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DetailedContents

Preface

Acknowledgments

•CHAPTER1TheContextandConsequencesofTheory

TheoryinSocialContext

TheoryandPolicy:IdeasHaveConsequences

Context,Theory,andPolicy:PlanoftheBook

InventingCriminology:MainstreamTheories

SocialTurmoilandtheRiseofCriticalTheories

CriminologicalTheoryintheConservativeEra

CriminologicalTheoryinthe21stCentury

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER2TheSearchforthe“CriminalMan” Spiritualism

TheClassicalSchool:CriminalasCalculator

ThePositivistSchool:CriminalasDetermined

TheBirthofthePositivistSchool:Lombroso’sTheoryoftheCriminalMan

Lombroso’sLegacy:TheItalianCriminologicalTradition

TheContinuingSearchfortheIndividualRootsofCrime

TheConsequenceofTheory:PolicyImplications

ThePositivistSchoolandtheControloftheBiologicalCriminal ThePositivistSchoolandCriminalJusticeReform

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER3RejectingIndividualism:TheChicagoSchool

TheChicagoSchoolofCriminology:TheoryinContext

ShawandMcKay’sTheoryofJuvenileDelinquency

Burgess’sConcentricZoneTheory DisorganizationandDelinquency

TransmissionofCriminalValues

TheEmpiricalStatusofSocialDisorganizationTheory Summary

Sutherland’sTheoryofDifferentialAssociation DifferentialSocialOrganization

DifferentialAssociation

TheoreticalApplications

TheChicagoSchool’sCriminologicalLegacy

ControlandCultureintheCommunity

CollectiveEfficacyTheory

CulturalAttenuationTheory

CulturalDevianceTheory

Anderson’sCodeoftheStreet

Akers’sSocialLearningTheory

BecomingaLearningTheorist

ExtendingSutherland:Akers’sTheory

AssessingSocialLearningTheory

TheConsequencesofTheory:PolicyImplications

ChangetheIndividual

ChangetheCommunity

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER4CrimeinAmericanSociety:AnomieandStrainTheories

Merton’sStrainTheory

AmericaasaCriminogenicSociety

StrainTheoryinContext

StatusDiscontentandDelinquency

DelinquentBoys

DelinquencyandOpportunity

TheCriminologicalLegacyof“Classic”StrainTheory

Agnew’sGeneralStrainTheory

BecomingaStrainTheorist

ThreeTypesofStrain

CopingWithStrain

AssessingGeneralStrainTheory

TwoTheoreticalExtensions

ATheoryofAfricanAmericanOffending

CrimeandtheAmericanDream:Institutional-AnomieTheory

InventingInstitutional-AnomieTheory

TheAmericanDreamandAnomie

InstitutionalBalanceofPower

AssessingInstitutional-AnomieTheory

TheMarketEconomyandCrime

TheFutureofStrainTheory

TheConsequencesofTheory:PolicyImplications

ExpandOpportunities

TamingtheAmericanDream

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER5SocietyasInsulation:TheOriginsofControlTheory

ForerunnersofControlTheory

Durkheim’sAnomieTheory

TheInfluenceoftheChicagoSchool

EarlyControlTheories

Reiss’sTheoryofPersonalandSocialControls

Nye’sFamily-FocusedTheoryofSocialControls

Reckless’sContainmentTheory

TheSocialPsychologyoftheSelf PushesandPulls

FactorsinOuterContainment

FactorsinInnerContainment

Summary

SykesandMatza:NeutralizationandDriftTheory TechniquesofNeutralization

SubterraneanValues

DriftTheory

ControlTheoryinContext

TheContextofthe1950s

TheContextofthe1960s

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER6TheComplexityofControl:Hirschi’sTwoTheoriesandBeyond

Hirschi’sFirstTheory:SocialBondsandDelinquency

Hirschi’sForerunners

Hirschi’sSociologicalPerspective

WhySocialControlMatters

TheFourSocialBonds

AssessingSocialBondTheory

Hirschi’sSecondTheory:Self-ControlandCrime

Self-ControlandCrime

AssessingSelf-ControlTheory

Self-ControlandSocialBonds

Hirschi’sRevisedSocialControlTheory

Self-ControlandVulnerabilitytoVictimization

TheComplexityofControl

Hagan’sPower-ControlTheory

Tittle’sControlBalanceTheory

Colvin’sDifferentialCoercionTheory

BeyondControl:Cullen’sSocialSupportTheory

TheConsequencesofTheory:PolicyImplications

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER7TheIronyofStateIntervention:LabelingTheory TheSocialConstructionofCrime

LabelingasCriminogenic:CreatingCareerCriminals

EarlyStatementsofLabelingTheory

LabelingasaSelf-FulfillingProphecy

AssessingLabelingTheory

LabelingTheoryinContext

TheConsequencesofTheory:PolicyImplications

Decriminalization

Diversion

DueProcess

Deinstitutionalization

ExtendingLabelingTheory

Braithwaite’sTheoryofShamingandCrime

Sherman’sDefianceTheory

Tyler’sProceduralJusticeTheory

RoseandClear’sCoercedMobilityTheory

PolicyImplications:RestorativeJusticeandPrisonerReentry

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER8SocialPowerandtheConstructionofCrime:ConflictTheory ForerunnersofConflictTheory

MarxandEngels:CapitalismandCrime

Simmel:FormsofConflict

Bonger:CapitalismandCrime

SutherlandandSellin:CultureConflictandCrime

Vold:ConflictandCrime

TheoryinContext:TheTurmoilofthe1960s

AdvancingConflictTheory:Turk,Chambliss,andQuinney

Turk:TheCriminalizationProcess

Chambliss:Crime,Power,andLegalProcess

Quinney:SocialReality,Capitalism,andCrime

ConflictTheoryandtheCausesofCrime

ConsequencesofConflictTheory

MarxistApproach

PeacemakingCriminology

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER9TheVarietyofCriticalTheory

LookingBackatEarlyBritishandEuropeanInfluences

Background:TheNewCriminology

TheoreticalArguments

CritiqueoftheNewCriminology

EarlyLeftRealism

TheTheory

ConsequencesofNewCriminology/LeftRealism

TheNewCriminologyRevisited:AShiftinContext

LeftRealismToday

TakingStock

LateModernityandGlobalization:MajorHistoricalChanges

ChangingSocialContext:2015–2018

EarlyCulturalCriminology

TheBeginning

ConsequencesofEarlyCulturalCriminology

CulturalCriminologyToday

Green/CulturalCriminology

BackgroundandEmergenceofGreenCriminology

EnvironmentalJustice

EcologicalJustice

AnimalRights

Convict/CulturalCriminology

Background:PrimarilyanAmericanContribution

Consequencesofthe“NewSchoolofConvictCriminology”

NewDirectionsinCriminologicalTheory:DeathandtheBirthofNewIdeas

BackgroundandTransition

Hall’sNewPerspective:2012–2018

Ultra-RealismToday

TheImportanceofOtherVoices:JockYoung EuropeanCriminology

ContributionsandContent:Background

PolicyUpdate

Abolitionism

ConsequencesofAbolitionism

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER10TheGenderingofCriminology:FeministTheory

Background

PrefeministPioneersandThemes

CesareLombroso

W.I.Thomas

SigmundFreud

OttoPollak

TheEmergenceofNewQuestions:BringingWomenIn

TheSecondWave:FromWomen’sEmancipationtoPatriarchy Women’sEmancipationandCrime

PatriarchyandCrime

VarietiesofFeministThought

EarlyFeministPerspectives

ContemporaryFeministPerspectives

TheIntersectionofRace,Class,andGender

MasculinitiesandCrime

DoingGender

MalePeerSupportTheory

GenderingCriminology

GenderedPathwaystoLawbreaking

GenderedCrime

GenderedLives

AGenderedTheoryofOffending

TheGenderGap:FurtherComments

PostmodernistFeminismandtheThirdWaveRevisited

ConsequencesofFeministTheory:PolicyImplications

ConsequencesoftheDiversityofFeministPerspectives

ConsequencesofFeministCriminologyforCorrections

ConsequencesofFeministCriminology:BackgroundandNewDirections

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER11CrimesofthePowerful:TheoriesofWhite-CollarCrime

TheDiscoveryofWhite-CollarCrime:EdwinH.Sutherland

ThePhiladelphiaAddress

BecomingtheFatherofWhite-CollarCrime

DefiningWhite-CollarCrime

ExplainingWhite-CollarCrime

OrganizationalCulture

UnethicalCultures

OppositionalCultures

TheNormalizationofDeviance

OrganizationalStrainandOpportunity

StrainandAnomie

CriminogenicOpportunities

DecidingtoOffend

DenyingtheGuiltyMind

White-CollarCrimeasaRationalChoice

White-CollarOffendersasBadApples

State-CorporateCrime

ConsequencesofWhite-CollarCrimeTheory:PolicyImplications

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER12BringingPunishmentBackIn:ConservativeCriminology

Context:TheUnitedStatesofthe1980sandEarly1990s

TheEconomicDeclineoftheUnitedStates

ThePersistenceofInequalityintheUnitedStates

TheRhetoricofStability

TheLegacyoftheConservativePoliticalAgenda

ANewContextinFourParts:2008to2019

TheNewConservatism,ShockDoctrine,andDarkMoney

TheWaronTerrorandtheRiseofHateCrimes

ThePrecariousnessoftheRuleofLaw

BigDataandSurveillance

OtherRecentChangesinContext

TheGreatRecession

InequalityExpandsintheUnitedStates

TheRhetoricofHopeandChange

TheRhetoricof“MakeAmericaGreatAgain”

LawandOrderIssuesUnderTrump

VarietiesofConservativeTheory

CrimeandHumanNature:WilsonandHerrnstein

TheTheory

AssessingCrimeandHumanNature

CrimeandTheBellCurve:HerrnsteinandMurray TheCriminalMind

ChoosingtoBeCriminal:CrimePays

CrimeandMoralPoverty

BrokenWindows:TheToleranceofPublicDisorganization

ConsequencesofConservativeTheory:PolicyImplications

TheEmbraceofMassImprisonment

IncapacitatingtheWicked

“GetTough”Alternatives

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER13ChoosingCrimeinEverydayLife:RoutineActivityandRationalChoiceTheories

RoutineActivityTheory:OpportunitiesandCrime

TheChemistryforCrime:Offenders,Targets,andGuardians

ViewofOffenders

PolicyImplications:ReducingOpportunitiesforCrime

RationalChoiceTheory

RationalChoiceandCrime

PolicyImplications

AreOffenders’ChoicesRational?

PerceptualDeterrenceTheory

TheTheory

AssessingPerceptualDeterrenceTheory

PolicyImplications:Certainty,NotSeverity

SituationalActionTheory

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER14TheSearchforthe“CriminalMan”Revisited:BiosocialTheories

EvolutionaryPsychology:DarwinRevisited

TheoreticalDiversity

Assessment

SocialConcernTheory:EvolutionaryPsychologyRevisited Neuroscience:NeurologicalandBiochemicalTheories

NeurologicalTheories

BiochemicalTheories

Assessment

Genetics

BehaviorGenetics

MolecularGenetics

Epigenetics

Assessment

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER15NewDirectionsinBiosocialTheory:PerspectivesandPolicies

BiosocialRiskandProtectiveFactors

RiskFactors

ProtectiveFactors

EnvironmentalToxins

TheConsequencesofTheory:PolicyImplications

AnAgendaforResearchandPolicy

ImplicationsforPreventionandTreatment

ProblemsofDefinitionandtheSocialConstructionofCrime ChallengesAhead

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

•CHAPTER16TheDevelopmentofCriminals:Life-CourseTheories IntegratedTheoriesofCrime IntegratedTheorizing ElliottandColleagues’IntegratedStrain-ControlParadigm Thornberry’sInteractionalTheory HawkinsandCatalano’sSocialDevelopmentModel Farrington’sICAPTheory PolicyImplications

Life-CourseCriminology:ContinuityandChange CriminologyinCrisis:GottfredsonandHirschiRevisited Patterson’sSocial-InteractionalDevelopmentalModel Early-OnsetDelinquency Late-OnsetDelinquency InterveningWithFamilies

Moffitt’sLife-Course-Persistent/Adolescence-LimitedTheory Life-Course-PersistentAntisocialBehavior Adolescence-LimitedAntisocialBehavior AssessingMoffitt’sTheory

SampsonandLaub:SocialBondTheoryRevisited AnAge-GradedTheoryofInformalSocialControl AssessingSampsonandLaub’sLife-CourseTheory RevisingtheAge-GradedTheoryofCrime RethinkingCrime:CognitiveTheoriesofDesistance Maruna’sTheoryofRedemptionScripts Giordanoetal.’sTheoryofCognitiveTransformation PaternosterandBushway’sTheoryoftheFearedSelf TheConsequencesofTheory:PolicyImplications

Conclusion

FurtherReadings

References

AuthorIndex

SubjectIndex

AbouttheAuthors

Preface

Theideaforthisbookwasbirthedduringthemid-1970swhentheUnitedStatesandcriminologyonboth sidesoftheAtlanticwereexperiencingimmensechanges Betweenthattimeandtheappearanceofthefirst editionofthebookin1989,muchofourindividualenergiesweredevotedtoestablishingandmaintainingour careersandtoourchangingfamilyresponsibilities Attimes,itseemedasthoughthecircumstancesneededto sustainthetypeofcollectiveeffortrequiredforCriminologicalTheoryweresoelusiveastopreventthebook fromeverbeingwritten.Yet,theideaofabookthatwentbeyondexplainingcriminologicaltheory onethat usedasociologyofknowledgeperspectivetoexplaintheorigins,developments,andconsequencesof criminologicaltheory remainedverymuchalive Wewerecertainthatfewworkslikeitincriminologyhad beenwrittenbefore.Thenandnow,wewerecommittedtodemonstratingthatideasaboutthecausesofcrime haveconsequences

CriminologicalTheory,whichhasbeenanongoingprojectformostofourcareers,isnowinitsseventhedition andiscelebratingits30thanniversary!Duringthistime,thebookhasmorethandoubledinsize afactthat reflectsboththeincreasingrichnessoftheorizingaboutcrimeandoureffortstoaddsubstantivevalueaswe authoredeachnewedition Thus,thesecondeditionin1995includedempiricalupdates,substantial rewriting,andanewchapterdevotedtofreshdirectionsincriticalthinkingaboutcrime.Theemphasisona sociologyofknowledgeperspectiveremainedthesame.Thethirdedition,whichappearedin2002,attempted tocapturenoveltheoreticaldevelopmentsthathadoccurredwithinbothmainstreamandcriticaltheoretical paradigms.Thefourthedition,publishedin2006,expandedthebookfrom9to14chaptersandidentified newtheoreticaltrendsintheUnitedStatesandinEurope.Thefifthedition,setforthin2011,containeda newchapteronwhite-collarcrime atheoreticaldomainthatisoftenignored Publishedin2015,thesixth additionexpandedcoverageofbiosocialtheorytotwochapters,reflectingthegrowthofthisperspective,and addedcoverageofemergingframeworks,suchasgreencriminology,malepeersupporttheory,andsocial concernandsocialsupporttheories

Collectively,thethreeofushavespentmorethan140yearsasprofessorsstudyingcriminologicaltheory We werefortunatetohaveembarkedonourscholarlycareerswhencriminologywasemergingasavitaldiscipline onbothsidesoftheAtlantic Duringthistime,theoryhasremainedcentraltothecriminologicalenterprise Asourcareersprogressed,wewitnessedfoundationaltheories suchastheChicagoschool,Merton’ssocial structureandanomieparadigm,andcontroltheory exertenduringinfluence.Butreflectingachangingsocial contextandthegrowingdiversityofthefield,weheardnew,morecriticalvoicesthatofferedalternative visionsofthesourcesofandcuresforcrime Acrossalleditionsofthebook,ourgoalhasbeentochronicle eachchapterofthisunfoldingandfascinatingstory,givingcoveragetoallinfluentialperspectivesandtreating eachwithanappropriatelevelofcriticalanalysisandultimatelyrespect

Overthepastdecadeorso,criminologyhaslostanumberofprominentscholars including,amongothers, WilliamChambliss,GilbertGeis,TravisHirschi,RolfLoeber,F.IvanNye,RaymondPaternoster,Rita Simon,andAustinTurkintheUnitedStatesandStanleyCohen,BarbaraHudson,TerenceMorris,Geoffrey

Pearson,andJockYoungintheUnitedKingdom.Theirpassing andthatofothersbeforethem has remindedusofhowfortunatewehavebeeninourcareerstohaveexperiencedtheinordinatecontributionsof remarkablecriminologists Infact,wenotonlyhavereadtheirwritingsbutalsohaveknownpersonallymany ofthesewonderfulpeoplewhoshapedthinkingwithincriminology.Atthesametime,theirpassingalsomade clearthatcriminologyasadisciplineisadynamic,ever-changingfield burdenedbythelossesofgreatminds butalsobenefitedbythecreationofnewknowledgethatimprovesourunderstandingbothoftheoriginsof criminalbehaviorandofwhatdoesanddoesnotworktocontrolcrime.

Inthiscontext,weareprivilegedtohavethecontinuingopportunitytochroniclethemajoradvanceswithin criminologicaltheory,rangingfrombiosocialtocriticalcriminology Aswitheachpreviousrevision,we updatedmaterialsandsoughttomakethebookmoreinformative,interesting,andaccessible.Herearethe mostimportantchangesthatwehaveincludedintheseventhedition:

DiscussionofimportantchangesinthecontemporarysocialcontextintheUnitedStatesandinEurope, asnationshavemovedintoaneramarkedbytheelectionofDonaldTrumpandBrexit.

Updatedstatisticsandinformationaboutsignificantchangesincrime,imprisonment,andpolicy

Expandedcoverageofimportantperspectives,includingsubterraneanvaluesanddelinquency,lowselfcontrolasanexplanationofvictimization,proceduraljusticetheory,personalitytraitsandwhite-collar offending,placemanagementtheory,thesocialdevelopmentmodel,andthefearedselftheoryof desistance

Expandedcoverageofnewdirectionsinandthepolicyconsequencesofcriticalandfeministtheory. Theinclusionofmorethan400newsourcesthatassessdevelopmentswithin,andtheempiricalstatus of,themajortheories

Examinationoftheimplicationofbiosocialcriminology,especiallyneuroscience,foroffendertreatment andjuvenilejusticepolicy

Becausecriminologyisanevolvingfieldofstudy,weareconvincedthatthecontentsoftheshiftingcontexts ofthesocialworldfromwhichcriminologycomeswillcontinuetoinfluenceitstheoreticalexplanationsfor crimeandthepolicyresponsestoit.Itisourhope,however,thatcriminologyneverwillbeamerereflection oftheworldaroundit

TherearefartoomanypeopletowhomweowedebtsforthesuccessofCriminologicalTheorytobeproperly thankedhere.Forthisreason,wementiononlythree.First,thelateJamesA.Inciardi,whogaveusthe opportunitytowriteforSAGEPublications,deservesourgratitudeforhisfaithinoureffortsandpatience whenitseemedasthoughthefirsteditionneverwouldseethelightofday Second,JerryWestby,ourpast andlong-standingSAGEeditor,showedunwaveringconfidenceinourprojectacrossmultipleeditions, alwaysprovidingjusttherightdollopofsupportandwiseadvicetoenableustobringourworktofruition Third,JessicaMiller,ourcurrentSAGEeditorandprotégéofJerry,hasdisplayedremarkableenthusiasmfor thisproject,makingpossibleawonderfulworkingrelationship.WelookforwardtocollaboratingwithJessica onthebook’seightheditionandbeyond!

Finally,wewanttoexpressourappreciationtothemanycriminologists andtheirstudents whohave

embracedoureffortstotellthestoryofthedevelopmentofcriminologicaltheory.Withoutyourcontinued support,CriminologicalTheorywouldnotbeinitsseventhedition Ithasbeenaprivilegetoshareourideas withyou.

J.RobertLilly

FrancisT Cullen

RichardA Ball

Acknowledgments

SAGEPublishinggratefullyacknowledgesthecontributionsofthefollowingindividuals:

MicheleP Bratina

WestChesterUniversityofPennsylvania

SusanS.Hodge UniversityofNorthCarolinaatCharlotte

JohnA.Humphrey

SaintAnselmCollege

AmandaMatravers

CaliforniaStateUniversity,EastBay

AdamJ.McKee

UniversityofArkansasatMonticello

MirlindaNdrecka UniversityofNewHaven

ScottA Pray

MuskingumUniversity

ElickaPetersonSparks

AppalachianStateUniversity

ChapterOneTheContextandConsequencesofTheory

TheThinker byAugusteRodin 1840–1917

Frenchartistandsculptor

©iStock.com/davidf

Crimeisacomplexphenomenon,anditisademanding,ifintriguing,challengetoexplainitsmanysides

Manycommentators somepublicofficialscometomind oftensuggestthatusinggoodcommonsenseis enoughtoexplainwhycitizensshootorroboneanotherand,inturn,toinformusastowhattodoaboutsuch lawlessness Ourexperience and,wetrust,thisbookaswell teachesthatthesearchforanswerstothe crimeproblemisnotsoeasy Itrequiresthatwereconsiderourbiases,learnfromtheinsightsandmistakesof ourpredecessorswhohaveriskedtheorizingaboutthecausesofcrime,andconsiderclearlytheimplicationsof whatwepropose

Butthetask or,asweseeit,theadventure ofexplainingcrimeisanimportantundertaking Tobesure, crimecommentaryfrequentlysuccumbstothetemptationtoexaggerateandsensationalize,tosuggestthat crimesthatareexceptionallyluridandinjuriouscomposethebulkofAmerica’slawlessness,orperhapsto suggestthatmostcitizensspendtheirliveshuddledbehindbarricadeddoorsandparalyzedbythefearthat localthugswillvictimizethem Thereis,ofcourse,anelementoftruthtotheseobservations,andthatiswhy theyhaveanintuitiveappeal.YetmostAmericans,particularlythoselivinginmoreaffluentcommunities,do nothavetheirlivesrippedapartbybrutalassaultsortragicmurders Andalthoughmanycitizenslocktheir doorsatnight,installburglaralarms,andperhapsbuyweaponsforprotection,theytypicallysaythattheyfeel safeinandclosetotheirhomes(Cullen,Clark,&Wozniak,1985;Scheingold,1984).

Butthesecautionaryremarksdonotdetractfromtherealitythatcrimeisaseriousmatterthat,webelieve, deservesstudyandunderstanding MostAmericansescapethetypeofvictimizationthattakestheirlivesor destroystheirpeaceofmind,buttoomanyothersdonotsharethisgoodfortune.Thus,mediareportsof AmericanskillingAmericansaresufficientlyubiquitousthatmanyofushavebecomesodesensitizedtothe violenceinourcommunitiesthatwegivetheseaccountsscarcelymoreattentionthanthescoresfromtheday’s sportingevents.Anditislikelythatmostofushavefriends,orfriendsoffriends,whohavebeenseriously assaultedorperhapsevenmurdered

Statisticaldatapaintanequallybleakpicture Eachyear,theFederalBureauofInvestigation(FBI)publishes

theUniformCrimeReportsinwhichitliststhenumbersofvariouscrimesthathavebecomeknown(mostly throughreportsbycitizens)tothenation’spolicedepartments Accordingtothesestatistics,acrossthepast decade,anaverageof15,484U.S.residentsweremurderedannually.Althoughtherehasbeenanimportant declineincrime(Latzer,2016;Tonry,2014;Zimring,2007),eachyeartherestillareabout1.2million Americansrobbed,raped,orseriouslyassaultedandnearly8millionwhosehousesareburglarizedorwhose propertyisdamagedorstolen(FederalBureauofInvestigation[FBI],2018).

Itisdisturbingthatthesestatisticscaptureonlypartofthenation’scrimeproblem.Manycitizens,aboutone ineverytwoseriousviolentcrimevictimsandtwoineverythreepropertycrimevictims,donotreportcrimes againstthemtothepolice(Morgan&Kena,2017) Thus,theseactsdonotappearintheUniformCrime Reports.Forexample,theNationalCrimeVictimizationSurvey,astudyinwhichcitizensareaskedwhether theyhavebeenvictimized,estimatesthatresidentsover12yearsofageexperiencedapproximately226 millioncrimesin2016,aboutonefourthofwhichwereviolentvictimizations(Morgan&Kena,2017)

Furthermore,theseFBIstatisticsdonotincludedrug-relatedoffenses,whicharecommonplace.Between 1999and2016,therateofdrugoverdosesincreasedthreefold,taking63,600livesin2016 atollmorethan threeandahalftimeshigherthanthenumberofmurdervictimsinAmerica(Hedegaard,Warner,&Miniño, 2017).FBIstatisticsalsomeasuremainlyseriousstreetcrimes.Yetweknowthatminorcrimes pettythefts, simpleassaults,andsoon areevenmorewidespread “Self-report”surveys,inwhichtherespondents (typicallyjuveniles)areaskedtoreporthowmanyoffensestheyhavecommitted,consistentlyindicatethatthe vastmajorityofpeoplehaveengagedinsomedegreeofillegality.Butmoreimportant,otherrealmsof criminality notonlyquiteprevalentbutalsoquiteserious traditionallyhavenotcometotheattentionof policebecausetheyarenotcommittedonthestreets Domesticviolence childabuse,spousalassault,andso on(i.e.,theviolencethatoccurs“behindcloseddoors”) isoneoftheseareas(Straus,Gelles,&Steinmetz, 1980),asaresexualassaultsthatoccurondatesandagainstpeoplewhoknowoneanother(Fisher,Daigle,& Cullen,2010) The#MeToomovementhasbroughttolightincidentsofsexualharassmentandassault, exposingmalfeasancebypowerfulmembersofthenation’scorporate,entertainment,andpoliticalelites. Anothersuchareaiswhite-collarcrime,thatis,thecrimescommittedbyprofessionalpeopleinthecourseof theiroccupations(Sutherland,1949) Asrepeatedrevelationssuggest(recallthemassivefraudsatEnronand BernieMadoff’sPonzischeme),corruptioninthebusinessandpoliticalcommunitiestakesplaceregularlyand hasdisquietingconsequences(Benson&Simpson,2018;Cullen,Maakestad,&Cavender,1987;Simon& Eitzen,1986)

Thesestatisticsandobservationsmakethepointthatcrimeisaprominentfeatureofoursociety Butisthe UnitedStatesmorecriminogenicthanothernations?Formostformsofcrime(e.g.,property,assault), Americans’involvementissimilartothatofotherindustrializedWesternsocieties Butforlethalviolence, “theUnitedSatesisaclearoutlieramonghighlydevelopednations”(Messner&Rosenfeld,2013,p 21;see alsoCurrie,1985,2009;Lynch&Pridemore,2011;Zimring&Hawkins,1997).Makingcross-cultural comparisonsisdifficult;forexample,nationsdifferinwhattheyconsidertobeillegalandintheirmethodsof collectingcrimedata Evenso,Currie’s(1985)reviewofavailablestatisticalinformationrevealedthat,asof thelate1970s,“abouttenAmericanmendiedbycriminalviolenceforeveryJapanese,Austrian,West

German,orSwedishman;aboutfifteenAmericanmendiedforeverySwissorEnglishman;andovertwenty [Americanmendied]foreveryDane”(p 25) Similardifferencesremaintoday(Currie,1998b;Rosenfeld, 2009).Thus,inacomparisonofhomicideratesacross16Westernnations,MessnerandRosenfeld(2013) notethattheU.S.ratedoublesthatofthenextclosestnation(Finland)and“ismorethanfivetimesthe averagerateoftheothernations”(p 21) Curriestatestheissueinmorehumanterms,observingthat“in mostotheraffluentindustrialsocieties,thedeliberatekillingofonepersonbyanotherisanextremelyrare event....Theirneighborhoodsarenottornbydrive-byshootingsorbytheroutinesoundofpolice helicoptersinthenight Therearenocandlesatshrinesforhomicidevictims”(p 3) Andasweareallaware, onlyintheUnitedStatesdoitscitizensbrandishhigh-capacityassaultweaponsandcommitmassmurderona regularbasis.NamessuchasColumbine,VirginiaTech,SandyHook,Parkland,LasVegas,andmanymore arenowetchedinthenation’sconsciousnessasconstantremindersofthecarnageperpetratedinwhatshould besafeplacesdevotedtolearningandentertainment(Jonson,2017).

AnotherimportantrealityisthatcrimeisnotevenlydistributedwithintheUnitedStates.Onereport,for example,analyzed2014FBIhomicidedataforcitieswithapopulationofmorethan250,000(Johnson, 2015) Themurderrateper100,000wasnearly50forSt Louis,over40forDetroit,andover30for Baltimore,Newark,andNewOrleans.Bycontrast,itwas6.66forLosAngelesandonly3.93forNewYork,a citythathasexperiencedadramaticdeclineincrime(Zimring,2012) Asanotherexample,wecalculatedthe distributionofmurdersacrossOhio’s367citiesfor2016(FederalBureauofInvestigation,2018,Table6)

Notably,298cities(81.2%)hadzerohomicidesintheyear.Sixcitiesaccountedformorethan70%ofthe offenses,andonlythreecities(Cincinnati,Cleveland,andColumbus)accountedformorethanhalfofthe state’shomicides Strikingdifferencesincriminalityalsoarefoundacrosscommunitieswithinurbanareas (Sampson,2012)andevenacrossblockswithinthesameneighborhood(Weisburd,Groff,&Yang,2012).

ButwhyiscrimesoprevalentintheUnitedStates?Whyisitsoprevalentinsomeofourcommunitiesbutnot others?Whydosomepeoplebreakthelaw,whereasothersarelawabiding?Whydotheaffluent,andnotjust thedisadvantaged,commitillegalacts?Howcanthesevariousphenomenabeexplained?

Overtheyears,theoristshaveendeavoredtoaddressoneormoreofthesequestions.Inthisbook,weattempt togiveanaccountoftheirthinkingaboutcrime toexamineitscontext,itscontent,anditsconsequences Beforeembarkingonthisstoryofcriminologicaltheorizing,however,itisnecessarytodiscusstheframework thatinformsouranalysis.Thisapproacharguesthattheoriesaboutwhycrimeoccursarenotsimplyinvented byisolatedscholarssittinginanarmchairbutareshapedbythesocialcontextinwhichtheylive Associety changes,itisinevitablethatimagesaboutcrimechange(seealsoWilcox,Cullen,&Feldmeyer,2018) This approachalsoarguesthattheoriesmatterbecausetheypromoteorjustifytheuseofsomecrime-control policiesbutnotothers Notethatthisbook’ssubtitle ContextandConsequences waschosenasawayof emphasizingtheimportanceofthesepoints

TheoryinSocialContext

MostAmericanshavelittledifficultyinidentifyingthecircumstancestheybelievecausepeopletoengagein waywardconduct Whensurveyorsaskcitizensaboutthecausesofcrime,onlyasmallpercentageof respondentssaythatthey“havenoopinion”Theremainderofthosepolledusuallyremarkthatcrimeis causedbyfactorssuchasunemployment,badfamilylife,andlenientcourts(Flanagan,1987;seealsoRoberts &Stalans,2000;Unnever,Cochran,Cullen,&Applegate,2010)

Mostpeople,then,havedevelopedviewsonwhycrimeoccurs;thatis,theyhavetheir“theories”ofcriminal behavior.Butwheredosuchviews,orsuchtheories,comefrom?Onepossibilityisthatcitizenshavetaken thetimetoreadextensivelyoncrime,havesiftedthroughexistingresearchstudies,andhavearrivedat informedassessmentsofwhylawsaredisregarded Butonlyexceptionalcitizensdeveloptheirviewsoncrime oronanyothersocialissue inthisway(Kinder&Kalmoe,2017).Apartfromcriminologistswhostudy crimeforaliving,mostpeoplehaveneitherthetimenortheinclinationtoinvestigatethecrimeproblem carefully Letusgivebutoneexample Overthepastdecadeorso,thenation’srateofseriousstreetcrimehas trendeddownward.Duringthistime,however,amajorityofAmericans insomeyearsmorethan70%ofthe respondents havetoldGalluppollstersthat“thereismorecrimeintheUnitedStatesthanayearago” (McCarthy,2015)

Thisobservationmightnotseemparticularlyinsightful,butitisimportantinilluminatingthatmostpeople’s opinionsaboutcrimearedrawnlessfromsustainedthoughtandmorefromtheimplicitunderstandings whatHaidt(2012,p 54)calls“intuitions” thattheyhavecometoembraceduringtheirlives Attitudes aboutcrime,aswellasaboutothersocialissues,cancomefromavarietyofsources parents,churchsermons, howcrimeisdepictedontelevision,sociallysignificantevents(e.g.,amassschoolshooting),whetheronehas hadfamilymembersorfriendswhohaveturnedtocrime,whetheronehasexperimentedwithcriminal activityoneselforperhapsbeenvictimized,andsoon Inshort,socialexperiencesshapethewaysinwhich peoplecometothinkaboutcrime.

Thisconclusionallowsustoofferthreeadditionalpoints First,membersofthegeneralpublicarenotthe onlyoneswhosecrimetheoriesareinfluencedbytheirlifeexperiences Academiccriminologistsand governmentofficialswhoformulatecrimepolicyhaveaprofessionalobligationtosetasidetheirpersonal biases,readtheexistingresearch,andendorsethetheorythattheevidencemostsupports Toanextent, criminologistsandpolicymakersletthedatadirecttheirthinking,butitisequallyclearthattheydonotdoso fully.Likethegeneralpublic,theytooliveinsocietyandareshapedbyit.Beforeeverenteringacademiaor publicservice,theirpersonalexperienceshaveprovidedthemwithcertainassumptionsabouthumannature andaboutthewaysinwhichtheworldoperates;thus,somewillseethemselvesasliberalsandothersas conservatives.Afterstudyingcrime,theyoftenwillrevisesomeoftheirviews.Nonetheless,feweverconvert toatotallydifferentwayofthinkingaboutcrime;howtheyexplaincrimeremainsconditioned,ifonlyinpart, bytheirexperiences

Second,ifsocialexperiencesinfluenceattitudesaboutcriminality,thenassocietychanges aspeoplecometo

havedifferentexperiences viewsaboutcrimewillchangeaswell Weillustratethispointthroughoutthis book,butafewbriefexamplesmighthelptoclarifymattersforourimmediatepurposes

ItwillnotsurprisemanyreaderstolearnthatAmericans’viewsoncrimehavechangedmarkedlysincethe settlersfirstlandedonthenation’sshores.Indeed,atdifferenttimesinU.S.history,Americanshave attributedtheoriginsofcrimetospiritualdemonsandtheinherentsinfulnessofhumans,tothedefective biologicalconstitutionofinferiorpeopleinourmidst,tothedenialofequalopportunity,andtotheabilityof thecoldlyrationaltocalculatethatcrimepays.Aswewillsee,eachofthesetheoriesofcrime,andothersas well,becamepopularonlywhenaparticularsetofcircumstancescoalescedtoprovidepeoplewiththe experiencesthatmadesuchreasoningseemlogicalorbelievable

Thus,forcolonistslivinginaconfiningandhighlyreligioussociety,it“madesense”forthemtoattribute crimetothepowerofdemonstocontrolthewillofthosewhofellpreytothetemptationsofsin Forthoseof thelate1800swhowitnessedtheinfluxofforeignersofallsortsandlearnedfromthesocialDarwiniststhat naturalselectiondeterminedwhereeachindividualfellinthesocialhierarchy,itmadesensethatpeople becamepoorandcriminalbecausetheywereofinferiorstock Forthoseofthe1960swhowereinformedthat systematicbarriershadpreventedminoritiesfromsharingintheAmericandream,itmadesensethatpeople becamecriminalbecausetheywerepoor becausetheyweredeniedequalopportunity.Duringmorerecent times,associetyhastakenaturninaconservativedirectionandithasbecomefashionabletoblamesocialills onapermissivesociety,ithasmadesensetomoreandmoreAmericansthatpeoplecommitcrimesbecause theyknowthattheyriskonlya“slaponthewrist”iftheyarecaught.

Inshort,socialcontextplaysacriticalroleinnourishingcertainwaysoftheorizingaboutcrime.Ifthe prevailingsocialcontextchangesandpeoplebegintoexperiencelifedifferently,thentherewillbea correspondingshiftinthewayinwhichtheyseetheirworldandthepeopleinit Previoustheoriesofcrime willlosetheirappeal,andotherperspectiveswillincreasinglymakesensetolargernumbersofpeople.Note thatallofthiscantakeplace and,indeed,usuallydoestakeplace withoutsystematicanalysisofwhether theoldtheoryactuallywaswrongorwhetherthenewtheoryrepresentsanimprovement

Butdoesanyofthisrelatetoyou,thereader?Ourthirdpointinthissectionisthatyour(andour)thinking aboutcrimeundoubtedlyhasbeenconditionedbyyoursocialexperiences Whenmostofuslooktothepast, wewonderwithacertainsmugnesshowourpredecessorscouldhaveheldsuchstrangeandsillyviewsabout crimeorotherthings.Inmakingthistypeofremark,however,wenotonlyfailtoappreciatehowtheir thoughtsandactionswereconstrainedbytheworldinwhichtheylivedbutalsoimplicitlyassumethatour thoughtsandactionsareunconstrainedbyourworld Ourarrogancecausesustoacceptourinterpretations ourtheories as “obviously”correct.Weforgetthatfuturegenerationswillhavetheluxuryoflookingatus andassessingwherewehavebeenstrangeandsilly

Thisdiscussionsuggeststhewisdomofpausingtocontemplatethebasisofyourbeliefs Howhaveyoursocial experiencesshapedthewayinwhichyouexplaincrime?Askingandseekinganswerstothisquestion,we believe,opensthepossibilityofliftingtheblindersthatpastexperiencesoftenstrapfirmlyaroundone’seyes. Itcreates,inshort,theexcitingopportunitytothinkdifferentlyaboutcrime

TheoryandPolicy:IdeasHaveConsequences

Theoryoftenisdismissedasmereemptyruminations fun,perhaps,butnotsomethingforwhichpractical menandwomenhavetime Butthisisashortsightedview,forasThomasSzasz(1987)cautioned,ideashave consequences(seealsoWeaver,1948) Theorymatters

Whenitcomestomakingcriminaljusticepolicy,thereisampleevidenceofthismaxim(Sherman& Hawkins,1981) Lawlessnessisacostlyproblem;peoplelosetheirpropertyandsometimestheirlives The searchforthesourcesofcrime,then,isnotdonewithinavacuum Evenifatheoristwishesonlytoruminate aboutthecausesoftheftorviolence,otherswillbereadytousetheseinsightstodirecteffortstodosomething aboutthecrimeproblem Understandingwhycrimeoccurs,then,isapreludetodevelopingstrategiesto controlthebehavior StephenPfohl(1985)capturednicelytheinherentrelationshipbetweentheoryand policy:

Theoreticalperspectivesprovideuswithanimageofwhatsomethingisandhowwemightbestact towardit Theynamesomethingthistypeofthingandnotthat Theyprovideuswiththesenseof beinginaworldofrelativelyfixedformsandcontent Theoreticalperspectivestransformamassof rawsensorydataintounderstanding,explanations,andrecipesforappropriateaction.(pp.9–10)

Thisdiscussionalsoleadstotherealizationthatdifferenttheoriessuggestdifferentwaysofreducingcrime. Dependingonwhatisproposedasthecauseofillegalbehavior,certaincriminaljusticepoliciesandpractices willseemreasonable;otherswillseemirrationalandperhapsdangerouslyirresponsible Thus,ifoffendersare viewedasgeneticallyderangedanduntrainable muchlikewildanimals thencagingthemwouldseemto betheonlyoptionavailable Butifoffendersarethoughttobementallyill,thenthesolutiontotheproblem wouldbetotreatthemwithpsychotherapy Orifonebelievesthatpeoplearemovedtocrimebythestrainsof economicdeprivation,thenprovidingjobtrainingandaccesstoemploymentopportunitieswouldseemto holdthepromiseofdiminishingtheirwaywardness

Thisisnottoassertthattherelationshipbetweentheoryandpolicyisuncomplicated Sometimestheories emerge,andthenthedemandtochangepolicyoccurs.Sometimespoliciesareimplemented,andthen attemptsaremadetojustifythepoliciesbypopularizingtheoriessupportiveofthesereforms Often,the processisinteractive,withthetheoryandpolicylegitimatingeachother Inanycase,theimportantpointis thatsupportforcriminaljusticepolicieseventuallywillcollapseifthetheoryonwhichtheyarebasedno longermakessense

Animportantobservationfollowsfromthisdiscussion:Astheoriesofcrimechange,sodocriminaljustice policies Attheturnofthe20thcentury,manyAmericansbelievedthatcriminalswere“atavisticreversions”to lesscivilizedevolutionaryformsor,attheleast,feebleminded.Thecalltosterilizeoffenderssothattheycould notpasscriminogenicgenesontotheiroffspringwaswidelyacceptedasprudentsocialaction Withintwo decades,however,citizensweremoreconvincedthatthecausesofcrimelaynotwithinoffendersthemselves

butratherinthepathologyoftheirenvironments Thetimewasripetohearsuggestionsthateffortsbemade to“save”slumyouthsbysettingupneighborhooddelinquencypreventionprogramsor,whennecessary,by removingjuvenilestoreformatories,wheretheycouldobtainthesupervisionandtreatmentthatthey desperatelyneeded.Inmorerecentdecades,numerouspoliticianshavejumpedontothebandwagonclaiming thatcrimeiscausedbythepermissivenessthathascreptintothenation’sfamilies,schools,andcorrectional system.Notsurprisingly,theyhaveurgedthateffortsbemadeto“gettough”withoffenders toteachthem thatcrimedoesnotpaybysendingthemtoprisonforlengthierstaysandinrecordnumbers.

Butwemustremembernottodecontextualizecriminologicaltheory Theverychangesintheorythat undergirdchangesinpolicyarethemselvesaproductoftransformationsinsociety Asnotedearlier, explanationsofcrimearelinkedintimatelytosocialcontext totheexperiencespeoplehavethatmakea giventheoryseemsillyorsensible Thus,itisonlywhenshiftsinsocietalopinionoccurthattheoretical modelsgainorlosecredenceand,inturn,gainorlosetheabilitytojustifyarangeofcriminaljusticepolicies

Wealsohopethatyouwillfindthediscussioninthisbookofsomepersonalrelevance.Wehavesuggested thatthoughtbegiventohowyourowncontextmayhaveshapedyourthinking Nowwesuggestthatsimilar thoughtbegiventohowyourthinkingmayhaveshapedwhatyouhavethoughtshouldbedoneaboutcrime

Thechallengeweareofferingisforyoutoreconsiderthebasisandconsistencyofyourviewsoncrimeandits control toreconsiderwhichtheoryyoushouldembraceandtheconsequencesthatthisideashouldhave We hopethatthisbookwillaidyouasyouembarkonthisadventure

Context,Theory,andPolicy:PlanoftheBook

“Perhapstheclearestlessontobelearnedfromhistoricalresearchoncrimeanddeviance,”TimothyFlanagan (1987)remindedus,“isthattheapproachtocrimecontrolthatcharacterizesanygivenerainhistoryis inexorablylinkedtocontemporaneousnotionsaboutcrimecausation”(p 232) Thisremarkisinstructive becauseitcapturesthecentralthemeofthisbook theinterconnectionamongsocialcontext,criminological theory,andcriminaljusticepolicymaking Asweprogressthroughsubsequentchapters,thisthemeformsthe frameworkforouranalysis Wediscussnotonlythecontentoftheoreticalperspectivesbutalsotheircontexts andconsequences.

Butthescopeoftheenterpriseshouldbeclarified Ourpurposehereistoprovideaprimerincriminological theory abasicintroductiontothesocialhistoryofattempts,largelybyacademicscholars,toexplaincrime Inendeavoringtofurnishanaccessibleandrelativelybriefguidetosuchtheorizing,wehavebeenforcedto leaveouthistoricaldetailandtoomitdiscussionsofthemanytheoreticalvariationsthateachperspectiveon crimetypicallyhasfostered Asaresult,thisbookshouldbeviewedasafirststeptounderstandingthelong searchfortheanswertotheriddleofcrime.Wehopethatouraccountencouragesyoutotakefurtherstepsin thetimeahead.

Ourstoryofcriminologicaltheorycommences,asmoststoriesdo,atthebeginning,withthefoundingof criminologyandearlyefforts,touseRennie’s(1978)words,“tosearchforthecriminalman”Ourstoryhas15 chapterstocomeandtracesthedevelopmentofcriminologicaltheoryuptothepresenttime.Thesechapters arethusarrangedlargelyinchronologicalorder Becausesometheoriesaroseatapproximatelythesametime, thechaptersshouldnotbeseenasfollowingoneanotherinarigid,lockstepfashion Further,insideeach chapter,theideaswithinatheoreticaltraditionareoftentracedfrompasttopresent fromtheoriginatorsof theschoolofthoughttoitscurrentadvocates Still,thebookisdesignedtoallowreaderstotakeanexcursion acrosstimeandhistoricalcontexttoseehowthinkingaboutcrimehasevolved

Table1.1providesahandyguidethattellshowCriminologicalTheory:ContextandConsequencesisarranged. Thisguide,muchlikearoadmap,isintendedtobeclearandsimple Asreaderstravelthroughourvolume, theymaywishtoconsultTable11asawayofknowingwheretheyare Whenitcomestotheory,thefieldof criminologyhasanembarrassmentofriches diversetheoriescompetingtoexplaincrime.Thevery complexityofhumanconductandsocietyperhapsrequiresnumeroustheoreticalperspectives,witheach capturingapartofrealityignoredbycompetingapproaches Regardless,readershavethechallengeofkeeping allthetheoriesstraightintheirmindsasthestoryofcriminologicaltheoryunfoldsinthepagesahead.Table 11shouldhelpinthisimportanttask

Table1.1CriminologicalTheoryinContext

Table11CriminologicalTheoryinContext

Chapters inThis

Enlightenment mid-1700stolate 1700s Classicalschool 2

RiseofsocialDarwinism,science, andmedicine mid-1800sinto 1900s Earlypositivistschool biologicalpositivism 2

Massimmigration,theGreat Depression,andpost–WorldWarII stability 1900totheearly1960s

Socialturmoil 1965tolate1970s

Chicagoschool,anomie-strain,control mainstreamcriminology

Labeling,conflict,Marxist,feminist,white-collar criticalcriminology

Conservativeera 1980totheearly 1990s,andbeyond

Thecurrentcentury 2000totoday

3,4,5, and6

7,8,9, 10,and 11

Deterrence,rationalchoice,brokenwindows,moral poverty,routineactivity,environmental rejecting mainstreamandcriticalcriminology 12and 13

Peacemaking,leftrealism,ultra-realism;cultural, convict,green,abolitionism rejectingconservative theoryandpolicy 9and10

Biosocial,life-course/developmental becominga criminal 14,15, and16

Beforecommencingwithourcriminologicalstorytelling,letuspreviewinsomedetailwhatthechapterscover Table11presentstheoutlineofhowdifferentsocialcontextsarerelatedtotheemergenceofdifferent theories.Thechaptersinwhichthesetheoriesarecontainedalsoarelisted.

InventingCriminology:MainstreamTheories

Chapter2reviewsthetwotheoreticalperspectivesgenerallyconsideredtobethefoundationofmodern criminology TheclassicalschoolaroseintheEnlightenmentera Itemphasizedtherejectionofspiritualor religiousexplanationsofcrimeinfavoroftheviewthatoffendersusetheirreason theassessmentofcosts andbenefits indecidingwhetherapotentialcriminalactpaysandshouldbepursued.Theclassicalschool arguedthatthecriminallawcouldbereformedsothatitwouldbefair(everyonetreatedequally)andjust punitiveenoughtodissuadepeoplefrombreakingthelaw(thecrimewouldnotbeprofitable) Thisapproach istheforerunnerofmorecontemporarytheoriesofrationalchoiceanddeterrence.

Chapter2ismainlydevoted,however,tothepositivistschool,whichemphasizedthescientificstudyof criminals LedbyCesareLombroso,positivismflourishedinItalyinthelate1800sandintothe1900s These ideasalsowerepopularintheUnitedStates,whereasimilartraditionarose.Thesescholarsassumedthat therewassomethingdifferentaboutthosewhooffendedthatdistinguishedthemfromthosewhodidnot offend Inmedicine,weaskwhatmakessomeonesick;similarly,theythoughtweshouldaskwhatmakes someonecriminal.Asinmedicine,theyfeltthatthekeytounlockingthispuzzlewastostudyoffenders scientifically toprobetheirbodiesandtheirbrainsforevidenceofindividualdifferences.Influencedby Darwinismandmedicine,theylargelyconcludedthatthecriminallywaywardpossessedbiologicaltraitsthat determinedtheirbehavior.Crimewasnotduetoasinfulsoulorchosenfreelybutratherwaspredetermined byaperson’sconstitutionalmakeup.

Startinginthe1930s,however,Americancriminologyembarkedonanalternativepath Thepositivist school’sadvocacyofusingsciencetostudycrimecontinuedtobeembraced Butscholarsincreasingly suggestedthattheanswerstocrimeweretobefoundnotwithinpeoplebutratherinthesocialcircumstances inwhichpeoplemustlive TheUnitedStateswasmakingitstransitiontoamodern,industrial,urbannation Aswavesofimmigrantscametoourshoresandsettledinourcities,scholarswonderedwhethertheir subsequentexperiencesmightprovecriminogenic.TheChicagoschoolofcriminologyrosetoprominenceby pioneeringthestudyofurbanareasandcrime(seeChapter3)

Whenscholarspeeredintoimpoverishedinner-cityneighborhoods buffetedbythemiseryinflictedbythe GreatDepression theysawthebreakdownofpersonalandsocialcontrols,theriseofcriminaltraditions,and barrierstotheAmericandreamforsuccessthatallweretaughttopursue Scholarsofthisgenerationthus developedthreecorewaysofexplainingcrime:controltheory,whichexploredhowcrimeoccurswhencontrols weaken;differentialassociationtheory,whichexploredhowcrimeoccurswhenindividualslearncultural definitionssupportiveofillegalconduct;andanomie-straintheory,whichexploredhowcrimeoccurswhen peopleendurethestrainofbeingthwartedintheireffortstoachievesuccess Thefirsttwoofthesetheories hadtheiroriginsintheChicagoschoolofcriminology;thethirdhaditsoriginsinthewritingsofRobertK. Merton TheseperspectivesarereviewedinChapters3,4,5,and6

Takentogether,thesethreetheoriesaresometimescalledmainstreamcriminology Formorethan80years, theyhaveoccupiedthecenterofAmericancriminology IntheaftermathofWorldWarII,theywere

particularlydominant Duringthisperiod,theyouthpopulationbegantoexpandandyouthculturerosein prominence developmentsthattriggeredconcernsaboutjuveniledelinquency Theseperspectiveswereused toexplainwhysomeyoungsterscommittedcrimeandothersdidnotandwhygangswerefoundinsome neighborhoodsandnotothers.Often,control,differentialassociation,andanomie-straintheoriesweretested againstoneanotherinself-reportstudiesconductedwithhighschoolstudents(see,eg,Hirschi,1969) Even today,theseearlyworksandtheircontemporaryextensionsremainatthecoreofthediscipline(e.g.,selfcontroltheory,sociallearningtheory,generalstraintheory).

Thecentralityandenduringinfluenceofcontrol,differentialassociation,andanomie-straintheoryisone reasonwhytheseperspectivesaresaidtoconstitutemainstreamcriminology Buttheterm“mainstream”is usedinanothersenseaswell.DevelopedinaperiodwhentheUnitedStateswasbecomingadominantworld powerandflourishingintherelativestabilityofpost–WorldWarIIAmerica,theseperspectivesremainedin thepoliticalmainstream:Theydidnotfundamentallychallengetheorganizationofthesocialorder Tobe sure,thesethreetheoriesidentifiedproblemsinAmericansocietyandwereusedtosuggestpoliciesthatmight addressthem Butforthemostpart,theystoppedshortofcriticizingtheUnitedStatesasbeingrottenatits core ofbeingasocietyinwhichinequalitiesinpower,rootedinacrasscapitalism,createdcrimesofthepoor thatwereharshlypunishedandcrimesoftherichthatwereignored.Inshort,control,differentialassociation, andanomie-straintheoriesweremainstreambecausetheytendedtofavorreformofthestatusquoinAmerica ratherthanitsradicaltransformation

SocialTurmoilandtheRiseofCriticalTheories

Startinginthemid-1960s,however,scholarsincreasinglysoughttoidentifyhowconflictandpowerwere inextricablyinvolvedintheproductionofcrimeandintheinequitiesfoundinthecriminaljusticesystem TheywereinfluencedbythechangingcontextofAmericansociety Duringthe1960sandintothe1970s,the UnitedStatesexperiencedcontentiousmovementstoachievecivilrightsandwomen’srights.Americans witnessedriotsinthestreet,majorpoliticalfiguresassassinated,widespreadprotestsovertheVietnamWar culminatingwithstudentsshotdownatKentStateUniversity,andpoliticalcorruptionhighlightedmost poignantlybytheWatergatescandal.Theseeventssensitizedagenerationofcriminologiststosocialand criminalinjusticesthatcompromisedtheAmericandream’spromiseofequalityforallandledtotheabuseof statepower GiventhisjaundicedviewofAmericansociety,thenewbrandoftheorizingthattheydeveloped wascalledcriticalcriminology.

Althoughnotyetfullydeveloped,theseedsofcriticalcriminologycanbetracedinparttolabelingtheory, whichisdiscussedinChapter7 Scholarsinthisperspectiveofferedtheboldargumentthatthemaincauseof stableinvolvementincrimeisnotsocietypersebutrathertheveryattemptsthataremadetoreducecrimeby stigmatizingoffendersandprocessingthemthroughthecriminaljusticesystem.Therootsofcritical criminologyarediscussedmoredeeplyinChapter8,whichreviewstheoristscalledconflictorradicalscholars Thesetheoristsilluminatedhowpowershapeswhatisconsideredtobeacrimeandwhoissubjectedtoarrest andimprisonment.Theywentsofarastosuggestthattheembraceofcapitalismiswhatinduceshighratesof lawlessnessamongboththerichandthepoor

Chapter10exploresanotherlineofinquiryencouragedbycriticalcriminology:thedevelopmentoffeminist theory.Thisperspectivehasledtothe“genderingofcriminology”inNorthAmericaandBritain.Inlightof thechangingsocialcontextsurroundinggender,wetracehowunderstandingsoffemalecriminalityshifted fromtheorieshighlightingtheindividualdefectsofwomentoexplanationsilluminatinghowgenderroles shapemen’sandwomen’sillegalconduct.Anattemptismadetocapturetherichdiversityoffeminist thinkingasweexaminehowscholarshavelinkedcrimetosuchfactorsaspatriarchy;masculinities;malepeer support;andtheintersectionofrace,class,andgender

Finally,inChapter11,theoriesofwhite-collarcrimeareexamined.Althoughnotalloftheseperspectivesare criticalincontent,theveryinquiryintothistopicwasspurredbycriticalcriminology’sconcernwithinequality andinjustice Thus,theoriesofwhite-collarcrimeilluminateandexplainthecrimesofthepowerful Theyare builtontheverypremisethat,althoughthepoormightmonopolizeprisons,theydonotmonopolizecrime.

Infact,scholarshaveshowntheimmensecostofwhite-collarcriminality especiallythatcommittedby corporations andhaveexploredwhythisinjuriousconductoccurs