Brokerage and Networks in London’s
Global World Kinship, Commerce and Communities through the experience of John Blackwell
David Farr
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For Gemma
11 Lambert Blackwell in Italy: Merchant, Consul and Envoy, 1684–1705
12 Lambert Blackwell in Italy: Representative of the English State at War, 1690–1705
13 Lambert Blackwell, Financier, MP and Landed Elite, 1705–1720
14 Lambert Blackwell and the South Sea Bubble, 1711–1727
Conclusion – the Blackwells: Kinship networks, communities and ownership of the memory of the civil wars
Abbreviations
A&O
Aylmer, State’s Servants
Firth, C.H. and Rait, R.S., (eds.), Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, 1642–1660, (1911)
Alymer, G.E., The State’s Servants. The Civil Service of the English Republic 1649–1660, (1973)
BL British Library
CJ Journals of the House of Commons
CHMS Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society
CSPD Calendar of State Papers Domestic
CTB Calendar of Treasury Books, 1660–1718, 32 vols., (1904–62)
CTP Calendar of Treasury Papers, 1596–1728, 6 vols., (1868–89)
Divitiis, English Merchants
Farr, ‘Blackwell and Cox’
Farr, Haynes
Gentles, NMA
Divitiis, G.P.De, English Merchants in SeventeenthCentury Italy, (1990)
Farr, D., ‘John Blackwell and Daniel Cox: Further Notes on their Activities in Restoration England and British North America’, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, (1999)
Farr, D., Major-General Hezekiah Haynes and the Failure of Oliver Cromwell’s Godly Revolution, 1594–1704, (2020)
Gentles, I., The New Model Army, (1992)
HMC Historical Manuscripts Commission Reports
HMC, Buccleuch Report on the manuscripts of the Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry, 2 vols. (1866–1926)
LJ Journals of the House of Lords
LMA London Metropolitan Archives
MPCP
Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, I, (1838)
NA National Archives
NewDNB
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
x Abbreviations
PWP
Dunn, R.S., Dunn, M.M., Wokeck, M.S., Wiltenburg, J., Hirsch, A.D., and Horle, C.W., (eds.), The Papers of William Penn, 3 vols., (2016)
TSP Birch, T., (ed.), Thurloe State Papers, 7 vols., (1742)
VCH
Villani, ‘consoli’
Victoria County History
Villani, S., ‘I console della nazione inglese a Livorno tr ail 1665 e il 1665 e il 1673: Joseph Kent, Thomas Clutterbuck e Ephraim Skinner’, in Nuovi Studi Livorno, (2004)
Introduction
The three Blackwells that feature most in this text, across three generations from 1594 to 1727, were part of the structured and hierarchical society of early modern England in which it was typical for many of the next generation of sons, particular the elder son, to continue in the same trade, profession or calling as their fathers. There was an embedded limited fluidity across the class structures that came from this. Thomas has written that ‘an individual’s ends in life were predetermined by his or her own position in the overall scheme’, but that ‘in the middling ranks there was more scope for personal choice, but options were normally restricted by parents’ resources and their network of acquaintances’.1 For Wrightson early modern society had a ‘high degree of stratification’ but with opportunities for social mobility.2 There were those that broke away from the place, role or employment assigned to them in a ‘highly stratified society’, a structure still linked to the concept of the great chain of being.3 This mobility could come from younger sons who had to make their own way more, those who refused to accept the role imposed on them by their fathers, or society, as well as women who refused to accept the gender restrictions of a patriarchal society that others wanted to impose on them as yet another level of stratification they faced. For example, Bridget Bendish, daughter of the New Model general and theorist Henry Ireton, managed a saltpan and refinery in East Anglia in the Restoration period and challenged to a duel a man who insulted her grandfather, Oliver Cromwell.4 There are other examples, of either gender, of those who broke out of the roles or places assigned to them, many, of course, especially from the lower end of society, who have left no trace of the families they came from or how they forged their own identity in the early modern world. Others also broke out of their seemingly pre-determined place in society by simply being more economically successful in the roles they took on. Sometimes this could come from these roles developing over time and thereby giving more opportunities for those of later generations. The London merchant world of the Blackwells in particular, with its ‘semi-independent ladders of rank’, increasingly offered most scope across the century for social mobility.5 The Blackwells, the centre of this study, are examples of how each generation, while fundamentally linked to the previous one as kin and in their similar focus on commerce, finance, administration and brokerage, developed their own identity by seeking to take advantage of the social mobility and the new opportunities opened
up by the changing world around them, whether as a result of civil war and the revolution or from London’s developing economy and place in the world after the Glorious Revolution.6
The years 1594 to 1727 that are the canvas for this study witnessed increasing levels of urban development, particularly the continued expansion of London, and with this came the further growth of professions, commerce and the merchant class. Other structural changes to the economy also brought about the greater emergence of the professions.7 As England competed with the Dutch and the French after 1660, there was a necessary development of administration. London merchants also sought to exploit the increasing trade with the rest of the world which was linked to England’s emergence as a global power, accelerated by war after 1688. War and trade demanded more services from doctors and lawyers, but also financiers. The Blackwells, as commercial opportunists, were very much part of this changing world and changing London. Lambert Blackwell, based in Italy in the 1690s, was part of the city of London’s use of merchants in residence to shape the economies of the cities of northern Italy.8 The more rapid accumulation of wealth that Lambert Blackwell was able to achieve, compared to his father and grandfather, was based on the greater economic opportunities opened up after 1688 as a result of the financial revolution. The different ways each of the three Blackwells considered in this text interacted with the state help illustrate these developments across the century.
John Blackwell the elder (1594–1658) was a London merchant who secured the potentially profitable position of Grocer to Charles I in the late 1620s.9 With the collapse of Charles’ authority Blackwell was left being owed substantial sums by the Crown, yet he still contributed significant sums to the parliamentary cause and invested as an Irish Adventurer with his son. Blackwell’s open and early allegiance to the struggle against Charles I was rooted in his and his wife’s Puritanism. The strength of his belief can be seen in his leading involvement as a ‘parish zealot’ in iconoclasm in 1641.10
John Blackwell the younger (1624–1701), the centre of this study, eldest son of John Blackwell, was also a Londoner who, following the lead given to him by both of his parents, was a Puritan who immediately joined the parliamentarian forces as an 18-year-old in 1642, after probably having already entered the merchant world of the capital with his father. Blackwell, having proved himself on the battlefield and religiously, was appointed by Cromwell as one of his own regimental captains. From his role as a soldier, as with his father, Blackwell also took on work in the administration of the state that developed to fight these wars and then maintain the victorious New Model through the 1650s. The civil war redirected Blackwell from a full return to the London merchant world, but being based predominantly in the capital from 1646, and rooted in finance work meant he and his father remained linked to London’s commercial and financial communities. He became a much more central figure in the Interregnum state than his father, but like his father, he also used his links and knowledge of the London merchant community. He also sought to take advantage of the broader opportunities opened up by the defeat of Charles I. With his father he became heavily involved
3 in the Crown and church land markets, especially exploiting opportunities in Ireland, based on Parliament’s dispossession of the native Catholic population, but he developed his investments much further than his father. Blackwell’s Puritanism and the shared experience of the New Model, combined with his central position in London in the financial administration of the Interregnum states, saw him used as a broker by fellow New Model officers but also led to kinship bonds being formed with comrades such as Hezekiah Haynes, John Okey and John Lambert. After 1660, with the re-imposition of monarchy, Blackwell settled in Dublin but then looked further afield to new opportunities in America, travelling and living there after 1684, first in Massachusetts and then from 1688 as William Penn’s governor of Pennsylvania.
When Blackwell returned to London in 1691 one of his sons, Lambert Blackwell (d.1727), had started to create his own roots in the London merchant community. Lambert Blackwell, like his father, also had connections with those looking for opportunities in New England but also sought to benefit from London’s changing place in the world after 1688. He lived in Italy, from at least 1684 to 1705 as a representative of merchant interests, probably initially for his older stepbrother, another John Blackwell who was already established as a London merchant, and then as a representative of William III and Queen Anne. From his work in Italy Lambert Blackwell secured a seat as a Whig in Parliament in 1708 and became a financier of the state, working with both Whigs and Tories, centred in the rapidly developing financial world of London over the next 12 years. Lambert Blackwell, son of the man who faced possible execution at the Restoration in 1660 for service to the Interregnum states, grandson to John Lambert, the general who made Cromwell Protector in 1653 and in 1660 staged an attempted republican rising to prevent the return of Charles II, was created a baronet by George I in 1718.
The three generations of Blackwells were all rooted in the merchant and financial communities of London, but the developing state from the revolutions of 1649 and 1688 saw them focus as brokers acting on the behalf of others and to the advantage of themselves with regard to the opportunities opened up by political and economic change driven by war. They were linked together as kin but also worked together, Blackwell the elder with his son and then Blackwell in turn with his sons, John and Lambert Blackwell. While they all developed their roles in different ways as London, the world and opportunities changed around them, they can all be seen as brokers in entwined commercial communities of merchants, entrepreneurs and kin. Bremer, when considering the networks of the Mathers of New England, with whom the younger Blackwell was connected, outlined the importance of brokers, and this definition can be seen as applicable to the Blackwells, especially the younger Blackwell in his activities in England, Ireland and New England across the years 1642 to 1701 with kin and New Model comrades.
Within most such groups there are clusters of individuals united by more intense familiarity and feelings. Individuals belonging to more than one such cluster serve the important function of brokers in holding the various clusters together, for they insure a flow of information and support between clusters.11
As kin and investors in land and business another continuing thread through the lives of all three Blackwells were the consequences of some of the transactions they made for the next generation. When marriages were predominantly financial agreements for those with some property this thread can be seen for the Blackwells in the consequences of the elder Blackwell’s second marriage into the Smithsby family in 1642. This led to, and was reinforced by, the younger Blackwell also marrying into the Smithsby family in 1647. These marriages also provided a kinship link to Cromwell which the Blackwells could exploit, especially in the 1650s, but also various financial obligations that they had to deal with into the 1670s. In turn the younger Blackwell’s second marriage, in the early 1670s to Frances Lambert, daughter of John Lambert who had established Cromwell as Protector, brought him into another network and a range of new economic opportunities and problems. The economic management of these links, investment in Ireland, as well as the political actions of his father and grandfather, continued to be something Lambert Blackwell had to manage into the 18th century. The other element that bound the three generations together came from the longevity of the younger Blackwell. By being part of the London merchant world before entering Parliament’s service at 18 he was alongside his father, religiously, politically and financially, working together for two decades until his father’s death in 1658. However, because he had the good fortune to live a long and active life, the younger Blackwell was still involved in a range of financial interests in the l680s and 1690s, before he eventually died in 1701. As a result, one of his sons, Lambert Blackwell, can also be seen linked to some of these concerns with his father, particularly interests in Ireland and New England or his father’s business relationships, while developing his own path from the late 1680s. In the 1690s Lambert Blackwell had to take on issues that his father had been trying to manage with his own father since the 1650s in trying to secure the family’s economic interests. In the 1690s there is also evidence that another of Blackwell’s sons, probably his eldest son from his first marriage, also called John Blackwell, again a London merchant, was working with his father and his stepbrother, Lambert Blackwell, as well as his own sons, John and Thomas Blackwell, when they were merchants based in Livorno at the same time as their uncle, Lambert Blackwell.12
The three Blackwells, the elder, the younger and Lambert Blackwell, were remarkably successful in managing their interests across a tumultuous century of wars and revolutions. While there were serious financial and political issues for all three at various times, in the context of most of the population, they lived comfortable lives due to their strong economic position. The elder Blackwell managed being a creditor of the Crown to move into parliamentary service. The younger Blackwell, having been a central figure in the Interregnum states, managed to survive the re-imposition of monarchy in 1660 to prosper and continue to be a broker in various financial and political enterprises to the 1690s. Despite being barred at the Restoration from ever holding public office again he was possibly offered posts by both Charles II and James II in Ireland and was appointed governor of Pennsylvania by Penn and consulted by the administration of William III on affairs in New England. His son, Lambert Blackwell, amassed a considerable
5 fortune, a political career and the outward trappings of the life of the wealthy elite, a house in London and a country estate in Norfolk. While he lost much of this through his directorship of the South Sea Company it would be too much to say that the South Sea Bubble in 1720 ruined Lambert Blackwell. When he died in 1727 he could still list property and wealth that most of the population could only dream of, and his son was able to inherit from him a title and an estate.
A study of the three Blackwells over the period 1594 to 1727 shows the functioning of kin and networking, with the importance of women in managing this, as well as how such networks were linked and developed by commercial interests and religious and political radicalism. The experience of John Blackwell (1624–1701) also illustrates communities of civil war radicals after the Restoration and their willingness to own their past, especially after the Glorious Revolution. The lives of the three Blackwells show that the limitations for individuals resulting from the structured early modern society could be traversed by those with the skills and determination to make their way in the merchant and political communities of the Atlantic and Mediterranean worlds, taking advantage of the development of a fiscal-military state centred in London amid the transformative impact of the wars and revolutions of these years as London became a global metropolis.13
Part 1 of the text focuses on the years 1594 to 1660, when the elder Blackwell emerges in the records of the London merchant community and his son John Blackwell became a significant figure in Cromwell’s state. Chapter 1 considers the development of the elder Blackwell’s economic, religious and political interests. By the late 1620s the elder Blackwell had secured the potentially profitable position of Grocer to Charles I.14 The elder Blackwell and his wife were part of a network of Puritans in London, his own radicalism appeared to develop in the 1630s as a reaction to Charles I’s imposition of Laudianism.15 In 1641 the elder Blackwell led his fellow parishioners in destroying the symbols of Charles’ religious authority in the London church of St Thomas the Apostle. Chapter 1 therefore sets the younger Blackwell in the context of the wealth and Puritanism of his parents. From this the 18-year-old Blackwell joined the parliamentary war effort with his father in 1642. Chapter 2 outlines the younger Blackwell’s significant active involvement in the first civil war of 1642 to 1646. While his father increasingly contributed to the parliamentary cause through finance and administration, the younger Blackwell was involved in a number of battles and after having fought at Naseby was appointed by Cromwell as a captain in his own regiment. This link to Cromwell was strengthened by a kinship bond that both the elder and younger Blackwell established through their marriages into the Smithsby family. As the New Model became politicised and led the English Revolution the younger Blackwell was involved in this process, outlined in Chapter 3. Both Blackwells, while not commissioners at the trial of Charles I, took action linking them to supporting the trial that associated them publicly with the act of regicide and subsequent republic. This was to be used against the younger Blackwell after
1660. Chapters 1 to 3 therefore establish that this Blackwell was more than an administrator. His role as a servant of the state for 15 years, from 1645 to 1660, was rooted in his merchant background, his Puritanism and his experience of war as part of parliament’s armies. As outlined in Chapter 4 the younger Blackwell and his father became established in the administration of the developing state that allowed both to take financial advantage of their loyalty to the parliamentary cause. Both invested heavily in the land market that parliament developed from defeating Charles I and the dispossessed Irish to help them fund the war and the New Model, and this is considered in Chapter 5. It was in the period 1649 to 1660, outlined across Chapter 4, that the younger Blackwell came in to his own through his central role in the administration of the Interregnum states as a treasurer to the New Model, as the army became a state within the state. In such a state, and through his position in the New Model, Blackwell had a political role. He was linked with the officers that removed the Nominated Assembly and established the Protectorate, and this more overt military regime enhanced Blackwell’s role. In 1656 Blackwell became an MP in Cromwell’s Second Protectorate Parliament before emerging in the leading political grouping of officers based at Wallingford House that sought to maintain the Good Old Cause after Cromwell’s death in 1658. Blackwell’s role in the finances of the state, outlined in Chapter 4, was also the root of why he was sought out after 1660 as a financial expert, whether by kin, ex-comrades or the Massachusetts and Pennsylvania elite, as well as the administration of William III.
Part 2 focuses on the years from the Restoration to the early years of the reign of William and Mary after the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Chapter 6 outlines how the younger Blackwell survived the re-imposition of monarchy and retreated out of London to live in North Wales and settle in Dublin, partly to remove himself from Restoration persecution but also in an attempt to protect the Irish estate that he and his father had spent so much time, money and effort to secure since 1642. Chapter 7 centres on how the younger Blackwell acted as broker in the development of various kinship networks from the 1640s to the 1680s. These show him bound with prominent figures in the Interregnum world, the Major-Generals John Lambert and Hezekiah Haynes and the republican regicide Colonel John Okey, connections that continued after 1660 despite the various forms of Restoration persecution that they all suffered. The record of Blackwell’s interaction with these figures shows him as an active broker trusted by comrades from the civil wars with the management of their personal affairs but denounced by others for what they regarded as his manipulation for his own advantage. The establishment of a kin link and his work with Lambert since the 1650s seems to have given Blackwell a fresh impetus to explore new opportunities after 1670. Blackwell’s brokerage also reinforces the examples of the importance of women, from his mother to his second wife and second mother-in-law, in facilitating the functioning and development of kin networks, whether in the context of religion, finance or politics. Blackwell, after his second marriage, while continuing to be based in Dublin, also re-entered the London financial world, developing banking schemes and working with one of his sons, another John, who was a London merchant. Chapters 8 and 9
focus on Blackwell’s time in America, in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. It was from some of his kin management outlined in Chapter 7, but also his record as a broker and financial administrator in the 1650s, that Blackwell left Dublin and London and became heavily involved in land transactions in New England, again much of which was linked to his kin, and accepted by the Puritan elite of Massachusetts as a financial expert. It was also partly from his kin links that Blackwell was appointed by William Penn, the leading Quaker of the day, as his governor of Pennsylvania in 1688. Blackwell, in both Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, used his background in finance and in banking schemes of the 1680s to be a central figure in attempts by some of the Massachusetts elite to establish a bank but also explore opportunities in an open land market. Though he was a political success in his short time in Massachusetts, the problems Penn presented Blackwell with in Pennsylvania proved beyond his skills as a broker.
Part 3 of the text covers the period from Blackwell’s return to London in 1691 to the death of his son, Lambert Blackwell, in 1727. Chapter 10 initially considers Blackwell, consulted by the administration of William III, offering ideas in print on how to finance the Nine Years War, still pursuing his interests in Ireland before handing this task formally over to his son Lambert Blackwell in 1696. Chapter 11 focuses on the emergence of Lambert Blackwell as a merchant, financier and representative in Italy of the English state. Like his father Lambert Blackwell looked beyond London and became focused on the trading world of the Mediterranean. While his older stepbrother John developed his merchant interests in London, Lambert Blackwell developed his in the Italian free port of Livorno, initially linked to his stepbrother’s interest there. From this he secured a political role as consul. The commercial links Lambert Blackwell made saw him contract a profitable marriage with the daughter of a London business associate, and through such connections Chapter 11 considers his role as the representative of William III and Queen Anne with the Italian states of Genoa, Florence and Venice, still the key trading and financial cities of Italy. As part of this role Chapter 12 illustrates elements of naval war in the period, merchant shipping, piracy and how consuls tried to represent England abroad in the context of the Nine Years War, the War of the Spanish Succession and relations with the states of North Africa as well as the ongoing conflict between the Ottoman Empire and Venice. Chapter 13 considers Lambert Blackwell’s return to London and, like his father, his selection as an MP. With his links to the London and Italian merchant communities Lambert Blackwell acted as a financier for the state through contacts in Genoa and from that became one of the directors of the South Sea Company, designed as part of the state’s finances as well as a financial scheme to enrich its leading figures. While this may have mirrored his grandfather’s willingness to fund the parliamentary war effort the scale and the nature of Lambert Blackwell’s role reflected the changed nature of the state by the end of the 17th century and London’s emergence as a global capital. Lambert Blackwell’s success was reflected in the grandeur of his London townhouse and his development of a landed estate in Norfolk. Chapter 14 outlines the impact on Lambert Blackwell of the bursting of the South Sea Bubble, arguably part of the first global economic crash. Brought before Parliament, Lambert
Blackwell was subjected to confiscation of significant elements of his Norfolk estate, his role as a financier and recent extensive purchases a factor in the willingness of some to pursue his punishment more than against other directors more rooted in the elite. Despite this, such had been the wealth Lambert Blackwell had been able to rapidly accumulate, he was able to leave his oldest son not only his title but what was still a significant Norfolk estate.
The Blackwells had links across the worlds of religion, politics, merchants, diplomacy and war during periods of constitutional crisis and commercial expansion. They illustrate the facilitation and functioning of brokerage and networks that embraced London as it developed into a global metropolis, the old world of the Mediterranean and the new world of colonial America across a century of wars and revolutions. The experience of the New Model officer John Blackwell (1624–1701) in particular illustrates the maintenance and utility of revolutionaryera networks of kinship and comradeship from the 1650s in the decades after the Restoration and from him a continuing collective memory of the civil wars by his kin into the 18th century. Thus, over a period of 130 years, the financial and political fortunes of the three Blackwells and others in their family underwent significant fluctuations, buffeted by wars and revolutions, but throughout all of this the drive of the three allowed them to flourish as they adapted to a developing state and a changing London.
Notes
1 K. Thomas, The Ends of Life: Roads to Fulfilment in Early Modern England, (2009), p. 16.
2 K. Wrightson, English Society 1580–1680, (1998), pp. 17, 20, 22, 29, 140, 224.
3 Wrightson, English Society, p. 140.
4 D. Farr, Britain 1625–1701: Conflict, Revolution and Settlement, (2017), p. 50; NewDNB Bridget Bendish by Stuart Handley.
5 P. Gauci, Emporium of the World: The Merchants of London 1660–1800, (2007), p. 130.
6 J. Hoppit, Land of Liberty ? England 1689–1727, (2000), pp. 425–8; Gauci, Emporium of the World, p. 14; N. Zahedieh, The Capital and the Colonies: London and the Atlantic Economy, 1660–1700, (2010), pp. 20–1.
7 Hoppit, Land of Liberty, pp. 4, 8, 55.
8 G.P. De Divitiis, English Merchants in Seventeenth-Century Italy, (1990), p. 185.
9 NA, E115/14/91; E115/443/134; E115/62/144.
10 K. Lindley, Popular Politics and Religion in Civil War London, (1997), pp. 39, 224.
11 F.J. Bremer, ‘Increase Mather’s Friends: The Trans-Atlantic Congregational Network of the Seventeenth Century’, Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 94, (1984), p. 61.
12 NA, C7/154/48; ADM 106/444/152, 184; PWP, p. 280; J. Ingamells, (ed.), A Dictionary of British and Irish Travellers in Italy, 1701–1800, (1997), p. 96; A True and Exact Particular Inventory of All an Singular the Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, Goods, Chattels, Debts, and Personal Estate Whatsoever, Which Sir Lambert Blackwell, Bart. Late One of the Directors of the South Sea Company, Was (According to the Best of His Knowledge, Remembrance, or Belief) Seiz’d, (1721), pp. 4, 5, 10, 12–13, 25, 28, 34; NA, Prob.11/758/375; Prob.11/653/195; Prob.11/752/227; Prob.11/702/382; C11/2573/23.
13 T. Harris, ‘Restoration Ireland – Themes and Problems’, in C.A. Dennehy, (ed.), Restoration Ireland, (2020), p. 3; T. Sasson, J. Vernon, M. Ogborn, P. Satia and C. Hall, ‘Britain and the World: A New Field ?’, Journal of British Studies, 57, (2018), p. 678.
14 NA, E115/14/91; E115/443/134; E115/62/144.
15 R.L. Greaves and R. Zaller, Biographical Dictionary of British Radicals, (1982–4); W.W. Grantham, (ed.), List of the Wardens of the Grocers Company, (1931), p. 27; A.B. Beaven, The Aldermen of the City of London, (1908), I, p. 95, II, pp. 78–9.
