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The Unstoppable Human Species, The Emergence of Homo Sapiens in Prehistory John J. Shea

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THEUNSTOPPABLEHUMANSPECIES

In TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies,JohnJ.Sheaexplainshowtheearliesthumans achievedmasteryoverallbutthemostsevere,biosphere-level,extinctionthreats. Heexploreshowandwhywehumansoweoursurvivalskillstoourglobal geographicrange,adiasporathatwasachievedduringprehistorictimes.By developingandintegratingasuiteofancestralsurvivalskills,humansovercame survivalchallengesbetterthanotherhominins,andsettledinpreviously unoccupiedhabitats.Buthowdidtheydoit?Howdidearlyhumansendurelong enoughtobecomeourancestors?Sheaplaces “howdidtheysurvive?” questions frontandcenterinprehistory.Usinganexplicitlyscientific,comparative,and hypothesis-testingapproach, TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies criticallyexamines much “archaeologicalmythology” aboutprehistorichumans.Writteninclear andengaginglanguage,Shea’svolumeoffersanoriginalandthought-provoking perspectiveonhumanevolution.Movingbeyondunproductivearchaeological debatesaboutprehistoricpopulationmovements, TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies generatesnewandinterestingquestionsabouthumanevolution.

JohnJ.SheaisProfessorofAnthropologyatStonyBrookUniversity,NewYork. Heistheauthorof StoneToolsinthePaleolithicandNeolithicNearEast:AGuide (CambridgeUniversityPress, ), StoneToolsinHumanEvolution:Behavioral DifferencesamongTechnologicalPrimates (CambridgeUniversityPress, ),and PrehistoricStoneToolsofEasternAfrica:AGuide (CambridgeUniversityPress, ). Apaleoanthropologist,archaeologist,andexperiencedpractitionerofancestral survivalskills,Shea’sdemonstrationsofstoneworkinghaveappearedinnumerous televisiondocumentariesandattheUnitedStatesNationalMuseumofNatural HistoryinWashington,DC.

THEUNSTOPPABLEHUMAN SPECIES

TheEmergenceof HomoSapiens inPrehistory

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ForOferBar-Yosef(

CONTENTS

ListofFigures page x

ListofTables xii

ListofBoxes xiii

Preface xv

Acknowledgments xviii

 Introduction ...............................

AnUnstoppableSpecies?

PopulationMovements

QuestionsaboutHumanEvolution:Who,How,andWhy

ExplainingthePast

HowThisBookIsOrganized

 HardEvidence

Time:Geochronology

Fossils:PaleontologyandZooarchaeology

Artifacts:Archaeology

Genes:MolecularAnthropology

Summary

 WhoAreThesePeople?

HumansasPrimates

HowDoHumansDifferfromOtherAnimals?

HowDoHumansDifferfromOneAnother?

Summary

 HowDidTheyGetHere?

ArrowsonMaps

SurvivalArchaeology

TheBigSixSurvivalChallenges

AncestralSurvivalSkills

AnIntegrativeAncestralSurvivalSkillsHypothesis

ReasonableAssumptions?

 AncientAfricans

Geography:The “FourAfricas”

ImportantAncientAfricanPaleoanthropologicalSites

AncientAfricanHomininFossils

AncientAfricanArchaeology

AncientAfricans’ SurvivalStrategies

InterpretiveIssuesaboutAncientAfricans

 GoingEast:FirstAsians .......................

Geography:TheLevant,Arabia,andIndia

ImportantFirstAsianPaleoanthropologicalSites

FirstAsianHomininFossils

FirstAsianArchaeology

FirstAsians’ SurvivalStrategies

InterpretiveIssuesaboutFirstAsians

 DownUnder:EarlySoutheastAsiansandSahulians

Geography:Sunda,Sahul,andWallacea

ImportantSoutheastAsianandSahulianPaleoanthropologicalSites

SoutheastAsianandSahulianHomininFossils

PleistoceneArchaeologyofSoutheastAsiaandSahul

SoutheastAsians’ andSahulians’ SurvivalStrategies

InterpretiveIssuesaboutSoutheastAsiansandSahulians

Summary

 NeanderthalCountry

Geography:NorthwesternEurasiabefore  Ka

ImportantNeanderthalPaleoanthropologicalSites

NeanderthalFossils

NeanderthalArchaeology

Neanderthals’ SurvivalStrategies

InterpretiveIssuesaboutNeanderthals

Summary

 GoingNorth:EarlyEurasians ....................

Geography:NorthernEurasiaafter  Ka

ImportantEarlyEurasianPaleoanthropologicalSites

EarlyEurasianFossils

EarlyEurasianArchaeology

EarlyEurasians’ SurvivalStrategies

InterpretiveIssuesaboutEarlyEurasians

Summary



ABraveNewWorld:PleistoceneAmericans

Geography:PleistoceneBeringiaandtheAmericas

ImportantPleistoceneAmericanSites

PleistoceneAmericanFossils

PleistoceneAmericanArchaeology

PleistoceneAmericans’ SurvivalStrategies

InterpretiveIssuesaboutPleistoceneAmericans

Summary

 MovableFeasts:FoodProducersandMigrations

FoodProduction

ASurvivalArchaeologyPerspectiveonFoodProduction

DetectingFoodProduction

MigrationsbyFoodProducers

DetectingMigrationsbyFoodProducers

MigrationsbyHunter-Gatherers

Summary

 DistantHorizonsandStarsBeckon:OceanicIslands andBeyond

OceanicMigrations

PacificOceanMigrations:TheRoadoftheWinds

PacificOceanMigrations:ASurvivalArchaeologyPerspective

FutureHumanMigrations:TheRoadoftheStars

Summary

.Unstoppable?HumanExtinction

UnlikelyExtinctionThreats

LikelyExtinctionThreats

Pseudo-Extinction?

.Conclusion

HowDidTheyDoIt?

DifferencesbetweenEarlyHumansandLivingHumans

WhyUs?

WhatMustWeDo?

AppendixA:TraditionalArchaeologicalAge-Stages

AppendixB:SurvivalArchaeologyRecommendedReadings

AppendixC:FurtherReading

Glossary

Bibliography

Index

FIGURES

  Whereapeslive page

. Humanpopulationmovements

. Marineoxygen-isotoperecordoftemperaturevariation since , yearsago

  Basicstonetoolcategories

  Majorstoneartifact-typesdiscussedinthetext

. Majorstoneartifact-typesdiscussedinthetext(continued)

. Ceramicplates,bowls,jars,andjugs

  The “fourAfricas”

  MapofAfricashowingsitesdiscussedinthetext

  Homoheidelbergensis versus H.sapiens skullscompared

. Artifactsassociatedwith Homoheidelbergensis

. ArtifactsassociatedwithAncientAfricans

  MapofSouthernAsiashowingsitesdiscussedinthetext

  ArtifactsassociatedwithFirstAsians

  Nubiancoresandmicroliths

. MapofSunda,Wallacea,andSahulshowinglocationsof importantsites

  ArtifactsassociatedwithearlySahulians

  MapshowingimportantNeanderthalsites

. NeanderthalandEarlyEurasianhumanskullscompared

. Neanderthalstonetools

  MapofEuropeshowingEarlyEurasiansites

  MapofNorthernEurasiashowingEarlyEurasiansites

  EarlyEurasianandrecenthumanskulls

. EarlyEurasianstonetoolsandotherartifacts

. EarlyEurasian “Venus” figurines

  ImportantBeringianandPleistoceneAmericanfossilsites

  ImportantPre-Clovisand “Clovis” PleistoceneAmericansites

. LaterPleistoceneandearlyHoloceneAmericanartifacts

. Hotspotsfortheoriginsoffoodproduction

  MapshowingdistributionofBantulanguages

  Urëwepottery

. MapshowinghypotheticalBantuexpansionroutesin sub-SaharanAfrica

  Mapshowingmajorhumanpopulationmovements toPacificOceanislands

  Lapitaceramicvessels

. InnovationsassociatedwithPacificOceanicislandvoyaging

 TraditionalMarshallIslandernavigationchart

 Humanpopulationgrowthmodels

  Atmosphericandlithosphericextinctionthreats

TABLES

  Dispersals,migrations,andtranshumance

. Anthropogenicnarrativesandhero’sjourneynarratives

. Radiometricdatingtechniquescompared

. Geologicaltimeperiods

  Majordiaspora-relatedeventsduringMarineIsotopic Stages(MIS) –

. Firstappearancedatesforimportantlithicartifact-types

. Strengthsandweaknessesamongsourcesofhypotheses forsurvivalarchaeology

  Firstappearancedatesforancestralsurvivalskills

  ImportantAfricanpaleoanthropologicalsites

. ImportantSouthernAsianpaleoanthropologicalsites

. CulturalstratigraphyoftheValleyoftheCaves

  ImportantSoutheastAsianandAustralasian paleoanthropologicalsites

  ImportantNeanderthalpaleoanthropologicalsites

. BehavioraldifferencesbetweenNeanderthalsandearlyhumans

  ImportantEarlyEurasianpaleoanthropologicalsites

  ImportantPleistoceneAmericansites

  PleistoceneAmericanversusSahulianlargeterrestrialcarnivores arrangedbygreatestadultmass

. Domesticatedplantsandanimalsfromfoodproductionhotspots

  FirstappearancedatesforhumanactivityonPacificOceanislands

  Massextinctionsandextraterrestrialimpacts

  Differencesbetweenearlyandliving Homosapiens

A. Archaeologicalage-stages(basedonEurasianandAfricanevidence)

BOXES

  Humanmorphologicalandbehavioralmodernity: Theirdiscontents page 

. Teleoliths,Child’splay

. What’sinaname?Homininalphataxonomy

  Prehistory’ s “Atlantisproblem”

  Boats,bows,andbeads

. TheriseandfallofMountCarmelMan

. Ghostmarriages:Fossilsandstonetoolindustries

  ImaginingNeanderthals

  ThemysteryofMediterraneanEurope

  Theneedforspeed:Howfastandfarcanpeoplemigrate?

. PeoplingtheArctic

PREFACE

ThisbookbeganwithacollegecourseItaughtthatat firstIenjoyed,grewto despise,and finallylearnedtoloveagain.Thatcourse, “TheArchaeologyof HumanDispersal,” reconstructedhumanity’swanderingsover “deep-time” prehistorybypullingtogetherfossil,archaeological,andgeneticevidence. Teachingaboutfossilsandarchaeologyposedfewdifficulties,forIknowboth subjectswell.Also,frankly,the “hardevidence” doesnotreallychangeallthat muchfromyeartoyear.Asfortunewouldhaveit,though,Ibeganoffering thisclassjustasadvancesinstudiesofbothmodernandancientDNAexploded ontothepaleoanthropologicalscene.Thiscreatedaproblem.

Onewelcomesnewevidencethatcansettlelong-standingdebatesabout humanevolution,asgeneticevidencemanifestlycan,butitproveddifficultto accommodatethisevidence.Claimsof “game-changing” geneticstudiesoverturningallpreviousknowledgeseemedtoappeareveryweek.Competing claimscontradictedoneanotheroverlaboratoryproceduresorinterpretive issues,mattersallbutimpenetrabletonon-geneticists.MyInternet-savvy studentsarrivedinclassarmedwiththelatestclaimsfrom “press-release science.” Itriedtoassimilatethese findingsandtoanswerstudents’ questions aboutthem,butbysemester’sendmylecturenoteswerefullofcross-outs, updates,andupdatesonupdatesabout,wellfrankly,whohadsexualintercoursewithwhomduringtheIceAge.Theclasshadchangedfromone IlovedtooneIloathed.

Still,Ididnotwanttostopteachingthecourse.Prehistoricpopulation movementsshowhumanityatitsbest:settingforth,survivingbyourwits,and never,everquitting.Ourprehistoricpastoffersupanoptimisticvisionforour future,oneIthinkthewiderpublicandespeciallyyoungerpeopleneedto understand.Reflecting,IrealizedIhadspenttoomuchtimeon “who questions” andnotenoughtimeon “howquestions.”“Whoquestions” ask aboutidentity:Whowerethesepeople?Whomovedfromthisplacetothat place?Whointerbredwithwhom?Archaeologistsstrugglewith “whoquestions,” buttheyaremolecularanthropologists’ breadandbutter.Yourgenes

haveancestors,butfossilsdonotnecessarilyhavedescendants. “Howquestions” askaboutactivities.Howdidpeoplegetfromoneplacetoanother? Howdidtheyovercomethatchallenge?Howdidtheysurvivelongenoughto becomeourancestors?Geneticsbringslittletothetableabout “howquestions.” Therearenogenesforkindling fire,for findingormakingpotable water,orformakingclothingandconstructingshelter.Weendurebecauseour ancestorsdidthesethings.Ourgenesarebutpassengers,notpilots.

Alifelonginterestinbushcraftand “primitive"(ancestral)technologypositionedmewelltoanswersuch “howquestions.” LongbeforeIthoughtto becomeapaleoanthropologist,Inurturedaninterestinprimitivetechnology. GrowingupinruralNewEnglandinwhatseemedendlesstractsofwoodsand fieldsencouragedanearlyinterestinbushcraft(“NativeAmericanlore,” asthe BoyScoutsputit).Idiscoveredstoneworkingandexpandedmyexpertiseto otherancestralskills,suchasmaking fire,cordage,andmastics(glues). Teachingcollegeclasses,Irecountedbushcraftexperiencestoenlivenmy lecturesabouthumanevolutionandprehistoricarchaeology.Mystudents enjoyedthesedigressions,fortheyhadapracticalsidetothem.When Italkedabouthowprehistorichumansavoidedhypothermia(freezingto death)orotherhazards,theyaskedmewhatgeartheyshouldkeepintheir carsduringlongwintercommutes.WhenIlecturedabout “curatedpersonal gear, ” wecomparedthethingscommutersversusresidentialstudentscarried daily.(Wefoundthatcommuterscarriedmoreandheavierthingstoclassthan theirdorm-dwellingclassmates.)

Inoverhauling “TheArchaeologyofHumanDispersal,” Icutallbutthe minimumnecessarydiscussionabout “whoquestions,” replacingitwithdiscussionsabout “howquestions.” Ialsoexcisedmuchofwhatarchaeologists hadwritteninserviceofanswering “whoquestions,” suchasnamedprehistoricculturesandstonetoolindustries.Doingthisconservedclasstimeforthe thingswhichthestudentsactuallywantedtolearnaboutandthingswhich Iwantedtoteachthem.Howmanydifferentkindsof “Mousterian” industries occurredinsouthernFrance?Nobodycares.Howtonotfreezeorstarveto death?Everybodycares.

WhenIresumedteachingthecourse,renamed “TheUnstoppableSpecies,” discussionsbecamelivelier,andenrollmentsincreased.(Ideeplyregrettedthat Ihadnotmadethesechangesearlier.)Anygoodundergraduatecoursecanalso beturnedintoagoodbook.Thisworkcoversthebasics,thefundamental assumptionspaleoanthropologistsmakeinreconstructingthepast.Onedoes notneedpriorknowledgeofanthropologyorarchaeologytoread,understand,and,onehopes,enjoy TheUnstoppableSpecies

Finally,anoteaboutcitations.Whenthebooklists “importantpaleoanthropologicalsites,” itdoesnotcitereferencesforindividualsites.Instead,it directsreaderstopaleoanthropologicalandarchaeologicalsynthesesinbooks orscientificjournals.Ihavedonethisforseveralreasons.First,fewofthese

“importantsites” enjoymonographicpublication,thatis,asinglebook,special issueofajournal,oralongstand-alonepapersynthesizingresearchers’ findings. Second,manyremainthesubjectsofactiveresearchprojectswhose findings appearinmultiplejournalpapersspreadoutovermanyyears.Third, “authorshipbloat” (listingasso-calledauthorstechniciansandotherswhohavenot writtenaword)takesupspacebetterdevotedtoargumentsabouttheevidence.Citingevenafractionofthesereferenceswouldunnecessarilylengthen thebook’sbibliographyattheexpenseofthemaintext,andthe “snapshot” of researchinearly  wouldacceleratethisbook’sinevitableslidetoward beingoutdated.Nearlyeveryimportantpaleoanthropologicalsitelistedinthis book(andmanymorenotlisted)boastsafrequentlyupdatedInternetwebpage devotedtoitlistingrelevantpublications.Interestedreaderscan findthese webpagesandthemostup-to-dateinformationaboutthesesiteswithacouple ofkeystrokesandmouseclicks.Onerecognizesthiscitationstrategyas unusual,butitispractical.You’rewelcome.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Ithankmywife,PatriciaL.Crawford,forherforbearanceduringthelong hoursIspentwritingthisbookinthe “professorialman-caves” inStony Brook,NewYork,andinSantaFe,NewMexico.IthankCodyLundin, MarkDorsten,andthestaffoftheAboriginalLivingSkillsSchoolinPrescott, Arizona,forinsightsgainedfromtheirclasses.IthankBeatriceRehlof CambridgeUniversityPressforencouragingmetodevelop “The UnstoppableSpecies” courseintothisbook.Iamgratefultotheanonymous reviewersofthebookproposalandofthebook’ s finalversion.Ithank StephanieSaksonforherskilledcopyediting.Forgenerouslyallowingmeto useartworkfromtheirpublishedworks,IthankDanielLiebermanand ChristopheSande.IdraftedFigures  ,  ,  ,  ,  ,and   using templatesfromFreeVectorMaps(http://freevectormaps.com).Aboveall, Ithankmy “Unstoppables,” StonyBrookUniversitystudentswhoattended mycourseANT , “TheUnstoppableSpecies,” between  and  Alwaysworkashardasyoucanandneverquit.

INTRODUCTION

ANUNSTOPPABLESPECIES?

WeareEarth’sunstoppablespecies.Todayhumansliveinaglobaldiaspora withinwhichwemoveaboutwithease.Atjustover  billionindividuals,we outnumberallotherprimatescombined.Ifsomedisasterdepopulatedanentire continent,enoughhumanswouldsurviveelsewheretoeventuallyrepopulate that “lostcontinent.” Aslongasthebiospherepersists,sodowe.Ourglobal diasporaconfersonusan “extinctionimmunity” withoutevolutionaryprecedentamongcreatureslargerthanmicroorganisms.Ourextinctionimmunity contrastsstarklywiththatofotherprimates,pastandpresent.TheAfricanapes (gorillas,chimpanzees,andbonobos),ournearestprimaterelatives,inhabita narrowrangeoftropicalhabitats(Figure  ).Surroundedbyskyrocketing humanpopulations,extinctionstalksapesastheirownshadowsdo.Humans (Homosapiens)aretheoppositeofendangered.Forapesandcountlessother species,wearethedanger.

Whyus?Mighttrilobites,cephalopods,andothercreatureswhoseremains crowdsedimentsfromEarth’searliestageshavethoughtthemselvesunstoppable?Wewillneverknow.We,alone,amongalllifeinEarth’shistory,can actuallyanswerthechallengewithwhichCarolusLinnaeus(–) defined Homosapiens: “Homo,nosceteipsum” (Latinfor “Man,knowyourself”). Whyhumans,ratherthananyotheranimal,becametheunstoppablespeciesis anthropology’sultimateandmostconsequential “bigquestion,” forhowwe choosetoansweritandwhatwedowiththatanswerwillaffecthumanity’ s long-termsurvival.

WhatIsThisBookAbout?

Assertingthatourunstoppabilityresultsfromourdiaspora,thisbookexplains howweachievedthatdiaspora. TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies describes Homo sapiens’ originandglobaldispersalafter , yearsago.Itchronicleshow

Orangutans

Chimpanzees Bonobos, Gorillas

Figure . Whereapeslive.©JohnJ.Shea.

mobilehunter-gatherers(“bows,boats,andbeads” people)becamesedentary foodproducers(“houses,herds,andhoes” people).Alongtheway, The UnstoppableHumanSpecies overturnsseverallong-standingconventionsin archaeologicalresearchaboutprehistory.

First,thisworkchallengesarchaeology’suseofmigrationasanexplanation forpasthumanpopulationmovements.Formorethanacentury,archaeologistshavesoughtandfailedto findevidenceformigrationsin “deep-time prehistory” (before , yearsago)(Clark ).Migrationenjoysarecent renaissance,asarchaeologistsincreasinglyseektocorrelatetheir findingswith thosefromhistoricalgeneticsandmolecularanthropology(Lewis-Kraus ). Onethinksthisinterdisciplinary flirtationmisguided.Migrationsrequirestorableandtransportablefoodsurplusesofthesortthatplantandanimalhusbandry(agricultureandpastoralism)ortheirfunctionalequivalentscreate. Mostifnotallevidenceforsuch “foodproduction” datestolessthan , yearsago,longafterhumanssettledmostoftheworldexceptAntarcticaand themostremoteoceanicislands.

Second, TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies challengesarchaeologists’ longstandingobsessionwithquestionsaboutprehistorichumans’ socialidentities –withwhomovedwhereandwhenandwithwhomatedwithwhom.

Molecularanthropologistsreservespecialenthusiasmforsuchquestions becausetheycanprovideconclusiveanswersinwaysthattraditional archaeologicalapproachescannot(Higham ).Thisworkviewsthese so-calledhypothesesaboutsuchidentitieslinkinggenestofossilsandfossils toarchaeologicalremainsastheunfalsifiableargumentstheyreallyare.We cannotcallthemhypotheses,becausewecannotprovethemwrongusing evidence.MuchlikeMedievaltheologians’ debatesabouthowmanyangels couldstandontheheadofpin,theydistractusfromactualhypotheses, argumentsthatevidencecanprovewrong.Thisworkfocusesonquestions aboutprehistorichumanbehavior,onwhatourancestorsdid.Wearenotthe unstoppablespeciesbecauseofwhoourancestorswere.Wearetheunstoppablespeciesbecausetheysolvedsurvivalchallengesdifferentlyfromother hominins(bipedalprimates)thatarenowextinct.

Third,thisworkfocuseson Homosapiens andtoalesserdegreeonour immediateancestor, Homoheidelbergensis,andontheNeanderthals(Homo neanderthalensis)withwhomearlyhumanswereroughcontemporaries. Whiletherearecertainlymeritstoplacing Homosapiens’ originsanddiaspora inthelargernarrativeofprimateandhomininevolution(Stringer ; Gamble ;Hoffecker ),doingsorequiresonetosacrificedetailsabout post-Pleistocenehumanmigrations,migrationsthatshapedourworldtoday,as wellastocurtaildiscussionsaboutextinctionthreatsandwhatprehistorycan tellusabouthumanity’sfuture – theverythingsstudentsandotherssooften askpaleoanthropologistsabout!Whyelsestudytheremotepastthaninsearch oflessonsforourremotefuture?

Finally, TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies challengesarchaeologists’ conviction thatweoweourevolutionarysuccesstosomespecificqualitythatevolvedsince Homosapiens fossils firstappearinthefossilrecordaround ,–, yearsago.Manyrecentworksonthissubjectemphasizeevolutionarychanges incognition,overlookingthedifficultiesinmeasuringcognitivedifferences amonglivinghumans,muchlessamongextinctones.Othersattributeour successto “modernity,” ametaphorpullingtogetherawiderangeofactivities onlytangentiallyconnectedtooneanother. TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies arguesthatweoweourevolvedunstoppabilitytoanintegratedsuiteof “ancestralsurvivalskills.” Theseskillsincludepowerfulprecisiongrasping, endurancebipedalism,predictivehallucination,spokenlanguage,andhyperprosociality.Otherhomininspossessedtheseancestralsurvivalskills,too,but ourancestorsusedthemdifferentlyandbetterthanotherhomininsdid.

WhyIsThisSubjectImportant?

TheEarthisbynomeansfull,butwecannolongermoveawayfromour problems,asancestralhumansdid.Nowadays,whenrisingwaters floodcoastal

communitiesanddrowntownslocatedon floodplains,when firesburnrural communitiestoashes,andwhenwarsandearthquakesreducecitiestorubble, peoplerebuildinthesameplaces.Strategiesforasustainablefuture?One thinksnot.Calling Homosapiens “unstoppable” expressesnotafactbuta “hopepothesis” (ahypothesisonehopesistruebutonecannotprovewrong). Futureenvironmentalandplanetarycatastropheswillputusintheircrosshairs, too.Theoverwhelmingmajorityofclimatesciencesuggestsourcurrentglobal heatingtrendwillcontinueintothenearfuture,afflictinguswithincreasingly severestorms,droughts,wildfires,cropfailures,massextinctions,epidemics, andpandemics(BostrumandCirkovic ).Howwillweovercomesuch challenges?Learninghowearlyhumansovercamepastdifficultieswill enlighten,inspire,andguideusandourdescendantsabouthowtoanticipate andovercomewhateverdifficultiesthefuturethrowsatus,fordifficultiesit willassuredlythrow.Likethoseancestors,wemustnever,everquit.As AntarcticexplorerSirErnestShackleton(–),putit, “Difficultiesare justthingstoovercome,afterall.”

ForWhomIsThisBookIntended?

Iwrote TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies mainlyforcollegestudentsandothers interestedinhumanevolution.Thisworkseeksalargeraudienceandbringsto thetabledifferentperspectivesonprehistorythanone findsinrecentworks professionalanthropologistshavewrittenforotherprofessionalanthropologists (e.g.,Bellwood ;Gamble ;Hoffecker ).Ihopemycolleagues andgraduatestudentswillenjoy TheUnstoppableHumanSpecies and findit thought-provoking.Toaidnonprofessionalreaders,thebookreviewsbasic termsandconceptsinpaleoanthropology(scientificresearchabouthuman originsandevolution)andincludesa Glossary atthebackofthebook. Professionalpaleoanthropologistsmay findthesereviewsunnecessary,even tedious,butonewouldratherinflicttediumonthemthanleavethegreater numberofotherreadersbehind.

Onealsohopescolleaguesinmolecularanthropologywillreadthisbook. Alltoooften,hypothesesabouthumanevolutionbasedongeneticssimplyuse thearchaeologicalrecordas “windowdressing.” Thatis,theyassertevolutionaryrelationshipsamongextincthumansandthenrummageaboutforarchaeologicalevidencethatsupportstheirclaimsaboutthoserelationships. Confirmationbiasisapowerfulthing:itencouragesonetoacceptfactsthat agreewithone’spreviouslyheldbeliefsandtoignorefactsthatdonot. Archaeologists’ viewsaboutprehistorichumanpopulationrelationshipsvary sowidelythat,properlymotivated,anymolecularanthropologistcan findan archaeologistorpaleontologistwhosepreviouslypublishedviewsonanyissue supporttheirs.

HowDoesThisBookDifferfromOthers?

Onerarelyseesthewords “practical” and “archaeology” inthesamesentence, butthisisaworkofpracticalarchaeology.Otherrecentworksaboutprehistorichumanpopulationmovementsconcernthemselveswithprehistory,with whomovedwhereandwhen.Thisworktacksdifferently.Itfocusesonhow ourancestorssurvivedlongenoughtobecomeourancestors.Todothis,it delvesintosourcesofhypothesesthatotherworkslargelyneglect,namelythe literatureofbushcraftandwildernesssurvival.Thesetwosourcesintersectin complexways,buttheyshareacoreconcern:howtonotdiebeforeone’stime inthegreatoutdoors.Weknowlittleforcertainaboutwhatearlyhumansand otherhomininsdid,butwecanbeconfidentthatthosewhobecameour ancestorsdidnotdothethingsbushcraftandwildernesssurvivalworkswarn againstdoing.

POPULATIONMOVEMENTS

Historically,humanscopewithrapidclimatechangeorotheradversecircumstanceseitherbyintensification(workinghardertoremaininplace)orby residentialmovement(“votingwithyourfeet”).Politicaldebatesabout modern-daypopulationmovements,aswellasmanyscholarlyworks,often conflatemigration,transhumance,anddispersal(Bellwood ;Shah ). Migrations,transhumance,anddispersalsdifferfromoneanother(Figure . and Table  ).

Dispersal

Inadispersal,individualsorsmallnumbersofpeoplemoveovershortdistances.Smallnumbersallowthemtofeedastheygoandtoassimilateasthey wishtoorasnecessaryintheirdestinations.Asaresult,dispersinghumanscan rapidlychangetheirculture,theirsocialrelations,andtheirarchaeological “footprint” attheirdestinations.Forexample,theauthor’sfather’sancestors relocatedfromIrelandtoMassachusetts,individually,decadesapart,andfrom differentpartsofIreland.Onarrival,andasswiftlyastheycould,allbecame Americancitizens.Theyweredispersing.Noneoftheirdescendantsspeaks Gaelicorself-identifiesasIrishAmerican,muchlessasIrish.

Migration

Inamigration,largenumbersofpeople(hundredsormore)movetogether overlongdistances(hundredsofkilometers).Becausetheycarryfoodstoredin bulkwiththem,theyneednotassimilateintoothergroupsthroughwhose

Migration

Transhumance

Winter Summer

Dispersal

Figure . Humanpopulationmovements:Migration,transhumance,dispersal. ©JohnJ.Shea.

Dispersals,migrations,andtranshumance

Dispersals

Whomoves?Individualsorsmallgroups (lowdozensorfewer)

Migrations

Largegroups(hundreds ormore)

Transhumance

Variable

Howfar?TensofkilometersHundredsofkilometersTensofkilometers

Foodsources?Feedasyougo Storedinbulkand transported Gatheredinbulk atsourceand destination

Socialrelations?Recon figuredin destinations

Archaeological signature?

Difficulttorecognizedue torapidchangesover timeanddistance

Remainintact Remainintact

Recognizablythesameor similarforlongperiods andovergreatdistances

Variesdepending onactivities

territoriestheypass.Foratime,migratinggroupsretaintheircultureandsocial relationsattheirdestinations.Migrationsleaveadetectablearchaeological “signature,” ofartifacts,foodwaste,andotherthingsthatremainrecognizably thesameoratleastsimilarovervastdistancesandlongtimeperiods.For example,duringthe thcenturytheauthor’smaternalancestorsmoveden massefromBrittanyinnorthwesternFrance,towhatisnowNovaScotiain Canada.Theymigrated.Tothisday,theirdescendantsinnorthernmostMaine stillspeakFrenchandself-identifyas “Acadian” todistinguishthemselvesfrom theirFrench-speakingQuébécoisneighborsinCanadaandEnglish-speaking Americanneighbors.

Migrationsconjureupdramaandconflictfarmoresothandispersal.Calling somethingamigrationversusaninvasion,afterall,isamatterofperspective. EuropeanAmericans’ migrationswereforNativeAmericansaninvasion. Unsurprisingly,migrationscommandmorepopularattentionthandispersals. Migrations figuremoreprominentlyinworkswrittenaboutprehistoryfor similarreasons(drama),butusingtheminprehistoryhasledtoanimbalancein thesortsofquestionspaleoanthropologistsaskaboutdeep-timeprehistory.

Transhumance

Transhumancedescribescyclicalandtemporaryshiftsofhabitationsiteswithin alargergeographicrange,suchasbetweenwinterandsummercampsor highlandorlowlandresidences.Eithertheentirecommunitymovesorsome specificsubsetofthatlargergroupdoes.Pastoralistsoftenpracticetranshumancesothattheirlivestockcantakeadvantageofplantfoodsthatbecome availableindifferentplacesatdifferenttimes.Ethnographicandhistoric

hunter-gatherersoftendidthistotakeadvantageofmigrating fish,suchas salmon,orlargemammals,suchasreindeer.Iftheactivitiescarriedoutat seasonalsitesdifferedwidely,thenarchaeologistscouldhavetroubletelling whethertheywereseeingtheremainsofthesamegroupordifferentgroups (Thomson ).

MixedDispersalsandMigrations

Dispersalsandmigrationsarenotmutuallyexclusiveofoneanother,butrather endpointsonacontinuum.Bothcanoccursimultaneously.The th-century EnglishPilgrimswhosettledPlymouth,Massachusetts(formerlyWampanoag Patuxet),includedbothmembersofadissidentProtestantreligioussectaswell asindividualnonmembers(“strangers”)travelingtotheNewWorldtoseek theirfortunesthere(BradfordandMorrison  ()).Therefore,in thinkingaboutprehistorichumanpopulationmovements,thisworkdoes notarguewhetheraparticularprehistoricorhistoricpopulationmovement waseitherwhollyadispersaloramigration(acategoricaldistinction).Instead, itevaluateswhethertheevidenceforthemovementsinquestionmoreclosely matchesourexpectationsaboutmigrationsversusdispersals.

QUESTIONSABOUTHUMANEVOLUTION: WHO,HOW,ANDWHY

Asinnovationsin th-to th-centurymaritimetechnologybrought Europeanexplorerstoevermoredistantlands,differentgroupsofpeople gazedatoneanotheracrossbeachesandriversasking, “Whoarethesepeople, andhowdidtheygethere?” AnthropologydevelopedoutofEuropean explorers’ andscholars’ effortsto findscientificanswerstothisquestion (Wolf ;Kuper ).Butthequestionactuallyaskstwoverydifferent things. “Whoquestions” askaboutprehistorichumans’ identities,theirrelationshipstooneanotherandtous. “Howquestions” askaboutprehistoric humans’ activitiesandhowtheysolvedproblems.

“WhoQuestions”

Scientistsrecognized “prehistory,” thetimebeforewrittenrecords,duringthe late thtoearly thcenturies(DanielandRenfrew ).Seekingscientific answerstohistoricallinguists’ andhistorians’ questionsabouttheoriginsof livinghumangroups, th-andearly th-centurypaleoanthropologists thoughtandwroteaboutprehistorichumanpopulationmovementsas migrations,andasaresult,theydevotedvastlymoreefforttoanswering “whoquestions” than “howquestions.” Fromthemid-thcenturyonward, archaeologistsandotherscholarspopulateddeep-timeprehistorywith

“cultures,”“ races, ” andstonetool “industries” andmorerecentprehistoric periodswithgroupsdefinedintermsofvariationamongceramicartifacts. Twentieth-centuryprehistorianstreatedthesecultures,races,andindustriesas theequivalentsofethnographic(livinghuman)culturesandraces,andthey wrotemanyjournalpapersandbooksspeculatingabouttheirorigins,migrations,mutualinfluences,andhistoricalrelationstolivinghumans(Sackett ).Historiansofarchaeologycallthisapproachtoprehistory “culture history.” Somearchaeologistsrecognizedsuch “prehistory” wasnotquite history,ashistoriansunderstoodtheir field,norquitescienceasscientists understoodtheirs,buttheseremainedminoritypositions(Taylor ; Binford ).

Signsoftroublewiththisculture-historyapproachappearedduringthe s. Bythatpoint,racewasonitswayoutasaseriousresearchfocusinevolutionary biology(WolpoffandCaspari ).Radiocarbonandothergeophysicaldating methodsdemonstratedthatmanyarchaeologicalindustriesandcultureslastedfar longerandexhibitedfarlessvariationthananyhistoricalhumanculture.

A “culture” thatlasts , yearsormoreessentiallyunchangedisthe opposite ofcultureasanthropologistsdefinetheterm(KroeberandKluckholn ). Second,archaeologistsfoundtracesofthesameculturesspreadoutoverentire continents(Bordes ),farmorewidelythananypreindustrialethnographic culture(ClarkandRiel-Salvatore ).Finally, th-centuryculturalanthropologistsshowedthatlivinghumansmaintaincomplexandmultilayeredsocial identitiesthatweeasilychangeastheneedtodosoarises(Boas ).

Archaeologists’ useofthecultureconceptdeniedthesecomplexsocialidentities toprehistoric Homosapiens andtootherhominins.

Today,thenotionthatonecanmeaningfullydivideprehistorichuman societiesintoanythinglikeactualhumanculturesseemsnomoreplausible thandividinglivinghumansintonamed,meaningfullydifferentgroupsbased onthekindsofpensandpencilsintheirtrashcans(Shea ).Culturehistoricalapproachesto “whoquestions” equatedtrivialdifferencesamong stonetoolsandotherevidencewithevolutionarilyimportantdifferences amongprehistoricpeople.

Archaeologists’ effortstosolvetheseproblemswithculture-historylargely breakuparchaeologicalculturesintocomponentparts.Onecurrentlypopular approachfocusesonreconstructing “operationalchains,” differentstrategies formakingpottery,houses,orstonetools(orfordoinganything,really),and archaeologists’ reconstructionsofthosestrategies.Patternedvariationinthe occurrencesofdifferentoperationalchainsinthearchaeologicalrecordthen guidearchaeologistsinidentifyingprehistoric “communitiesofpractice,” conjecturalgroupsofprehistoricpeoplewhodidthingsthesameway.The

proceduresforrecognizingcommunitiesofpracticedifferfromthoseearlier archaeologistsusedforidentifyingprehistoriccultures,buttheresultsare fundamentallythesame:namedgroupsofprehistorichumansdefinedinterms oftheartifacts.Oldwineinnewbottles.

Contemporary “genetichistory” perspectivesonprehistorypeoplethepast withnamed “haplogroups” (DNAsampleswithsimilaranddistinctivecombinationsofgenes).Somesuchworkstreathaplogroupsasspecifichuman populations(Sykes ;Oppenheimer ;Wells ).Andyetanalysesof ancientDNAprovidenosupportwhatsoeverforthenotionthatgenetically “ pure ” haplogroupseverexisted(Reich ).Therewereno “Haplogroup Mpeople,” merelyhumanpopulationsamongwhomsomehadHaplogroup M’sdistinctivegeneticsignature.

(Therecentadventof “personalgenetics” offersupabrand-newhorror showofanswersto “whoquestions.” Thesetestspromisetoidentifythe percentageofdifferentnamed “ethnicities” thatmakeupone’sgeneticheritage.Theethnicitiesinquestionrangefromentireregions(sub-Saharan Africa),nationsnomorethanafewcenturiesold(Germany),religiousgroups (AshkenaziJews),andsoon.Allthesetestsactuallydoisidentifywhereinthe worldpeoplelivewhoseDNAmostresemblesyours.DNA-basedclaimsof membershipinoneoranothernamedhumanethnicornationalgrouparenot thesamethingsas th-centuryethnology’ s “ pureraces, ” buttheydon’tdiffer fromthemallthatmucheither.)

Asecondsortoferroroccurswhen “molecular” answersto “whoquestions” equatetheinferreddatesofdivergencesamonghaplogroupswith momentouseventsinhumanevolution.Whatevereventsledtothe HaplogroupL-Msplit , yearsagocouldhavebeensomethingthat ancestralhumansdiscussedaroundtheircampfiresforcenturiesafterward. Alternatively,onepersonorfamilymighthavemovedacrossariverbecause somebodyelsesnoredtooloudlyorfailedtosharefoodadequately.When paleoanthropologistsequatehaplogroup/genehistorieswithpopulationhistories,theymakepreciselythesamemistakeculture-historicalarchaeologists made,namely,equatingpotentiallytrivialdifferencesamongtheirobservations withevolutionarilyimportantdifferencesamongprehistoricpeople.Scientists

 Colleaguesandstudentshaveencouragedmetotakea “personalgenetics” testtolearnwhatif anypercentageofNeanderthalDNAlurksinmygenome.Ihavenotdonesoandneverwill. Afterall, findingsuchNeanderthalDNAwouldnot(andshouldnot)changewhatIthink aboutmyselfor(Ihope)whatmycolleaguesthinkaboutme.ADNAtestwouldalmost certainlytrace “geneticheritage” backtotheearlyhumanswholivedinAfrica.Wouldthat makemeAfrican?SupposesuchatestrevealedatraceofNativeAmericanancestry.Should Istartwearing “leathersandfeathers” toworkattheuniversity?Somemightdoso,but Iwouldnot.NofederallyrecognizedNativeAmericantribeornationacceptsDNAtestsas evidenceofmembership.Moreimportantly,IvaluetherespectthatmyactualNative Americanstudentsandcolleagueshaveforme.Tellingly,nopersonalgeneticstestcould revealmyactualAmericanethnicity.

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