John Fitzgerald Kennedy - A memorial album

JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY – A memorial album –

HIGHLIGHTS OF SPEECHES MADE BY OUR BELOVED PRESIDENT

A memorial album produced and broadcast by Radio WMCA, New York, on Friday November, 22, 1963.

Narrated by Ed Brown; Produced by Martin Plissner and Ed Brown; Roger W.Turner Director of News and Public Affairs; Recorded speech material from the files of Radio Press International.

INDEX

1 – THE OATH OF OFFICE .....................................................................................................................................3 2 – ADDRESS OF SENATOR JOHN F KENNEDY ACCEPTING THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES

(the Catholic issue)........................4

3 – ADDRESS OF SENATOR JOHN F KENNEDY ACCEPTING THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES

(the New Frontier).........................5

4 – SENATOR JOHN F KENNEDY AND VICE PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON JOINT RADIO TELEVISION BROADCAST (The first debate).................................................................................................6 5 – THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS ..........................................................................................................................7 6 – STATEMENT ON THE BERLIN CRISIS........................................................................................................10 7 – STATEMENT ON THE STEEL CRISIS (News conference) ...........................................................................12 8 – STATEMENT ON THE CUBA CRISIS ...........................................................................................................13 9 – RADIO AND TV REPORT TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ON CIVIL RIGHTS ........................................14 10 – RADIO AND TV ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ON THE NUCLEAR TEST BAN TREATY..........................................................................................................................................................19 11 – CONCLUSION................................................................................................................................................20

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1 – THE OATH OF OFFICE, January 20th, 1961 – Washington D.C. Narration : A deep snow was on the ground in Washington, the sun was dazzling as it shone on the steps of the U.S. capital, on January 20th 1961 when Chief Justice Earl Warren administered the Oath of Office to the 35° President of the United States.

W:

“You John Fitzgerald Kennedy do solemnly swear…

K:

“I John Fitzgerald Kennedy do solemnly swear…”

W:

“…that you will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States”

K:

“…that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.”

W:

“…and will to best of your ability…”

K:

“…and will to best of my ability…”

W:

“…preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States…”

K:

“…preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States…”

W:

“…so help you God.”

K:

“…so help me God.”

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2 – ADDRESS OF SENATOR JOHN F KENNEDY ACCEPTING THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES July 15, 1960 – Memorial Coliseum, Los Angeles – The Catholic issue – From the very beginning the most widely discussed feature of Kennedy’s campaign was the fact that he was a Catholic. Only one other Catholic, Al Smith, had ever been nominated for President and Smith had been roundly defeated. Kennedy refused to accept the proposition that a Catholic could not become President, and repeatedly in his campaign he declared… “[…] I hope that no American considering the really critical issues facing this country will waste his franchise and throw away his vote by voting either for me or against me because of my religious affiliation. It is not relevant. I’m saying to you that my decisions on every public policy will be my own as an American, as a democrat and as a free man. […]”

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3 – ADDRESS OF SENATOR JOHN F KENNEDY ACCEPTING THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES July 15, 1960 – Memorial Coliseum, Los Angeles – The new frontier – Narration : Preparing for the Democratic Convention Kennedy entered Presidential Primaries in a third of all the States and was victorious in every single one. Nominated on the first ballot in Los Angeles Kennedy’s acceptance speech set the guiding theme of his national leadership. “[…] We stand today on the edge of a new frontier, the frontier of the 1960s, the frontier of unknown opportunities and perils, the frontier of unfilled hopes and unfilled threats. Woodrow Wilson’s New Freedom promised our nation a new political and economic framework, Franklin Roosevelt’s New deal promised security and succor to those in need, but the new frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises, it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer to the American people but what I intend to ask of them. It appeals to our pride, not our security, it holds out the promise of more sacrifice instead of more security, the new frontier is here, whether we seek it or not, beyond that frontier our uncharted areas of science and space, unsolved problems of peace and war unconquered province of ignorance and prejudice, unanswered questions of poverty and surplus. It would be easier to shrink from that new frontier, to look to the safe mediocrity of the past, to be lulled by good intentions and high rhetoric and those who prefer that course should not vote for me or the Democratic Party.

But I believe that the times require imagination and courage and perseverance I’m asking each of you to be pioneers towards that new frontier, my call is to the young in heart, regardless of age to the starting spirit, regardless of party, to all who respond to the scriptural call “Be strong and of good courage, be not afraid…neither be dismayed”, for courage not complacency is our need today, leadership not salesmanship and the only valid test of leadership is the ability to lead and lead vigorously. […]”

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4 – SENATOR JOHN F KENNEDY AND VICE PRESIDENT RICHARD M NIXON JOINT RADIO-TELEVISION BROADCAST September 26, 1960 – CBS studios, Chicago – The first debate – Narration : Just as anxious to lead vigorously was another member of the same young political generation, the far better known republican candidate for President, Vice President Richard Nixon. Nixon was originally considered a slight favorite in the race but in the summer of 1960 the Eisenhower administration and hence Nixon lost considerable prestige as a result of the U-2 incident and the sudden rise in the cold war tension. The republican administration was also damaged politically by a business recession which Kennedy suggested he could do more about than Nixon. But perhaps the most decisive factor in providing Kennedy with his margin for victory was the development of an altogether new factor in American political campaigns: the broadcast debate. In five debates with Nixon, heard by the biggest radio-tv audiences in history, Kennedy displayed a detailed grasp of national and foreign affairs a personal self confidence and a quick will under fire which gave him a decided advantage as in a touch of football exercises which he in his family later made a part of the Presidential image. Kennedy the campaigner was the very image of the man in motion, summoning a nation in the motion. Said Kennedy in the first of the great debates: “[…] The question before us all, that faces all republicans and all democrats is: can freedom in the next generation conquer or are the communist going to be successful. That’s the great issue and if we meet our responsibility I think freedom we’ll conquer. If we fail, if we fail to move ahead, if we fail to develop sufficient military and economic and social strength here in this country, then I think that then the tide begin to run against us. I don’t want the historians ten years from now to say “These were the years when the tide ran out of the United States”, I want them to say “These were the years when the tide came in”, “These were the years when the United States started to move again”, that’s the question before the American people and only you can decide what you want, what you want this country to be, what you what to do with the future, I think we are ready to move. […]”

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5 – THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS January 20th 1961 – The White House, Washington D.C. Narration : In the latter days of the campaign and extremely active effort by President Eisenhower appeared to have brought fresh light to the Nixon campaign. But on election day the nation chose Kennedy. He was chosen by one of the smallest popular vote margins in history and in the electoral college by the second smallest margin in this century. Nevertheless on January 20th 1961 President Kennedy was inaugurated in an almost universal spirit of national goodwill and high expectations. This was the occasion for perhaps the most inspiring and best remembered of all the speeches of John F Kennedy. Here in its entirety the Inaugural Address: “[…] We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge--and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the

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back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.

But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbours know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sovereign States, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear but let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.

Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavour, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong

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are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet, but let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.

I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavour will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.

With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.�

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6 – PRESIDENT JOHN F KENNEDY STATEMENT ABOUT THE BERLIN CRISIS July 25, 1961 – The White House, Washington D.C. Narration : As he assumed office in 1961 John F. Kennedy made it clear that he hope to arouse the kind of enthusiasm for fresh and dynamic national innovations which it characterized the famous first hundred days of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal. An able, young and imaginative administrative team arrived in Washington with a rebel, young and imaginative President. All came with a great variety of new ideas. But from the very beginning the domestic concerns of the nation were thrust in the background as the new administration was forced to meet an almost endless succession of the fresh emergencies abroad. Shortly after President Kennedy took office he had to make a decision about an invasion of communist Cuba by anti-Castro exiles. The invasion had been under preparation since before he became President. The puzzle of Kennedy’s decision and his execution of it will be discussed by historians for years to come. The vital question after deciding to go ahead at all was whether to give the mere battalion of exiles active support by the air and naval forces of the Unites States itself. Kennedy elected not to permit U.S. air or naval support. The invasion whatever might have entered failed otherwise was thereby doomed. If Cuba in the very first year of the Kennedy administration represented the country already committed in the most frustrating way to communism, other countries still free throughout the world were facing heavy communist pressure. Crisis in Laos and Vietnam, in the Congo and in the narrow waters dividing Red China from the nationalist stronghold of Formosa continually engaged Kennedy’s attention required his continual vigilance and ingenuity but throughout his administration the most hazardous emergencies repeatedly arose in West Berlin confronted in the summer of 1961 when the Russian ultimatum to evacuate the western troops Kennedy flatly refused. In the major address to the nation he called for a great strengthening of the nation’s conventional arm forces in Europe and elsewhere. Said the President: “[…] We face a challenge in Berlin, but there is also a challenge in Southeast Asia, where the borders are less guarded, the enemy harder to find, and the dangers of communism less apparent to those who have so little. […] I hear it said that West Berlin is militarily untenable. And so was Bastogne. And so, in fact, was Stalingrad. Any dangerous spot is tenable if men - brave men - will make it so. […] We seek peace but we shall not surrender […]

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[…] Three times in my life-time our country and Europe have been involved in major wars. In each case serious misjudgments were made on both sides of the intentions of others, which brought about great devastation. Now, in the thermonuclear age, any misjudgment On either side about the intentions of the other could rain more devastation in several hours than has been wrought in all the wars of human history. […] I know that sometimes we get impatient, we wish for some immediate action that would end our perils. But I must tell you that there is no quick and easy solution. The Communists control over a billion people, and they recognize that if we should falter, their success would be imminent. We must look to long days ahead, which if we are courageous and persevering can bring us what we all desire. […] In meeting my responsibilities in these coming months as President, I need your good will, and your support-and above all, your prayers. […]

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7 – STATEMENT ON THE STEEL CRISIS April 11th , 1962 – The White House, Washington D.C. – News conference – Narration : Kennedy’s firm stand on Berlin in the first year of office ended for the remainder of his administration of any major effort by the Soviet Union to force the western powers out of their sector of Berlin. In 1962 however, the communist regime in east Germany succeeded without any effective U.S. opposition in erecting a wall which sealed off West Berlin from the communist sector and became an international symbol of the closed communist society. Early that year Kennedy found time to engage in a domestic struggle through considerable pressure on the Nation Steel Union. The President managed to secure a wage settlement with the major steel companies, which involved an unusually small increase in pay. It was part of the program heard by the president to restrain inflation and had been coupled with a long standing plea by the President to the Steel Companies to keep their prices stable. The ink was hardly dry in the Union contract when the President of the U.S. Steel followed quickly by most other steel executives announced a major price increase. The following day in the News conference the President delivered what is generally regarded as the angriest statement he had ever made in office. “[…] Simultaneous and identical actions of United States Steel and other leading steel corporations increasing steel prices by some $6 a ton constitute a wholly unjustifiable and irresponsible defiance of the public interest. In this serious hour in our Nation's history, at a time when restraint and sacrifice are being asked of every citizen, the American people will find it hard as I do to accept a situation in which a tiny handful of steel executives whose pursuit of private power and profit exceeds their sense of public responsibility can show such utter contempt for the interests of 185 million Americans. […]”

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8 – STATEMENT ON THE CUBA CRISIS October 22, 1962 – The White House, Washington D.C. Narration : Within a week the steel industry responded by rolling back the announced increases.

The President’s action lead to a long period of long tension between the White House and the business community a tension which gradually eased but never quite returned at what it had been before the President of the United States and the President of United States Steel had their restored the confrontation. The fall of 1962 brought the greatest of all the confrontations of the Kennedy administration. In October the President received certain proof that the Soviet Union had established basis for the nuclear missiles in Cuba. Addressing the Nation on this occasion he announced the naval blockade of the island forcing ships carrying Russian arms to Cuba to return and implied strongly that the United States would bomb and if necessary invade Cuba, unless the missiles were withdrawn. This was the somber conclusion of President Kennedy’s address on the Cuban blockade. ”[…] My fellow citizens, let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out. No one could foresee precisely what course it would take or what course or casualties would be incurred. Many months of sacrifice and self discipline lie ahead, months in which both our patience and our will would be tested. Months in which many threats and denunciations would keep us aware about dangers but the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing. The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are – but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose and that’s the path of surrender or submission. Our goal is not a victory of might but the vindication of right. Not peace as the expense for freedom but both peace and freedom here in this hemisphere and we hope around the world, God willing, that goal will be achieved. […]”

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9 – RADIO AND TV REPORT TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ON CIVIL RIGHTS June 11th , 1963 – The White House, Washington D.C. Narration : After a great deal of confusion in Moscow and of equally obvious resentment in Havana, the Soviet Union finally complied with the major part of President Kennedy’s demand.

Surprisingly perhaps the Soviet-American showdown over Cuba lead to a period of relatively rerelaxed tension in the cold war. In 1963 was the first year in which domestic events suddenly took priority in the minds of most Americans and President Kennedy, their national leader. In Birmingham, Alabama, Negroes aroused to unprecedented peak by a century of racial discrimination. Began a series of demonstrations against the local and State governments. The situation quickly reached riot proportions as the governance of Birmingham and Alabama tried to quell the demonstrations with force. The year before Mr. Kennedy, like President Eisenhower had acted vigorously in a civil rights crisis by sending first federal marshals and finally federal troops to Oxford, Mississippi. To insure the admission of a Negro student to the hitherto all white campus of the University of Mississippi. As the campaign for the civil rights of Negro Americans reached national proportions the President again used federal troops to force the integration of the university of Alabama. This was the occasion for perhaps his most important speech in office. A speech solemnly committing all the energies of the national government to the eradication of racial barriers in education, housing, jobs and public places. It was the occasion too for the President to propose the strongest civil rights measure considered by Congress in nearly a century. Here in its entirety is that speech by President Kennedy. “ [Good evening my fellow citizens: This afternoon]… following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way. I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on

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the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened. Today we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to VietNam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It ought to be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It ought to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it ought to be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It ought to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much. This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution. The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated.

If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay? One

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hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free. We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes? Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them.

The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and as a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right as well as reality. Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases, the executive branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street. I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public--hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments.

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This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last 2 weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities.

But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts. I am also asking Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily.

Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow. Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision 9 years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment. Other features will also be requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country.

In this respect I want to pay tribute to those citizens North and South who have been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of a sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage. My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all--in every city of the North as well as the South. Today there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States. This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents.

We cannot say to 10 percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children

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cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go into the streets and demonstrate.

I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that. Therefore, I am asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents. As I have said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or an equal motivation, but they should have an equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves. We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century. This is what we are talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all of our citizens.�

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10 – RADIO AND TV ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ON THE NUCLEAR TEST BAN TREATY July 26, 1963 – The White House, Washington D.C. Narration : As the Kennedy administration was drawing so unwillingly to its close in the early fall of 1963 the civil rights crisis remained unresolved. But surprisingly it was in the cold war that the last days of President Kennedy brought one of the most memorable achievements. A treaty, signed by the Soviet Union and most of the nations of the world to end the testing of nuclear weapons in the atmosphere. By this time both countries of course had more than enough of such weapons to annihilate each other. But the reduction of the nuclear pollution of the atmosphere and the symbol which the treaty represented a future pathway to peace made the address of the President Kennedy in this occasion a message of hope. “[…] Now for the first time in many years the path of peace may be opened. No one can be certain what the future will bring no one can say whether the time has come for an easing of the struggle. But history and our own conscience will judge us harsher if we do not now make every effort to test our hopes by action and this is the place to begin. According to the ancient Chinese proverb: “A journey of a thousand miles must begin with a single step”. My fellow Americans, let us take that first step. Let us, if we can, step back from the shadows of war and seek out the way of peace and if that journey is a thousand miles or even more, let history record that we, in this land, at this time took the first step. […]”

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11 – CONCLUSION Narration : Let us take the first step. Perhaps the most fitting epitaph for an administration and a President which imagined and planned far new departures for American life, the national policy than they would ever have the opportunity to undertake and in those in which the first step was in fact taken. The first step towards nuclear disarmament, the first great steps toward genuine equality for all Americans in our national life. The first step along so many broad avenues of this national destiny. The second, the third and the final steps would have to be left to other leaders and to the American people themselves. For November 22nd 1963 John F Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Texas by an assassin whose motives may forever remain uncertain.

As a leader of Americans his career ended on that day but in the gallery of great leaders whose vision, eloquence and inspiring examples shaped the minds and imaginations of the American people his career had only begun. In his inaugural address John F Kennedy delivered his best remembered injunction to the American people. “…my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country…”

For his country John F Kennedy, on November 22nd 1963, gave his life.

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