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Contents AbouttheAuthor
Preface
1APolicymakingFramework:DefiningProblemsandPortrayingSolutionsinUS Environmental Politics
TwoCriticalFeaturesofUS EnvironmentalPolicymaking
TheClashofValuesattheHeartofEnvironmentalPolicymaking HowActivistsDefineProblemsandCharacterizeTheirSolutionstoGainPoliticalSupport
MajorActorsinEnvironmentalPolicymaking
GovernmentDecisionMakers
ActorsOutsideofGovernment
TheEnvironmentalPolicymakingProcess
PolicyWindowsandMajorPolicyChange
TheRoleofPolicyEntrepreneursin“SofteningUp”and“Tipping”
TheImportanceofProcessandHistory
ChangingPolicyGradually
CaseSelection
RegulatingPolluters
History,ChangingValues,andNaturalResourceManagement
NewIssues,NewPolitics
GettingtheMostOutoftheCases
Notes
Part1RegulatingPolluters
2TheNationTacklesAirandWaterPollution:TheEnvironmentalProtectionAgencyandthe CleanAirandCleanWaterActs
Background
EarlyEffortstoAddressAirPollution
EarlyEffortstoAddressWaterPollution
TheCase
EnvironmentalismBecomesaPopularCause
CelebratingEarthDay1970
ThePollsConfirmaShiftinPublicOpinion
PoliticiansRespond
Implementation:IdealismTempered
The1977CleanAirandWaterActAmendments:RelaxingtheLaw
MoreSignificantChallengestotheEPAandtheCleanAirandCleanWaterActs Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
3LoveCanal:HazardousWasteandthePoliticsofFear
Background
TheCase
TheCityofNiagaraFallsStonewalls
TheLocalMediaRaiseResidents’Concern Assessing(andAvoiding)Blame
TheNationalMediaExpandtheScopeoftheConflict
TheOuterRingResidentsAreLeftBehind ExpertsVersusCitizens
HealthStudiesBreedPanicandMorePublicity FiguringOutWhoWillPay TheFinalEvacuation
Outcomes
TheSuperfundLaw RemediationandResettlementofLoveCanal Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
4Ecosystem-BasedManagementintheChesapeakeBay
Background
TheCase
The1980sand1990s:HoldingtheLine 2000–2009:ANewBayAgreement,butNoImprovement Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
5Market-BasedSolutions:AcidRainandtheCleanAirActAmendmentsof1990
Background
TheCase
TheEmergingScientificConsensusonAcidRain CraftingandDisseminatingaCompellingStoryAboutAcidRain ResistancetoAcidRainControlsintheReaganAdministration CongressionalDivisionsintheReaganYears AcidRain’sRisingSalience ProspectsforControlsImproveintheBushAdministration ImplementingtheAcidRainProvisions Outcomes
TheEconomicImpactsofTitleIV
TheEcologicalImpactsofTitleIV
NewResearchSpursCallsforMoreControls
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
Part2History,ChangingValues,andNaturalResourceManagement
6OilVersusWildernessintheArcticNationalWildlifeRefuge
Background
AHistoryofResourceExploitationinAlaska
TheTrans-AlaskaPipelineControversy
TheAlaskaNationalInterestLandsConservationAct(ANILCA)
TheCase
TheANWRCoalitions
TheBattletoFrametheProblem,1986–1992
ThePoliticalContest,1986–1992
ANWRProposalsontheQuiet,1993–1999
The2000PresidentialCampaignandPresidentBush’sEnergyPolicy Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
7FederalGrazingPolicy:SomeThingsNeverChange
Background
IntroducingGrazingintheWest
TheOriginsofGrazingRegulation
GrazingPolicyControversies,1940ThroughtheLate1960s
TheCase
Environmentalists’Arguments
Ranchers’ResistancetoReform
TheFederalLandPolicyManagementAct
TheCarterAdministration,1977–1981
TheReaganAdministration,1981–1989
TheGeorgeH.W.BushAdministration,1989–1993
TheEarlyClintonYears,1993–1994
TheRepublicanCongressRetaliates,1995–1997
AdministrativePolicymakingRedux Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
8JobsVersustheEnvironment:SavingtheNorthernSpottedOwl
Background
TheCase
LandManagersTrytoSolvetheProblemQuietly,Locally
TheEmergingScienceofOwlsandOld-GrowthForests
TheForestServiceRegion6Guide
PressureMountstoListtheOwlasEndangered
InterestGroupConfrontations:LawsuitsandPublicRelationsCampaigns
TheRegion’sElectedOfficialsGetInvolved
TheThomasCommitteeReport
TheArgumentShiftstoEconomicCosts
CongressTakesUptheIssue
TheCrisisEscalates
TheNorthwestForestPlan
TheTimberSalvageRider
TheBushAdministrationRelaxesTimberHarvestRestrictions
Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
9PlaygroundorParadise?SnowmobilesinYellowstoneNationalPark
Background
TheOriginsofYellowstoneNationalPark
TheNationalParkServiceIsBorn
TheCase
AllowingSnowmobilesinYellowstone
TheOriginsoftheSnowmobileBan
CompetingtoDefinetheProblemintheSnowmobileDebate
MotorizedRecreationVersusProtection
TheEvolutionoftheSnowmobileBan
ANewIdeologyandaNewRule
LegalChallenges
Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
10CrisisandRecoveryintheNewEnglandFisheries
Background
TheCase
Scientists’AssessmentsofNewEngland’sGroundfish Establishinga“Cooperative”ManagementRegime DevisingaMultispeciesGroundfishFisheryManagementPlan
TheConservationLawFoundationLawsuitandAmendment5
ScientistsIssueAnotherWarning andGroundfishStocksCrash Amendment7andContrastingDefinitionsoftheProblem
TheFocusShiftstoGulfofMaineCod Amendment9andaSecondLawsuit
AdoptingaSector-BasedApproach
Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
11TheDeepwaterHorizonDisaster:TheHighCostofOffshoreOil Background
TheCase
DrillingandCementingtheMacondoWell
TheDisaster
RespondingtotheSpill
InvestigatingtheAccident,PointingFingers
Outcomes
PolicyandPoliticalConsequences
TheEcologicalImpacts
ImpactsonDeepwaterDrillingintheGulf andBP
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
Part3NewIssues,NewPolitics
12ClimateChange:TheChallengesofInternationalEnvironmentalPolicymaking Background
TheCase
InternationalConcernLeadstoanIntergovernmentalPanel
TheBushAdministrationDemurs
TheClintonAdministration:HopesforU.S.LeadershipandFade DefiningtheClimateChangeProblemintheUnitedStates
TheKyotoProtocol
PromotingtheKyotoProtocolBackHome
TheHague,2000
TheGeorgeW BushPresidency
ClimateChangeScienceSolidifies
WhiletheFederalGovernmentDithers,OthersStepIntotheBreach Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
13CapeWind:IfNotHere,Where?IfNotNow,When?
Background
TheCase
TheCapeWindProposal
OppositiontoCapeWindForms
CapeWind’sDefendersFightBack
TheTortuousPermittingProcessBegins
CapeWindGainsGroundDespiteSetbacks
ObtainingPermitsFromtheState
MovingTowardaFederalPermit
Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
14FrackingWars:LocalandStateResponsestoUnconventionalShaleGasDevelopment
Background
TheCase
WeighingtheProsandConsofFrackinginNewYork EnactingaBaninDryden
TheStateEnactsaBanofItsOwn
Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
15MakingTrade-Offs:UrbanSprawlandtheEvolvingSystemofGrowthManagementin Portland,Oregon
Background
TheCase
RegionalPlanninginthePortlandMetropolitanArea
TransportationPlanning DevelopmentRules
TheResultsofPlanning
InstitutionalizingCivicEngagementinPortland
TroubleinParadise:Measures7and37
Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
16HurricaneKatrinaHitsNewOrleans:Disaster,Restoration,andResilience
Background
TheCase
DisasterStrikes
TheAftermath
WhatHappenedandWhy?
RebuildingandConflictingIdeasAboutRestoration
Outcomes
Conclusions
QuestionstoConsider
Notes
17Conclusions:Politics,Values,andEnvironmentalPolicyChange
TheStrengthoftheStatusQuo
LegislativePolicyChange
TheImportanceofBuildingCoalitions
TheCrucialRoleofLeadership
UsingInformationtoDefineProblems
AdministrativePolicyChange
TheCourts
Ecosystem-ScaleCollaborationandNonregulatoryApproaches
AcknowledgingtheRoleofValues
Notes
Index
AbouttheAuthor JudithA Layzer
wasprofessorofenvironmentalpolicyintheDepartmentofUrbanStudiesandPlanningatthe MassachusettsInstituteofTechnology(MIT)untilherdeathin2015.SheearnedaPh.D.inpolitical scienceatMIT AfterfouryearsatMiddleburyCollegeinVermontshereturnedtoMIT,whereshe taughtcoursesinscienceandpoliticsinenvironmentalpolicymaking,ecosystem-basedmanagement, foodsystemsandtheenvironment,urbansustainability,energyandenvironmentalpolitics,andpublic policy
Layzer’sresearchfocusedonseveralaspectsofU.S.environmentalpolitics,includingtherolesof science,values,andstorytellinginenvironmentalpolitics,aswellasontheeffectivenessofdifferent approachestoenvironmentalplanningandmanagement Arecentprojectasked:Dourbansustainability initiativessignificantlyreducecities’ecologicalfootprints?Andwhichaspectsof“greencities”aremost effectiveatreducingcities’environmentalimpacts?InadditiontoTheEnvironmentalCase,Layzerwas theauthorofNaturalExperiments:Ecosystem-BasedManagementandtheEnvironment(2008)andOpen forBusiness:Conservatives’OppositiontoEnvironmentalRegulation(2012) Layzerwasanathleteaswellasascholar.InadditiontohavingfinishedfiveBostonmarathons,she sharedninenationalchampionshiptitlesandoneworldchampionshiptrophywithherteammateson LadyGodiva,formerlyBoston’spremierwomen’sUltimateFrisbeeteam JudithA.Layzer 1961–2015
WeatSAGEmarkthepassingofauthorJudithA Layzerwithsadness,butalsowithenormous gratitudeforhercontributiontothefieldofenvironmentalpolitics.Afinescholarandresearcher, ProfessorLayzerwasalsoaremarkableteacher,aqualitythatisperfectlyembodiedinherbook,The EnvironmentalCase,nowinitsfourthedition Thestrikinglydetailedandcompellingstoriesshetellsin thebookinstillinreadersthekindofurgencythatforceschangesinattitudesandbehaviors thevery effectthatpowerful,lastingbookscanandshouldhave
Preface TheideaforthisbookwasbornwhenIwasagraduatestudentinpoliticalscienceattheMassachusetts InstituteofTechnology(MIT)inthemid-1990s Myadviser,StephenMeyer,andIweredevelopinganew undergraduatecourseinenvironmentalpoliticsandpolicy.Aftersearchingextensivelyformaterial,we realizedthat,althoughmanyinformativeandreadabletextsonthehistory,substance,andefficacyofvarious environmentalpolicieswereavailable,fewdescribedenvironmentalpoliticsinaction Moreover,hardlyany seemedtorecognizethefundamentaldisagreementsthatmakeenvironmentalcontroversiessointractableor todescribethepatternsthatemergeasonelooksatthepolicymakingprocessacrossabroadrangeofissues I setouttocraftasetofcasestudiesthatwouldsimultaneouslyconveythedramaofUS environmentalpolitics andfurnishusefulinsightsintothepolicymakingprocess.Myprimarygoal,then,wasnottoassessoutcomes fromanormativeperspectivebuttomakesomeprovocativeclaimsabouthowenvironmentalpoliciesevolve, fromthewaywedecidewhichproblemsareworthyofthegovernment’sattentiontothemechanismswe choosetoaddressthem.
TheorganizationofthebookemergedasIaddedcasesthatcapturednewaspectsofenvironmentalpoliticsor policy,suchasanewmatterofconcern wetlandsorspeciesextinction,forexample oranovelpolitical dynamic,suchaslandscape-scaleplanning.Thedivisionbetweenpollutioncontrolandnaturalresource managementwasanobviousone;thethirdcategory newissues,newpolitics waslessintuitivebutsought tocapturesomeofthemostimportantcontemporarypuzzlesintherealmofenvironmentalpolicymaking For thefourthedition,Iaddedtwonewcasesthatdeepenthebook’scoverageofenergy-relatedissues.Thecases thathavebeenremovedtomakewayfornewcasessincethefirsteditionareavailableinelectronicformatthe CQPresswebsite(http://customcqpresscom)
Inselectingwhichinformationtoincludeineachcase,Iviewedthematerialthroughaparticularlens thatof politicalscience.Morespecifically,Ifocusedontheimportanceofvalues,ideas,andinformation particularly astheyaffectproblemdefinitionandsolutioncharacterization inpolicymaking AlthoughIimposedaclear analyticstructure,Itriedtokeepeachnarrativesufficientlyself-explanatorysothateconomists,sociologists, historians,andothersinterestedinthebookwouldnotfeelconfinedbymyinterpretation.Moreover,Isought tomakethecasesaccessiblenotonlytostudentsandscholarsbutalsotoactivists,policymakers,journalists, andothersinterestedinenvironmentalpolitics Eachcaseintroducesthereadertofascinatingcharactersand eventsandprovidesafoundationformorein-depthstudyoftheissuesraised.Takenasawhole,thebook providesbothaportraitofandananalyticframeworkforUS environmentalpolicymaking,fromthelocal leveltotheinternationallevel,thatshouldbevaluabletoanyoneconcernedabouttheenvironment
Acknowledgments WritingthisbookwouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutthesupportofMITandMiddleburyCollege.MIT fundedthedevelopmentofthefirstsetofcases;morerecently,theMITEnergyInitiative(MITEI)funded thedevelopmentofseveralnewcases Bothinstitutionsgenerouslyprovidedsupportforstudentresearch assistants,manyofwhomlaboredtobringthebooktofruition.AtMiddlebury,KatrinaO’Brien,Lee Rowland,SarahWeston,andJessWidayprovidedresearchassistanceforthefirstedition AsIrevised existingchaptersandwrotenewones,KellyCavazos(MIT),NicoleFenton(UniversityofVermont),Corey Ferguson(Bowdoin),JessieSchaffer(MIT),andAnitaYip(Wellesley)helpedwithdatacollectionandfact checking MITgraduatestudentscontributedtothisendeavoraswell XixiChenandKateVanTassel trackeddownsourcesandhelpedwithproofreading KimFoltzcollectedsourcematerial AbbieEmison cheerfullyhuntedforobscurereferencesandsearchedoutelusiveinformation.AndKateDineen(MIT)wasa carefulfactcheckerandfiguremaker
Iwouldalsoliketothankmycolleagues,whohavescrutinizedvariouschapters ColleaguesChristopher Bosso(NortheasternUniversity)andChristopherKlyza(MiddleburyCollege)readandmadeinsightful commentsontheintroductiontothefirstedition.Inaddition,reviewersGordonBennett(Universityof TexasatAustin),MarkLubell(FloridaStateUniversity),StuartShulman(DrakeUniversity),andStacy VanDeveer(UniversityofNewHampshire)provideddetailedandthoughtfulreviewsoftheoriginal manuscript.Iappreciatethefeedbackofthosewhocommentedonthestrengthsandweaknessesofthefirst editioninpreparationforthesecond:RichardAndrews(UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill),Tina L.Bertrand(McMurrayUniversity),BrianCook(ClarkUniversity),IrasemaCoronado(UniversityofTexas atElPaso),DavidL.Feldman(UniversityofTennessee),MaryHague(BucknellUniversity),Timothy Lehman(RockyMountainCollege),RobertJ Mason(TempleUniversity),JosephRish(King’sCollege),and FrederickVanGeest(DordtCollege).Inpreparationforthethirdedition,thefollowingpeoplerespondedto ourqueriesabouthowtheyusethebook:RobertBartlett(UniversityofVermont),RussellBrenneman (TrinityCollege),KristinCampbell(UniversityofBuffalo,SUNY),KarenMcCurdy(GeorgiaSouthern University),LeighRaymond(PurdueUniversity),andRustyRussell(TuftsUniversity).Andfinally,Robert Bartlett(UniversityofVermont),LeighRaymond(PurdueUniversity),andErikaWeinthal(Duke University)providedthoroughandhelpfulreviewsofthenewchaptersaddedforthethirdedition
Iamalsoextremelygratefultotheexpertswhoreadandgavemepointersonchaptersthatwereeitheradded orsubstantiallyrevisedforthefourthedition:JohnSterman,PeterIwanowiecz,andTomZellerJr.Theytried valiantlytospoterrors;thosethatremainaresolelymyresponsibility
AtSAGE,acquisitionseditorSarahCalabihashandledthebookwithgreatprofessionalism Shemanaged therevisionprocess andparticularlymypropensityforendlessediting withgreatdiplomacy.Noonecould askforamorededicated,scrupulous,andtolerantmanuscripteditorthanTinaHardy Productioneditor OliviaWeber-Stenisgraciouslyengineeredatightproductionschedule(again) AndkudostoJanetKieselfor thecoverdesign.
Inadditiontothosewhocontributeddirectly,mycolleagues,friends,andfamilyhelpedbymakingmylife wonderfulwhileIwasworkingoneacheditionofthisbook MycolleaguesatMiddleburyencouragedme throughouttheprocessofputtingtogethertheoriginalmanuscript,andDeborahStoneandJimMorone providedawonderfulsummerhiatusinBrooklinewhileIwrappedupthefirstedition.AtMIT,my colleagueshavebeenconsistentlysupportiveandhavemadetheDepartmentofUrbanStudiesandPlanning feellikehome.Inhisefforttomakemeaworld-classscholar,SteveMeyerwasmytoughestcriticanda valuablesourceofprofessionaladvice.IoweaspecialdebttotwopeoplewhoneversawTheEnvironmental Caseinprint:RichardMarius,withhisoutsizedpassion,taughtmetowritesparingly;mysister,Daryl Layzer,showedmethroughherowngraceanddignityhowtoliveeverydayandtakenothingforgranted.My othersiblings Carolyn,Emily,Jon,Mark,Nick,andPhil havebeenbothcheerleadersandsafetynets.To EmilyIoweaparticulardebtofgratitude Ihaveonceagaindedicatedthisbooktomyparents,whoinstilled inmeapassionforthinking,learning,andeducating.Butmostofall,TheEnvironmentalCaseisformynieces andnephews,Ian,Kyle,Bailey,andClara,andalsoforStella,whowillhavetolivewiththeconsequencesof ourenvironmentalpolicydecisions
SAGEPublicationswishestoacknowledgeSaraRinfret,UniversityofMontana,forhervaluable contributionstotheproductionofthisedition.
Chapter1APolicymakingFrameworkDefiningProblemsand PortrayingSolutionsinU.S.EnvironmentalPolitics Environmentalpoliticsconcerns“howhumanityorganizesitselftorelatetothenaturethatsustainsit”1 Becausehumanlifedependsonwell-functioningnaturalsystems,onemightthinkenvironmentalprotection wouldbeuncontroversial.Yetbitterdisputeshaveeruptedoverproposalstopreserveundevelopedland,save endangeredspecies,protectorrestoreecosystems,cleanuptoxicdumpsandspills,reduceairandwater pollution,conserveenergy,mitigatehuman-causedchangesintheglobalclimate,andensureanequitable distributionofenvironmentalhazards.TheseissueshavebecomeprominentinAmericanpolitics,takingtheir placealongsidemoreconventionalsocial,economic,andforeignpolicyconcerns,soitisessentialto understandtheirpoliticaldynamics Furthermore,althoughthepolicyprocesshasmanygenericfeatures, environmentalpolicymakinghasahostofdistinctattributesandthereforewarrantsitsownanalyticniche. Thegoalofthisbook,then,istoilluminatehowtheAmericanpoliticalsystemgrappleswiththeenvironment asaparticularobjectofpublicaction
Thisintroductorychapterbeginsbylayingoutthefollowingtwo-partargument:(1)environmentalpolicy conflictsalmostalwaysconcernfundamentaldifferencesinvalues,and(2)thewayproblemsaredefinedand solutionsdepictedplaysacentralroleinshapinghowthosevaluesgettranslatedintopolicies Thechapter goesontodescribethecontributionsofthesystem’smajoractors policymakers,advocates,experts,andthe media indefiningenvironmentalproblems,formulatingandcharacterizingsolutions,andultimatelymaking decisions Itthenintroducesanumberofconceptsthathelpexplaintheprocessbywhichenvironmental policyismade.Theresultisageneralframework,theelementsofwhicharetreatedingreaterdepthinthe casesthatfollow.Thechapterconcludesbyexplainingtherationalebehindtheselection,organization,and presentationofthevolume’ssixteencasestudies Eachofthecasesisinterestinginitsownright;in combinationtheyofferimportantlessonsforanyonewhowantstounderstandwhyenvironmentalpolicy controversiesturnoutthewaytheydo.
TwoCriticalFeaturesofU.S.EnvironmentalPolicymaking Nearlyallenvironmentalpolicydisputesare,atheart,contestsovervalues.Tothecasualobserver,these conflictsmayappeartorevolvearoundarcanetechnicalissues,butinfactalmostalloftheminvolvea fundamentaldisagreementoverhowhumansoughttointeractwiththenaturalworld Eventhough environmentalpolicydisputesarerootedinconflictingbeliefs,theparticipantsinthosecontestsrarelymake value-basedarguments Instead,theydefineproblemsandcharacterizetheirsolutionsintermsofscience, economics,andrisk Becausevaluedifferencesdivideparticipants,however,environmentalpolicyconflictsare rarelyresolvedbyappealstoreason;noamountoftechnicalinformationislikelytoconvertadversariesinsuch disputes.2
TheClashofValuesattheHeartofEnvironmentalPolicymaking Theparticipantsinenvironmentaldebatesfallintotwobroadcampsbasedonentrencheddifferencesintheir beliefsabouttheappropriaterelationshipbetweenhumansandthenaturalworld Althougheachside incorporatesawiderangeofperspectives,foranalyticpurposeswecancategorizethemasenvironmentalists andcornucopians.
Environmentalists. Environmentalismisnotasinglephilosophybutacongeriesofbeliefswithseveralroots.Environmental values,inoneformoranother,havebeenpartofAmericancultureandpoliticssincebeforethearrivalof whitesettlersontheNorthAmericancontinent.Infact,somecontemporaryenvironmentaliststracetheir valuestothespiritualbeliefsofNativeAmericans 3 ButmosthistoriansdatetheoriginsofAmerican environmentalismtothelateeighteenth-andearlynineteenth-centuryRomanticsandTranscendentalists,an elitecommunityofartistsandwriterswhocelebratedwildnatureasasourceofspiritualrenewaland redemption Theybelievedthatonlybypreservinguntrammeledwildernesscouldthenationensurethatintact landscapesremainedtoreplenishthewearysoul.Inthe1830sGeorgeCatlin,apainterwhotraveled frequentlyintheWest,wasthefirsttopleadfortheestablishmentofanationalparktopreservelandinits “pristinebeautyandwildness”forfuturegenerations 4 Twentyyearslater,HenryDavidThoreaudeploredthe wholesaleclearingoflandforfarmingandmovedtoacabinatWaldenPondinsearchofamore“simple”and “natural”life.Thoreaualsoemphasizedtheimportanceofpreservingwildnatureforbuildingcharacter;inhis famousessay,“Walking,”hewrote,“Hopeandthefutureformearenotinlawnsandcultivatedfields,notin townsandcities,butintheimperviousandquakingswamps.”5 In1911JohnMuir,founderoftheSierraClub andanardentandprolificadvocateofwildernesspreservation,describednatureasa“windowopeninginto heaven,amirrorreflectingtheCreator”6 Ahalf-centurylater,thefederalgovernmentembeddedthe preservationistphilosophyinlawssuchastheWildernessPreservationAct(1964),theWildandScenic RiversAct(1968),andtheNationalTrailsAct(1968).
Asecondformofenvironmentalconcern,conservationism,accompaniedtheProgressivemovementthat emergedattheturnofthetwentiethcentury Unlikepreservationists,whowantedtosetasideswathsof undisturbednature,conservationistsadvocatedtheprudentuseofnaturalresources.AshistorianSamuelHays pointsout,conservationistsadheredtothe“gospelofefficiency.”7 Theywereintentonmanagingthenation’s coal,oil,timber,grassland,andwateraccordingtoscientificprinciplestoensuretheiravailabilityinthelong run (MostoftheappliedsciencedisciplinesthatemergedduringtheProgressiveEraweregearedtoward increasingnaturalresourceyields,notpreservingecosystemhealth 8)ConservationistslikeGiffordPinchot, forexample,deploredthewastefulcut-and-runloggingpracticesofprivatetimbercompaniesandfearedthat Americanindustrialistswouldappropriateandsquanderthenation’snaturalresourcesunlessgovernment steppedinandplannedfortheirorderlyexploitation Itwasthisconcernthatdrovethefederalgovernmentto setasideforestreservesand,in1905,createtheUS ForestServicetomanagethoselandsforthepublic benefit.
Althoughstrainsofpreservationistandconservationistthoughtpervadecontemporaryenvironmentaldebates, athirdstrandofenvironmentalismemergedafterWorldWarII onemoreconcernedwithfightingpollution andprotectingbiologicaldiversitythanwithpreservingpristinenaturalareasormanagingnaturalresources efficiently.Ideasabouttheinterdependenceofhumanbeingsandnaturederivedfromthescientificdiscipline ofecology,whichfocusesonthestudyoflivingorganismsandtheirenvironment,aretheprimarywellsprings ofmodernenvironmentalism 9 Inthelate1940snaturalistandforesterAldoLeopoldsowedtheseedsofthe contemporaryenvironmentalmovementwithhisbook,ASandCountyAlmanac,whichdevelopeda“land ethic”basedonprinciplesofinterrelatednessandstability.AccordingtoLeopold,“Allethics...restupona singlepremise:thattheindividualisamemberofacommunityofinterdependentparts”Therefore,“athing isrightwhenittendstopreservethestabilityandbeautyofthebioticcommunity Itiswrongwhenittends otherwise”10
Anotherfoundationofpostwarenvironmentalismisthelimits-to-growththesisespousedbyMassachusetts InstituteofTechnology(MIT)biophysicistDonellaMeadowsandhercoauthorsin1972.Basedonanew mathematicalmethodcalledsystemdynamics,thisperspectiverecognizedtheimportanceofrelationshipsand feedbackloopsincomplexsystems 11 Accordingtothelimits-to-growthargument,thehumanpopulationis outrunningtheearth’scapacitytosupportit Forsome,recognitionoftheearth’slimitedcarryingcapacityled toskepticismabouteconomicgrowthandinterestinasteady-stateeconomy 12 Otheradherentsofthisview arenotopposedtoeconomicgrowthaltogether,butrathertheyadvocategrowththatis“sustainable”and thereforedoesnotcomeattheexpenseoffuturegenerations Theypointout,however,thatanunregulated marketsysteminvariablyleadstounsustainablelevelsofproductionandconsumption Althoughithascommonorigins,thecontemporaryenvironmentalmovementisfarfrommonolithic.For example,deepecologistsdistinguishthemselvesfrommainstreamenvironmentalists,whoseenvironmental beliefstheyregardassuperficial Deepecologyisecocentric:whereasanthropocentricperspectivestreat humansasmorallysuperiortootherformsoflifeonthebasisofourcapacityforlanguageandcomplex thought,ecocentricperspectivestreattheworldas“anintrinsicallydynamic,interconnectedwebofrelations inwhichtherearenoabsolutelydiscreteentitiesandnoabsolutedividinglinesbetweenthelivingandthe nonliving,theanimateandtheinanimate,orthehumanandthenonhuman”13 Asthisquotemakesclear, deepecologyrestsonapremiseof“biosphericalegalitarianism” thatis,theinherentandequalvalueofall livingthings.Moreover,deepecologistsbelievethathumanqualityoflifedependsonmaintainingadeep connectionto,ratherthansimplyarespectfulrelationshipwith,otherformsoflife Itisworthnotingthat deepecologyisnotlogicallyderivedfromecology,nordoesitdependforsubstantiationontheresultsof scientificinvestigation.Instead,asphilosopherArneNaessexplains,“Totheecologicalfieldworker,theequal righttoliveandblossomisanintuitivelyclearandobviousvalueaxiom.”14
Evenamongmoremainstreamenvironmentaliststherearemajordifferences,asthecasesthatfollowmake abundantlyclear Inparticular,pragmaticenvironmentalistsseektopromotetheadoptionofnewtechnologies thatwillreducetheoverallenvironmentalimpactofhumansocietybutdolittletochangetheoverallstructure oftheglobaleconomy.Bycontrast,moreidealisticenvironmentalistsbelievethatattainingsustainability requiresacompletepoliticalandeconomictransformation Theyemphasizechangesinbehavior,notjust
technology,toproduceamorejustandenvironmentallyrobustpolitical-economicsystem.
Cornucopians. Unlikeenvironmentalists,cornucopians(orPrometheans)placeapreeminentvalueoneconomicgrowth.15 In sharpcontrasttoenvironmentalism,thetermcornucopiansuggestsabundance,evenlimitlessness Adherents ofthisperspectivebelievethatenvironmentalrestrictionsthreatentheireconomicwell-beingortheeconomic healthoftheircommunity.Theyalsofearthatsuchrestrictionsentailunacceptablelimitsbygovernmenton individualfreedom
Cornucopianshaveboundlessconfidenceinhumans’abilitytodevisetechnologicalsolutionstoresource shortages 16 BestknownamongthecornucopiansareeconomistsJulianSimonandHermanKahn,whosay, “Weareconfidentthatthenatureofthephysicalworldpermitscontinuedimprovementinhumankind’s economiclotinthelongrun,indefinitely”17 Athemeofthecornucopianliteratureisthatthekindsof doomsdayforecastsmadebyenvironmentalistsnevercometopass.Resourceshortagesmayariseintheshort run,butthelessonofhistory,accordingtoSimonandKahn,isthat“thenatureoftheworld’sphysical conditionsandtheresilienceinawell-functioningeconomicandsocialsystemenableustoovercomesuch problems,andthesolutionsusuallyleaveusbetteroffthaniftheproblemhadneverarisen”18
Inadditiontobeingtechnologicaloptimists,cornucopiansplaceenormousvalueonindividualliberty definedasthefreedomtodoasonewisheswithoutinterference.Someproponentsofthisphilosophycontend thatenvironmentalistsareactuallySocialistsdisguisingtheirrejectionofmarketsandpreferencefor governmentcontroloverthemeansofproductionasconcernabouttheenvironment 19 Cornucopianscriticize environmentalregulationsnotonlyforlimitingindividualfreedombutalsofortakingoutoftheeconomy resourcesthatwouldotherwisebeusedproductively.Reasoningthataffluenceleadstodemandsforbetter healthandacleanerenvironment,theyproposethatthebestwaytoprotecttheenvironmentistoensurethat individualscanpursuematerialprosperity.20 Accordingtosomewhoholdthisworldview,theroleof governmentistoassignpropertyrightsintheearth’sresourcesandletthemarketdictateallocationsofthe goodsandservicesthatflowfromtheseresources aphilosophyknownasfree-marketenvironmentalism.
Cornucopiansregardtheirperspectiveaslogical,rational,andoptimistic;bycontrast,theysee environmentalistsassentimentalandirrationallypessimistic Theyparticularlyeschewecocentricphilosophies thatelevateplants,animals,andevennonlivingentitiestothelevelofhumans Instead,theyadoptaviewof theworldinwhich“peoplemaynotsitaboveanimalsandplantsinanymetaphysicalsense,butclearlyare superiorintheirplacementinthenaturalorder”Therefore,“decentmaterialconditionsmustbeprovidedfor alloftheformerbeforetherecanbelong-termassuranceofprotectionforthelatter”21
Inshort,theschismbetweenenvironmentalistsandcornucopiansarisesoutofdifferentworldviews Thatsaid, environmentalistsareadiverselot,rangingfromthosewhobelievethatalllifehasvaluetothosewhoyearn forsimpler,lessharriedtimestothosewithpracticalconcernsabouttheimpactofpollutiononhumanhealth orqualityoflife Thereissimilarvariationamongcornucopians:someplaceahighervalueoneconomic
growththantheydoontheaestheticormoralimportanceofthenaturalworld;othersareavidoutdoor enthusiastswhosimplyhavemorefaithinindividuals’thaningovernment’sabilitytoprotectnatural amenities.Buttheheterogeneityofenvironmentalismandcornucopianismshouldnotobscurethe fundamentalvaluedifferencesthatunderpinenvironmentalcontroversies.Onlybyrecognizingsuchprofound disagreementscanweunderstandwhyenvironmentalpolicymakingisrarelyastraightforwardtechnicalmatter ofacknowledgingaproblemanddevisinganappropriatesolution.Moreover,theextenttowhichparticipants’ fundamentalvaluesdivergeisthebestcluetohowintractableaconflictwillbe:controversiesthatinvolve moreconsensualvalueslikehumanhealtharetypicallylesspolarizedthandisputesoverbiodiversity conservation,wherevaluedifferencesareoftenvastandsometimesirreconcilable.
HowActivistsDefineProblemsandCharacterizeTheirSolutionstoGain PoliticalSupport Becausethevaluesofactivistsonbothsidesareentrenched,environmentalpoliticsconsistslargelyoftryingto gainthesupportoftheunawareorundecidedratherthantryingtoconvertthealreadycommitted Aspolitical scientistE E Schattschneiderobserved,“Theoutcomeofeveryconflictisdeterminedbytheextenttowhich theaudiencebecomesinvolvedinit”22 Toattractsympathizers,advocatesdefineproblemsstrategicallyin waystheythinkwillresonatewithamajorityofthepublic 23 Definingaprobleminpoliticsisawayof simplifyingacomplexreality;itinvolvesframinginformationtodrawattentiontosomeelementsofaproblem whileobscuringorminimizingothers 24 Problemdefinitionalsoentailsexplainingcauseandeffect, identifyingvictimsandvillains,andassigningresponsibilityforremediation 25
Bychangingwhichaspectofaproblemthepublicfocuseson,advocatescanraise(orlower)itsvisibilityand therebygetitonto(orkeepitoffof)thepoliticalagenda 26 Participantsinanenvironmentalpolicy controversycompeteferociouslytoprovidetheauthoritativeexplanationforaproblembecause“causalstories areessentialpoliticalinstrumentsforshapingalliancesandforsettlingthedistributionofbenefitsand costs”27 Participantsalsocompetetopredictaproblem’sconsequencesbecausetheyknowthatfearoflossor harmislikelytogalvanizethepublic Finally,byauthoritativelydefiningaproblem,advocatescanlimitthe rangeandtypeofsolutionsthepublicandpolicymakersarelikelytoregardasplausible.And,as Schattschneideralsopointedout,“Thedefinitionofthealternativesisthesupremeinstrumentofpower.”28
Whenpolled,alargemajorityofAmericansprofesstheirsupportforthegoalsoftheenvironmental movement.29 Thesepollnumbersmakebaldlyantienvironmentalrhetoricgenerallyunacceptableinpolitical discourse.30 Duringtheearly1980sandagaininthe1990s,conservativeRepublicansexperimentedwith antienvironmentalrhetoric,butdoingsobackfired,provokingaproenvironmentalbacklash Therefore, cornucopiansknowtheymustdefineenvironmentalproblemsinwaysthatmaketheirpointsinasubtleand indirectmanner,ratherthanovertlydenyingtheimportanceofenvironmentalproblems.(Aprominent exceptiontothisgeneralruleisclimatechange SeeChapter12)Thecompetitionbetweenenvironmentalists andcornucopianstodefineanenvironmentalproblemthusrevolvesaroundthreeattributes:thescientific understandingoftheproblem,theeconomiccostsandbenefitsofproposedsolutions,andtherisksassociated withactionorinaction Becauseeachoftheseisspeculative,advocatescanchooseassessmentsandprojections thataremostconsistentwiththeirvalues Theythenframethatinformation usingsymboliclanguageand numbers,aswellasstrategicallycraftedcausalstories toemphasizeeitherenvironmentaloreconomicrisk, dependingontheirpolicyobjectives TranslatingScientificExplanationsIntoCausalStories.
Theprimarybattlegroundinanyenvironmentalcontroversyisthescientificdepictionofthecause, consequences,andmagnitudeofaproblem Scientistsareoftenthefirsttoidentifyenvironmentalproblemsor tocertifytheirseriousness.Furthermore,scientificclaimscarryparticularweightbecausesciencehas
enormousculturalauthorityintheUnitedStates Ratherthanprovidingaclearandauthoritativeexplanation, however,scienceleavesconsiderablelatitudeforframingbecause,asageneralrule,thescientific understandingofanenvironmentalproblemisuncertain.Mostscientificresearchonnaturalsystemsinvolves practitionersinmultipledisciplines,manyofwhicharerelativelynew,workingatthefrontiersofscientific knowledge Moreover,scientists’abilitytomeasurethecausesandconsequencesofenvironmentalphenomena islimited,bothtechnologicallyandfinancially,and,inthecaseofhumanhealtheffects,byethical considerations.Mostimportant,fewenvironmentalproblemscanbesimulatedinlaboratoryexperiments:they involvecomplexinteractionsamongfactorsforwhichitisdifficultorimpossibletocontrol Intheearlystages ofresearch,therefore,awiderangeofuncertaintysurroundsexplanationsofaproblem’scauses,consequences, andmagnitude.Overtime,evenasadditionalresearchopensupfurtherlinesofinquiryandexposesnew uncertainties,theboundariesoftheoriginaluncertaintytendtonarrow
Anexampleoftheprocessofbuildingscientificknowledgeaboutanenvironmentalproblemisthewaythat understandingofatmosphericozonedepletionadvanced,beginninginthe1970s.Thestratosphericozone layerabsorbsUV-Bradiation,therebyregulatingtheearth’stemperatureandprotectingplants,animals,and peoplefromexcessiveradiation Duringthe1970sscientistsdevelopedseveraltheoriestoexplaintheobserved reductioninstratosphericozoneoverthepoles.Somescientistswereconcernedaboutaircraftemissionsof nitrogenoxides;otherssuggestedthatnitrogen-basedfertilizersorfalloutfromnuclearweaponstestsmight betheprimaryculprits In1974chemistsSherwoodRowlandandMarioMolinaproposedthatchlorinecontainingcompounds,suchaschlorofluorocarbons,destroytheozonelayerthroughaseriesofcomplex, solar-inducedchemicalreactions Overtimethistheorysupersededitsrivalsandgainedbroadacceptance becauseitwasconsistentwithevidencegatheredusingavarietyoftechniques Subsequently,asresearchers learnedmoreaboutstratosphericchemistry,estimatesofozonelossbecamemoreaccurateandthe mechanismsbywhichitoccursmoreaccuratelyspecified.31
Unfortunately,thetimeperiodwithinwhichscientistsconvergeonandrefineanexplanationisusually considerablylongerthanthetimeavailabletopolicymakersforchoosingasolution Thereasonisthatthe identificationofapotentialproblembyscientistsalmostinvariablypromptsthemobilizationofintereststhat areconcernedaboutitanddemandanimmediategovernmentresponse.Thenormsofscientificinvestigation particularlythoseofdeliberateandthoroughstudy,rigorouspeerreviewandcriticism,andforthright expressionofuncertainty createopportunitiesforproponentsofnewpolicies,aswellasfordefendersofthe statusquo,toportraytheprobleminwaysthatarecompatiblewiththeirownvaluesandpolicypreferences.In mostcases,advocatesofmoreprotectiveenvironmentalpoliciespublicizetheworst-casescenarios hypothesizedbyscientists,overstatethecertaintyofscientificknowledge,andpressforanearlyandstringent orprecautionary policyresponsetoavertcatastrophe.Bycontrast,opponentsofsuchpoliciestypically emphasizetheuncertainstateofcurrentknowledgeor,ifthereisastrongscientificconsensusthatan environmentalproblemisgenuine,highlightdissentingviewswithinthescientificcommunityastoits magnitude,causes,orconsequences 32
Asthescientificconsensusaroundtheexplanationforanenvironmentalproblemgrows,opponentsof protectivepoliciesturntoeconomicarguments Inparticular,cornucopiansemphasize(andenvironmentalists downplay)theeconomiccostsofpoliciestoaddresstheproblem.Likescientificexplanationsofcauseand effect,thecostsofregulationarehighlyuncertain,andprojectionsvarywidelydependingontheassumptions usedandthetimehorizonconsidered Forexample,analystsdisagreeonthenumberofjobslikelytobelostas thedirectresultofanenvironmentalregulationanddivergeevenmoredramaticallyonthenumberof collateraljobs inrestaurants,banks,andotherserviceindustries thatwilldisappear.Theymakedifferent assumptionsaboutfuturelevelsofeconomicgrowth,theextentandpaceoftechnologicaladaptationtoa regulation,andthelikelihoodandextentofoffsettingeffects,suchastheestablishmentorgrowthofnew industries.Asistrueofscientists,givenachoiceamongequallydefensibleassumptions,economistsselect premisesthatreflecttheirworldviews,soitisnotsurprisingthatindustryprojectionsofcostsassociatedwitha regulationtendtobemuchhigherthanprojectionsmadebyenvironmentalists,withgovernmentestimates typicallyinthemiddle 33
Inadditiontodebatingprojectionsofthecostofenvironmentalpolicies,competingpartiesdisagreeoverthe desirabilityofcost-benefitanalysisasadecision-makingtool Cost-benefitanalysisentailsdeterminingthe ratioofmonetarybenefitstocostsofaddressingaproblem;byimplication,governmentshouldundertakea programonlyifitsbenefitsoutweighitscosts thatis,iftheratioofbenefitstocostsisgreaterthanone. Economistshavedevelopedahostofsophisticatedtechniquesforassessingthecostsandbenefitsof environmentalpolicies,butcriticsneverthelesscontendthatcost-benefitanalysisismerelyapoliticaldevice forslowingthegrowthofregulation,notagenuineanalytictool.Theypointoutthatestimatesofthe prospectivecostsandbenefitsofenvironmentalpoliciesareinherentlybiasedagainstenvironmentalprotection becausejudgmentsaboutbenefits,suchasthevalueofsavingwildernessorreducingthelikelihoodorseverity ofasthmaattacksamongsensitivepopulations,aredifficult ifnotimpossible toquantify,whereas immediateandtangiblecostsareeasilyfigured Moreover,theyargue,usingcost-benefitanalysisasadecision ruleeliminatesethicalandmoralconsiderationsfromthepoliticalcalculus.34 Regardlessofhowitisderived orhowaccuratelyitreflectsaprogram’svalue,thenumbergeneratedbyacost-benefitanalysisconstitutesa powerfulframebecause,asDeborahStoneobserves,numbershaveanauraofcredibilityandtechnical neutralityandthereforecarryagreatdealofpoliticalweight 35
DramatizingtheRisksofActionorInaction. Finally,likescientificknowledgeaboutaproblemandtheeconomiccostsofaddressingit,perceptionsofthe riskassociatedwithactionorinactionaresubjecttoframing.Ordinarypeopledonotassessriskbasedon objectiveanalysisofstatisticalevidence;rather,theyemployheuristics,orinferentialrules whatpolitical scientistHowardMargoliscalls“habitsofmind”36 Psychologistshaveidentifiedsomeinferentialrulesthey believeshapetheaverageperson’sperceptionofrisks Usingthe“availability”heuristic,forexample,people judgeaneventaslikelyorfrequentifinstancesofitareeasytorecall.Therefore,theyoverestimatetheriskof dramaticandsensationaleventssuchasairplanecrashes,whichtendtogetabundantmediacoverage,while underestimatingtheriskofunspectaculareventslikecaraccidents 37 Psychologistsalsopointoutthatthe
publicincorporatesfactorsbesidesexpecteddamages themeasureusedbyexperts intotheirassessmentof risk Amongthosefactorsare:whethertheriskistakenvoluntarily,itsimmediacy,itsfamiliarity,theextentof controlonehasovertheriskysituation,theseverityofthepossibleconsequences,andthelevelofdreadthe riskevokes.38 Thepublic’ssensitivitytothesefactorsexplainswhyenvironmentalistsaremoresuccessfulat drawingattentiontoproblemswhoseeffectsappearimmediateandcatastrophicthantothosewhoseimpacts aremoreremoteandmundane
Psychologistshavefoundthatotheraspectsofthewayriskisframedcanhaveadramaticimpactonrisk perceptionsaswell.First,peoplevaluethesamegainsdifferently,dependingonthereferencepoint.For instance,theyvaluetheincrementfrom$10to$20morehighlythantheincreasefrom$110to$120 Second, peoplearemoreconcernedaboutlossesthanaboutgainsofthesamemagnitude;thatis,theyfearlosing$10 morethantheyvaluegaining$10.Third,peopletendtooverweightlowprobabilitiesandunderweight moderateandhighprobabilities,sotheyworrymoreaboutrareoccurrences(majoroilspills)thancommon events(routineleakageofoilfrompipelinesandtankers).39 Recognizingtheimportanceoftheseelementsof framingtothewaythepublicperceivesrisk,bothsidesinanenvironmentalcontestdefineaproblemasaloss fromanalreadylowstatusquoandoverstatethelikelihoodoflowprobabilitybutpotentiallydisastrous outcomes.Thedifferenceisthatenvironmentaliststendtoemphasizetheenvironmentalorhuman-health risksofinaction,whereascornucopiansminimizeenvironmentalrisksandfocusonapolicy’spotential economiccosts.
Insum,thehallmarkofasuccessfulenvironmentalpolicycampaignistheabilityofitsorganizerstodefinea problemandcharacterizeitssolutioninacompellingway,intermsofthescientificexplanation,thecostsof regulation,andtherisksassociatedwithactionorinaction Thesidethatsucceedsincraftingtheauthoritative problemdefinitionhasanenormousadvantagebecausethewaypeoplethinkandtalkaboutapolicyproblem determineswhichsolutionstheyarelikelytoembrace Inotherwords,thosewhofurnishtheprevailing problemdefinitionarewell-positionedtotranslatetheirvaluesintopolicy
MajorActorsinEnvironmentalPolicymaking Thequestion,then,iswhydoestheframingcontestplayoutthewayitdoes?Actorsbothinsideandoutside governmentinfluencethefateofcompetingproblemdefinitionsandsolutions Governmentofficialsmust choosewhethertoaddressanenvironmentalproblemand,ifso,howtheywilldoit Advocatesonbothsides trytoinfluencethatdecision,adjustingtheirtacticstobeconsistentwiththeincentivesandconstraintsofthe institutionmakingthedecision Theirsuccessdependsheavilyonthesupportofexpertsandthemedia’s coverageoftheissue
GovernmentDecisionMakers Thedecisionmakersinthenationalenvironmentalpolicymakingprocessarethepresidentandmembersof Congresswhoformulatelegislation,theexecutivebranchofficialswhointerpretandadministerthelaws,and thejudgeswhoreviewtheirimplementationbyagencies Invariouscombinationstheseactorsdetermine whether,inresponsetoachallengelaunchedbyadvocates,environmentalpolicybecomesmoreprotectiveor morepermissiveorremainsthesame Inmakingthesedecisions,policymakersarenotonlyinfluencedbytheir valuesbutalsoareresponsivetotheincentivesandconstraintsinherentintheirinstitutionalsettings
LegislativeActors. Legislativeactors,thepresidentandCongress,decidewhichproblemsgovernmentwilladdressandestablish thebasicgoalsofpublicpolicy.Inreachingtheirdecisions,membersofCongresswanttomakegoodpublic policyandattaintherespectoftheirpeers.40 Buttheyarealsodeeplyconcernedwiththeviewsoftheir constituents,because,whethertheyareenvironmentalistsorcornucopiansatheart,theymustbereelectedif theyhopetopursuetheirpolicygoals Reelectionconcernspromptlegislatorstosupportpoliciesthat distributebenefitstotheirconstituentsandopposepoliciesthatthreatentoimposedirect,visiblecosts. Electoralconsiderationsalsocreateincentivesforlegislatorstoavoidpositionslikelytoprovokecontroversy andtotakepositionstheyexpectwillgarnerthemcredit 41
Unlikerank-and-filemembersofCongress,thepresidentandcongressionalleadershavepowerfulincentives totakeonpublicpolicyissuesofnational,ratherthansimplydistrict-orstate-level,concern.Presidents, becausetheyareelectedbyanationalconstituencyandwanttoestablishlegacies,areattentivetobroadpublic policygoals TheycaninitiateactiontoaddressaproblembysendingbillstoCongress,byusingthebully pulpittoconvincethepublic (Theycanalsopreventactionbyvetoinglegislationorsimplyfailingtosignalits importance.)Similarly,legislativeleaders(andaspirants)seekopportunitiestodemonstratetheirstewardship; inaddition,theirvisibilitybothamongthepublicandthepoliticalelitetendstoelicitasenseofresponsibility forpublicaffairs 42 Legislativeleadershavenotonlythemotivationbutthepoliticalresourcestobringabout policychange:theycanenhanceabill’sprospectsbyforginglegislativecoalitionsandorchestrating negotiationsaswellasbymobilizingthepublic.
Theprimaryconstraintonbothleadersandrank-and-filelegislatorswhowanttoaddressanissueisitssalience thatis,theextenttowhichthepubliccaresaboutit.43 Evenifthepresidentandcongressionalleadersthink anissueisimportant,theyarenotlikelytoexpendpoliticalresourcesonitunlesstheyperceiveittobewidely salient Similarly,tocalculatetheirwiggleroomonanissue,rank-and-filelegislatorsmustascertainits salienceamongtheirconstituents.Anissue’ssaliencecanbedifficulttodiscern,butonestraightforward indicatorispollingdata (AccordingtosociologistRileyDunlap,“themereexpressionofsupportiveopinion inascientificsurveyorinformalpoll canbeavitalresource”forgroupshopingtobringaboutorblock policychange 44)Althoughsurveyevidencecanconveybroadpublicpreferences,itcanalsobemisleading becausethewordingofquestionsandtheorderinwhichtheyareaskedcanyielddifferentresponses.In
addition,pollingresultsoftencontaininternalcontradictions;forexample,asinglepollmayshow overwhelmingsupportforenvironmentalpreserves,suchaswildernessareasandwild-and-scenicrivers,while simultaneouslyrevealingaferociousmistrustofgovernment 45 Moreover,district-andstate-levelpollingon individualissuesisrarelyavailable.Mostimportant,however,surveyshavedifficultydetectinghowmuch peopleactuallycareaboutaproblem(theintensityoftheirconcern),theirwillingnesstotradeoffonevalue foranother,ortheextenttowhichabstractvaluestranslateintosupportforconcreteproposals.46
Giventheunreliabilityofsurveydata,politiciansrelyonahostofotherindicatorsofanissue’ssalience Becausetheygarnermediacoverage,ralliesandprotestshavebeenamainstayofpoliticalactivists;suchpublic demonstrationsarethesimplestandmostdirectwayforpeoplewithfewpoliticalresourcestotransmittheir concernstoelectedofficials.Otheractivitiessuchasphoning,writingletters,sendinge-mails,andposting Facebookmessagesandtweetsalsoconveysalience Note,however,thatcreatingtheperceptionthatanissue issalientisnotaone-waystreetthatrunsfromthepublictopoliticians;legislatorswhowanttopromotea particularpolicyshapetheirconstituents’viewsusinglanguagethatiscraftedtogeneratepublicsupport 47
Administrators. Althoughlessvisiblethanlegislators,administratorsplayacriticalroleinenvironmentalpolicymakingbecause theyimplementthelawspassedbyCongress Doingsoinvolveschoosingthescientificandeconomicmodels andprojectionsthatunderpinadministrativeregulations,craftingthewordingofthoserulesandthe implementationguidelinesthataccompanythem,andmonitoringandenforcingcompliance.Throughoutthis process,administratorshavesubstantialdiscretiontomodifypolicygoals 48 Inexercisingtheirdiscretion,they bringamplepoliticalresourcestobear,includingtheirlongevity,expertise,andestablishedrelationshipswith organizedinterestsandmembersofCongress
Atthesametime,whethertheyareenvironmentalistsorcornucopians,administrators’abilitytopursuetheir preferredgoalsisconstrainedinseveralways.Oneinstitutionalfeaturethatlimitsadministrators’flexibilityis theagency’smissionandorganizationalculture.49 Anagency’smissionisitsoriginalmandate,andits organizationalcultureconsistsofthenormsandstandardoperatingproceduresthathaveevolvedovertime Forexample,someagencies,suchastheForestServiceandtheBureauofLandManagement,werefounded toconservenaturalresourcesforhumanconsumption.Foralongtime,thenaturalresourcemanagement agencieswerestaffedbyprofessionals,suchasforestersandrangemanagers,whoseexpertiselayin maximizingnaturalresourceyields Asaresult,theseagencies’standardoperatingproceduresemphasized resourceextraction oftenattheexpenseofenvironmentalprotection.Ontheotherhand,theEnvironmental ProtectionAgency(EPA)wascreatedtopreventandcleanuppollution,andtheorientationofits professionalsaswellasitsstandardoperatingproceduresreflectthisdisposition Asaresult,theEPA’s decisionstendtoberelativelyprotectiveandoftenimposesubstantialcostsonindustry.
Administratorsdonotsimplyactaccordingtotheirmissionsandorganizationalcultures,however.The preferencesofafederalagency’sorganizedclientele,thenatureandextentofitscongressionaloversight,and thedirectiongivenbythepresidentandhispoliticalappointeesalsocircumscribebureaucraticchoices 50 For
example,organizedinterestsdissatisfiedwithanagency’sbehaviorcanlobbysympatheticmembersof Congress,whointurncanexertpressureonagencyofficialsbyholdinghearings,threateningbudgetcutsor reductionsinstatutoryauthority,orsimplycontactingagencyofficialsdirectlytoexpresstheirdisfavor. Presidentslikewisecanimposetheirwillonagenciesbyappointingdirectorswhoseviewsareconsistentwith theirown PresidentsmayalsousetheWhiteHouseOfficeofManagementandBudgetorother administrativedevicestobringanagencyintoline.Inshort,whenimplementingtheirstatutorymandates, agencyofficialsmustnavigatecautiouslytoavoidantagonizingpowerfulinterestsandtheiralliesinCongress ortheWhiteHouse Failuretodosoalmostalwaysmovesthebattletothecourts
TheJudiciary. Thefederalcourtshavetheauthoritytoreviewagencydecisionstodeterminewhethertheyareconsistentwith congressionalintentand,inthisway,cancircumscribeanagency’sabilitytopursueenvironmentallyprotective (orpermissive)policies TheAdministrativeProceduresActallowscourtstoinvalidatedecisionsthatlack “substantialevidence”orare“arbitraryandcapricious”Moreover,manyenvironmentalstatutesallowthe courtstostrikedownanagencydecisioniftheycannotdiscernareasonableconnectionbetweenthechosen courseofactionandthesupportingrecord Thecourtsincreasedthepotentialforenvironmentallitigation substantiallyintheearly1970swhentheyexpandedtheconceptof“standing”topermitalmostanygroupto challengeagencyregulationsinfederalcourt,regardlessofwhetheritsmembersaredirectlyaffectedbythe agency ’sactivities.51 Congressalsoencouragedenvironmentalists’useofthecourtsbyinsertingprovisionsin environmentallawsexplicitlygrantingcitizensandcitizenorganizationstherighttosuenotonlypolluters thatviolatethelawbutalsoagenciesthatfailtoimplementorenforcetheirstatutorymandateswithsufficient zeal 52
Likelegislatorsandadministrators,judgesmaybeenvironmentalistsorcornucopians,buttheyalsoface institutionalconstraintswhenevaluatinganagency’sdecisions:theymustbasetheirreasoningonprecedent, aswellasontheactualwordingandlegislativehistoryofastatute Judgeshavedebatedhowcloselyto scrutinizeagencydecisions inparticular,whethertoexaminethereasoningorsimplytheprocedures followed butregardlessofthestandardapplied,thecourtshabituallyrequireagenciestodocumenta comprehensiblejustificationfortheirdecisions.53 Asaresult,litigationhasbecome“anespeciallypotent resourceformakingtransparentthevalues,biases,andsocialassumptionsthatareembeddedinmanyexpert claimsaboutphysicalandnaturalphenomena.”54
FederalismandStateandLocalDecisionMakers. Thediscussionsofarhasfocusedonnationalpolicymaking,butthepoliticsofanissuedependsinparton whetheritisaddressedatthelocal,state,ornationallevel Althoughtherearemanysimilaritiesamongthem, eachofthesearenashasdistinctivefeatures,whichinturnhaveimplicationsforthebalanceofpoweramong environmentalistsandcornucopians Forexample,environmentaladvocatestraditionallyhavefelt disadvantagedatthestateandlocallevels Onereasonisthatstateandlocalofficialstendtobedeeply concernedwitheconomicdevelopmentandtheneedtoattractandretainindustry 55 Theyareespecially
susceptibletothreatsbyindustrythatitwilltakeitscapital(andjobs)elsewhereifthestateorlocalityis insufficientlyaccommodating Althougheconomistshavevigorouslydebatedtheextenttowhichindustry actuallymovesinresponsetostringentenvironmentalregulations,industrythreatsareeffectivenonetheless 56 Anotherreasonenvironmentaliststendtoprefertooperateatthefederallevelisthat,historically,somestates andmostlocalgovernmentshavelackedthetechnicalcapacitynecessarytoanalyzecomplexenvironmental problemsandthereforetodistinguishamongeffectiveandineffectivesolutions Theextenttowhichthisis truevarieswidelyamongthestates,however Overall,asenvironmentalpolicyscholarMaryGrahampoints out,states’technicalcapacitieshaveimproveddramaticallysincethe1970s,ashastheirpropensitytoaddress environmentalproblems.57
Asenvironmentalregulationhasbecomemorecontentiousatthenationallevel,someenvironmentalistshave becomemoreinterestedinaddressingenvironmentalproblemsatthestateandlocallevelsonthegroundsthat place-basedsolutionsarelikelytobemoreeffectiveanddurablethanapproachesdevisedbyCongressor federalagencies.Environmentalistshavealsoturnedtothestateswhenthefederalgovernmentresistsacting; indoingso,theyoftenpromptindustrytodemandfederalstandardstoavoidapatchworkofstate-level regulations.Andfinally,bothenvironmentalistsandcornucopianshavetriedtocapitalizeonadistinctive modeofdecisionmakingatthestatelevel:placinganissuedirectlyontheballot.Criticschargethatsuch “directdemocracy”issimplyanotheropportunityforwealthyintereststopromotetheiragendas.58 But supporterssayballotinitiativesprovidecitizensthechancetocheckoverreachingorunresponsive legislatures 59 Inpractice,environmentalpolicymakingalmostalwaysinvolvesmultiplelevelsofgovernment: becausetheUnitedStateshasafederalsystemofgovernment,mostnationalpoliciesareimplementedbythe states,andpoliticaleventsatoneleveloftenaffectdecisionsmadeatanother.
ActorsOutsideofGovernment Althoughpoliticians,administrators,andjudgesmakedecisions,actorsoutsideofgovernmentcreatethe contextinwhichthosedecisionsaremade Inparticular,organizedintereststhatadvocateforparticular solutionsplayamajorrolebecausetheymakestrategicchoicesaboutwhichvenuetocompetein,selectingthe onetheyexpectwillbemosthospitabletotheirgoals 60 Havingchosenthearena,theyselectfromavarietyof tacticstoinfluencegovernmentdecisionmaking.Criticaltothesuccessorfailureoftheireffortsareexperts, whoprovidetheargumentsandempiricalsupportforadvocates’positions,andthemedia,whichmay promote,reject,ormodifytheframesimposedbyadvocates
AdvocacyOrganizations. Likegovernmentdecisionmakers,advocatesinenvironmentalpolicydebatesgenerallyfallintooneoftwo camps:environmentalists,whosupportmoreenvironmentallyprotectivepolicies,andcornucopians,who endorselessrestrictiveenvironmentalpolicies Advocacygroupsonbothsidesarediverseintermsoffunding sourcesandmembership 61 Somerelyheavilyonfoundationsoreventhefederalgovernmentforfunding, whileothersraisemostoftheirmoneyfromindividualmembers Someofthenationalenvironmental organizations,suchastheSierraClubandtheWildernessSociety,arewellestablished;some,likethe AudubonSociety,haveadoptedafederatedstructureinwhichstate-levelbrancheshavesignificantautonomy Bycontrast,community-basedenvironmentalgroupsmaybeephemeral,springinguptoaddressasingle problemandthendisbanding.Similarly,ahostoflong-standingtradeassociations,suchastheU.S.Chamber ofCommerceandtheNationalAssociationofManufacturers,opposeeffortstomakeenvironmentalpolicies moreprotective,andmyriadlocalgroupshaveformedtochallengelawsandregulationsthattheybelieve infringeonprivatepropertyrights.
Althoughindividualgroupstendtospecialize,advocatesaremosteffectivewhentheyformbroadcoalitions. Thecohesivenessofacoalitionovertimeisamajordeterminantofitspoliticaleffectiveness Coalitionsthat cannotmaintainaunitedfronttendtofarepoorly,particularlyinthelegislativearena 62 Evenhighlycohesive coalitionsmaybefleeting,however:iftheyaretemporarilyunitedbycommonpolicygoals,connections amongthemmaynotlastbeyondasinglepolicybattle.
Asimportantasbuildingcoalitionsisselectingtheappropriatetacticsfordefiningaprobleminthevenueof choice Advocatesknowelectedofficials’perceptionthataproblemissalientisanimportantdeterminantof whethertheywillattendtoit.Conventionaltactics,suchasdirect orinside lobbyingandcontributing moneytoapoliticalcampaign,remainimportantwaystoexerciseinfluenceinthelegislativearena,but “outsidelobbying” thatis,raisingpublicawarenessofissuesandstimulatinggrassrootsmobilization has becomeincreasinglyprominentasanadvocacytool,particularlyamongbusinessgroups 63 Publicmobilization ischallengingbecausemuchofthepublichasonlyavagueunderstandingofindividualenvironmentalissues andreliesoncognitiveshortcutsandcuestoknowwhattothink 64 Advocates,therefore,relyheavilyon storiesandsymbolstodefineproblemsinwaysthatraisetheirsalience.Bycontrast,intheadministrativeand
