of Serpents; from which point to Cape Tarkhan, in the Crimea, they would make both the shortest and the most sheltered passage. Being reviewed and found all ready at Fidonisi, the armada took its second departure on the 11th, and reached without accident the destined shore on the 14th. On that day the troops were landed prosperously at “Old Fort,” some twenty miles beyond Eupatoria, or Koslov, within four or five easy days’ march from Sebastopol. Upon this great fortress the columns were at once directed; while the transports returned in haste to fetch the reserves, amounting to about 15,000 men.
Contrary to the expectation of the allies, Prince Menshikov, who commanded in the Crimea, had resolved not to oppose their landing, but to await them on the left, or southern, bank of the river Alma. The nature of his position may be gathered from Lord Raglan’s despatch. He says:
“In order that the gallantry exhibited by her majesty’s troops, and the difficulties they had to meet, may be fairly estimated, I deem it right, even at the risk of being considered tedious, to endeavour to make you acquainted with the position the Russians had taken up.
“It crossed the great road about two miles and a half from the sea, and is very strong by nature. The bold and almost precipitous range of heights, of from 350 to 400 feet, that from the sea closely border the left bank of the river, here ceases and formed their left, and turning thence round a great amphitheatre or wide valley, terminates at a salient pinnacle where their right rested, and whence the descent to the plain was more gradual. The front was about two miles in extent. Across the mouth of this great opening is a lower ridge at different heights, varying from 60 to 150 feet, parallel to the river, and at distances from it of from 600 to 800 yards. The river itself is generally fordable for troops, but its banks are extremely
rugged, and in most parts steep; the willows along it had been cut down, in order to prevent them from affording cover to the attacking party, and in fact everything had been done to deprive an assailant of any species of shelter. In front of the position on the right bank, at about 200 yards from the Alma, is the village of Burliuk, and near it a timber bridge, which had been partly destroyed by the enemy. The high pinnacle and ridge before alluded to was the key of the position, and consequently, there the greatest preparations had been made for defence. Half-way down the height and across its front was a trench of the extent of some hundred yards, to afford cover against an advance up the even steep slope of the hill. On the right, and a little retired, was a powerful covered battery, armed with heavy guns, which flanked the whole of the right of the position. Artillery, at the same time, was posted at the points that best commanded the passage of the river and its approaches generally. On the slopes of these hills (forming a sort of table land) were placed dense masses of the enemy’s infantry, whilst on the height above was his great reserve, the whole amounting, it is supposed, to between 45,000 and 50,000 men.”
It was against this fortress—for it was little less—the British, French, and Turkish forces were led, having broken up their camp at Kimishi on the 19th of September. The way led along continual steppes, affording no shelter from the burning heat of the sun, nor water to assuage the intolerable thirst suffered by all. The only relief was afforded by the muddy stream of Bulganak, which the men drank with avidity. That day an insignificant skirmish took place between a body of Cossacks and the light division. On passing over the brow of a hill, the former were discovered drawn up in order. A slight fire was opened, which wounded three or four of the allies, but a gun drove up and threw a shell with such wonderful precision in the midst of the enemy that above a dozen were knocked over by this one projectile, and the Cossacks speedily disappeared.d
THE BATTLE OF THE ALMA (1854 A.D.)
The allies’ plan of aggression was quite as simple as the Russian plan of defence. It consisted in turning the enemy’s two wings and then overwhelming them by a front attack. On the extreme right General Bosquet, in advance of the rest of the army, was to approach rapidly the Alma, cross it at a point not far from its mouth, ascend the slopes at all costs, then fall suddenly on the Russians’ left, surround them, and throw them back on the centre. This movement carried out, Canrobert’s and Prince Napoleon’s divisions, supported by a portion of the English army, would cross the river, climb the heights between Almatamak and Burliuk, and make the grand attack. At the same moment the English army at the left of the French lines would endeavour to turn the enemy’s right, and thus secure the day. Forey’s division would remain in reserve ready to help either the weaker columns or those in immediate danger, as the case might be. On the evening of the 19th of September FieldMarshal Saint-Arnaud had sent to each division a tracing of the proposed order of battle. The plan was so simple that the soldiers had already anticipated and guessed it. At nightfall they gathered round the camp fires and discussed the chances of the plan with gleeful excitement. They pointed out to each other the Russian camp fires, scintillating dots of light shining out on the hill sides, and tried to reckon up the enemy’s number by the number of lights. A good deal of imagination mingled with their calculations, but the results did not frighten them, they were convinced that the following day they would rest victorious on the plateau.
At the first sounds of the reveille the troops of Bosquet’s division were a-foot and ready to start, very proud of the place assigned them by the confidence of the commander-in-chief. The fog having somewhat lifted, at seven o’clock they left the banks of the Bulganak and marched off in quick time towards the Alma. They were not more than two kilometres distant from it when one of the fieldmarshal’s aides-de-camp arrived hot-foot with orders to halt, as the English were not ready. Obedience was yielded with some degree of unwillingness, which grew to impatience as the halt was prolonged. It was already half-past eleven when the march was resumed. The
division was formed into two columns; Autemarre’s brigade marched towards Almatamak, where the French scouts had just discovered a ford; the other brigade, under Bouat, turned towards the sea, so as to cross the river near its mouth by a sand bank shown them by a steam pinnace. From their dominating positions the Russians could see this manœuvre, but they paid no attention to it, judging that nature had provided sufficient defence for them on that side. They looked upon the whole of this movement as merely a diversion, and concentrated all their watchfulness on the main body of the army, which had hitherto remained motionless three kilometres to the rear of the Alma.
In the mean time Autemarre’s brigade, close on Almatamak and hitherto hidden from the enemy by the escarpments of the neighbouring cliff, began to cross the Alma. The 3rd zouaves were the first over the ford, and began with amazing “go” to climb the plateau. This ascent, which the Russians, heavily equipped and accustomed to the level, believed impossible, was relatively easy for men accustomed time out of mind to the foot-tracks of African mountains. It was wonderful to see these strong, agile soldiers springing up the slopes, giving a helping hand to one another, clinging to tufts of grass and scrub, and profiting by the smallest foothold. The Algerian sharp-shooters followed, then the 50th foot. The most difficult matter was to get the artillery over, and the boldest faltered before such a task. By a sheer miracle of stoutheartedness and energy they managed to hoist several pieces the whole length of the escarpments. Suddenly the zouaves appeared at the top of the hill, before the very eyes of the astonished Russians, and by a brisk fire drove off the enemy’s vedettes. In another moment Algerian sharp-shooters and men of the 50th foot climbed the last slopes in their turn; then the field guns, dragged up to the heights, were placed in line. At this identical moment Bouat’s brigade, which had been delayed in crossing the bar, appeared on the extreme right and began to scale the cliffs nearest the sea. Only the second battalion of the Minsk infantry occupied this position, which had hitherto been held impregnable. Debouching from the
little village of Aklese they ran forward; but confused by the fantastic aspect of this unexpected enemy, flurried by the gaps made in their ranks by the French long-range guns, they wasted no time over doubling back. Soon, running away altogether, they threw themselves on the Russian reserves, followed by the shots of French artillery and by the missiles thrown on to the plateau by the fleet at anchor near the shore.
Saint-Arnaud, from his position in the rear of the Alma, had watched the zouaves climb the hill. When they had disappeared over the crest, he had listened anxiously for the sharp-shooters to open fire. Soon the roar of cannon was heard, but it was difficult to believe that the artillery was already engaged. “Are they French guns or Russian guns?” asked the staff-officers grouped round the commander-in-chief. But the field-marshal joyfully cried: “I assure you it is Bosquet’s cannon; he has reached the heights.” Then searching the distance with his glasses: “I can see red trousers. Ah! there I recognise my African veteran Bosquet!” Summoning his generals, Saint-Arnaud gave then the final instructions. The sound of the guns had revived his failing strength; his voice was as strong as in his palmiest days, and his face was lighted up with confidence, a last and touching reflection of his warrior spirit. By a gesture he indicated to his officers the course of the river and the hills which shut in the horizon: “Gentlemen,” he said, “this battle will be known as the battle of the Alma.”
It being now one o’clock in the afternoon, the front attack was immediately begun. The first division, under command of General Canrobert, held the right; to the left was drawn up the 3rd division commanded by Prince Napoleon. Following the common plan, the latter was to attach itself to the English right, but it did so only imperfectly, on account of the slowness of the allies. Set in motion simultaneously, the two French divisions marched towards the Alma. This time the Russians had anticipated the attack and were ready to repulse it. Sheltered by clumps of trees, enclosing walls, and the gardens bordering the river, innumerable sharp-shooters directed a well-sustained fire against the enemy, and, in addition, a battery
established on the edge of the plateau covered the plain with missiles. Overwhelmed by this murderous fire the French troops halted. But the artillery of the 1st and 3rd divisions shelled the ravines, compelling the Russian sharp-shooters to retreat against a high bank on the left, and by thus diverting their attention enabled the rest of the French army to advance as far as the Alma. Laying down their knapsacks the soldiers themselves sounded the river with branches of trees and boldly crossed wherever it appeared practicable. Towards two in the afternoon the 3rd division effected a crossing not far from Burluk. As to Canrobert’s division, it had, almost entirely, already found a footing on the left bank a little above Almatamak. His first battalions had already reached the heights and slanted off to the right so as to join hands with Bosquet’s division.
It was quite time. When Prince Menshikov was informed of the appearance of Bosquet on the heights near the mouth of the Alma, he at first refused to believe the news and only the roar of the cannon had convinced him. Realising the greatness of the danger, the Russian commander-in-chief immediately hurried to reinforce his left flank, which in his excess of confidence he had left almost uncovered. As the brigades of Autemarre and Bouat took up a position, fresh Russian troops debouched on the western side of the plateau. First a battery of light artillery, which arrived before the infantry it was summoned to support, lost half its number in a few moments; then four battalions of the Moscow infantry regiment supported by another battery. Shortly after this occurred, Prince Menshikov, having himself visited the scene of action, decided to make a fresh attempt. By his orders three battalions of the Minsk regiment, four squadrons of hussars and two batteries of Cossacks were drawn from the reserve to afford active support to the troops already engaged. Happily for the French these troops arrived only in driblets, so that their impact was weakened by being broken up. Even so their little main body, launched on the plateau with no retreat possible, found itself in a position almost as critical as it was glorious. If it continued to penetrate into the Russian flank victory
was assured, but if it faltered it had no other prospect than to be brought to bay on one escarpment after another and routed in the valley, beyond hope of salvation. The Russian troops were not more numerous than the French, but the twelve guns of the latter could scarcely hope to hold out against the forty pieces which the Russians had brought into this part of the field. On receiving overnight the commander-in-chief’s instructions, General Bosquet had replied: “You can count on me, but remember I cannot hold out for more than two hours.”
The general weariness was great and moreover the ammunition was giving out. With growing anguish Bosquet turned his gaze towards the plain, waiting for the general attack which was to lighten his task. His joy may be imagined when he heard on the left, above Almatamak, the sharp crack of the zouaves’ rifles, and saw appearing over the edge of the plateau General Canrobert’s first battalions.
ALEXANDER SERGEVITCH MENSHIKOV
(1787-1869)
Help was at hand, and with help the almost certainty of victory. At that very moment a happy inspiration of SaintArnaud’s rendered assurance sure. Judging that the moment had arrived for calling on his reserves, he sent orders to General Forey to bring up one of his brigades to succour Bosquet, and with the other to support General Canrobert. From that moment the tide of battle set steadily against the Russians. Surrounded on their left wing, outflanked in their centre, threatened by the French reserves, they yielded step by step, no doubt with fearful
reprisals, but finally they retired. It was in vain that the Minsk and Moscow regiments, retreating obliquely, tried to resist both Bosquet’s and Canrobert’s divisions; these brave endeavours only prolonged the resistance without affecting the result. After losing the greater number of their leaders they were compelled to retreat behind the heights and to retire to a tower for telegraphic communication which marked the enemy’s centre. There a final bloody engagement took place. At last the flags of the 3rd zouaves and the 39th foot were hoisted on the top of the tower, signal of the victory which the Russians thenceforward never disputed.h
The part taken by the British troops in the final assault is thus described by the special correspondent of the Times:
“The British line was struggling through the river and up the heights in masses, firm, indeed, but mowed down by the murderous fire of the batteries and by grape, round shot, shell, canister, case shot, and musketry, from some of the guns of the central battery, and from an immense and compact mass of Russian infantry. Then commenced one of the most bloody and determined struggles in the annals of war. The 2nd division, led by Sir De L. Evans in the most dashing manner, crossed the stream on the right. The 7th Fusiliers, led by Colonel Yea, were swept down by fifties. The 55th, 30th, and 95th, led by Brigadier Pennefather, who was in the thickest of the fight, cheering on his men, again and again were checked indeed, but never drew back in their onward progress, which was marked by a fierce roll of Minié musketry; and Brigadier Adams, with the 41st, 47th, and 49th, bravely charged up the hill, and aided them in the battle. Sir George Brown, conspicuous on a grey horse, rode in front of his light division, urging them with voice and gesture. Gallant fellows! they were worthy of such a gallant chief. The 7th, diminished by one-half, fell back to re-form their columns lost for the time; the 23rd, with eight officers dead and four wounded, were still rushing to the front, aided by the 19th, 33rd, 77th, and 88th. Down went Sir George in a cloud of dust in front of the battery. He was soon up and shouted, ‘23rd, I’m all right. Be sure I’ll remember this
day,’ and led them on again, but in the shock produced by the fall of their chief the gallant regiment suffered terribly while paralysed for a moment. Meantime the Guards, on the right of the light division, and the brigade of Highlanders were storming the heights on the left. Their line was almost as regular as though they were in Hyde Park. Suddenly a tornado of round and grape rushed through from the terrible battery, and a roar of musketry from behind thinned their front ranks by dozens. It was evident that we were just able to contend against the Russians, favoured as they were by a great position. At this very time an immense mass of Russian infantry were seen moving down towards the battery. They halted. It was the crisis of the day. Sharp, angular, and solid, they looked as if they were cut out of the solid rock. It was beyond all doubt that if our infantry, harassed and thinned as they were, got into the battery they would have to encounter again a formidable fire, which they were but ill calculated to bear. Lord Raglan saw the difficulties of the situation. He asked if it would be possible to get a couple of guns to bear on these masses. The reply was, ‘Yes,’ and an artillery officer (Colonel Dixon) brought up two guns to fire on the Russian squares. The first shot missed, but the next, and the next, and the next cut through the ranks so cleanly, and so keenly, that a clear lane could be seen for a moment through the square. After a few rounds the square became broken, wavered to and fro, broke, and fled over the brow of the hill, leaving behind it six or seven distinct lines of dead, lying as close as possible to each other, marking the passage of the fatal messengers. This act relieved our infantry of a deadly incubus, and they continued their magnificent and fearful progress up the hill. The duke encouraged his men by voice and example, and proved himself worthy of his proud command and of the royal race from which he comes. ‘Highlanders,’ said Sir C. Campbell, ere they came to the charge, ‘don’t pull a trigger till you’re within a yard of the Russians!’ They charged, and well they obeyed their chieftain’s wish; Sir Colin had his horse shot under him, but his men took the battery at a bound. The Russians rushed out, and left multitudes of dead behind them. The Guards had stormed the right of the battery ere the Highlanders got into the left, and it is said the Scots Fusilier
Guards were the first to enter. The second and light division crowned the heights. The French turned the guns on the hill against the flying masses, which the cavalry in vain tried to cover. A few faint struggles from the scattered infantry, a few rounds of cannon and musketry and the enemy fled to the southeast, leaving three generals, three guns, 700 prisoners, and 4,000 wounded behind them. The battle of the Alma was won. It is won with a loss of nearly 3,000 killed and wounded on our side. The Russians’ retreat was covered by their cavalry, but if we had had an adequate force we could have captured many guns and multitudes of prisoners.”
It appears from papers found in Prince Menshikov’s carriage, that he had counted on holding his position on the Alma for at least three weeks. He had erected scaffolds from which his ladies might view the military exploits during the period of obstruction he had provided for the invading force, but he was hurried away in the midst of a flying army, in a little more than three hours.
THE SEIZURE OF BALAKLAVA (1854 A.D.)
Without sufficient cavalry, and having exhausted the ammunition of the artillery, the allies did not pursue the defeated foe; but rested for a couple of days, to recruit the able-bodied, succour the wounded, and bury the dead. Then they went forward towards Sebastopol. A change now took place, as remarkable an incident as any in the campaign. Learning that the enemy had established a work of some force on the Belbek, and that this river could not readily be rendered a means of communication with the fleet, and calculating that preparations would be made for the defence of Sebastopol chiefly on the north side, the commanders resolved to change the line of operations, to turn the whole position of Sebastopol, and establish themselves at Balaklava. After resting for a couple of days, they started on the march, turned to the left after the first night’s bivouac, and struck across a woody country, in which the troops had to steer their way by compass; regained an open road from Bagtcheserai to Balaklava; encountered there at Khutor
Mackenzia (Mackenzie’s Farm) a part of the Russian army, which fled in consternation at the unexpected meeting; and were in possession of Balaklava on the 26th—within four days after leaving the heights above the Alma. Thus an important post was occupied without a blow.
Balaklava is a close port, naturally cut by the waters in the living rock; so deep that the bowsprit of a ship at anchor can almost be touched on shore, so strong that the force possessing it could retain communication with the sea in spite of any enemy. It is a proof of Menshikov’s want of foresight, or of his extreme weakness after the battle of the 20th, that Balaklava was left without effectual defence. The change of operations reminds one of Nelson’s manœuvre at the Nile, in attacking the enemy on the shore side, where the ships were logged with lumber and unprepared for action.
By this date, however, the allies were destined to sustain a grave loss, in the departure of Marshal Saint-Arnaud. The French commander-in-chief had succeeded in three achievements, each one of which would be sufficient to mark the great soldier. He had thrown his forces into the battle on the Alma with all the ardour of which his countrymen are capable, but with that perfect command which the great general alone retains. He had succeeded in exciting the soldierly fire of the French, and yet in preserving the friendliest feelings towards their rivals and allies, the English. He had succeeded in retaining his place on horseback, notwithstanding mortal agonies that would have subdued the courage, or at least the physical endurance, of any other man. Many can meet death, numbers can sustain torture; but the power of holding out in action against the depressing and despairing misgivings of internal maladies, is a kind of resolution which nature confers upon very few indeed, and amongst those very few Marshal Saint-Arnaud will be ranked as one of the most distinguished. He was succeeded in the command of the French army by General Canrobert, and died at sea on the 29th. By this event Lord Raglan became commander-in-chief of the allied forces in the Crimea.
