CorD Magazine No.24

Branko Lukovac

Goran Ĺ aravanja

Ana Blagojevic

Heading to Europe

Robust Growth

Balkan Made February 2006

interviews opinions news comments events www.cordmagazine.com

Issue No.24

HEART OF GLASS, WILL OF STONE

interviews | opinions | news | comments | events February 2006

Director: Ana Novčić Isaković a.novcic@cma.co.yu Editor in Chief: Tanja Jakobi t.jakobi@cma.co.yu

08 UNWILLING SOVEREIGNTY Legal experts say the Serbian Parliament should declare Serbia an independent state if Montenegro gains independent sovereignty after the upcoming referendum

Art Director: Milena Matović m.matovic@cma.co.yu Deputy Art Editor Illustrations: Marija Popović m.popovic@cma.co.yu Production Manager: Zlatko Popović, z.popovic@cma.co.yu Photo: Stanislav Milojković, Jelena Mandić, FoNet, Tanjug and Beta Translators: Miloš Milosavljević, Dejan Zubac, Dušan Jelić, Milica Kuburu-Jovanović, Marija Petrović Subscription: Tanja Bogdanović t.bogdanovic@cma.co.yu General Manager: Ivan Novčić i.novcic@cma.co.yu Project Manager: Anica Divac, a.divac@cma.co.yu Sales Manager: Gordan Žakula g.zakula@cma.co.yu

Rasim Ljajić, SCG Minister for Human Rights and Ethnic Minorities

Deputy Editor: Mark Pullen m.pullen@cma.co.yu

18 SERBIA HELD HOSTAGE When Ratko Mladić was available for us to arrest him we had to back down, but now that we can arrest him he is out of sight, says Rasim Ljajić speaking to CorD magazine. Issues in South Serbia will be dealt with by the democratic institutions of the state and not in parallel with negotiations over the future status of Kosovo

WE'LL RESOLVE MOBTEL

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Before determining the strategy for the privatisation of the telecommunications sector and offering Mobtel for sale through tender procedure, the Serbian Government will wait for the upcoming appointment of an independent telecommunications advisor

Predrag Bubalo, Serbian Economy Minister

www.cordmagazine.com

Office Manager: Ivana Petković i.petkovic@cma.co.yu Printing: Politika AD CorD is published by CMA (Consulting & Marketing Agency), Kneginje Zorke 11a, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia & Montenegro.Phone: +(381 11) 30 87 335, 30 87 066, 244 72 70 Facsimile: +(381 11) 2456 564 E-mail: cordeditorial@cma.co.yu ISSN no.: 1451-7833 All rights reserved © CMA 2004/2005

44 SERBIA ON HOLIDAY Between mid-December and late January, productivity in Serbia grounds almost to a complete halt as the nation celebrates Orthodox Christmas, two New Years and a host of Slava (Saint's Day) family festivals

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H.E. Christos Panagopoulos, Ambassador of the Hellenic Republic in Belgrade

contents

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FIGHTING FOR 'TEAM SEE'

Greece is championing the accessions of its neighbours in order to create 'Team Balkania' within the EU

BROADCASTING ENDURANCE From the dizzying heights of State and mainstream private television, to the lowly depths of local TV companies broadcasting wedding ceremonies and SMS chat sessions, Serbia remains the media nation it was dubbed in the 1990s.

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‘HAI’ DIPLOMACY

Last month’s staging of the Korean Ambassador’s Taekwondo Cup in Belgrade on Serbian New Year’s Day served to show that martial arts and international diplomacy can be successfully combined in a single sporting event.

However, a permanent reminder of this fact is provided every day by Belgrade’s very own Karate Club Diplomatic.

EUROPEAN SPIRIT

58 With some patience and the right information, it is possible to get hold of domestic artists' masterpieces of European and historic value

SKI, WALK, BREATHE

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This month you will find details of winter sports destinations that offer fun for all the family with their child-friendly slopes, as well as visit plans for Serbia's lesser-known, beautiful lakes and historic monuments

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Comment

Economy of Freedom

Media companies that are financially secure can resist pressure coming from the government and powerful sponsors with low tolerance.

Financial power is the prerequisite for any kind of emancipation, while poverty is the key factor of immunity

ndependent media in Serbia, created and propped up by independent journalists, were enthusiastic followers of the DOS coalition during their decade-long struggle to topple Milošević, during which time they Jugoslav Čosić, made sure the word of the opposition Author and host of reached the people, despite recurring TV B92's talk-show onslaughts of tyrannical pressure. Their own 'Poligraf' interests were in play as well, of course. The price was steep and was paid for in many ways. It is generally awkward, however, that the authorities should seek an alliance with the media after the dictatorship has been removed, especially in a face-off between two factions of the victorious camp. The only natural alliance in these new circumstances is one between the media and the citizens. But has DOS come to grasp this reality? No".

The passage above is a quote from a Jugoslav Ćosić article published in the 'Dossier', a regular NUNS publication, in December 2001.

Not much has changed since then, it appears. The biggest change for journalists and the media happened in Criminal Law, which has been amended to exclude prison sentences on charges of defamation.

Other laws have either not been passed at all or have fallen short of implementation.

The Broadcasting Law has been amended to the detriment of citizens and media freedom. The mandates of those members of the Broadcasting Council who are delegated by the government has been extended to last six years, while delegates representing professional associations will spend considerably less time in office. The deadline for privatising media has been extended, a tender for distributing broadcasting frequencies is nowhere in sight and state-owned television has yet to be transformed into a public broadcasting service (PBS).

The law prescribed transformation before subscription fees for the PBS, but in practice steps were taken to affect the reverse, hence the public has started to pay mandatory subscription to the PBS alongside their electricity bills, while the process of transformation will drag on in the year ahead. The extended deadline for media privatisation has left the door open for various inducements, because political support will come in handy during the transfer of ownership.

The frequent abuse of broadcasting frequencies has shown that regulatory bodies do not possess the strength or will to uphold order in this realm. No one is there to explain or coerce the owners of television and

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radio stations into accepting the difference between print and electronic media, between broadcasting equipment and facilities on the one hand and broadcasting frequencies on the other. In democratic countries, the standard has been to limit the range of media outlets that may be owned by a political party to newspapers, cable television and radio stations, and to sanction any abuse of public frequencies by revoking broadcasting licenses.

The key to fundamental changes in this sphere is an economic upsurge of the media and the social status of the journalist. Only those media that are financially secure can resist pressure coming from the government and powerful sponsors with low tolerance. Financial power is the prerequisite for any kind of emancipation, while poverty is the key factor of immunity.

A survey of journalist status, commissioned by the Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia (NUNS), showed that one third lacked social and health insur-

Five years ago, the media crossed the threshold that delineates the basic assumptions of freedom from tyranny, but this was only the first heave on their tiring climb from rock-bottom. Although there has been some progress since then, their development has essentially ground to a halt and the media are currently stagnating in a state of limbo ance, 52 per cent would not like their child to take up their profession and 45 per cent believe that political pressure on the editorial policy of their outlet is the main factor of limitation on their work.

The larger cities offer more options to disgruntled journalists, but the rule for provincial media, stuck in the bogs far away from big-city lights, is that there is no alternative.

This is also the answer to the question of how there are hundreds of media still afloat in the small pond that is the Serbian market - on cheap labour. Even in Belgrade, the employees of a certain TV station continue to work for an employer who has not paid them a penny in 18 months.

Five years ago, the media crossed the threshold that delineates the basic assumptions of freedom from tyranny, but this was only the first heave on their tiring climb from rock-bottom. Although there has been some progress since then, their development has essentially ground to a halt and the media are currently stagnating in a state of limbo.•

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Graffiti outlives a Nation: “Good night, Yugoslavia” – graffiti on a house in Kolasina, Montenegro, pictured in 2005

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Unwilling More Pace Sovereignty

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Legal experts say the Serbian Parliament should declare Serbia an independent state if Montenegro gains independent sovereignty after the upcoming referendum. Officials of smaller parties on the political scene mostly agree that Montenegrin independence would compel Serbia to start dealing with its own problems and shift into higher gear in the process of Euro-integration. The Serbian leadership, however, remains silent

By Vojislava Vignjević, Photo Stanislav Milojković

he moratorium on the staging of Montenegro's independence referendum runs out on 5th February 2006, according to the State Union Constitutional Charter. The lesser of the two republics will most certainly take advantage of this right that even the European Union has ceased to call into question.

Montenegrin Prime Minister Filip Vujanović has scheduled a Parliamentary session for 7th February that will set the referendum date and the exact wording of the

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plebiscitary question, hence showing that the European Union has wasted precious time in attempting, and failing, to create a functional state from the loose federation of the state union of Serbia & Montenegro.

The Montenegrin Government and opposition were set for a referendum back in 2001, but the EU checked the independence drive in fear of giving positive signals for Kosovo independence and destabilising a delicate political situation in the wake of Milošević's fall from power.

Thence the governments of the two republics signed the Belgrade Agreement under the mediation of its chief architect, EU high representative Javier Solana, and founded

Politics the State Union of Serbia & Montenegro. In the meantime, the political elements that pushed Brussels into stopping Montenegro taking further steps towards independence have lost any strength: the forming of a state union between the two republics has not shaken the resolve of Kosovo Albanians to gain independence, nor did the idea of sovereignty lose any appeal among the Montenegrin citizenship. On the contrary, support for independence is growing in Montenegro, although the society remains deeply divided on this issue.

Some high officials of the European Union have voiced their disapproval over the idea of an independence referendum. The Montenegrin government refused to comply, after which Brussels started a new campaign that aimed to amend the national Referendum Law and introduce stricter regulations for staging the plebiscite.

Counting on a like-minded opinion of the Venetian Commission, Javier Solana insisted the Montenegrin authorities respect the recommendations of this body.

The Commission, however, concluded that the Montenegrin law was in line with European standards, which has consequently resulted in the opinion that Montenegro should hold a referendum to prevail in the European Union, so now there is nothing left in the way of remaining procedures for setting up and carrying out the plebiscite.

When it became clear that the Montenegrin Government and parliamentary majority were not only adamant that the referendum be held, but also determined

According to the Constitutional Charter, Serbia is the successor of international rights and membership in international organisations in the event that Montenegro becomes a sovereign state to hold the plebiscite by the end of April 2006, Brussels immediately offered to initiate negotiations between the authorities and the opposition in the republic. EU high representative Javier Solana delegated Miroslav Lajčak, a Slovakian diplomat, to co-ordinate this task. Montenegrin President Filip Vujanović insisted he would schedule the referendum even if the opposition opts to boycott it.

Two coalitions were formed in Montenegro early last year - one for an independent Montenegro, the Movement for a European Montenegro - led by movement co-ordinator Branko Lukovac (former SCG Ambassador to Rome) and another - the Movement for a Common State, advocating union with Serbia. Although the latter was legitimate in demands to preserve the union, the movement had a double handicap: it had a national prefix in the form of the pro-Serbian opposition parties in Montenegro that actually comprised it; it was being supported by officials in Belgrade and the Serbian Orthodox Church.

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica received the leaders of the Movement for a Common State, though - according to Montenegrin accussers - he did so in his capacity as Serbian PM, not as president of the Democratic Party of Serbia. Thus, Podgorica claims, Koštunica has placed himself at the helm of the the movement opposing the republic’s independence, from the position of the President of the Serbian Government., but as the Serbian Prime Minister, by which, [according to the Montenegrin accusations] he has put himself at the helm of the movement against Montenegrin independence, in the capacity of Prime Minister.

Slobodan Samardžić, Advisor to PM Koštunica The Serbian Orthodox Church took part in establishing the Council of National Assemblies, a member of the Movement. The Council was also established in Belgrade and headed by Ljubomir Tadić, father of Serbian President Boris Tadić and co-author of the nationalist Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences (SANU). The largest opposition party in Montenegro, the Socialist People's Party (SNP), was not a formal member of the Movement for a Common State, but individuals from their leadership and other followers were active supporters.

This party-structured organisation advocates a centralised state with Serbia, due to "historic, cultural and security" reasons. The Movement for a Common State highlights Serbian nationhood and ignores the existence of the Montenegrin nation. The movement is most active in underdeveloped regions in northern Montenegro.

There are several issues, which are contested by Belgrade. The first one is the question of qualified majority for plebiscitary decisions. Serbian President Tadić has said on several occasions that the plebiscitary decision should reflect the will of the absolute majority in Montenegro. He was echoed by Prime Minister Koštunica, who said that when a part of a country was opting for independence, a simple majority was not enough and more than 50 per cent of the voting body was needed for a positive decision.

The Montenegrin opposition has been parroting these standpoints in the hope that EU representative Miroslav Lajčak will consider them during his talks with experts from the Council of Europe and the OSCE. ViceSecretary of the Venetian Commission, Thomas Markert, who will participate in these talks, has refuted such claims, saying "it is not our job to specify a required majority. We are going to assess the situation and see what can be done, but we shall not give advice on the

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Politics majority required for a positive decision, this is a matter that the parties with direct interests in the process will have to resolve".

According to the Constitutional Charter, Serbia is the successor of international rights and membership in international organisations in the event that Montenegro becomes a sovereign state. The authorities in Serbia are avoiding a debate on the issue at this point, however. Legal experts assert that the Serbian Parliament should declare Serbia an independent state if Montenegro gains independence after the plebiscite.

Representatives of smaller parties in Serbia are willing to debate the issue. They mostly agree that Montenegrin independence would compel Serbia to start dealing with its own problems and shift into higher gear in the process of Euro-integration.

Jovanović: A common state is the last refuge for a totalitarian concept that looms large over Serbia and Montenegro, which makes it a democratic rather than a national issue

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Kostunica's advisors, Slobodan Samardžic and Aleksandar Simić, did not want to comment on the option of an independent Serbian state when speaking to CorD, arguing instead that the results of the referendum should be determined first.

President Boris Tadić's advisors were unavailable to comment for this issue of CorD. However, speaking to daily Danas in January, Tadić briefly spoke of the issue of succession, saying: "When a country reaches the point of its possible disintegration, the key issue becomes managing the situation; how to handle succession, how to swap common, shared interests and build new [independent] ones".

Tadić continued: "Even if Serbia wanted to become a separate state, as Montenegro perhaps does, it would only be possible to do so with the mutual consent and combined efforts of both republics to compete the task."

Talking of the logistical nightmare of the possible task, Tadić said: "The absence of a law which would regulate that aftermath is not an omission, but rather a global "negligence"; it is not easy to determine percentages of ownership rights in SCG's state property, which includes the property of the SCG Army, embassies and the property SCG's state institutions."

There are some other open issues, Tadić noted, such as the interests of citizens. There are Montenegrin citizens living in Serbia, and vice versa. Furthermore, some Montenegrins declare themselves as such, while others declare themselves ‘Serbs’.

In the case of the division of SCG, both Serbia and Montenegro would be obliged to take responsibility for the interests of their citizens, as their motherland.

"Those are just some of the important questions which would be opened in the case of a Montenegrin referendum, and I am just pointing them out as examples, without any intention to impose any dominant solution form the Serbian side or to accept any intention of that kind from the other side," Tadić told Danas.

President of the Social Democratic Union, MP Žarko Korać, told CorD magazine that the result of the referendum in Montenegro would provide Serbia with the opportunity to face its own problems and finally relinquish the goal of a Serbian ethnic domain.

The efforts invested by Koštunica, his Democratic Party of Serbia and some other political parties are, in effect, a drive for ethnic majorisation, for a piece of the Serbian ethnic domain. In truth, there is no sincere desire to build an equibalanced relationship because Montenegro is seen here as a piece of the project that has already been defeated in Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina, and even in Macedonia. This project asserts that there should be a common state wherever there are people who declare themselves as Serbs, in other words, it advocates the idea of a Serbian ethnic domain, claims Korać.

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Čedomir Jovanović, Serbian politician He believes the referendum in Montenegro is the last nail in the coffin of the nationalist agenda within Serbian political history and tradition that tried to expand the boundaries of a common state to territories inhabited by people who declared themselves as members of the Serbian people or nation. This has become a historical anachronism, though, because there are newly-formed states on the territory that was once occupied by the former Yugoslav state. Korać warns, however, that the nationalist bloc in Serbia could interpret the referendum in Montenegro as another historic defeat.

President of Serbia's Liberal Democratic Party, Čedomir Jovanović, says that Serbia will be on the fastest track to

Tadić: "When a country reaches the point of its possible disintegration, the key issue becomes managing the situation; how to handle succession, how to swap common, shared interests and build new [independent] ones".

Europe as a separate state. LDP's aim is a clear vision that will motivate a civil Serbia with concrete solutions for problems regarding Kosovo and Montenegro, The Hague Tribunal, Vojvodina, health and education, economics and social policy. Jovanović warns that a common state is the last refuge for a totalitarian concept that looms large over SCG, making it a democratic rather than a national issue.

President of the Demo-Christian Party of Serbia, Vladan Batić, says that his party's programme is based on an independent Serbian state. "Only a sovereign Serbia can become a lawful, democratic state that will embrace European values," Batić told CorD magazine. •

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Heading to Europe More PaceEurope The widest alliance between all social layers and a powerful front for an independent and European Montenegrin state has been created like never before in history. It is quite certain that by the referendum date it will reach a 60:40 ratio in favour of independence, says Branko Lukovac he initiative to launch the Movement for an Independent and European Montenegro was motivated by the existence of an inadequate and dysfunctional solution, a state union that was created as a temporary arrangement, as well as the upcoming expiry date for its three-year period of use and the need to remove another Branko Lukovac, outcome of Milošević's rule Co-ordinator of the by way of Montenegrin indeMovement for pendence, says Branko Lukoan Independent, vac, co-ordinator of the MoveEuropean Montenegro ment for an Independent and European Montenegro and former SCG Ambassador to Rome.

"Milošević's policies have created deep rifts in Montenegrin society around issues that are fundamental to its identity. Without complete severance from this policy and its fruits (and FRY was one of them) a perspective of peace, stability, trust and development in the region remains beyond the horizon", Lukovac said.

Lukovac insists that the idea of forming the Movement was motivated by the idea to prepare a platform for rounding up the widest layers of civic society, the NGO sector, intellectuals, public figures and political parties around a civic initiative that will provide equal status and development opportunities to Montenegro and invest into its European perspective. The platform primarily tends to initiate a wide-reaching dialogue for affirming tolerance and removing the language of intolerance and hatred from the public scene. It also aims to create better, healthier and more stable relations with Serbia, based on the interests of two independent states brought to a higher level because of their similarities and close historical links.

"The platform also aimed to promote Montenegro through a positive role in the region, contributions to the building of trust and co-operation and the positive results the Montenegrin society has achieved in the affirmation of multiculturalism, multi-nationality and multiconfessionalism", Lukovac explains.

Lukovac says that a broad debate has been initiated with the citizens to see what kind of independent Montenegrin state they want and which values it should aspire to. The platform reinforces the trust of the widest layers of society in the basic goal of the Movement Montenegrin independence, which has not been abandoned by the agreement to form a state union: "With the expiry of the three-year mandate of the state union, we are trying to mobilise the public and citizenry through a democratic process that will lead to a fair referendum

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where the electorate will make a decision over Montenegro's future as an independent, prosperous, democratic state", Lukovac said, adding that the Movement has local councils in all municipalities of the republic, with 600 activists and numerous gatherings that, to date, have been attended by around 8,000 people.

Lukovac points out that the widest alliance between all social layers and a powerful front for an independent and European Montenegrin state has been created like never before in history. "Public opinion polls have shown that there is growing trust in this option on the part of the citizens, and it is quite certain that by the referendum date it will reach a 60:40 ratio in favour of independence.

We expect to have a peaceful vote and develop good relations with Serbia thereafter".

Asked to comment on the EU's change of heart with respect to the referendum and their decision to withdraw their request for postponement, Lukovac emphasised: "I think European administrations, and not the members of the Union, were somewhat biased and conceited in their attempts to preserve the Yugoslav federation and later the state union at all costs. However, they have come to realise that the union has not lived up to their expectations as a good and functional solution; that there is growing support among Montenegrin citizens for independence and, finally, that the state union was the heritage of an obsolete policy. In order to build more stable relations in the region we need to deconstruct the architecture created by the policy of the 1990s, and this is what the administration in Brussels has come to understand.

"In order to build more stable relations in the region we need to deconstruct the architecture created by the policy of the 1990s, and this is what the administration in Brussels has come to understand."

"The EU has opted to secure European standards and practices at this plebiscite, using the Venetian Commission as an instrument. This is a precedent with respect to the 1990s, when the Badinter Commission was used to verify whether plebiscites were in line with republican constitutions and, consequently, whether the EU could recognise the new states on these foundations.

The current Montenegrin legal acts are in line with European standards, which has already been confirmed once by the Venetian Commission. This is good because we want to accept European values on our way to integration. We hope that Europe will understand the importance of this moment, because it is quite possible that in the opposition they still count on the EU's abandoned policy of trying to preserve the state union at all costs, which was unrealistic and counterproductive for peace and stability in the region, and especially for the preponderance of democratic values", Lukovac warned. •

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No Sustenance from Status The essential questions regarding the final solution for the status of Kosovo are not being asked in Belgrade or Pristina. These questions should be: (in Belgrade) how will Serbia secure any influence over the province if it formally remains within Serbia's borders; (in Pristina) how will it cope with the further complications following the death of Ibrahim Rugova and how will the province survive and prosper legally if it becomes independent?

By Milivoje Mihajlović; Photo: CorD Archives

pendence and will the new status open up the development prospects of Serbia and the wider region as a whole? What long term benefits will this part of Europe gain as a result of the concluding of the Kosovo issue?

All three interested parties (Serbia, Kosovo's Albanians and the international community) are claiming that they expect a readiness for open negotiations.

However, all of them have predetermined limits on what they are prepared to accept: Serbia - more than autonomy, less than independence; Kosovo-Albanians - full, sovereign independence; the International Community no division of Kosovo, no return to the 1999 situation, no annexing of Kosovo to any other state (i.e. Albania).

The three parties also envisage contrasting methods of negotiating: Team Serbia wants direct talks with Pristina; the Kosovo-Albanian Team, according to its members, considers that it should converse directly with Serbia

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Furthering Pristina's cause is the belief in the province that the goal of the Kosovo-Albanian majority is in line with the approaches of Marti Ahtisaari, the Contact Group and the EU

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A KFOR peacekeeper guarding a Serbian Orthodox Church in Kosovo hree formal options exist for the resolving of the Kosovo issue: first, the province will remain a sovereign province of Serbia; second, Kosovo will become an independent state; third, the southern Serbian province will be divided along ethnic lines into Serbian and Albanian entities.

There are also three possible approaches to the problem: first, to solve the conflict; second, to create an even deeper conflict; third, to ignore the conflict. Over the course of the province's history, all of these possibilities and approaches have been tried.

Various questions arise when one considers Kosovo.

Will the province's independence, or conditional independence, be better for Kosovo or for Serbia, or both, or neither? Will life in Kosovo become easier if it gains inde-

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about its "understandable" independence aspirations; the International Community's team is opting for "shuttle diplomacy", with team leader Marti Ahtisaari dashing, documents in hand, between Pristina and Belgrade in an ongoing attempt to reconcile the two parties.

The success of this method of negotiating to resolve "one of the most complex historical, religious and cultural conflicts" depends entirely on how the process will manage to close the gap between the diametrically opposed and, according to analysts, "light-years apart" attitudes of Serbs and Albanians.

The current impression is that the attitudes of Serbia and the Kosovo-Albanians are so rigid that they offer little or no hope of a compromised solution. During the confusion of the pre-negotiation period, it appears that the attitudes of the two sides are a consequence of the uncertainty of what they will gain.

In the apprehensive fog of "analysis, attitudes, opinions and standpoints" on the eve of negotiations, the

Politics national interests of Serbia in its southern province have been lost. According to serving politicians, the centuries-old interests of Serbs in Kosovo have not changed, though the circumstances under which Serbia can fight for those interests has significantly changed.

Serbia's position is not only encumbered by its perceived "historical right" to Kosovo, but also the 'logic' that Serbia is not a big enough country to allow itself to lose the 'cradle' of its state, religion and culture, nor can such a small country permit the secession of such a large part of its territory. On the other hand, as a selfproclaimed democratic, internationally-open country aspiring to become an economic and political leader of the Balkans, Serbia cannot overtly do anything to protect this part of its territory.

"The Serbian community in Kosovo lives in fear of conflict. Serbs do not want to live in an independent Kosovo because they do not envisage the possibility of living in peace under such conditions. We consider that our very existence would inspire conflict and, thus, we do not see any prospects for Kosovo-Serbs [in an independent Kosovo]. It [the granting of independence] would also effectively end the process of the return of displaced Serbs, which is an historic injustice and has involved a huge engagement of the international community. This means that the survival of Serbs in Kosovo cannot be ensured", says Goran Bogdanović, a member of the Serbian negotiating team.

The impression is that the attitudes of Serbia and the Kosovo-Albanians are so staunch that they offer no hope of closing the gap. In the confusion of the pre-negotiation process, it seems that these attitudes are a consequence of the uncertainty regarding potential gains of either side Serbia's negotiating team may have valid arguments to fight for their cause, but they lack any tangible instruments to influence the conditions on the ground. Six and a half years after the intervention of the international community in the province, Serbia still has no influence or authority over Kosovo, while the province remains a major cause of regional instability.

The dividing of Kosovo along ethnic lines may continue to be supported by Serb elements, but it is essentially unsuitable even for Serbia because of the problems it would create.

According to leading Kosovo-Serb politician, Oliver Ivanović, "There are two concepts among Serbs in Kosovo.

The most dominant concept at present is the notion of Serb enclaves, which is understandable because they are of the belief that this will best secure their protection in conditions where they are maximally endangered".

Ivanović adds that the concept was most functional in 1999, 2000 and 2001, when Serbs were facing massive attacks by Kosovo-Albanians. "In the long term, a better strategy for us would be to integrate ourselves into Kosovo's so-called 'society' and achieve serious decentralisation that will ensure that 80 per cent of KosovoSerbs would live in municipalities in which they are the ethnic majority and could, thus, secure their safety and the normalisation of their everyday lives.

"The remaining 20 per cent of Kosovo-Serbs would need to be protected under special measures because they would live in municipalities with an ethnic Albanian majority."

Kosovo PM Bajram Kosumi: our destiny isn’t on the negotiating table Ivanović continues: "As long as we live in segregation there will remain a need for KFOR's presence, and we cannot count on that expensive military machine remaining in Kosovo indefinitely, because the world is tired of the Kosovo problem." Ivanović claims that "KFOR costs $1.5billion annually and entities would just be a kind of reservation".

A number of Western analysts warn that KosovoAlbanian extremists are holding the international community to ransom under the slogan "independence or conflict". Similar such slogans could be employed elsewhere in the region and, thus, broaden the potential for unrest: "Albanian Southern Serbia or conflict", "Albanian Western Macedonia or conflict", "Albanian Montenegro or conflict". Such threats to security, which would gain credence with the eventual granting of Kosovo's independence, could serve to destabilise the entire region.

Solving the issue of Kosovo's status is an "operation without an anaesthetic"; and it seems that those who are the most culpable, in both Serbia and Kosovo, believe the patient to be operated on has been dead for a long time.

The Kosovo-Albanian team appears to be in the more favourable position at the present juncture. According to Kosovo PM Bajram Kosumi, "in order to secure the stability, development and integration of the region, the international community should confirm the independence and sovereignty of Kosovo".

The Kosovo PM is adamant: "We should negotiate about the practical creation of our state, but not place our will or our destiny on the table to be shared. We will not do that with Belgrade".

Officials in Pristina are of the opinion that Kosovo has, to date (since 1999), confirmed the securing of many functions required for a democratic state. The most internationally noticeable, and recognised, act of this kind was the immediate reaction of then Kosovo PM Ramus Haradinaj to his indictment by the ICTY: he immediately stood down from the highest office in the land and surrendered himself to The Hague. The organising of local elections in the province was also afforded international recognition, with not one of the official international observers criticising the elections.

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Politics Moreover, the Kosovo-Albanian leadership is continuing to co-operate with the international administration on their territory, as confirmed

by UNMIK Chief Soren Jessen Petersen's approval for Pristina's government to form two key ministries - Ministry of Justice and Interior Ministry, which no doubt support the functioning of a Kosovo state.

Also furthering Pristina's cause is the belief in the province that the goal of the Kosovo-Albanian majority is in line with the approaches of Marti Ahtisaari, the Contact Group and the EU. Yet another major advantage of the Kosovo-Albanian contingent is that they have practical control over the situation on the ground: Kosovo not only has a fully functioning government, but also institutions, a party political infrastructure, a legal military organisation in the form of the Kosovo Protection Corps, a semi-legal secret police/intelligence sector, economic market control and a powerful underworld with the respect of similar European 'structures' and a major influence over the local political scene and financial inflows.

Team Kosovo-Albanian can also count on the unreserved "assistance" of the illegal paramilitary groups which commenced operations in Metohija and Drenica at the end of last year and whose illicit actions can speed up, slow down or even halt the entire negotiation process.

A major drawback for the Kosovo-Albanian negotiating team is that almost 30 per cent of the province's territory is covered by Serbian 'enclaves' over which the Pristina Government has even less influence than Belgrade. They also have no control over the security of Serbs in these areas and have failed to include the Serbian communities in the political and institutional structures of their system. As such, an informal division of the territory is already in existence and it would pose less of a problem for both sides if the Serbian enclaves remained connected and intact.

The essential questions regarding the final solution for the status of

Ivanović: In the long term, a better strategy for us would be to integrate ourselves into Kosovo's so-called 'society' and achieve serious decentralisation that will ensure that 80 per cent of Kosovo-Serbs would live in municipalities in which they are the ethnic majority

Politics

Kosovo are not being asked in Belgrade or Pristina. These questions should be: (in Belgrade) how will Serbia secure any influence over the province if it formally remains within Serbia's borders; (in Pristina) how will the province survive and prosper legally if it becomes independent, considering that production is virtually non-existent, no income is being received independently and international donations are gradually dwindling?

Kosovo-Albanian politicians demonstrated their good will and intentions of bringing Kosovo's Serbs and Albanians closer over the recent Christmas and New Year holidays, when they chose to pay official visits to Serbian areas. Nevertheless, their visits did not go unnoticed by ethnic Albanian extremists, who responded through fresh attacks on Serb civilians.

One of the 'keys' to the Kosovo 'lock' lies in neighbouring Albania, whose officials regularly emphasise that an independent Kosovo is the best solution for the entire region.

One of the most important factors that could affect and even complicate the negotiations is the death of Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova, who had been fighting lung cancer for some time and was largely absent from the Kosovo-Albanian negotiating team as a result.

The search to replace the spiritual head of Kosovo's fight for independence and the man once dubbed the "Kosovo Ghandi" has caused much confusion and sparked bitter rivalries on the province's political scene, and within the negotiating team itself.

Acting president of Kosovo, Parliamentary Speaker

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CorD | February 2006

Oliver Ivanović: decentralisation and Serb integration the best solution and League for Democratic Kosovo member, Nexhat Daci, will replace Rugova in the interim period until a new president is elected by the Kosovo Parliament.

The international community, which has been handicapped by its own failure to secure full peace and security in the province, ensure freedom of movement and demilitarise Kosovo, now has to face the task of finding the right solution.

Marti Ahtisaari, Kosovo's Special Envoy of the UN Secretary General, and his deputy Albert Rohan have accepted their task willingly, in the full knowledge that this is merely the first phase of negotiations and they will only answer the key question of the full assessment of Kosovo's interim status no sooner than spring.

Pristina publicist Shkeljzen Malici refutes claims that the international community is 'unclear' what will happen if Kosovo's "Pandora's box" is reopened: "it is absolutely clear to international factors what is going on and what has to be done in Kosovo, though they are pretending that their approach and priorities are unclear and are hiding the contradictions they have yet to solve, buying time - like Belgrade and Pristina - by complicating matters to an even greater extent," says Malici. "It appears that international representatives are basking in a peaceful illusion because, in principle, they have now solved key questions and there will, thus, be no discussion of these matters at all [at the negotiating table]."

The international community, at least according to its outspoken officials, does not want "either a partial or ambiguous" solution, but rather a "functional" solution that offers both sides as an exit from this compromising situation.

Perhaps the biggest problem is that, despite the presence of substantial security forces, the international administration seems unable to secure total peace in the province even under peacetime conditions, coupled with the fact that they have failed to achieve tangible co-operation with the local population at large, which would help them smother any eventual unrest in the province. •

Interview

Serbia Held Hostage When Ratko Mladić was available for us to arrest him we had to back down, but now that we can arrest him he is out of sight, says Rasim Ljajić speaking to CorD magazine. Issues in South Serbia will be dealt with by the democratic institutions of the state and not in parallel with negotiations over the future status of Kosovo

Interview

By Miloš Ivanović; Photo: Jelena Mandić

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CorD | February 2006

Rasim Ljajić, SCG Minister for Human Rights and Ethnic Minorities he whole of Serbia is hostage to one man, former commander of the Army of Republika Srpska, General Ratko Mladić. However, no one seems to know his whereabouts these days - says President of the National Council for Co-operation with The Hague Tribunal, Rasim Ljajić, speaking to CorD this month.

"The problem is that we can't locate Ratko Mladić and the other fugitives from ICTY justice. They are the only reason why our obligations to the international community have not been met. At the moment, there isn't anyone in SCG or the international community, among those who want him brought to justice, who knows where Ratko Mladić and other war crime indictees are hiding. Therefore, the problem is more of a technical than of a political nature", Ljajić insists.

The list of sanctions that Serbia & Montenegro will be subjected to unless obligations to The Hague Tribunal are met is long and the situation is critical at the moment,

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continues Ljajić, because the failure to meet these obligations precisely has caused international pressure to mount on Serbia over all other issues.

"If Ratko Mladić were in The Hague, all other problems would not be causing the amount of pressure that they are under these circumstances. The first negative consequence could be a break-off in negotiations over the EU Stabilisation and Association Agreement, which is a very realistic possibility. I don't think this will happen in February, when the second round of technical negotiations is due to commence, but it could very well happen in April, when the second plenary session is scheduled to take place. All other processes of Euro-Atlantic integration could also grind to a halt as a consequence, such as negotiations to join [NATO's] Partnership for Peace programme, for example. In March, we are expecting U.S. approval of a $75million aid package that could be withdrawn if there is no progress in co-operation with the Tribunal. Our starting position for negotiations over Kosovo's future status will most certainly deteriorate with every day that passes with Mladić on the loose. The bottom line is that the consequences for the future of our country will be grave if Mladić is not apprehended and brought to stand trial before the Hague Tribunal", Ljajić concludes.

Who is not doing their job, then?

"It is important that competent services, security services in this particular case, do their part. If you are asking me who is responsible for the matter of Mladić's arrest, then I can tell you that security services - both civil and military, the Interior Ministry, the army and generally those institutions that have the mechanisms and the authority to make arrests are responsible. Probably, almost certainly in fact, there are individuals within these institutions who are part of the ring that is protecting ICTY fugitives."

Why wasn't Mladić arrested and handed over to the Tribunal while he was in Belgrade in 2002?

"Mladić is believed to have been stationed in certain military facilities until 15th May 2002, after which he moved to a weekend settlement near Valjevo and then disappeared without trace. He wasn't arrested back then

Interview because the government counted on a certain amount of available time, a 'breather' without international pressure. The Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS coalition of opposition parties that achieved electoral victory over Slobodan Milosevic and seized power on 5th October 2000) feared that if they handed over everyone else along with Milošević, the result could be a serious political crisis. The newly-elected government also believed that Mladić had solid backing from the public, hence the political concern over taking steps to arrest him. On the other hand, there was a security risk because Mladić was well guarded. The estimates were that his apprehension would hardly go by peacefully, without human casualties. The last thing we needed back then was to have this kind of confrontation, because DOS had only just ascended to power, the coalition was fragile and so were the institutions of the state. When Mladić was available for us to arrest him we had to back down, but now that we can arrest him, he is out of sight."

There hasn't been a problematic issue in Serbia that has not involved Rasim Ljajić in efforts to resolve it.

When he jokes about this, Ljajić says that only the avian flu epidemic has yet to fall under his jurisdiction, but he doesn't exclude the possibility that someone will remember to call him in some future crisis.

Along with his ministerial office, Ljajić is President of the National Council for Co-operation with The Hague Tribunal and President of the Co-ordination Council for Southern Serbia, Vice President of the Co-ordination Centre for Kosovo and Metohija and leader of the Sandžak Democratic Party.

Ljajić: administrative borders will not change

"While I sit here, or journey to The Hague every month, to South Serbia every week, or to Brussels to discuss the status of Hungarians in Vojvodina, the Government has the nerve to depose my people of confidence in Sandžak."

Concurrently, there are increasing demands to reconsider the position of Vojvodina in light of the Kosovo negotiations.

"The question of Vojvodina is diametrically opposed to that of Kosovo. Those who are radicalising the matter are doing so to the detriment of the state and the national minorities at issue. I am not saying there are no problems whatsoever in Vojvodina. We have done much recently to improve the status of minorities in the province and have been credited for our achievements by relevant international institutions. Just like in Southern Serbia, the representatives of national minorities in Vojvodina will have to actively participate in the process of building democratic institutions and become a constituent part of the state."

We are in for difficult negotiations over the future status of Kosovo and Metohija this year. What is your comment on demands by Albanians in Southern Serbia to have their status resolved within the framework of the Kosovo negotiations and their invitation to publicist and leader of the ORA Party, Veton Suroi, to represent them at the negotiating table?

"These demands are in line with what we had expected. We have grown accustomed to these kinds of reactions by Albanians from Southern Serbia. They have misunderstood the scope of these negotiations, however. Their demands are unrealistic and everyone is aware that new changes to administrative borders are impossible. Albanians from Bujanovac, Presevo and Medveđa received this same message, in my presence, from the U.S. and German ambassadors to Belgrade, Michael Polt and Andreas Zobel, as well as from the then head of the OSCE Mission to SCG, Mauricio Massari, who recommended they address their issues to the democratic institutions in Belgrade.

"The problems of Albanians in Southern Serbia will be resolved through the democratisation process in Serbia and by strengthening local self-government, which includes their greater participation in the institutions of power, especially the judicial system and the police."

The Serbian Government has chosen Sulejman Ugljanin's Ticket for Sandžak as their partner in the region. Hasn't Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica stuck a knife in your back, so to say, by opting for your rivals in Sandžak?

"The Prime Minister has made an unfortunate choice of partners in Sandžak and your impression that Koštunica has let me down is correct. This was his legitimate right, of course, but his actions were improper, to say the least, with respect to myself and the Sandžak Democratic Party. While I sit here, or journey to The Hague every month, to South Serbia every week, or to Brussels to discuss the status of Hungarians in Vojvodina, the Government has the nerve to depose my people of confidence in Sandžak. Minister of Justice Zoran Stojković looked me in the eye and told me he would not be swayed by party interests when making decisions and the next moment he replaced a jail warden in Novi Pazar whom I could trust with a person from the top of Ugljanin's party who is facing some serious embezzlement charges. They are doing the same with the court and other institutions, and this will surely boomerang back at them sooner or later. I wouldn't like to press the matter further, because there are much more important issues pertaining to the state that we have to deal with together by dedicating our time and energy." • CorD | February 2006

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Politics

Triple Democrat More Pace Defeat

Politics

Fear & elections: Though citizens of Kula lived in fear of the now disbanded Special Operations Unit, they still voted Radical.

Pictured: The Žandarmerija, which replaced the Special Ops Unit at Štolc Base

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CorD | February 2006

Local elections, which are in full swing around Serbia, have never been a strong indicator of the situation at state level, but the case of Niš, the town where the one time governing Democratic Party tried to bring down New Serbia's Mayor of Niš, Smiljko Kostić, showed that DS entered this battle unprepared

By Jasmina Lukac; Photo: Beta

erbia's local elections are being held at a juncture which follows Serbian President Boris Tadić's demands that new parliamentary elections be staged, and Serbian Prime Minister Vojsilav Koštunica's rebuttal based on his estimation that staging a general election would prove destructive during this period of negotiations regarding Kosovo and EU membership.

Thus, according to some analysts, local election campaigns in some Serbian towns and cities represent the

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provocation of political opponents more than the serious crossing of swords between rival parties and blocs.

According to these analysts, despite fiery campaigns and over-attentive media exposure, these local tests of the nation's electorate will serve to represent the picture of a middle-aged battle of wills, in which participants offer little more than rude gestures and insulting language, as opposed to presenting solid platforms for political war.

New local self-management and local election laws that conform to EU norms and standards have been in force in Serbia since 2004. Nevertheless, in autumn 2005 Serbia was gripped by a spate of recalls and resignations

Politics and the appointments of new local authorities in the boroughs of Preševo, Kraljevo, Bač, Bački Petrovac, Leskovac, Bečej, Nova Crnja, Novi Kneževac, Sremska Mitrovica, Vranje, Priboj, Surčin, Zvezdara, Grocka, Bor, Majdanpek, Sokobanja, Kovin, et al.

Three cases of particular interest are the elections of local assemblies in the Vojvodina towns of Kula and Bačka Palanka, and the recall of the mayor of Serbia's second city of Niš. Regardless of local peculiarities, all three offer a strong symbolic prognosis of the political scene in Serbia and all were marked by the fall of the nation's main democratic challenger - President Tadic's Democratic Party (DS).

The electoral campaign in Kula in late September was marked by the media-fuelled election drive of former deputy Serbian PM and former DS deputy leader Čedomir Jovanović - currently leading his new Liberal Democratic Party. Although Jovanović failed to make a successful initial campaign, he managed to make an impact upon closer inspection; and not merely due to factors of the 'political struggle'.

One factor of Jovanović's relative success was perhaps the proximity to Kula of the Štolc military base, which formerly housed the Special Operations Unit (JSO) - disbanded following accusations that its commanders planned and carried out the assassination of PM Zoran Đinđić in 2003.

In his time as a close associate of PM Đinđić, Jovanović visited Štolc at several key junctures.

Following Đinđić's demise, the then DS senior official publicly claimed that the citizens of Kula were living in fear of the JSO presence, but that this did not stop them from giving their biggest support to Kula's Serbian Radical Party (SRS) municipal president Tihomir Đurić, who flies the flag of the JSO - an open-mouthed wolf on his desk.

Elections in Kula were called as a result of the declared 'imbalance' between SRS municipal president Đurić and the faltering local assembly majority of democratic forces. The post-election local government makeup, however, remains without a tangible balance: SRS's 31 per cent won them 13 local assembly seats, while DS won 19 per cent of the vote (eight seats), Bogljub Karić's PSS and G17-Plus secured six per cent (three seats) each, and PM Koštunica's DSS, Milošević's SPS, Drašković's SPO, the Alliance of the Vojvodina Hungarians and Vojvodina's Green Party all secured two seats each.

At the time of the Kula elections, Jovanović's LDP was not yet a formally registered party and was competing in its first elections. Still, LDP was successful in securing a substantial number of votes, though they officially fell short of the minimum electoral quota by 15 votes.

LDP disputed the official tally, insisting that they were in fact only two votes short of the quota. Accordingly, they lodged a complaint of electoral irregularities and the party's legal team claimed that "voters were given a certain amount of cash [by unspecified political parties] before voting, and were given more money after proving which candidate they had voted for. Voters also cast their votes without their true identities having been established - by forcibly taking ballot papers." The LDP legal team insisted that "abuses were confirmed during the official count of the vote because the numbers of unused, used, valid and non-valid ballot slips did not tally up". Đorđe Vuković, programme director of the Centre for Free Elections and Democracy, admitted to CorD that there

Zoran Lutovac, Political analyst had been 'some irregularities' in Kula, though they were 'within acceptable limits and did not amount to a level that could corrupt the whole electoral process'. Vuković emphasised that an ideal situation does not exist in Serbia and that there are always electoral irregularities and rank disregard for electoral law, such as the posting of candidate posters within a 30-metre radius of polling stations.

A similar spread of votes was seen in the Bačka Palanka local elections in December. The Vojvodina town is the hometown of several key Milošević-era functioners, including active current SPS vice president Milorad Vučelić. SRS once again topped the tables in the Bačka Palanka election, securing 27 per cent of the vote

"A series of public opinion polls have shown that only two fifths of SRS and SPS supporters are for democracy, while in other parties that figure exceeds 50 per cent" says Mihajlović (14 seats). DS again secured second with 15 per cent (eight seats), while SPS and PSS won 10 per cent (five seats) each. Three of the governing coalition parties took the remainder of the town's seats: DSS - seven per cent (four seats); G17 Plus - six per cent (four seats); SPO - three per cent (two seats).

Compared to the previous local election in Bačka Palanka, SRS lost two seats, DS and SPS lost a seat each, SPO achieved the same result and PSS, DSS and G17 Plus all made gains. As in Kula, the local municipal presidency belongs to the Serbian Radical Party - Dragan Bozalo.

Commenting on the Bačka Palanka vote, Vuković said: "In real terms, the parties of the pre-2000 regime, SPS and SRS, experienced the greatest losses, winning CorD | February 2006

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Politics 15 per cent fewer votes than at the previous elections, while the winners were the parties which comprise the Serbian Government".

If the poor results in Kula and Bačka Palanka are no real cause for Democrat concern, the result in the southern city of Niš served to prove the defeat of the biggest democratic opposition party. The referendum staged for the recall of the city mayor - on a DS initiative - attracted 66,000 voters. Of those, 62.3% (around 42,000 voters) offered their support to Smiljko Kostić, while only voters resident in the centre of Niš voted for the recall of the New Serbia Mayor.

"If the ratio is one to two between those for and against the recall, it serves to show the political amateurism of the political party responsi-

Announced changes to the DS party Statute, whereby members of this strong political party will elect their leadership directly for the first time, are of historical importance for the Serbian political scene

Politics

ble for launching the initiative, as it was obviously instigated without the carrying out of any opinion polls in Niš," says Vuković.

Local elections have never proved a solid indicator of the national political climate in Serbia, but the Niš case shows the "weakness and insufficient preparedness of DS", political scientist and editor of a recently published study of political parties in Serbia, Zoran Lutovac, told CorD. "Niš, as the second biggest city in Serbia, covers a significant part of the electoral body, but we have to consider that this electoral body is determined according to the local specificities and personalities. In spite of the proportional electoral system, citizens at local level make their decisions on the basis of the personal characteristics of the candidates they know. The majority of those who were against Kostić's recall probably do not know that he is a member of New Serbia. For them, he is the incarnation of the "golden times" when everybody lived better, while he was the director of DIN (Tobacco industry). He is also considered as a man who helped the poor, and that is what is decisive for them", emphasised Lutovac.

The response of DS headquarters to the failures in the north and south of Serbia were swift and decisive: the heads of the party's committees in both Novi Sad and Niš were replaced; changes to the party Statute were announced, so for the first time the members of a strong political party in Serbia will elect their leadership directly. Political experts Vladimir Goati and Srećko Mihajlović think that the accomplishment of this intention will be of historic importance for the Serbian political scene.

"When DS confirmed that they will go for the direct election of the party leadership, I have to admit that I read that news twice, because I could not believe it. So far we have not had elections within one party which would really be competitive, i.e. where the candidate would really compete for the posts, for instance the post of party president. Even though this is comparable to "the discovery of hot water" for Europe, for our region it is something entirely new. The party that first establishes direct internal party elections will have the chance of being considered as the option which is more democratic, if we can say such a thing. The automatic consequence will be that the same practice will have to be accepted by other parties too", said Goati, adding that the DS move "threw down the gauntlet to the other parties".

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CorD | February 2006

According to Mihajlović, "If there was no announcement of DS about the change in the method of electing the party leadership, it would be difficult to find a positive event in the fifteen years of the existence of our political parties. I hope that this will be the beginning of bridging the gap between the practice and what they publicly preach. Namely, democracy is publicly preached, while within political parties exceptionally undemocratic relationships rule. I have even heard from several political leaders that those undemocratic relationships within parties are considered as the natural order".

Vladimir Goati, Political analyst Mihajlović notes that "a series of public opinion polls have shown that only two fifths of SRS and SPS supporters are for democracy, while in other parties that figure exceeds 50 per cent. As the Radicals and the Socialists are, without dilemma, classified in the bloc of non-democratic parties, the other major parties belong to the democratic bloc (DS, DSS, G17 Plus, NS, SPO, PSS, LDP...). But since November the trend of changing the "polar disposition" has arisen. Two parties from the democratic pole - DSS and PSS - have moved, according to their supporters and voters' positions, towards the middle, and have broken the polar configuration by placing themselves as the medial in the middle. If this trend continues, the winner of the next elections will be decided exactly by those two, DSS and PSS, depending on which pole they go for," concluded Mihajlović.

Last, but not least, when one unofficially asks DS officials what the party could possibly gain from the parliamentary elections it is demanding, when opinion polls show that there has been no significant improvement in the party's rating since 2003, the standard reply is 'a fairer division of power'. According to DS officials, even if they received the same support as in 2003 they would gain as a result of the poorer results of DSS and G17 Plus and would, thus, be in a position to demand four ministries for themselves - interior (police), justice, finance and privatisation. The main problem with this hypothesis is that, according to those in the know regarding the methods of political appraisals within the DSS hierarchy, is that Koštunica's party would not accept to give up the first two ministries at any price. •

Politics - people profiles

PR Filled Suitcase The recent poll on the recall of Niš Mayor Smiljko Kostić served to prove that this popular businessman and politician was, and still is, a phenomenon of the 'domestic rural Serbian leader', which could be described as a euphemistic term for Serbia's former authoritarian and conservate rulers

By Zorica Miladinović; Photo: CorD Archives

nly a third of Niš's 223,000 registered voters tuned out on 4th December 2005 to vote in the referendum for the recall of Mayor Kostić, but the former SPS member and current New Serbia official still managed to win convincing support, with 62% voting against the recall of the former close ally of Milošević and only 35% supporting it.

The initiators of the referendum, the Democratic Party (DS) local committee, accepted Kostić's convincing victory and also acknowledged the mistakes they themselves made during their campaign. However, the DS camp in Niš insisted that a major affect of the result was the fact that Kostić's headquarters had made telephone checks. They also claimed that Kostić's office had intensively threatened around 27,000 signatories of the recall initiative through threats and by lobbying to have signatures withdrawn.

Defending their actions, representatives of New Serbia (NS), the party to which Kostić belongs, said that they were just checking signatures because they "found numerous irregularities", including falsified signatures of the deceased.

Kostić himself celebrated his triumph in the NS headquarters with homemade wine from his own vineyards and cellars. Kostić's political mentor, Serbian Capital Investments Minister and NS president, Velimir Ilić, also attended the celebration.

Indeed, Ilić actively participated in the campaign against the recall. During numerous television appearances, he claimed that Kostić enjoys the Government's support and

Profiles

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CorD | February 2006

that "Smiljko is a great host, an honest and decent man".

There were threats too: "if citizens don’t show their trust in Kostić, Niš will remain without any great investments and projects, which have already been prepared".

Kostić also spent a great deal of time last year talking about great projects. On several occasions he repeated that deals worth "several billion euros are just about to be signed". According to him, Niš will see the building of gas lines and a major gas power station, which will supply gas to the whole of South-Eastern Europe; there will be a major motorway towards Bulgaria and the railway station will be moved from the city centre. The construction of

he local elections of 2004 and 2005 saw many new mayors voted into office in those smaller Serbian towns which have suffered the most during the economic reform period.

This included the political rise of Milošević-era media mogul Bogoljub Karić and his Force of Serbia Movement (PSS), as well as the political, mayoralty, revivals (elected Autumn 2004) of several current or former members of Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS).

This trend has served to demonstrate rising voter discontent with the ongoing transitional changes instigated with the overthrow of Milošević in October 2000.

Members of SPS, or former members of the party bloc, such as Smiljko Kostić (Niš), Dobrivoje 'Bidža' Budimirović (Svilajnac), and Radovan 'Raka' Radović (Trstenik), won leading positions in more than 20 towns in Serbia at the local elections in 2004.

Recent changes in the local municipalities (in 2005) show the same trend of disappointment with democratic parties, coupled with growing support for the populists of the Serbian Radical party (SRS), PSS, New Serbia, led by the Serbian Capital Investments Minister and former Čačak mayor Velimir Ilić, and alike.

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Politics - people profiles 3,000 flats and a new concrete factory "will soon begin", and the building of the new arena and opera house are also expected. This year important foreign investors will start visiting Niš, and Kostić knows many of them personally and has a "suitcase full of their business cards".

However, Kostić's opponents claim that his plans are just one megalomaniac’s list of desires. They remind us that since he became the mayor of Niš at the end of 2004, "not a single dollar" has come to the town. He did not even manage to establish official contact with Philip Morris, the international company which bought Niš Tobacco Industry (DIN) at the end of 2003. Although Kostić was general director of DIN for 14 years, the new

Since Kostić became the mayor of Niš at the end of 2004, "not a single dollar" has come to the town. He did not even manage to establish official contact with Philip Morris management did not want him to be a member of the company managing board because of his history on the wrong side of the law.

However, the strongest objections relate to Kostić's controversial political moves. The embassies of the U.S. and Great Britain have clearly stated that they will not co-operate with Kostić because they consider him to be an opponent of both economic reforms and SCG's co-operation with the ICTY. They particularly criticised him for organising a festive send-off off to The Hague for ICTY indictee General Vladimir Lazarević, who he dubbed a "hero", giving his family a new car as an NS gift.

Controversy first found Kostić back in the '90s.

Whilst serving as general director of DIN in 1998, he was arrested on suspicion of defrauding the factory and the state. He was initially sentenced by the Niš

District Court to six years imprisonment, but was later acquitted of most of the criminal charges. Criminal proceedings are still underway for other charges, and he has already been sentenced to two years imprisonment for gross negligence.

Speaking whilst still an SPS member (Kostić served as an SPS Serbian Parliament MP), he said the judgement had been "a political trial rigged by Milošević's regime because I opposed the suspicious privatisation of DIN and the organised smuggling of cigarettes during the '90s".

60-year-old Kostić is also famous for owning several deluxe family homes in Niš, Matejevac and Žitorađa, as well as for possessing unconfirmed deposits in foreign banks, which have been mentioned repeatdely during the trials against him.

According to analysts, it is precisely Kostić's business background, together with the great promises that he will bring big investors and reduce unemployment, which contributed to his victory in lowly Niš.

The Niš population's negative opinion of DS, formed between 1997 and 2004 while they were in power in the city, did not help the result. And Kostić's enduring local image as a business "icon" also surely contributed to his victory. He was also aided by the current political trend in Serbia: the growth in the ratings of "domaćins" [Milošević-era 'locally supreme' leaders] and conservative Serbia, to the detriment of the civil, liberal Serbia.

His authenticity, particularly attractive to older, poorer and less educated citizens, still cannot be compared with that of Niš's other recent leader - DS member and former Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Živković. Živković grew into a post-war, post-sanctions leader when citizens wanted a democratic and modern Serbia.

However, that "experiment" failed, which is why we assume the faces of Milošević's regime are returning to the scene, albeit returning with a fresh façade; cleansed of guilt, with pressed biographies and the luxurious attire of a wealthy "domaćin".•

Milo{evi}-era Resurrections The majority of the aforementioned political figures gained popularity in the most impoverished parts of Serbia, despite the fact that Karić, Budimirović, and Kostić, et al., were personal targets of fierce media attacks regarding the way they gained their personal fortunes. Although their campaigns were full unrealistic promises of prosperity, voters put their trust in them.

For example, Karić, has long promised to restart production in bankrupt companies (including major companies in Bor and Majdampek) and to forbid the import of agricultural products, (if he becomes prime minister) in order to protect domestic farmers.

The electoral list of former SPS member Dragan 'Bidža' Budimirović, Mayor of Svilajnac (mayor until 2000, re-elected 2004), was headed "For a wealthy Svilajnac".

Jagodina Mayor Dragan Marković Palma (elected 2004) is a wealthy businessman and owner of local television stations Palma & Palma Plus, as well as leader the Serbian Unity Party (SSJ) founded by infamous Serbian paramilitary leader, the late Željko 'Arkan' Raznatović. In his pre-election pledge, Mayor Palma, who has the support of both SRS and PSS, promised voters that he would construct a zoo in Jagodina if elected.

"If Belgrade has a zoo and if Palić (near Subotica, Vojvodina) has one, who says that we, in Jagodina, can't have one?" he said. "If everything goes the way I expect [at the elections] I will personally ask Zoran Lilić [former president of Yugoslavia and a prominent SPS member] to ask Moamer [Colonel] Qaddafi to give us a few camels."

Note: in the late 1980s Colonel Qaddafi did indeed gift several camels to Belgrade Zoo. The majority of local mayors in Serbia have direct control over state institutions and companies, as well as greatly influencing private business. As such, they are in direct control of the everyday existence of local voters. •

CorD | February 2006

25

Interview

Predrag Bubalo, Serbian Economy Minister

Interview

We'll Resolve Mobtel

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CorD | February 2006

Before determining the strategy for the privatisation of the telecommunications sector and offering Mobtel for sale through tender procedure, the Serbian Government will wait for the upcoming appointment of an independent telecommunications advisor, expected to happen soon - claims Serbian Economy Minister Predrag Bubalo, speaking to CorD this month. Bubalo believes that even under the most pessimistic circumstances, Mobtel is worth around 700 million euros

By Tanja Jakobi; Photo: Jelena Mandić orD's interview with Minister Bubalo took place in the aftermath of the recent scandal regarding Milošević-era tycoon Bogoljub Karić, who remains (for the time being) the majority owner of Mobtel - Serbia's leading mobile phone network, and leader of the Force of Serbia Movement, which, according to pollsters, is Serbia's third-ranked political party It was in early January that the case of Mobtel's contract for the provision of its services in Kosovo broke publicly. As a result of public and media sensitivity regarding Kosovo, the case gained a political, nationalist dimension, despite the fact that it actually concerned a contractual violation relating to the revoking of the licence.

Three of Mobtel's former official receivers, who were appointed by the state during previous attempts to resolve the case with Karić, were brought in by authorities and

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remanded in custody. Meanwhile, the influx of funds was temporarily redirected from Mobtel's coffers to the accounts PTT Srbija - for the time being the minor shareholder of Mobtel. After that the state took over Mobtel's €90million debts to two Austrian Banks - Hypo Alpe-Adria and Reiffeisenbank. As can be gleaned from our interview with Minister Bubalo, the state intends to treat its assumed Mobtel debt as a share capital increase, which it will use as the basis to increase its shares in Mobtel.

Soon after this interview, talks were held between the Serbian Government, headed by Prime Minister Koštunica, and an Austrian Government delegation, headed by Vice Chancellor and Infrastructure Minister, Hubert Gorbah.

Following the talks, in his role as PSS leader, Bogoljub Karić held a rally in Belgrade, during which he accused Koštunica of trying to destroy him. Karić was heavily criticised for his tastelessness by the Serbian media when he compared his own fate to that of martyred Serbian Prime Minister Zoran

Interview Đinđić. A few days later, Verica Barac - president of the AntiCorruption Council, accused the Serbian Government of acting against Karić without having unveiled any fresh information. Her claim was echoed by the media and emphasis was placed on the Koštunica government's political conflict with Karić, and their propensity to attack some Milošević-era tycoons while protecting others.

As CorD's interview with Minister Bubalo - a member of Koštunica's DSS - took place in the midst of this ongoing scandal, the main topics of conversation were the ramifications of the Mobtel case, the upcoming conclusion of the tender for the telecommunications advisor and the state's strategy for the privatisation of remaining public companies in Serbia.

"Everything that was done in the past was a matter of policies, and the policy was "not to touch anybody". Now the circumstances are such that we can resolve the Mobtel issue, firstly because, thanks to UNMIK, the contracts we knew about but did not have (with Ekrem Lluka, owner of Kosovo mobile phone company Mobikos), have become accessible. Only when international police forces found that contract and handed it to us were we able to launch this action", says Minister Bubalo.

This is the state's fifth attempt to settle accounts with Bogoljub Karić, is it not?

Previously, what was being looked for could not be found, but now it has. Why this [evidence] was not found in previous attempts is mainly a question for those who were looking for it before. It will be possible to ask us the same question, but only if we fail to follow this through to the end.

The Government has temporarily withdrawn the licence from Mobtel, and PTT has taken over the administration of the network. How long will this go on? What will the telecommunications advisor's job be?

If we have been waiting for ten years for the Mobtel case to be resolved, we can wait a bit longer in order to complete the procedure in the proper way…

This clearing up of the situation in Mobtel has coincided with the selection of the advisor for telecommunications.

This advisor should have been chosen much earlier, but, after many delays, will be chosen this month. Several very respectable companies with excellent reputations in the telecommunications field have applied for the position of advisor, and I am afraid that because of the dragging out of this procedure they may lose interest. Therefore, the Government will certainly wait for the advisor to estimate the value of the mobile telephone network and advise us on how everything should be done.

What is bad is that the state is involved in both operators (Mobtel and Mobilna Telefonija Srbije). However, since the issue of the ownership of Mobtel will be solved in parallel with the selection of the advisor, the privatisation of Mobtel will be carried out clearly and transparently, through a tender.

Regardless of what the percentage of the state's share in Mobtel is - and we maintain that the state is the major shareholder, especially after this share capital increase through the takeover of Mobtel's debts to banks - the state cannot start the sales negotiations for Mobtel just with one buyer. The sale must be carried out through a tender.

Nevertheless, that procedure will be very long: if we suppose that the telecommunications advisor will spend at least three months preparing a strategy and that only after that will the tender be called…. Will you really wait for the advisor or will you directly negotiate with Martin Shlaff,

who might have shares in Mobtel, or with Telecom Austria, which will probably appear as a genuine interested buyer?

Shlaff has never shown us the contract for purchasing Karić's part of Mobtel. Therefore, considering that we have been waiting for ten years for the Mobtel case to be resolved, we will wait a bit longer in order to complete the procedure in the proper way: to select the advisor, carry out the capital share increase and see what the Zurich Arbitrary Court's opinion is. The only thing we will not wait to resolve are the criminal acts, if they are established, I emphasise 'establish' because I do not want to prejudice whether there are any.

The candidates for the advisor for the privatisation of the Serbian Petrol Industry (NIS) often mentioned that, firstly, they demanded that the Government establish its aim in order to propose a strategy. What is the Government's aim in the privatisation of the telecommunications sector?

The mobile telephone network and NIS are two completely different cases, and what applies to the first one does not apply to the second. In the telephone industry we talk about the sale of the state's whole package, while in NIS we talk about the sale of the minor state block, the entry of the private owner and the initial public offer (IPO).

All neighbouring countries firstly prepared strategies and then sold their shares in the fixed and mobile telephone systems. What is your strategy in a situation which is completely the opposite?

Those who came long before us in government were waiting to agree on that strategy. The former government, was waiting and did not do anything, and this Government was waiting too, but finally did something. Why is it so difficult to praise this Government for something it is trying to do? The world, the World Bank, EBRD and others do not find it so difficult to recognise our results.

We are waiting because we are not Karić: we do not sell our shares to Shlaff or some Russians. Firstly, we have to establish what we are selling and what we have got, regardless of whether that sale might be less profitable in one year than if we sold Mobtel now.

In the last two cases before the international arbitrary courts we, as a state, have lost cases. Why did you choose the same legal office that has already lost two cases to represent us in the Mobtel case too?

The Government did not choose that lawyers office, CorD | February 2006

27

Interview in PTT's books it was not. According to the decisions of the managing board, which included state representatives, Mobtel's profit was always reinvested. Why is the state now surprised about something it voted for?

Do you know where the former PTT directors are now?

Former PTT director Srđan Blagojević is the current PR manager of [Karić's] Force of Serbia(PSS)Movement, while the other former PTT director, Milorad Jakšić, is also a PSS member. And do not think that they will be granted amnesty for their responsibility.

The official receivers, currently in custody, were appointed by the state. They also declared that Karić owns 51% of Mobtel?

That is true. They signed it all and they will be held to account for that.

but rather PTT. Still, all offices have cases they have lost and cases they have won.

In your view, how much are Mobtel and Mobilna Telefonija Srbije (MTS) worth?

Mobtel, in a pessimistic scenario, is worth around 700 million euros, while, considering its more stable development, MTS is worth around a billion.

Interview

Can we soon expect the privatisation of the Engine and Tractor Industry (IMT) and the Rakovica Engine Industry (IMR), formerly parts of Belgrade's tractor engine group, as well as the Industry of Precision Mechanics (IPM), in which American company Walbridge expressed both an interest and certain objections?

The American partner felt it was their right to decide the method of privatisation and demanded that we announce a tender for IPM, while the Privatisation Agency decided to put this company up for auction. Both processes are equally transparent. The American partner thinks that they will get this company cheaper if they eliminate some potential domestic buyers, but it is in our interests is to have as many potential buyers as possible.

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CorD | February 2006

Therefore, here we had a demand for the elimination of Serbian companies. Many Serbian companies made their profit in the last 15 years - a time when the Karić family made their fortune. Have foreign companies questioned the origins of the capital of such Serbian companies?

This was the first such case. We, as the Government, can say that we want a strategic partner if we are privatising a significant strategic capacity. As time passes by, we are becoming increasingly liberal regarding who can appear as a company's buyer.

In the past, strategic partners have been known to give up at the last minute, leaving the companies in question facing bankruptcy. That is why we want more buyers. Why shouldn't a company be bought by some investment fund, recovered, and then sold on? It is easy to sell a cement factory and look for a strategic partner, but for some companies in a poor state of affairs it is very logical to choose a buyer who offers management services.

And you will not open up the question of the origins of the money, as you did with Karić?

Who is opening anything up? The situation opened itself. If Karić had paid out the profit for the State's 49% he would never have ended up in this situation, but he did not.

He was taking from the State.

PTT and Mobtel had one auditor and in Mobtel's books the profit of the joint company was present, while

Let's move on to the other problems in privatisation.

For some companies, Trayal from Kruševac for instance (Serbian producer of tyres and rubber products), the decision on whether it will be sold in parts or in its entirety has been going on for over a year?

That is because it was a very complex issue… I used to be director of Livnica Kikinda (Foundry) and wanted to sell that company in parts. If we had managed to do that, we would have had much better and bigger partners, because we would have focused on those who were interested in specific parts of the company. When we offered this programme to investors (at a time when there were no write-offs for state debts) they refused because they had a mortgage on the whole company on the basis of joint responsibility (for a loan taken out by one part of the company, the guarantee is the property of the whole company). If the company had been sold in parts, the investors would have had difficulty collecting their debts.

Firstly, we have to establish what we are selling and what we have got, regardless of whether that sale might be less profitable in one year than if we sold Mobtel now.

Then we made a new restructuring programme and offered to sell the company as a whole. When we offered to sell it in parts there were 15 major companies with two to three buyers interested in each part of the company. When we offered to sell it as a whole, only two documentations were purchased and only one buyer made an offer and I was praying to God that he would buy it.

In the Trayal case, the consultants decided to go for the sale of the company as a whole. The best thing would be if the companies interested, including Galaxy (an American company which purchased Ruma guma and is interested in Trayal) established a consortium, thus right at the beginning they would know which partner in the consortium wanted to buy which part of Trayal.

Whilst they wait, the disoriented directors of stateowned companies are maintaining minimal production levels and seeing the values of the companies fall, are they not?

There are directors who do not do anything and those who do a lot on privatisation while keeping production at a low level. Then you have the director of Trayal, who concentrated on production and not that much on privatisation. He revived the company in terms of production and sales. Where I think he made a mistake is that he did not pay enough attention to the social programme, i.e. to reducing the number of employees. When I become the director of Livnica, I immediately laid off 1,700 workers.

That is not a popular measure in a small place, but that helped the company become the first company to enter the process of privatisation. •

Economics

Winners & More Pace Losers

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CorD | February 2006

Romania and Turkey attracted the region’s highest foreign direct investments (FDI) in the last decade, followed by Bulgaria and Croatia. If the region’s situation remains the same, Serbia might become a frontrunner, attracting €2billion annually in the next two to three years

By Tanja Jakobi

riven by optimistic expectations of the economic growth of Central and Eastern Europe, Erste Bank recently launched its New Europe Blue Chip Index (NTX), a capitalisation-weighted price index consisting of 30 blue chip stocks traded on the stock exchanges of Bucharest, Budapest, Ljubljana, Prague, Vienna, Warsaw and Zagreb.

"This is the first of many similar products that we expect to be launched by other banks," said Erste Group's Chief Financial Officer, Reinhard Ortner, who strongly believes in the prospects of the region.

Based on the year-to-date period, starting from 1st January 2005, the NTX outperformed the Eurostoxx50 (index composed of 50 European blue-chip stocks) by more than 25 per cent. However, it remains to be seen how the new index will perform in the longer term.

The NTX index, which is composed very restrictively, is a mix of 80 per cent of the stocks of Austrian companies expected to show strong returns based on acquisitions within the region, and a few of the best performing stocks of local companies listed on their home, and other

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regional, stock exchanges. Viewed by sectors, NTX is equally conservatively focused on the sectors of oil, telecommunications, and banking.

The list includes several stocks from neighbouring Romania and Bulgaria and one stock each from Slovenia and Croatia. Since there are no Serbian companies listed on the Belgrade Stock exchange, not a single company was eligible to be included in the index.

"We were focused on Austria, new members of the EU, and EU candidate countries," says Ortner. "The majority of stocks are those of Austrian companies, mainly because these companies were first to acknowledge the potential of the region in the early phase. Today, they are superior in gaining profits (in comparison with companies from other EU countries) from the region of Central and Eastern Europe."

Austrian petroleum company OMV (included in the index), is one of the interested parties in the forthcoming privatisation of the Serbian state oil company Naftna industrija Srbije (NIS).

Analysts are divided over the possibility that Serbia might become one of the major players in the region.

The proximity of CEE and Southeast European (SEE) markets to the EU, and the lessened risk for investments,

Economics due to the fact that all of the countries in the region are in the process of association or EU accession, makes the region particularly attractive for investments.

Despite the fact that, in terms of returns, CEE countries and Southern European countries are far below the emerging markets of China and other Asian economies, the appeal of the region is significant both in terms of margins and the relatively low level of risk.

Indeed, according to the annual report of IntelliNews - a service of ISI Emerging Markets, gross FDI in Southeast Europe in 2005 [note: Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia are sometimes referred to as CEE and sometimes as SEE countries] hit a new historical record of €50billion.

"Although the figures are relatively modest on a global scale, the fast growing economies of Southeast Europe are now among the world's best performers in terms of FDI inflows per capita," says the report.

The average FDI ratio for the seven SEE countries [Albania, B&H, Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia, Romania and SCG] has reached 5.2% of GDP and 4.6% over the period from 2001 to 2005, turning the FDI inflow into a major source of growth. The region is, and will remain, one of the fastest growing regions globally, with sustained expansion rates of more than five per cent annually.

The size of the market, political stability, and the prospect of EU accession are the main driving forces of FDI. The largest economies in the region, Romania and Turkey, are holding top positions in the FDI ranking terms of total euro-denominated inflows. However, the more indicative ratios, such as FDI per gross domestic product and FDI per capita measures, show that Bulgaria and Croatia are the real stars of the region.

Bulgaria managed to become a leading state in the region, with gross FDI inflows of 7.2% of GDP from 1996 to 2005. Croatia is SEE champion in terms of FDI per capita, with a cumulative total of €2,300 within the same period, in comparison with the region's average of €800.

Despite the fact that, in terms of returns, Southern European countries are far below the emerging markets of China and other Asian economies, the appeal of the region is significant When broken down into figures, it is easer to understand why the Belgrade-based association of foreign investors, the Foreign Investors Council (FIC), recently warned that the level of FDI in Serbia might be impressive in terms of the gross sum, but is substantially shallower. Namely, in 2003 investments per capita were €160, in 2004 about €100, and in 2005 close to €200. As many Serbian economists have noted, the structure of the Serbian economy is largely unfavourable, dominated by huge state monopolies and an absence of competition.

With respect to FDI, Macedonia, which has one of the smallest markets, holds the regional wooden spoon, mainly due to the recent upheavals in the region of Tetovo, a part of the country populated by an ethnic-Albanian minority. In 2003-2004, FDI in Macedonia amounted to less than two per cent of annual GDP. However, by becoming an EU candidate country, Macedonia at least alleviated political concerns, while leaving remaining states in the Balkans at the end of the EU tale.

Indeed, analysts are much less optimistic when it comes to the countries of the Western Balkans (a subcategory within SEE).

Marianne Kager, chief economist of the Bank of Austria Creditanstalt, noted in her foreword for the 2005 BA - CA review, presented at the Euromoney conference

Reinhard Ortner CFO Erste Group in Cavtat last October, that although overall conditions within the Balkans are improved, many potential investors remain hesitant of taking advantage of the opportunities which are opening up. Investors are mainly citing unresolved issues, such as inefficient administration, difficulties regarding legal claims, regulations which are not co-ordinated within the EU legal framework and the general political framework.

This is particularly true for Serbia. At the beginning of January, deputy Prime Minister Miroljub Labus warned that the lack of co-operation with The Hague Tribunal might have serious consequences with regard to the EU Stabilisation and the Association Agreement (SAA). "We know that there was one very important meeting in Brussels, in mid-December [2005], and that during that meeting it was mentioned that the negotiations about the SAA might be postponed if there is no progress with regard to the Tribunal," said Labus. "We will do everything at the political and security level to amend this situation."

If political obstacles are sorted out, Serbia has the potential to be a frontrunner among the Western Balkan countries, in terms of FDI. The major fundamentals for further investments are cheap labour and growth differentials vis-à-vis EU members. Since all these conditions are likely to stay in place in the medium term, foreign interest is about to rise further in the following five years.

Analysts predict that the major sectors to attract foreign direct investments in Serbian will be the financial, telecommunications, and energy sectors, plus retail and food industry sectors. It is expected that, on average, Serbia will receive €2billion annually in the next few years, provided the country proceeds with reforms and puts more efforts into redefining its judicial sector, reducing red tape and combating corruption.

Much still depends on the costs of labour, which are relatively high in comparison with Bulgaria, for example.

Although Bulgaria is set to become an EU member in 2007, it managed to keep wages on a level that is half the average wage in Serbia (€209 per month). However, it is noteworthy that in 2005 Serbia managed to keep real wages unchanged in comparison with the previous year for the first time since 2000. • CorD | February 2006

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Interview

Robust Growth & Inflation Although the National Bank of Serbia has introduced measures to slow the pace of credit growth, the recent and continuing arrival of private banks to the local banking sector should ensure robust credit growth in 2006 and another year of solid economic growth. The better outlook for EU economies will be positive for Serbia's export outlook, says Goran Saravanja

By Tanja Jakobi

Interview

Goran Saravanja, senior economic analyst, Austrian investment bank CA-IB

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CorD | February 2006

he Serbian economy should be able to record GDP growth of five per cent this year, in line with the official growth forecast, says Goran Saravanja, Austrian investment bank CA-IB's senior economic analyst covering the economies of the region.

Saravanja is also of the opinion that Serbia's budget will record a surplus this year. The main determining factor, he believes, will be whether the government is able to implement the additional reforms needed to allow it to reduce expenditure by an additional percentage point of GDP, as agreed with the IMF, which all depends on the pace of implementation of the measures agreed.

"The official inflation forecast of 9.3% for 2006 is optimistic, in my opinion," says Saravanja, speaking to CorD. The impact of the introduction of value added tax (VAT) in 2005 on the Consumer Price Index (CPI) will not be present in 2006, which should reduce inflation by slightly over two percentage points this year. Still, wage growth continues to exceed productivity gains in a number of sectors and, with many prices in Serbia linked to the euro, merchandise imports rising and the exchange rate on a depreciating path, the scope for sharply reducing inflation in 2006 is limited.

"I expect inflation will average closer to 14% this year and that the disinflation process in Serbia will be more gradual than the authorities are forecasting," says CorD's interlocutor.

Having a Standby agreement (SBA) with the IMF is the most positive signal authorities can send to investors that they are implementing policy consistently. In many countries, macroeconomic policy settings are broadly consistent and prudent, yet the real challenge lies in implementing structural reforms which are closely related to improving the business, and therefore investment, climate in a country. Having an arrangement such as an SBA with the IMF assists the implementation of structural reforms, as well as sending a signal to investors that the country is sticking to a consistent policy path. "This is an important signal to send even when reform initiatives are slowed down and may not meet initial expectations," says Saravanja.

Evidently, a government has more freedom to implement policy if it is not encumbered by agreements

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with the IMF and similar institutions. However, that will only prove a short-term benefit if that freedom to set policy compromises macroeconomic stability or business/investor confidence.

"For a country such as Serbia, which is in the process of resolving challenging political issues and which is at the beginning of the EU accession process, having an agreement such as an SBA in place is an effective way of maintaining investor confidence in the reform process," says the CA-IB senior economic analyst.

Even without the SBA, Saravanja predicts a considerable inflow of Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) to Serbia, but points out differences in the quality of FDI between countries such as Croatia, which has already overcome many transition obstacles, and Serbia, which still has an undeveloped financial market.

"I expect inflation will average closer to 14% this year and that the disinflation process in Serbia will be more gradual than the authorities are forecasting" "According to CA-IB estimations, privatisation initiatives will be the major driver of FDI inflows into Serbia in 2006. In terms of sectors, the banking/finance and oil and gas sectors will be the most important sources of FDI. I estimate up to €1.5bn in FDI inflows for Serbia this year."

However, "Croatia will see up to €2bn in FDI inflows, in my opinion. Privatisation will be important, as will the Initial Public Offer (IPO) of 15% of oil and gas company INA and the sale of the government's remaining stake in fixed telephone operator T-HT, scheduled for this year. The sale of HVB Splitska banka, sought by the Croatian National Bank after the takeover of HVB Group by Unicredit, will be a key private sector deal in Croatia this year. The tourism sector and broader industrial sector should also attract investor interest this year.

"While most FDI inflows to Serbia should be in the form of trade sales to strategic partners, Croatia will see more IPO activity (INA), as well as a higher share of private sector to private sector deals in the overall structure of FDI inflows. In addition, the commencement of EU talks will see increased interest in the local stock market," says Saravanja.•

Economics Around 4.5 million payment cards are possessed in Serbia (excluding Kosovo) by about eight million people.

This figure rose markedly when the abolition of cheques as a viable delayed payment option led to a payment card boom

ayment cards, especially credit cards, have become much more important in Serbia of late. By the beginning of 2006, 4.5 million credit cards had been handed out. The number of Automated Teller Machines (ATMs) is on the rise, with over 700 of them available, but the demand for ATMs is four times greater than that figure.

Unlike elsewhere in the world, Serbia has only just started to acquaint itself with the credit card industry; principally because, as of 1st January 2006, cheques could only be used as a non-cash method of direct payment, as opposed to being used as a post-dated method of paying for goods and services in instalments. [Over the course of the past 15 years, cheques have driven the retail sector in Serbia by being used as unofficial 'loans' at a time when banks did not approve any loans or credit options in the country. During that period, cheque payments in instalments often included a hidden interest rate affixed to the price of the item purchased. On the whole, these 'overdrafts' were repaid over the course of six to 24 months, with payment based on mutual trust between the retailer and the consumer: the only guarantee for the retailer was the personal ID number and contact details of the purchaser, while said purchaser had only the retailer's promise to cash the post-dated cheques in monthly instalments, rather than cashing them all at once]. The abolition of this facility was the main cause of the 2005 credit card boom.

In addition to the domestic Dinakard and international cards, such as Visa and MasterCard, there are many non-banking cards: the most well-know of which are Diners' card and American Express.

Dinakard is the most popular payment card option in Serbia, with users totalling close to 1.7 million. However, the problem is that only about 41 per cent of the cards are registered as active in the system.

Domestic cards are accepted in 556 ATMs and can be used to purchase goods at over 23,000 retail outlets all over Serbia. Card holders most regularly use their cards to make cash withdrawals from ATMs; usually from the ATMs held by the bank that issued their cards, since there are no charges in such cases.

Other than debit cards, the Dinakard 3, 6 and 12 credit cards are currently in use, and it is expected that potential card holders will be using them more and more often,

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Plastic in the Pocket

By Danijela Milosavljević; Illustration: Marija Popović thanks to the fact that cheques are no longer accepted when purchasing products in instalments. Dinakard is also planning to co-brand its cards, with Visa and MasterCard both being options, which would then enable people to use their Dinakards beyond the borders of Serbia & Montenegro.

According to National Bank of Serbia statistics, in 2005 more than 3.7 million transactions were made with Dinakards, totalling close to ten billion dinars worth of commerce and creating a noticeable increase in use within the last several months of 2005, not only at ATMs, but also in the retail sector.

The second most popular card used in Serbia & Montenegro is Visa. Currently, there are a total of about 1.3 million Visa cards distributed - 1.2 million debit cards and 100,000 credit cards. Visa Card holders can withdraw cash from almost 500 ATMs in Serbia and pay for merchandise using their Visa cards in about 14,000 retail stores. •

CorD | February 2006

15

Economics

Copper Fever The Serbian Government recently awarded small Canadian company Dundee Precious Metals three concessions for copper and gold explorations on Crni Vrh, an exploration site close to the mining town of Bor. "Dundee would also be interested in the upcoming privatisation of the Bor mining conglomerate," says Laurence Marsland, Dundee executive vice president and chief operating officer

By Tanja Jakobi; Photo: Jelena Mandić

erbia is perhaps the last new mineral exploration frontier in Europe, being the last of the countries in the region to open its doors to foreign mineral exploration companies. In the last couple of years the Serbian Government has approved several drilling permits and concessions for copper, gold and related mineral exploration.

Large and well known companies, such as Rio Tinto, Phelps Dodge and Goldfields, were joined by small junior private companies in submitting offers for the recent concessions tender for the exploration and exploitation of minerals along the Bor-Timok copper and gold belt.

Explaining how his virtually unknown company won concessions for the fields of Čoka kupjatra, Čoka kuruga and Tilva njagra, Marsland says simply: "We were better prepared and more devoted to the task".

Rio Tinto, Phelps Dodge and Goldfields, which submitted their offers for the same fields, later filed complaints to the Serbian Government, claiming that the tender procedure was grossly disregarded in terms of commercial reputations in mining experience and expertise.

"The tender document asked for three years' experience in the business field, which means that the government itself didn't put a strong emphasis on that part of the tender requirements. On the other hand, our company, although it is not as well known as our U.S. counterparts, has sufficient experience in mining," insists Marsland.

Toronto-based Dundee Corporation is a conglomerate consisting of diverse companies involved in the banking sector, mutual funds, real estate and the mining industry.

The results of written complaints and talks between unsuccessful U.S. bidders and the Serbian Government are as yet unknown. Moreover, the government didn't make any public statement regarding the protests of citizens living near the Tilva njagra field, who complained that the exploration of the relatively scarce resources of minerals may result in devastating environmental damage.

Dundee made its first investments in Bulgaria, where it currently manages the Celopech copper and gold mine, and is also in an early stage of involvement in another project the Krumovgrad Gold Project. "Unlike big companies which are looking for huge deposits of copper and gold, due to our size, we may allow ourselves to be involved in smaller scale projects," says Marsland, adding that the company is optimistic about the prospects of the exploration of fields in Serbia, which are on the regional golden route.

Economics

Laurence Marsland, executive vice president and chief operating officer, Dundee Precious Metals

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CorD | February 2006

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"We are not excluding the possibility of taking part in the privatisation process of the Bor Copper and Gold mine, probably in co-operation with some larger partner," he added.

Dundee is especially interested in the subterranean exploitation of "Borska reka", which is believed to hold enough reserves of copper to last for the next 30 to 50 years.

The Serbian Government recently selected the privatisation advisor for the Bor copper and mine conglomerate: a consortium of advisors led by Austrian investment bank CA-IB. The tender procedure for the privatisation of RTB Bor is expected to be announced in the first quarter of 2006.

The World Bank, which is working closely with the government on the project of reorganising and privatising RTB Bor, is financing the advisor and will assist the government in finding solutions for both the environmental problems and the issue of surplus workers.

At present, RTB Bor records annual losses of $30million to $40million. Morevoer, the sulphur dioxide emissions of the aged smelting works are four times higher than the accepted levels Bor cannot be privatised if there are no big investors ready to invest a serious amount of money to revamp the existing smelting facility or build a new one.

At present, RTB Bor records annual losses of $30million to $40million. Moreover, the sulphur dioxide emissions of the aged smelting works are four times higher than the accepted levels.

The first exploration concession was awarded back in 2000 to Southern European Exploration (SEE), a small Canadian private company which later became Eurasian Minerals. The company has an exploration permit for a drill hole in the Brestovac sector of ZlotBrestovac in eastern Serbia, which lies three kilometres south of the Bor mining district.

In April 2005, London-based Cambridge Mineral Resources (CMR), a junior exploration and mining company, acquired three exploration permits in Serbia from Hereward Ventures plc, another small mining company. The Tulare permit, with three known porphyry copper targets in addition to peripheral gold anomalies, the Ivan Kula permit, containing quartz breccia zones hosting multiple gram gold values, and the Dobro Polje permit, are all located on the southern end of the Bor-Timok copper and gold belt. •

Interview

Balkan - Made Ana Blagojević,

Interview

Serbian Assistant Minister of International Economic Relations

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CorD | February 2006

Most commodities from Serbia lack a certificate of origin. The Stability Pact for Southeast Europe could initiate an agreement to replace a series of bilateral agreements between countries in the region with a multilateral agreement. This would allow commodities produced from raw materials or semi-finished products to bear a regional certificate of origin, says Blagojević, speaking to CorD

By Zoran Knežević, Photo Jelena Mandić

erbia has a wide range of projects that could interest foreign investors, but what the country lacks is a presentable database detailing the offer.

"Foreigners often have trouble getting information and are forced to wander office to office in search of data," Serbian Assistant Minister of International Economic Relations, Ana Blagojević, reveals to CorD magazine.

The structure of foreign investments in Serbia has significantly improved during the past three years, but not all of them have had the same effect, given that they came from various sources, Blagojević says. "It is often the case that investments by non-market sources are pre-

S

sented as state investments, while private investors are highly speculative and in search of easy profit. These kinds of investments appear in Serbia in three forms: direct investment, recapitalisation with foreign capital and joint ventures with domestic firms. The biggest share of these investments came though privatisation."

Foreign companies have opened 451 new offices in Serbia since 2003, while 106 were closed in the same period. Some of these do not have the legal capacity to make business deals, but are limited to market analysis, monitoring and the like. Companies from the former Yugoslav republics have opened the largest number of branches so far. It is important to note that our companies have opened 57 offices abroad during that time.

Interview What is the structure of investments in the process of privatisation?

The structure of investments during the last three-year period has changed for the better. For example, in 2003 a third of total assets were used to purchase vehicles, mostly to renew car pools, but this year there has been a 10 per cent reduction in that respect. In most companies that were privatised, the investor had to modernise production equipment and technology before doing anything else.

Today, the effects of these initial investments are visible.

Is Serbia attractive to foreign investors?

Foreign capital has found interest in different economic sectors in all the countries of the region, especially in Romania and Bulgaria. In these countries investment margins are bigger primarily because of Serbia’s high level of instability, especially political instability. However, Serbia cannot be viewed separately from other countries of the region, because it is irrefutably part of the Southeast European market that comprises 60 million consumers. Therefore, an approach to the Serbian market should always be viewed as part of, or a possibility to operate in, a wider and more attractive regional market. Of particular importance is an agreement between the countries of Southeast Europe, also ratified by Serbia, which allows an unfettered flow of goods in the region. Serbia also has another competitive advantage that has not been utilised to its full potential - that being the agreement with the Russian Federation that gives Serbian products preferential status, allowing investors in the Serbian economy a competitive edge on the vast Russian market.

What is required to attract foreign investors?

Aside from creating a stable political environment, there is also the general economic climate to think of, opportunities for safe and easy transport, a practical system for acquiring information, a modern infrastructure and system of communication, access to third markets, a friendly social climate and a sufficient and qualified labour force.

The value assigned to the origin of goods is of growing importance in international trade.

That is correct, and what is also true is that most of

Foreign companies have opened 451 new offices in Serbia since 2003, while 106 were closed in the same period. Our companies have opened 57 offices abroad during that time our products lack certificates of origin. The Stability Pact for Southeast Europe could initiate an agreement to replace a series of bilateral agreements between countries in the region with a multilateral agreement. This would allow commodities produced from raw materials or semifinished products to bear a regional certificate of origin.

This would amount to something such as "Made in the Balkans" or "Made in SEE"?

Right. This would sharpen the competitive edge of produce from the entire region. Currently, we are faced with the problem that many countries in the region are unable to satisfy regulations according to which at least 50 per cent of the products exported to foreign markets have to be manufactured from raw materials and semi-finished products that originate in the country of export, which effectively bars them from these markets.

Ana Blagojevic, promoting economic potential is expensive Naturally, to attain this there will have to be investment in primary production.

Foreigners often scrutinise the excessive red tape here, as well as painstaking procedures for acquiring construction permits… What has Serbia done to change this?

Procedures for acquiring various permits are not simple in many developed countries either, contrary to what people believe here. The difference is that everything is clear and predictable there, while here there is a lot of ambiguity. That is why the government should be praised for adopting an action plan to remove administrative barriers to foreign investment and for setting up SIEPA (the Serbian Investment and Export Promotion Agency), which is tasked with co-ordinating activities for enhancing export. Moreover, the new Law on Foreign Trade has significantly liberalised this part of the economy and has simplified procedures for acquiring export permits.

Perhaps the most important feature of this document is that it has embraced all the principles that are standard in EU countries and WTO members. Foreign investors will be very pleased with the fact that the regulations have been designed to uphold the same measures, mechanisms and institutions they are familiar with in their own countries and on other markets, and that they will not have to waste time acquainting themselves with an incongruous piece of local procedure, nor face barriers that they are not accustomed to.

We often hear that Serbia does not have enough projects in store for foreign investors. Is that true?

There are a whole host of projects, but what we lack is a presentable database detailing what’s on offer. Foreigners often have trouble getting information and are forced to wander from office to office in search of data. The investor cherishes most a source of comprehensive and detailed information explaining what he needs to know in order to do business, such as data on laws that facilitate investment or a knowledge bank on qualified labour. An improvement was made after 57 municipalities drafted general blueprints for their development, with opportunities for tailoring individual projects to suit investor needs. • CorD | February 2006

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Interview

H.E. Christos Panagopoulos, Ambassador of the Hellenic Republic in Belgrade

Interview

Fighting for 'Team SEE'

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CorD | February 2006

As the region's only member of the EU, Greece has been a unique case in SouthEastern European for over two decades. However, life for Greece has been somewhat lonesome in the Union as it has struggled to compete alone against other EU member nations which have formed genuine 'regional teams' to promote their common interests. Now, though, Greece is fighting back by championing the accessions of its neighbours in order to create 'Team Balkania' within the EU

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Nowadays, in the European Union of 25 states, it is only normal to have continuous, positive 'confrontations' to gain priority for projects… So, if you are all alone in representing an entire region which is, unfortunately, not the most developed, it is obvious that some help is needed. This is why it is only natural for us to seek the inclusion in the EU of all of our neighbours.

How much, if at all, is Greece hindered by the fact that it is, essentially, an 'isolated EU outpost'?

All our experience over the last 22 years and more, as a full member of the European Union, has been somehow tinged with the feeling of loneliness, because we are the only South-eastern European country. This has brought us more responsibilty in highlighting and furthering the region's needs.

Do you think it's an 'obligation' of Greece to assist its regional neighbours in joining the Union?

I wouldn't say it was an obligation, but it's certainly to the benefit of all of us. After all these years in the European Union, and having previously gone through the same situations as most of our Balkan neighbours: negative history, continuous confrontation, conflict, war, civil war - we came to the conclusion that the only way to escape our shared negative past would be to create a common future in the EU…We are deeply convinced that this is a one-way road for

By M. Pullen; Photo: Jelena Mandić rogress towards the formation of the regional team is understandably slow and, as Ambassador Panagopoulos admits, "we're not there yet", but the ambition is certainly there and Greece is unrelenting in its determination to see the EU accessions of its neighbours and friends.

Society all of us and is the only way to overcome the bad past and build a better future for our kids…We are working on this in the Western Balkans, especially with our friends in Serbia & Montenegro, and fully agree that this is the only end goal.

Does Greece have a specific governmental department tasked solely with assisting the EU accessions of your neighbours?

We have exactly that. We have one of the most highly articulated departments, The South East Europe Department. It is within the ministry of foreign affairs, but also spreads all over public administration. A very high priority of the government and the civil service is to provide details of our experiences, both positive and negative, to our friends in the Balkans wherever possible. As a personal example, I was Ambassador to Cyprus during a very sensitive time when Cyprus was vying to become, and eventually became, an EU member. Constantly on my mind whilst I was there was the need to pass on Greece's knowledge, not

If we fail to co-operate regionally we will continue to rely on other, external 'big brothers'.

We don't want to do that anymore. We can really do this by ourselves, but we have to overcome all the negative factors only of positive but also of negative experiences, to our colleagues in order to help Cyprus avoid making the same mistakes. Helping your partner to avoid mistakes can save millions of dollars, ease readjustments and aid success.

Will the EU integration of the Balkan countries allow the region to form something of a 'team' within the Union, able to more successfully fight for Southeast Europe's economic and security interests?

Absolutely. Debating in the European Union is a constant negotiating process to gain a priority for projects you are attached to. Let's not forget, however, that the EU is not just trade and finance; it is, above all, a community of values.

As a tangible example, if Serbia & Montenegro was an EU member it would be much easier for us together to

THE KOSOVO ISSUE As Greeks, we are not alien to the problems of the area and have had similar experiences in the past… We are very well aware that a setback in Kosovo would risk destabilising the region and be negative for all of us…though a problem is the inability to control the extreme elements that are everywhere.

As we say, we cannot impose any solution that is against the will of one of the participants, and in this context I will say that, for us, the stability of Serbia is of maximum importance because it is central to the stability of the entire area. As such, we cannot stabilise one small place by destabilising a much more major area…

Ambassador Panagopoulos: Enlargment ideas not flourishing in Europe secure the funding and support needed from the EU to complete the Corridor 10 project. Another excellent example is the fact that if we were both members of the EU we could counter the joint efforts of our Nordic fellow members in things such as the fight between butter and olive oil: for years we have been flooded with advertisements for their dairy products, while the olive oil that we produce is unable to compete financially, despite being much healthier. We have lacked the funds to inform the EU public to the same degree as the richer producers of butter, which, at the end of the day, is bad for the health of consumers.

French Interior Minister and presidential hopeful, Nicolas Sarkozy, has again called for a freeze on EU expansion. What is Greece's opinion on the expansion climate of the EU, particularly towards the Western Balkans and Turkey?

It is certain that notions of enlargement are not flourishing in the EU at the moment. This is a period of reflection which started with the outcome of Constitution referenda in Holland and France. Although the draft constitution failed, the reflection, reassessment and dialogue that followed are actually positive things.

We trust that the 25-member European Union will continue to absorb problems and work to overcome crises in order to go forward, although we cannot be sure how long this reflection is going to take.

Turning specifically to Turkey, I would say that we have traditionally paid the price for the behaviour of Turkey, but that we in Greece believe deeply that a European-minded Turkey, with all the obligations and rights of an EU state, is going to be a much better neighbour. That's why Greece consistently supports Turkey's bid to become an EU member; though this is so Turkey will be able to change. Some of our Turkish friends would like to take eventual EU membership ala carte; that is to say that they would rather take only the benefits - the programmes and the financing - but would respond to calls for them to respect their obligations by saying 'well, Turkey is in a peculiar situation. Don't press us too much because we are very specific'. This is not acceptable.

Membership carries with it both rights and obligations.

Nevertheless, I personally believe that Turkey is changing for the better, though I cannot be sure how quickly and to CorD | February 2006

39

Interview

“Greece is making a major effort” in SCG

Interview

what extent. We are urging our Turkish friends to do more, because now that they've secured the start of full membership negotiations it has become evident that there is a kind of fatigue on the part of Ankara, which is not a good sign.

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CorD | February 2006

In terms of more local, regional integration in the Balkans, how much importance would you give to cross-national ownership and local FDI in creating sustainable economic interdependence?

I think our societies are all open now, compared to just a hundred years ago when we were fragmented and living behind internal barriers. Thirty years ago it would have been inconceivable for a businessman from Greece to come here, today this is possible. And we have to build on this for the future by creating more regional co-operation in areas of economics, politics, culture, etc. If we fail to do this we will not achieve anything and will continue to rely on other, external 'big brothers', let's say. We don't want to do that anymore. We can really do this by ourselves, but we have to overcome all the negative factors. So, regional economic co-operation is crucial.

At this point I would like to mention that Greece is making a major effort when it comes to investing in Serbia & Montenegro during this critical transition period when ever more capital is needed in order to achieve a fully free economy and overall national readjustment.

How would you characterise bilateral trade and industry relations between Greece and SCG; and how do you expect them to improve and become more reciprocal as SCG progresses along its road to EU integration?

From my own experience, I would say that the chemistry between Serbians & Montenegrins and Greeks is of an extremely high quality. This is one element that explains the hugely successful business relations between the two countries. Today, I am proud to tell you, Greece is the number one foreign investor [in SCG] in absolute numbers. We have invested no less than $1.3billion in the economy's leading sectors banking, energy, telecommunications, etc… We have achieved this because the average Greek businessman has more or less the same volume as his Serbian & Montenegrin counterparts.

So, for a huge American company, for instance, it may be perceived as being too risky to come here and spend time coming to terms with the mentality and social differences. We have been here together for centuries and we know each other.

Moreover, the size of the SCG economy fits Greek businesses perfectly. Generally speaking, because of these facts, Greek investors operating here are doing very well.

Of course, there are problems and, as I am among friends, I can be frank and say that it's not all rosy. Serbia & Montenegro, as we know, is in a transitional period where a lot of institutional and other elements are changing by the minute. I'm not talking here about the usual business problems faced all over the world, but rather problems specific to transition. However, when we are confronted by something negative, such as commercial discrimination and nontransparent procedures, the Greek state does intervene.

Now, with the SAA (EU Stabilisation and Association Agreement) under negotiation, I think our Serbian & Montenegrin friends are making a major effort to improve the climate. I regularly tell my Serbian friends, who are all urging me to encourage more Greek businessmen to invest here, that the best advertisement for the country lies in the success of the businesses already operating here.

Regardless of what our government tells them, if they feel they are discriminated against and subjected to non-transparent procedures, a negative sentiment will spread all over through the international contacts in Europe and America that Greek businesses have. So, the best advertisement is the satisfaction of those on the ground.

Do you think the fact that Serbia & Montenegro is internationally classed as 'unstable' is actually an advantage to countries like Greece because it scares off the larger, more conservative companies from the U.S., Germany, Britain, etc.?

Yes. Greek businessmen understand well that this period of transition isn't going to last forever and we are confident in Serbia's capacity to cross the bridge of transition and reach the European Union. Those who aren't so close to what's going on here are probably intimidated by the situation and the fact that they're scared is indeed an advantage to Greece's business community.

the best advertisement for the country lies in the success of the businesses already operating here. Regardless of what our government tells them, if they feel they are discriminated against and subjected to non-transparent procedures, a negative sentiment will spread all over Turning to infrastructure, and particularly the aforementioned Corridor 10 project, which is probably the key to regional trade success and to ensuring that Greece has a fast, direct route to central and Western Europe: when do you think we will finally see an international, hi-speed road link across the region?

There have been delays, principally because neither side has had the experience to deal with a project of such magnitude. But when it's completed the road will be as, if not more, beneficial to our Serbian friends than to us. It's impossible to conceive a development in this sensitive, underdeveloped area of Serbia without modern infrastructure, and so the development of this entire corridor has been given top priority: if you can't move goods and people quickly and securely, you cannot talk about development.

For us, this route will, of course, serve as a direct route into the countries of central Europe. So, it's a 100 per cent win-win project and, no matter what some media have recently claimed, both governments remain fully committed to the project and have agreed to make a final study on what's doable. From our side, we are ready to start financing upon conclusion of this final study to determine what we can realistically provide for the area… •

Society

Serbian Power Chart Popular Serbian daily Blic recently published its list of the 300 most powerful people in Serbia. The selection was based on several criteria: facility in achieving goals, public status and profile, personal authority and the weight of the institution they represent; financial and political influence and personal charisma. Here CorD lists Blic's top 100 1. Miroslav Mišković, President of Delta Holding, Serbia's biggest single contributor to GDP (10 - 12 per cent annually).

2. Vojislav Koštunica, Serbian Prime Minister, leader of the Democratic Party of Serbia.

3. Boris Tadić, the first democratically elected President of Serbia; elected to office in June 2004 with a narrow victory over the Radical Party of Serbia's Tomislav Nikolić.

1.

4. Mlađan Dinkić, Serbian Finance Minister and Vice President of G17 Plus.

5. Michael Polt, U.S. Ambassador to Belgrade.

6. Filip Cepter, owner of the Zepter Company, which boasts offices in more than 40 countries worldwide and an annual turnover in excess of a billion dollars.

7. Milan Beko, official advisor to FPP Balkan limited, which purchased Knjaz Miloš mineral water company.

Society

8. Bogoljub Karić, media mogul and, along with his brothers in the BK (Brothers Karić) Group, owner of companies and assets in the domains of telecommunications, construction, finance, 8. education, media, commerce and agriculture. Karić is also leader of the Force of Serbia Movement.

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CorD | February 2006

9. Javier Solana, EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy.

10. Patriarch Pavle, head of the Serbian Orthodox Church.

11. Vuk Hamović, owner of EFT London - the biggest trader in electric energy in this part of Europe (from Ukraine to Greece).

12. Stanko Subotić Cane, businessman with a wide array of interests and activities.

13.

13. Ratko Mladić, ICTY most wanted; former commander of the Republika Srpska Army.

14. Carla Del Ponte, Chief Prosecutor of the ICTY, i.e. Mladić's nemesis.

15. Michael Fedorenko, Managing Director of U.S. Steel Serbia. Federenko assumed the post in Smederevo, Serbia, after serving his company as Vice President of Technology at U.S. Steel Kosice in Slovakia.

16. Velimir Ilić, Serbian Minister for Capital Investments and leader of the New Serbia party.

17. Vuk Drašković, SCG Foreign Minister and leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement.

18. Zoran Stanković, SCG Minister of Defence; retired General and former head of the Military Medical Academy (VMA). Regarded as Serbia's top 18. pathologist.

19. Vojin Lazarević, owner of Interfejs Company; former co-owner of EFT until his recent split with Vuk Hamović.

20. Rade Bulatović, Director of the Security Information Agency.

21. Miodrag Stojković, the first in Europe to succeed in cloning human stem cells at the University of Newcastle's Institute of Genetics.

28. Danko Đunić, reformist.

29. Aleksandar Vlahović, former Serbian Economy and Privatisation Minister.

30. Vlade Divac, former member of the national basketball team, winner of a respectable number of medals at European and World championships and the Olympic Games.

31. Tomislav Nikolić, acting head of the Serbian Radical Party in the absence of ICTY detainee Vojislav Šešelj.

32. Rasim Ljajić, SCG Minister for Human Rights and Ethnic Minorities.

Head of SCG's ICTY Co-operation Council; Serbia's longest-serving minister, having secured two consecutive mandates.

33. Miroslav Milošević, chief of the Department for Public Security at the Ministry of Interior, i.e. head of the Serbian police. Also under his jurisdiction are UPBOK (organised crime directorate), SAJ (Special Anti-Terrorist Units), the Gendarmerie and the entire Serbian police force.

34. Zoran Drakulić, owner of East Point and a DSS donor until 2000.

35. Zoran Stojković, Serbian Minister of Justice.

36. Predrag "Peconi" Ranković, owner of Zemun-based company "Invej" - one of the biggest investors in Serbia last year.

22. Miroljub Labus, Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia and leader of G17 Plus.

37. Miodrag Kostić, owner of "MK komerc"; Serbia's Sugar Lord.

23. Dragan Jočić, Serbian Interior Minister.

38. Draško Petrović, General Director of Serbian "Telekom".

24. Radovan Jelašić, Governor of the National Bank of Serbia.

39. Željko Mitrović, the shrewdest media mogul of Serbian descent.

25. Žarko Zečević, Secretary General of Partizan FC 26. Božidar Đelić, 26.

Credy Agricole Director for South-East Europe, former Serbian finance minister.

27. Nenad Bogdanović, Mayor of Belgrade and deputy president of the Democratic Party.

40. Aleksandar Tijanić, current Director of Radio Television Serbia (RTS), Milošević-era Minister of Information.

41. Predrag Bubalo, Serbian Economy and Privatisation Minister.

41.

42. Bojan Pajtić, Vice President of the Democratic Party and Prime Minister of the Government of Vojvodina.

Society 43. Jožef Kasa, leader of the Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians and longstanding Mayor of Subotica.

44.

44. Sulejman Ugljanin, leader of the Ticket for Sandžak coalition.

45. Eugenio Sidoli, head of the Niš Tobacco Industry (DIN), owned by Philip Morris.

46. Miodrag Babić, General Director of Hemofarm, Vršac, and President of the Hemofarm Basketball Club's shareholders' assembly.

47. Dragan Đilas, Director of the Serbian president's National Office and member of the Democratic Party Executive Board.

61. Dušan Petrović, Vice President of the Democratic Party and Democratic Party whip in the Serbian Parliament.

62. Mirko Marjanović, Serbian Prime Minister during the reign of Slobodan Milošević and Director of company Progres.

63. Carolyn Junger, Director of the World Bank's office in Belgrade.

64. Aleksandar Vučić, Secretary General of the Serbian Radical Party.

65. Milka Forcan, Vice President of Delta Holding.

66. Vladimir Vukčević, Prosecutor of Serbia's Special Court for War Crimes.

67. Rade Svilar, Director General of brewery Apatinska pivara.

82. Mati Makarija, Prior of Sokolica Monastery in Northern Kosovo.

83. Ružica Đinđić, widow of assassinated Serbian PM Zoran Đinđić. Ružica declined numerous offers to enter politics, insisting that she wanted to devote her time and energy to her children.

84. Dmitar Šegrt, long-time Director of the Toza Marković Company; former senior official of Milošević's SPS. 85. Goran Ješić, President of the Vojvodina municipality of Inđija, which boasts the largest amount of investments per capita in Serbia.

86.

86. Dragan Nikolić, General Director of tyre manufacturer Tigar, recently purchased by Michelin.

48. Bojan Radun, Director of "Nektar" Company - a regional leader in the production of juice and fruit & vegetable products.

68. Pirita Sorsa, IMF envoy to SCG.

49. Emir Kusturica, film director.

70. Danica Drašković, wife of SPO leader Vuk Drašković.

87. Željko Knežević, owner of wine producer Vinarija Coka. The Serbian Chamber of Commerce included him in their list of the 20 most successful businessmen and women in Serbia.

50. Fahreta Jahić, aka Lepa Brena, folk singer.

71. Nataša Kandić, Director of the Humanitarian Law Centre.

88. Slobodan Vuksanović, Serbian Education Minister.

72. Vida Petrović-Škero, President of the Supreme Court of Serbia.

89. Slobodan Vukčević, President of company Grand prom.

73. Slobodan Radovanović, Special prosecutor for organised crime.

90. Jovica "Nini" Stefanović, purchaser of seven companies, including two from the pharmaceutical sector.

51. Dragan "Piksi" Stojković, President of Red Star FC.

51.

52. Oliver Roegl, General Director of Raiffeisenbank, Serbia.

53. Madlena Cepter, founder and financer of the only privately-owned opera house in Serbia & Montenegro, Madlenianum Opera and Theatre, and wife of Filip Cepter.

54. Smiljko Kostić, Mayor of Serbia's second city of Niš since 2004.

55. Predrag Marković, Speaker of the Serbian Parliament, co-founder of G17 Plus and founder of publishing company "Stubovi culture" (Pillars of Culture).

Currently taking a political sabbatical for personal reasons.

56. Slobodan Petrović, Director of Salford in Belgrade.

57. Ivica Todorić, President of the "Agrokor" concern. Bought "Frikom" business offices in Belgrade Port and in New Belgrade.

58. Vojin Đorđević, General Director of Si&Si Company, shareholder in Palić Wine Cellars.

59. Nebojša Čović, 59. owner of Metal Products Factory (FMP), leader of the Social Democratic Party, former head of the Serbian Co-ordination Centre for Kosovo & Southern Serbia.

60. Dragan Marković Palma, owner of TV Palma Plus, President of the municipality of Jagodina.

69. Rodoljub Drašković, President of the Swisslion-Takovo confectionery concern.

74. Marko Kljajević, Presiding judge of the Special court administering the trails against the Zemun Gang accused of assassinating Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić.

75. Ljubiša "Čume" Buha, a key witness of the trail against the Zemun Gang and former head of the infamous Surcin Gang.

76. Crown Prince Aleksandar Karađorđević, Heir to the Throne of Yugoslavia (Serbia), son of King Petar II. 77. Dušan Kovačević, playwright whose many pieces were adapted into popular and widely acclaimed films.

91. Milija Babović, Co-owner of the Verano Group.

92. Stefanos Vafidis, head of Coca-Cola Serbia.

93. Tomica Milosavljević, Serbian Health Minister.

94. Živorad Anđelković, Director of Public Communal Company Parking servis and former President of Red Star Basketball Club.

95. Aco Tomić, retired General, former chief of the SCG Army's Department of Security.

96. Sanja Bokan, owner of Štampe and widow of controversial businessman 77. Vladimir Bokan.

78. Milan Rodić and Bogdan Rodić, owners of Vojvodina brewery MB pivara; a 97. Svetlana Vukajlović, Director of the hospitality chain and the Rodić MB Serbian Health Insurance Bureau. megastore chain.

98. Orhan Dragaš, businessman and 79. Srđan Šaper, Director of the branch controversial film producer. office for South-East Europe of leading international marketing agency McCann- 99. Nikola Hajdin, President of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences; Erickson. internationally renowned bridge architect.

80. Željko Popović, President of the Steering Board of the Serbian Petroleum 100. Svetlana "Ceca" Ražnatović, undisIndustry. puted queen of Turbo81. Vladimir Đorđević, DSS member and folk; widow of notoriDirector General of the Serbian Electric ous paramilitary leCompany (EPS); unyielding proponent of ader and gangster "Arkan" the notion that the transfer of electrical Željko 100. energy should remain under state control. Ražnatović.

CorD | February 2006

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Society

Serbia on Holiday From mid-December to late January, Serbia grounds almost to a halt as the nation celebrates Christmas, two New Years and a host of Slava (Saint's Day) family festivals. On St. Nicholas' Day almost a third of the country doesn't work.

However, in companies now owned by foreign investors the number of free days is considerably less

Society

By: Žarka Radoja; Photo: Stanislav Milojković

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CorD | February 2006

rom St. Nicolas' Day on 19th December to St. Sava's Day on 27th January, Serbia spends most of its time celebrating a lot and working just a little.

During that period, the majority of Serbians (around 95% of the population), declare themselves Orthodox and celebrate not only slava, but also Christmas and New Year, according to the Julian Calendar (7th & 14th January) and the international Gregorian New Year.

During Serbia's double Christmas and New Year holidays, according to data from Belgrade's Economic Institute, industrial production in Serbia drops by around 20 per cent and doesn’t recover for several months.

Slava is the biggest family holiday of Orthodox Serbs. Its closest Catholic pendant is the name-day.

Every family in Serbia has its slava, which is handed down from the father to the eldest son. There are slavas

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all year round, but the biggest number of Serbs celebrate the two previously mentioned slavas - Nicholas and Sava - for mostly two to three days. The custom is for the extended family to gather in one place and invite numerous guests (almost as many as for the average wedding, with around 100 to 300 guests). It is considered bad manners if those invited do not turn up at. As such, not only are those celebrating the slava absent from work, but guests also "duck out" of work early because they may have to visit several families who are all celebrating their slavas at the same time.

During Yugoslav communism, especially after the Second World War, the celebration of Orthodox holidays was firstly forbidden and later frowned upon, ensuring that everyone who celebrated had to take sick leave. With the liberalisation of the society during the

Society '80's and '90's, the celebration of Orthodox Saints Days became more open. Later, during Milošević's time, the right to celebrate Christmas and slava was regulated by the Labour Law. In the latest version of the Labour Law, which was harmonized with foreign investors who bought factories in Serbia, the rights to celebrate Saints days remain unchanged.

According to the president of the Association of The Line Workers Union, Nezavisnost's president, Branislav Čanak, celebrating when it is not the right time is inherited from the communist time, when the factory management, aware that workers would not turn up for work, most often announced factory repairs or justified the slowdown in production with sudden damage to their equipment and installations.

"Whenever New Year and Christmas holidays approached, there would be a major collapse which would, as a rule, be sorted out after Serbian New Year on 14th January. Religion also could not be mentioned, because it did not exist in communism. Employees, therefore, found different solutions. However, this kind of commotion has remained until today; a situation that is completely incompatible with the situation of a state in transition. A real market economy has not yet arrived here, and it certainly hasn't arrived in employees' heads", claims Čanak. Čanak believes that workers in major companies still do not have a clear vision of work in the new system. "The workforce in Serbia still does not have a feeling of fear if an employer sends him home for 15 days. Everywhere else in the world, that would mean that he had been sacked or something was wrong. But in Serbia that is normal. In that way, social tranquility is being bought.

Nevetheless, employees alone are not to blame for this: If the owner, employer, director or anybody else in authority were to forbid so many days of celebration, employees would come to work…if they had to", says Čanak.

During the period of sanctions in the 1990s, production was so low that employees were regularly sent on enforced holidays at any time of the year. With the beginning of the transition and the penetration of foreign investors, the number of holidays has started to change.

In privatised companies, only official holidays and slavas were celebrated and this January there were very few of them because the majority of holidays (including the Orthodox Christmas and New Year) fell on weekends. Officially, this year Serbia did not work only on 2nd and 3rd January, because of the New Year according to the Gregorian calendar.

According to the Serbian Statistical Institute, the biggest drop in production in January, in comparison with the average for the whole of 2004, was made in the production of capital goods of a figure as high as 51.6%, followed by consumer goods with 49.4%, while the production of nondurable consumers goods dropped by 29.1%.

Only the production of energy was increased by 22.1%, because of the cold weather.

Banks in Serbia work in accordance with Western notions of holidays Major tyre producer Tigar, from Pirot, which was bought by French tyre giant Michelin this year, celebrated its official holidays while continuing production.

"Tigar this year divided the celebrations. Those employees who worked on 31st December were free on 1st and 2nd January, while those who were free on 31st December were also free on 2nd and 3rd January. After that we continued to work normally", said human resources director Milivoje Nikolić.

The Čelarevo brewery, which recently became Carlsberg Srbija, worked in the same way.

This year, all holidays fell on weekends, thus officially we only had three or four non working days. In previous years, holidays were merged with weekends. Considering they are so close, many employees combined them all and took a few days from their annual holidays.

However, the majority of employees in non-privatised factories merged holidays and did not turn up for work until 9th January.

Simpo, from Vranje, had factory repairs from 1st to 8th January, therefore departments which were in charge of that were working at full steam, while the administration, sales, distribution and other departments took merged official holidays. That is only one of many examples. According to Simpo marketing manager, Draško Cigarčić, it is not profitable for a company to work for two days and then not work for three. Merging the holidays will be taken from the employees' total annual leave allowance. "Because of that we had major repairs in January. Some departments were at the Furniture Fair in Cologne from 31st December. I cannot say that our company did not work because some departments were working at full pace. For instance, because of work I did not have a day off for my slava", said Cigarčić.

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Society According to data from Belgrade's Economic Institute, in the first month of the year, industrial production in Serbia drops by around 20 per cent in comparison with the last months of the previous year, and it takes several months to return to the pre- December level.

Quite simply, according to the Economic Institute's Ivan Nikolić, "The reason for this is annual holidays; days off for state and private holidays. This year, all holidays fell on weekends, thus officially we only had three or four non working days, depending on the company. In previous years, holidays were merged with weekends and, considering that they are so close, many employees combined them all by taking a few days from their annual holidays".

Major state companies, such as Belgrade's IMT, stop their production for 15 days every January for major factory repairs. Employees of '21st May', also from Belgrade, returned to work as late as 12th January.

According to 21st May factory director, Slobodan Majkić, the factory tries to save on heating in this way.

"We had three days of major factory repairs, but the other days were free because of holidays and savings. We are better off not working at that time", said Majkić, adding that the only problem they have is on St. Nicholas' Day. "On that day we are missing people on the installation line. Around 35 per cent of our employees celebrate that slava. If that percentage was 15 per cent we would find a way out, but now we have a real problem. It is a similar situation on Đurđevdan, on 6th May. For the time being I do not see any solution because, according to law, everybody has the right to a day off for his of her slava".

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Major tyre producer Tigar, from Pirot, which was bought by French tyre giant Michelin this year, celebrated its official holidays while continuing production…The Čelarevo brewery, which recently became Carlsberg Srbija, worked in the same way

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Female employees in those kinds of companies can even take leave a few days earlier in order to prepare everything for their guests. And, since everything in Serbia is celebrated for three days, they are off work these days too. However, that is a smaller figure which can be hidden, thus in those situations the real number of people who are off work is unknown.

To foreigners who work in Serbia, slava remains the greatest enigma. Societe Generale's Jelena Stanulović said that it was not clear to foreigners why the slava was not a state holiday. "However, they get used to our customs very quickly. Employees organise themselves so that we have an adequate number of people even during the biggest slavas. Some of them even give up their free days. The bank is closed only during those days which are official holidays", said Stanulović.

It is the same with other foreign banks in SCG, as well as with domestic banks, such as Komercijalna which was closed for only three days.

Many people think that we used to work much less, that there were many more state holidays and that the

Branislav Čanak, president of union Nezavisnost majority of them now fall in January, which is the main reason why January is a problem for the economy.

In January 2002 the drop in production was 18% in comparison with the whole of 2001, and recovery took two quarters, and in the following year, 2003, production dropped by 15 per cent and recovery took until March the same year.

Watching such a picture of industrial production in Serbia, we can draw the conclusion that domestic production recovers slowly for several months after the holidays because of the traditional love of days off.

The situation was no better in 2005 when, according to the Serbian Statistical Institute, production in January dropped by 16 per cent compared to the 2004 average.

How does such a collapse happen to us, so that instead of improving production, we have to spend several months just getting out of the minus? In the Economic Institute they expect industrial production in January 2006 to increase by at least 0.5% compared to 2005.

"Realistically, the annual January collapse is what other countries have in December, because they also merge Christmas and New Year holidays. In Slovenia, on the whole, people do not work from 25th December until 1st January", said Ivan Nikolić.

That would be the logical and acceptable explanation for the Serbian economy, provided it were at the same level as developed countries. But a country with an increasing number of unemployed, in which major state companies are being kept alive artificially, the transitional system we are penetrating is easily understood. If we take into consideration that employees in private companies have started to give up their right to a slava day, that former summer holidays in July and August were reduced to August only because foreign investors give collective holidays at that time, with slightly improved organisation, there might yet be hope for this country. •

BULLETIN...BULLETIN...BULLETIN...BULLETIN

KOSOVO ‘GHANDI’ LOSES FIGHT WITH CANCER President of Kosovo, Ibrahim Rugova, 61, lost his battle against lung cancer in Pristina on 21st January.

Rugova's patient promotion of independence for Kosovo, and peaceful resistance to Slobodan Milošević's regime, characterised Rugova's politics throughout the Kosovo crisis and led to him being dubbed 'The Balkan Ghandi'.

Acting president of Kosovo, Parliamentary Speaker and League for Democratic Kosovo member, Nexhat Daci, said that Rugova's death marked the loss of the most important figure of Kosovo's recent history.

Javier Solana, Secretary-General of the Council of the EU and EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, said that the Rugova's death came at a particularly sensitive time for Kosovo. He asked all Kosovo leaders to show unity and solidarity.

Sanda Rašković Ivić, Head of the Serbian Government's Co-ordination Centre for Kosovo, admitted that Rugova's death had left her feeling anxious about the choice of his successor.

Speaking to B92, Rašković Ivić said that Rugova had been one of the fathers of the plan to create an independent Kosovo, but that his method for realising that goal excluded any acts of aggression or conflict options.

Many foreign heads of state and senior officials have officially expressed their condolences to the people of Kosovo.

Serbian President Boris Tadić said that he respected Rugova as a politician, adding that his death represents a great loss for Albanians in Kosovo.

SCG President Svetozar Marović and SCG Foreign Minister Vuk Drašković both offered their condolences to Rugova's family, Kosovo PM Bajram Kosumi and parliamentary Speaker Nexhat Daci.

Serbian representatives from Kosovo urged UNMIK Chief Petersen to step-up security for the Serbian minority, fearing possible attacks of armed Albanian extremists.

Leading Kosovo-Serb politician, Oliver Ivanović, warned that Rugova's death may provoke clashes between different political options among Albanians, adding that, in that case, Serbs might become the victims of collateral damage.

Political analysts stress that Kosovo has no influential moderate politicians akin to Rugova. The majority of Kosovo's new leaders gained their popularity on the back of their involvement in the province's now disbanded Liberation Army (the KLA) and have much more aggressive political stands.•

NBS VICE-GOVERNOR DETAINED ON BRIBERY CHARGES Dejan Simić, National Bank of Serbia (NBS) vice-governor, was arrested in his flat in Mid-January along with SPS official Vladimir Zagrađanin, who had delivered Simić a bag containing €100,000 received from representatives of the Credit-export Bank.

President of the SPS Main Board, Ivica Dačić, had left Simić's home shortly before the arrest. Dačić later insisted that he had coincidentally called on Simić.

In response, representatives of Credit-export Bank accused NBS Governor Radovan Jelašić and his associates of demanding €2million for the reinstatement of the bank's operating permit.

Officially "welcoming" Credit-export Bank's filing of criminal charges against Jelašić, an NBS statement read: "For the sake of the institution's reputation and the public function of governor, it is in the greatest interest of the NBS and its Governor that the Special Anti-Organised Crime Prosecutor assess the criminal charges as soon as possible, determine the state of affairs and inform the public of its findings".

President of the Government's Anti-Corruption Council, Verica Barac, said that if the court determines that vice-governor Simić accepted a bribe, Jelašić must resign for moral and political reasons.

Jelašić refused demands that he accept accountability for the affair which led to Simić's arrest.

"I will not resign, not even for moral reasons, even though it is expected of me. My primary moral obligation is to remain where I am at the moment, in order to protect the high professional integrity and reputation of the institution of the National Bank of Serbia," said Jelašić. •

NEW BALKAN STATE, NEW BALKAN REALITY “The European Union should prepare for a new state in the Balkans "after April" and this new state - an independent Montenegro - will continue to contribute to the stability of the region”, said Montenegrin Premier Milo Đukanović, speaking after meeting Austrian Social Democratic Party delegation leader Peter Schieder in Podgorica.

PM Đukanović said the new state is a new reality in the Balkans. He confirmed that the Montenegrin Government is prepared to honour all EU recommendations and standards in connection with the forthcoming independence referendum. Schieder welcomed the Montenegrin decision to implement European standards in the process of gaining its independence. •

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Sporting Diplomacy

'Hai' Diplomacy Last month's staging of the Korean Ambassador's Taekwondo Cup in Belgrade on Serbian New Year's Day served to show that martial arts and international diplomacy can be successfully combined in a single sporting event. However, a permanent reminder of this fact is provided every day by Belgrade's very own Karate Club Diplomatic

By M. Pullen; Photo: Jelena Mandić

n the back of its successful staging of an intimate concert of classical music under the theme of Korean - SCG friendship at Belgrade's Philharmonic Hall on 28th December, the extremely active Embassy of the Republic of Korea continued its experimental cross-culture programme with a day of Taekwondo in Belgrade's Šumice sports centre on 'Julian' New Year's Day (14th Jan.).

The sporting event, under the heading of the Korean Ambassador's Cup, brought together Taekwondo clubs from across Serbia and was attended by members of the general public and a number of public figures, the most notable of which was Serbia & Montenegro Parliamentary Speaker Zoran Šami.

Speaking exclusively to CorD about this Korean martial art and its role, First Secretary of the Embassy of the Republic of Korea, Jae Park, explains: "Taekwondo is a great means of binding different communities together. This event, which is expected to become an annual happening, will prove an invaluable method of public diplomacy. This is particularly so in Serbia, considering that more than 6,000 members of the public practice the art of Taekwondo as a hobby sport."

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Perhaps the best current example of how the classical martial arts of the Orient can be used to strengthen diplomatic ties between communities is offered by Belgrade's Karate Club Diplomatic, based within the popular Diplomatic Club on Bulevar Oslobođenje, but also utilising a number of training facilities across the city.

Founder and head trainer of the club, Nikola Stevanović, spoke to CorD this month about the club and the crucial role it plays in both teaching the sporting skills of this Japanese martial art and nurturing friendships between children of contrasting cultures and backgrounds.

Having founded the club four years ago, with the help of then British Ambassador in Belgrade Charles Crawfored and his wife Linda, Stevanović has trained

Jae Park: "Taekwondo is a great means of binding communities… This is particularly so in Serbia, considering that more than 6,000 members of the public practice the art of Taekwondo." hundreds of young international residents of Belgrade alongside local youngsters from the impoverished Belgrade satellite district of Sopot.

The long-term development of the club, from a personal one-to-one training regime with a handful of international community children to a multi-faceted club with over a hundred members, has been achieved through hardwork and much good will from the diplomatic community in Belgrade.

In conversation with CorD, Stevanović drew particular attention to former Hungarian Ambassador in Belgrade, Josef Pandur, who greatly assisted the clubduring his tenure as president of the Diplomatic Club, helping to secure invaluable sponsors.

Sporting Diplomacy Explaining the contrasting worlds of these youngsters, Stevanović says: "Sopot is one of the poorest areas of greater Belgrade and these children have very few chances to excel at anything. Meanwhile, our other students - embassy children and pupils of all of the international schools operating in Belgrade - come from the opposite end" of the social spectrum.

Through the medium of Karate Club Diplomatic and the many national and regional competitions that the club's members attend, "these youngsters get to interact and learn more about each other as members of the same team… Though communication is often difficult between children from Sopot and children from as far a field as France, the UK, Holland, Israel, North and South America, Asia and Africa, they all learn the Japanese terms needed for karate and quickly learn to respond instantly and accurately when I give the order to 'zuki' (punch), for example".

Further testifying to the fact that the club is not only diplomatic in name, Stevanović explains: "I currently have six kids from Croatia training with my kids from Sopot and they really train as a team, without any mention of the problems of the recent war between our two countries."

Insisting that the club encourages Serbia's worldfamous brand of sporting competitiveness and discipline, Stevanović said: "We don't give the belts away.

The kids have to earn them, which can be very tough for kids from other countries who are not accustomed to living like that… Every grade has to be truly earned and some of the international kids end up crying if they don't pass a karate exam; it doesn't matter if they are

Nikola Stevanović: "We don't give the belts away.

The kids have to earn them, which can be very tough for the kids from other countries who are not accustomed to living like that…it doesn't matter if they are the kids of ambassadors or unemployed locals, every student is treated equally." the kids of ambassadors or unemployed locals, every student is treated equally."

He continues: "Sometimes the international people have trouble accepting the spirit of true competition that we promote here. For instance, we once organised a small competition in the American School and the headmistress insisted that all those competing should receive the same diploma and there should be no first, second or third places. But, really, competition is competition."

Explaining that the club continues to go from strength to strength, Coach Stevanović says: "last September we staged our first inter-club tournament, which I held in Sopot. Almost 40 clubs from all over the country - from Subotica to Montenegro - came to participate in the tournament, and I even brought 15 Serbian kids from Kosovo."

The club is among the most successful karate clubs operating in the country. "The 50 or so kids from Sopot who train in the club are extremely talented and some of them are already fighting in the SCG National youth team," says Stevanović.

One of the biggest problems that the club staff face on a personal level is the fact that they are regularly forced to wave a fond farewell to pupils who have passed some of their most formative years with the club: "it's a

pity that the international kids only stay here a few years and we don't have enough time to teach them to compete at the highest level… It's a very sad moment for me when my long-term pupils and their parents, who often become personal friends, have to leave Belgrade."

Stevanović explains that the nature of the club and the way it is funded helps the poorer children of Sopot compete at the highest national and regional levels: "we have a monthly membership fee that helps us cover the costs of travelling and participating in tournaments elsewhere.

But, of course, the fees are not the same for the international members and the kids from Sopot, some of whom don't pay anything because they really can't afford it."

The main objectives of the club are "to teach the methods, rules and principles of karate, while promoting friendship between children of differing cultures and nationalities".

Drawing parallels between the contrasting martial arts of karate and taekwondo, Mr. Park concludes: "Although karate and taekwondo are very different, one commonality between the two is that they both nurture a specific mental approach that is appropriate to diplomacy; they both teach a mindset of peace and comprehension alongside the skills of fighting". •

MARKED SUCCESS Belgrade's Karate Club Diplomatic is more than merely a leisurely club to fill the free time of sporty youngsters. Rather, it is one of the most serious martial arts clubs operating in Serbia. As an example, former Club member Theophile Biotteau - son of the then Military Attaché to the French Embassy in Belgrade - became the official champion of Belgrade in his age group and the fifth overall in the country. That was the first time that a foreign resident of Serbia had become city champion.

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Society

Kitsch Trend Setters Those who wonder why the Serbian market demands so many knockoffs and fakes of brand names and designers such as Dolce & Gabbana, Versace, or Armani, can perhaps catch a glimpse of the devastating effect on society of stars who opt to flaunt such fashion excesses for their doting young fans

By Vera Čomić; Montage illustration: Marija Popović

o reside in Serbia nowadays requires acceptance of the cultural paradox that the country has become. Serbia's vast cultural and historical heritage is in stark contrast with the peculiar, ever-expanding subculture rooted in the recent wars and post-war era, which manifests itself daily (if not hourly) on the public scene referred to in Serbia as 'Estrada' (podium). This scene, a Serbian equivalent of the North American and Western European pop scene, is responsible for setting not only new musical trends, but also those related to fashion and makeup: whatever you see the 'podium stars' wearing on TV Pink one night will almost immediately be seen on the streets of Belgrade and the rest of the country.

An element intrinsically peculiar to the creation and creators of popular trends in Serbia - setting them apart from the rest of the world - is that the 'flashy' and extravagant (traditional staples of pop divas in the West - see Madonna or Cher) have been taken a step (or rather a leap) further in Serbia, entering the realm of kitsch (see turbo-folk singers Jelena Karleuša, Svetlana 'Ceca' Ražnatović or Indira Radović.

The popularity of this fashion genre is overshadowed only by the popularity of its musical companion, turbo-folk: a peculiar blend of Serbian folk music, Roma brass band music, Turkish and Greek pop, contemporary rock and electronic dance, which was a symbol of Serbian isolationist defiance in the '90s and remains a massively popular synonym of Balkan hedonism, national xenophobia and criminal culture.

Turbo-folk's very existence would be dubious at best if it weren't for the fact that it's accompanied by extreme mini-skirts (perhaps more aptly referred to as 'pantybelts'), heels that are higher than Bob Marley ever was, silicone breasts that any porn star would envy and makeup that would prompt the best drag queens to beg for tips.

And yet, could we say that the exact same trend does not apply to western celebrities? Who could forget Madonna's visual portfolio entitled Sex, Demi Moore's revealing debut of her implant surgery in Striptease, Cher's numerous facial reconstructions that stand as a testament to the true genius of plastic surgeons today, or Britney Spears' miniscule Catholic schoolgirl outfit in the music video for her hit single Hit Me Baby One More Time, to name but a few.

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Society Nevertheless, those of us who are foreigners in Serbia, and even that sphere of native Serbs who refer to themselves as the 'civilized cultural elite' (particularly when they wish to differentiate themselves from the followers of the subculture), cannot help but notice the discrepancy between the two. Where does this discrepancy lie? The answer to this question is not as simple as a 'lack of taste'.

Rather, it requires a more sophisticated look at the circumstances that helped spawn this subculture and propel it in a diverging direction from its western counterpart.

Ašok Murti, a well-know Serbian stylist, tells CorD that one of the reasons behind the fluctuations between the trends is that the stars, here as well as in the rest of the world, must consider the market in which they operate before they make any couture decisions: "Celebrities raise the market value of the items that are seen on them by their audience. [Consequently], the difference between Western stars and our [Serbian] stars is a given, and it is first and foremost noticeable in the format of presentation and adaptation to the local market. It is a type of exposure meant to cross all boundaries."

Given the state of poverty that characterises the Serbian market and the sometimes frightening lack of a middle class, how are those select few, the rich and the famous, to make themselves 'available' to those who, after all, provide for their luxurious livelihood? The West does not face any such problem: while Sarah Jessica Parker may sport an overpriced Prada dress during her show or public appearances, which even in the West is not within the reach of the many, soon enough members of the middle class are able to purchase a

Murti: "[Serbian] stars must have items made for as little money as possible, for this is not the market for Chanel, and, despite their best attempts to accommodate the market, the end result is almost always a disaster dress just like it in cut and style, if not name, from the local Gap, Marks & Spencer, or any other of the numerous reasonably priced quality clothing chain stores. It is true that more and more such shops are opening across Serbia, such as Zara and Benetton, but the products offered by these world boutiques have been adjusted to cater to the Serbian market, along with their prices: what is considered reasonable in the West is still far too expensive for local consumers.

Thus, Murti further explains, "[Serbian] stars must have items made for as little money as possible, for this is not the market for Chanel, and, despite their best attempts to accommodate the market, the end result is almost always a disaster."

Even when purchasing items and not having them custom made, celebrities need to bear in mind that what they purchase for themselves their followers must be able to find in their corner 'boutique'. Those who wonder why the Serbian market demands so many knockoffs and fakes of brand names and designers such as Dolce & Gabbana, Versace, or Armani, can perhaps catch a glimpse of the devastating effect on society of stars who opt to flaunt such fashion excesses for their doting young fans.

Despite the fact that the poverty of the majority living in Serbia is greatly responsible for aiding the development of this kitsch subculture, this trend could not and would not have come into existence were it not for the recent tur-

bulent war era and its perhaps even more turbulent aftermath. During the years of war and sanctions, accompanied by a lack of means for the common population of Serbia, the people began to worship a new sphere of celebrity - those who offered a quick or 'turbo' respite to their audience, particularly the Ašok Murti, younger generation; takstylist ing them into a land of cheap, imaginary glamour. The idea that these stars were decidedly and uniquely Serbian was also born; for who needs the western 'occupiers' to tell Serbs what is 'in', when Serbs are the ones who played the greater role in the creation of European civilisation to begin with?

This attitude, coupled with a desire to escape the reality of a dinner table with little more to offer than bread and sardines, allowed the Serbs to embrace with open arms what only a little more than a decade ago would have been an object of general derision, and to reject style and good taste as the weapons of their enemies. The pop culture of the former Yugoslavia, which included groups such as Haustor and Idoli, (famous pop bands) was no longer acceptable to the average war and post-war Serb, or, more appropriately, his offspring, as it represented the disease that had led to the war epidemic, particularly among Serb refugees from Croatia, Bosnia and other regions of Tito's Yugoslavia.

Consequently, while Western stars like Angelina Jolie receive awards for humanitarian and other good, philanthropic deeds; or organise Live Aid concerts around the globe and help eliminate the debts of the world’s poorest countries, Serbian divas like Ceca go on public television, wearing 'something that used to resemble a dress', to cry over the assassination of her paramilitary leader, gangster husband, Željko "Arkan" Ražnatović, and her brief imprisonment for acting as his accomplice. Instead of being made a laughingstock - as Martha Stewart (American house décor trendsetter) became after her financial crime fiasco - Ceca is rewarded with the loyalty of her fans and album sales that continually go through the roof, 'helping' her to pocket several more million euros that she needs to pay for a few more cosmetic operations.

Even though lack of taste among the famous can also be observed in the West (for which both the media and the celebrities themselves are regularly berated and criticised), here in Serbia cheap and trashy has itself become a benchmark against which all future debuts on the Estrada scene are weighed, and, frighteningly, attempt to outdo. Just as we cannot expect the phase of development in the political and economic spheres in Serbia to progress at lighting speed, so Murti claims, "a glamorous life can be achieved only step by step, not overnight."

And yet, one wonders, if glamour is any kind of objective for today's Serbian stars - for while we can observe the waning of the Milošević regime and the arduous attempts of new leaders to implement changes, there is no indication that the trend of the kitsch subculture will diminish in the near future. • CorD | February 2006

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Society - Media

Broadcasting Endurance Around 1,200 electronic and printed media companies are currently operating in Serbia. From the dizzying heights of mainstream television, to the lowly depths of local TV companies broadcasting wedding ceremonies, Serbia remains the media nation it was dubbed in the ‘90s. However, with a lack of funding continuing to take its toll, more and more television channels are becoming little more than a forum for the Orthodox Church or the tasteless promotion of SMS pornography

By Ivica Petrović; Illustration: Marija Popović

he Serbian phenomenon of the proliferation of local media companies is surviving untarnished through the transitional period and, at least for now, it seems that nobody has any intention of bringing an end to the all but unbearable situation on Serbia's media scene.

According to research agencies operating in SCG, there are currently around 1,200 official and unofficial broadcast and print media companies operating in Serbia. This number, scary as it so rightly appears, is the result of prolonged stimulation for the founding of new media outlets, which served only to create a confusing din in the heads of the public and the illusion of information variety.

With their comprehensive knowledge of the local population's habits and an awareness of the costliness of creating its own programmes, the Milošević-era instigators of the idea to promote the creation of more media companies evaluated that the new budget radio and TV stations would, ultimately, have to all but abandon news and informative programming in favour of pure 'song and dance' entertainment. This trend, unfortunately, remains the norm today.

Having turned around their ideals and re-thought their policies, the owners of Serbia's local radio and television stations came to the collective conclusion that none of

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them was about to ‘do a Silvio Berluscone’ and, thus, they would have to struggle along as best they could.

Sadly for these parochial media lords, the post-2000 situation has remained largely the same. Meanwhile, the most crucial question facing local managers of stateowned media remains how to resist political pressure, since it has been demonstrated on numerous occasions that politicians still see state media as their personal public address system and the stations of their parties.

Since the common political picture of local communities in Serbia is rather complicated (to say the least), the pressure and problems weighing down media editors can only be imagined; while the programming schedules in communities politically controlled by almost the entire political spectrum of the country remain unfathomable to any lay observer.

The magic word for most local media companies is 'commercialisation'. Instead of exhausting all efforts to please the contrasting political options vying for air-time and positive angles, it proves safer and less fraught with danger to simply trivialise your station with light entertainment and turbo-folk videos. Instead of providing a tedious informative service and a depressing array of news programmes, it is much more preferable to offer viewers or listeners the simple choice of Estrada Turbofolk or nothing at all!

One of the most popular formats thrust upon unsuspecting viewers in Serbia is the national media obsession with Serbian weddings. Despite experts warning that the country is suffering an unprecedented slump in birth-rate levels, young couples across the country seem more than

Society - Media willing to tie the knot anywhere and anytime, particularly if the cameras are shooting. This undisputable wedding fad seems to belie the fact that so few babies are being brought into the world of transitional Serbia.

The best example of this trend is perhaps Radio Television Serbia's (RTS) programme "48 sati svadba" (48-hour wedding), which is broadcast nationally and became an instant hit with the public. The RTS production became a media trendsetter. Local Požarevac magazine Svatovac (Wedding Attendees) is extremely popular in Milošević's hometown, though this is perhaps just because of its glossy format. Svatovac which, as the name suggests, is dedicated solely to weddings, includes 'the Most Beautiful Wedding Dress of the Century' worn, for your information, by Slađa from the village of Doljašnica, and details of 'the Most Beautiful Wedding' ever - also held in Doljašnica. Svatovac also allows readers to vote for 'the Best Aunt' (in the latest issue Jordanka from Majdanpek) and 'the Most Beautiful Sister-in-Law' (currently Dragana from Bratičevo).

Wedding-coverage fever was also caught by Panda Radio, from the Vojvodina town of Kanjiža, which transmits live wedding ceremonies from across the district.

Panda broadcasts its weddings and other ceremonies with the accompaniment of the tunes of Hungarian Chardash and Serbian kolo, from the local ‘Texas’ Restaurant, owned

by Istvan Bush and adorned stylishly with framed photographs of famous American cowboys and actors pretending to be cowboys!

Some media companies, lacking a better solution and refusing to stoop to the depths of their rivals, have opted for the middle ground that doesn't insult anybody's intelligence, but is also far from the most riveting entertain-

The magic word for most local media companies is ‘commercialisation’. Instead of exhausting all efforts to please the contrasting political options vying for air-time and positive angles, it proves safer and less fraught with danger to simply trivialise your station with light entertainment and turbo-folk videos

Some television stations moderate their SMS Chat internally for decency, while others are censored only in accordance with the limited imaginations of those posting their messages. In practice, this equates to an unlimited space for sexual predators, perverts and the mentally unbalanced.

This programming option requires only an online computer and TV feed and a few bored viewers seeking 'buxom girls to sponsor', 'post-menopausal minxes', 'foxy teens' or 'sexual adventures with same-sex frolickers'. Thankfully, there seems to be an abundance of such 'viewers' in Serbia.

An original way of combating 'Wedding' and 'SMS' TV was found by the Trstenik local government, which chose - through a decision of its municipal assembly - to grant ownership and broadcast rights for the local television frequency to the Žica Eparchy of the Serbian Orthodox Church. As proudly announced by local politicians, this represents the first ever Orthodox TV channel.

Nevertheless, no end to the alarming, yet original, trends of Serbian TV are in sight. Recent rumours of an ownership invasion of the world of folk music on the media scene were confirmed when major folk star Dragana Mirković bought Požarevac television station 'Sat' (Clock), having already begun recruiting and buying personnel from other television companies, including RTS! Considering the economic power of Turbo-folk stars a privileged few with a wealth of both cash and vanity, it can be expected that she will provide a stern challenge for her fellow TV owners. •

ment. This tactic has led to some printed media in Serbia choosing to keep their editorial at a 'high school' level by sticking to the tree-planting activities of environmentalists, rankings of the best pupils in local schools or actions such as those under the banners "City Love" or "How our town was Built". These compete mainly against municipality journals that are distributed free of charge!

If even this conservative choice proves too rich for your media budget, one can always air the cheapest programme filler of all: text message broadcasting - a trend that has seen Serbia become the SMS Kingdom.

When you've exhausted your supply of scantily clad singers and laughably attired studio guests (there aren't too many of them around and they're already plying their trade on every other budget channel), any TV programmer can opt for the saviour that is SMS. The SMS epidemic is proving hard to resist in Serbia, even among so-called 'serious' stations vying for national frequencies. This new format has seen television screens resemble the video montage antics of a crazed film editor, spliced with a deranged web streamer - with part of the screen looping a few music videos around in a constant stream, while the rest of the screen displays the ingeniously entitled 'SMS Chat' section.

CorD | February 2006

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Society

Endangered Population

Roma children help their parents collect rubbish for recycling

Society

It is estimated that there are about 400,000 Roma people living in Serbia & Montenegro. Before international organisations recently raised the question of Roma rights, issues of their poverty, lack of education, and mistreatment were largely marginalised. However, a decade and a half ago one school in Zemun decided to break the law in an effort to treat Roma children correctly

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By Aleksandra Sekulić-Stojanović Photo: Stanislav Milojković

he European Commission considers the social inclusion of marginalised social groups as being an extremely important element of any society.

The Commission defines the process thus: "Social inclusion is a process which ensures that those at risk of poverty and social exclusion are granted the opportunities and resources necessary to participate fully in economic, social and cultural life. It ensures that they have a greater participation in decision making, which affects their lives, and access to their fundamental rights." The Roma people are among the world's most excluded national minorities.

There are an estimated 12 million Roma people in the world and between eight and ten million of them currently reside in Europe. Roma people make up 5-10

T

per cent of the population of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. According to the latest UNDP report, it is estimated that there are five million Roma living in the Southeast European region. Among them, every sixth Roma man or woman suffers from permanent hunger, more than 60 per cent of them are unemployed, and one third of them have never completed primary school.

In Central and Eastern European countries, there are more Roma children attending special schools for mentally disturbed, despite them not being medically defined as mentally ill. Rather, they attend such schools because of their isolation from communities. Because of their special language and culture, Roma people have been victims of xenophobic attitudes. According to a UNDP report, every Southeast European country wishing to join the European Union must help Roma people to be equally treated in the society in which they live.

Society The Constitution of Serbia proclaims that national minorities are guaranteed human rights according to the highest international standards. The latest public survey, conducted in 2002, stated that there are 7,478,820 citizens living in Serbia & Montenegro, and among that total are national minorities including Albanians, Hungarians, Romanians, Slovaks, Croats, Bulgarians, and Turks. As one of the country's largest national minority groups, more than 100,000 Roma people are registered as having permanent residence in this country. However, some experts claim that there are more than 400,000 Roma people in Serbia & Montenegro, though the vast majority of them haven't been registered.

As victims of prejudice and violence, Roma people have been confronting various forms of social discrimination for decades. As the most marginalised group, they usually live in isolated ghettos and the state doesn't show sufficient interest in solving their problems. They are often attacked by racist "skinhead" groups, victimised by the police and see their residences destroyed.

It is for these reasons that Roma people usually decide

Though the state is obliged to protect children from every form of discrimination, many parents often avoid sending their children to schools attended by Roma pupils. to withdraw from all social activities, not enrolling their children in regular schools, opting instead to send them on the street to earn a living.

One of the main factors testifying to the endangered position of Roma people in Serbian society is related to the education system. More than 80 per cent of Roma children attend "special" schools for children with learning disabilities. In a typically racist trend, Roma are often judged by the colour of their skin, as opposed to being judged on the basis of their real abilities. Serbia's education system lacks a sufficient sense of Roma culture and tradition, which is why special segregated classrooms for Roma children are used in many Serbian schools.

Already isolated from society, the Roma community have been further isolated from the most important part of life - elementary education. Another problem is the inadequacy of the need to learn in Serbian, considering that Roma people speak in their own mother tongue.

According to statistics, 37 per cent of Roma had never spoken Serbian before attending school and 46 per cent don't speak Serbian properly.

The fairness of every education system is related to the right not to be discriminated against. Serbian society has been excluding Roma children from regular schools for years, isolating them in special schools for mentally disturbed children. Moreover, many Roma children haven't had the chance to be enrolled in regular schools on time because of the recent wars and usual expulsions from Western Europe. One of the best examples of bringing these children together and teaching teenagers is shown in the Branko Pešić Primary School in Zemun, Belgrade. Jovanka Stojić, director of the school, says that they have actually been breaking the Law on education, which proclaims that children older than eight should be enrolled in appropriate grade according to their age.

"If a 12-year-old child comes to this school, he should be enrolled in the sixth grade, according to his

age. But when we check their knowledge, we find that we have to register them in the first grade. According to that, the child in question can't be registered in a regular primary school because a 12-year-old would feel inappropriate learning alongside six or seven-year-old children. That's why those teenagers often decide to drop out of school and live on the streets. This is the main reason why we decided to break the law fifteen years ago and start enrolling 10-year-old children in the first grade of," says Mrs. Stojić.

No officials of the Serbian Ministry of Education have so far made any problems concerning the policy of the Branko Pešić School. Mrs. Stojić emphasised that lessons in this school were more difficult because there was no previous agreement with the Ministry about the teaching programmes and curriculum, nor has the Ministry shown any interest in agreeing with the subjects those children should have learnt in regular school.

Children enrolled in this school mainly come from Belgrade's makeshift township areas. Most of them live with their relatives and are neglected by their parents; some of them were deported from Western European countries. We visited 10-year-old pupils in the first grade of Branko Pešić School during their Serbian language class, while they were slowly reading their first elementary book.

"I don't remember why I wasn't enrolled in the first grade when I was seven. My father wanted to register me, but I was rejected," says a 10-year-old Roma girl, adding that she would like to become a singer or a dancer.

Neglected in Serbia, neglected in Kosovo CorD | February 2006

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Society "I wasn't registered on time when I was seven because I was living in Kosovo. Many years passed while my family was wandering around Belgrade, changing flats," says a 12-year-old girl.

Some of these youngsters don't have anyone at home who can help them with their homework, which is why teachers at the Branko Pešić School decided to stay as long as it takes to help them finish their assignments.

"Sometimes I do my homework here at school and sometimes at home, but it's easier for me to finish my tasks here. There is nobody who could help me at home," says one Roma pupil.

The teaching programme in this school is adjusted for pupils older than the generation they are supposed to sit with in regular primary schools. That's why in the first two grades they are taught elementary literacy.

They are then supposed to make up for lost time in the following grades. Once they finish this primary school, boys usually decide to become auto mechanics or drivers, while girls usually become homemakers.

Society

The main factors leading to Roma neglect and exclusion from the workplace are low levels of education and training needed for certain jobs, coupled with the discrimination shown by employers.

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"These children don't have computers, nor are they helped by their parents. I really hope most of them will manage to enrol in senior school because they are naturally clever and I think they can really succeed in further education. They just need to be helped a bit. Teachers and children are struggling for a better future and for their further education," says Ljubica Jovović, a teacher at the Branko Pešić School.

Although the state is obliged to protect children from every form of discrimination, many parents often avoid sending their children to schools attended by Roma pupils.

"They have been discriminated against by law and by subjects they don't learn, so those children are marginalised in every way. We exert a lot of effort to make up for their lost time, and we are managing to do that for now. I hope society will understand their needs as well," emphasises Mrs. Stojić.

Just a few young Roma people have been given the chance to study at higher education faculties in Serbia & Montenegro. Universities are only accessible to wealthy and socially integrated Roma children.

However, influenced by various international organisations and developed regional policies, the Serbian

Roma Employment in Belgrade (Source: "The life of Roma people in Belgrade", a survey performed by agency "Argument", initiated by "Oxfam")

Without formal employment With additional income (gathering for recycling) Without regular income With regular income

Roma people make up 5-10 per cent of the population of CEE countries Ministry of Education and Sport has intensified the reform of the country's education system.

One of the most important tasks has been the reform of national minorities' education, especially Roma education. The aims of the national educational strategy are to include Roma children in the regular education system, provide high-quality education and develop tolerance and cultural identity.

Apart from this educational level, once they finish primary and senior schools, Roma people try to find regular employment. The situation on the job market is even worse, because of the prejudices Roma face. The main factors leading to their neglect and exclusion from the work-

Roma Education in Serbia & Montenegro (excluding Kosovo) (Source: public survey register, 2002)

Without primary education Completed primary school education Completed senior school education Completed higher education faculty

place are low levels of education and training needed for certain jobs, coupled with the discrimination shown by employers. An additional problem with employment has been increased by the fact that 80 per cent of the Roma population in Serbia & Montenegro are illiterate.

The high unemployment of Roma people is by no means unique to Serbia, but is rather common to a large number of countries in central and eastern Europe. The largest rate of unemployment among the Roma population, over 60 per cent, has been registered in Slovakia; then in Bulgaria (50 per cent), the Czech Republic (30 per cent) and Hungary (25 per cent). Most unemployed Roma across Europe work on the black market and Western European governments have been additionally troubled by large numbers of Roma asylum seekers and illegal immigrants.

According to levels of equality and human rights, the education and employment of this national minority remains one of the greatest challenges facing the Serbian Government and other state institutions during the period of transition. •

Culture

European & Byzantine Spirit

By Sonja Ćirić

Culture

With some patience and the right information, it is possible to get hold of domestic artists' masterpieces of European and historic value. In addition to less important works by the old guard, galleries often display pieces by younger Serbian artists who have exhibited abroad and received international recognition

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Vlada Veličković ews of Paris-based Serbian artist Vladimir Veličković's admittance to the French Academy of Art has been followed by an upsurge in demand for his graphics in Belgrade's art dealing galleries. It has also prompted us to conduct a small inquiry into whether it is possible in Belgrade to purchase the works of artists who have left a deeper mark on Serbia’s history of art and have received international acclaim.

The answer is yes, with a perhaps unnecessary warning that the market has a greater abundance of the works of current artists than those bearing the signature of established names cited in university textbooks, whose works can be found with a bit of luck.

There are quite a few well-stocked art dealing galleries in Belgrade, but the drawback is that they are

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poorly, or not at all, specialised. The most well known are the "Belgrade" Gallery in Kosančićev venac, displaying works mainly by modern Serbian artists, and the ULUS Gallery in Knez Mihajlova street. The galleries within larger hotels have a variety of selected pieces for sale, as do several galleries at Sava Centre, among which the "Radionica duše" gallery (Workshop of the Soul), is best known. The Art Media Gallery in Student Square has classical pieces from the last century and there are a few more notable galleries in Skadarlija and Vuka Karadžića streets showcasing a colourful offer, while the Parisian Circle gallery in Makedonska Street is focused, as its name suggests, on the works of Serbia’s Paris-based artists.

Current laws stipulate that a work of art may be taken out of the country only after being issued with a certificate by the Serbian Department for the Protection of Cultural Property.

Parisian Circle owner Žika Ivanišević proudly puts his treasures on display: works by Dada Đurić, Ljuba Popović, Vlada Veličković, Milorad 'Bata' Mihailović and others from the contingent of Serbian painters who have made a name for themselves and are based in Paris, but he hardly ever sells any works. He will direct you to places where you can buy art pieces signed by our Parisian painters. Their price here and in Paris is the same and corresponds to the reputation of the authors. Vladimir Veličković (1935) recently had the honour of exhibiting his work at the Marlborough Fine Arts gallery in London, which displays the works of world famous artists such as Bacon, Miró and Kokoshka. Veličković exhibited his monumental pieces from the cycles "Rane"

Culture (Wounds) and "Požari" (Fires), inspired by the breakup of the former Yugoslavia. His paintings speak of existence, destruction, violence, aggression and suffering, as do his graphics - which are obtainable in Belgrade at more reasonable prices.

To own a painting by Dada Đurić (1933) is a sign of good artistic knowledge and taste, as well as being a display of prestige. It is difficult to get in touch with him, because of his reclusive existence and dedication to art, so his paintings that forewarn and prophesise a world without understanding for what is different are seldom found on the market.

Milorad 'Bata' Mihailović (1923) had a large exhibition at the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences last June. "When he painted, it was as if he were conversing with people", Mihailović says. "The intimacy between his art and the observer is specific to his art and makes it important".

Ivanišević's gallery also showcases art by painters who, although they live in Serbia, have exhibited their work in Paris or have found inspiration in the cultural capital of the world. Ljubodrag 'Jale' Janković (1932) is the most renowned of these artists. He is best known for his oil paintings, fairytale portraits and figures of women drawn in elongated lines; mysterious beings that have turned his paintings into "windows that look into ancient times" (Sreten Petrović). Jale is a prolific artist and the market is reasonably well-stocked with his work.

Art historian Nikola Kusovac, a man renowned for his expert knowledge of the art market, recommends artists "who speak about us in the language of Europe". He believes that Serbian art does not lag behind Europe.

Kusovac: "Homegrown painters who communicate the essence and peculiarities of our land and people with Europe in a brisk and clear language emerged in the 1950s… The character and peculiarities of our land are clearly distinguishable in their works. Therefore, I think that foreigners who want to take with them a piece of our art and culture should focus their attention on them."

"Proportionally, we are on an equal footing with most of the bigger countries, if not in terms of quality then certainly in terms of output, which is, after all, one of the conditions to attain quality. Frankly, many of our younger artists are mimicking contemporary European trends, almost transcribing them in their works. I wouldn't recommend these artists to foreigners visiting Belgrade - I can't see why they should take with them something that they already have in their countries of origin.

"Homegrown painters who communicate the essence and peculiarities of our land and people with Europe in a brisk and clear language emerged in the 1950s," Kosovac explains. "To name but a few of the most renowned artists, I would mention Aleksandar Tomašević, Lazar Vozarević, Lazar Vujaklija, Bogić Risimović-Risim, Mladen Srbinović, Miodrag B. Protić, Stojan Ćelić, Miloš Šobajić. These are people who speak in the most European of tongues, whilst relying on an eastern paradigm. They have clearly

Mileta Prodanović emerged from a Byzantine spirituality prone to transcendence. The character and peculiarities of our land are clearly distinguishable in their works.

Therefore, I think that foreigners who want to take with them a piece of our art and culture should focus their attention on them."

A comprehensive retrospective exhibition by Mladen Srbinović (1925) has just concluded at the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences. He is a great proponent of figurative painting and takes form and shape as the essence of fine art. In his work, he keeps showing us that within the modern always lies the classical. Srbinović can be distinguished by the umber tones of his earlier works and the bright, saturated tones of his more recent paintings.

Miodrag B. Protić (1922) is recognised by a geometric style of expression that confirms his perception of the art of painting as an object and not a reflection of an individual soul. His palette is reduced to brown, black, ochre, Venetian red and accents of blue or green. Art critics praise his ability to reveal a wealth of spiritual meaning with a minimal expression.

Paintings by those who are deemed classics of Serbian art are, as mentioned, harder to find on the marCorD | February 2006

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Culture A representative sample of these works is believed to be on display at the "Beograd" Gallery in Kosančićev venac and the ULUS gallery in Knez Mihajlova. "There is a wide variety of works to choose from and it is almost impossible to buy a bad piece of art."

Mileta Prodanović (1959) is one such artist. He has exhibited in Regensburg, Skopje, Paris, Venice, Graz, Prague, Ljubljana and at home. In recent years he has

Here and there you can still find classic works by artists whose opus was very large, such as Milan Konjović for example, or others who continue to give, despite being in the winter of their lives, such as Cuca Sokić.

Ljubica ‘Cuca’ Sokić

Culture

ket, but they are not entirely unattainable. "These include the entire opus of artists, such as Paja Jovanović, Milan Konjović, Milena Pavlović-Barili, Nadežda Petrović, Ljubica ‘Cuca’ Sokić, Sava Šumanović, Nedeljko Gvozdenović, Nikola Graovac, Milo Milunović and many others whose works have long found a place in Serbia’s museums," says Nikola Kusovac. "You can still stumble across them here and there, however, particularly works by artists whose opus was very large, such as Milan Konjović for example, or those who still have something to give despite being in the winter of their lives, such as Cuca Sokić."

Sokić may be 90 years old, but she still ambles to her studio in Student Square every day to paint. She paints small paintings similar to those by Vermeer, Klee, Corot, Chardin, et al. They are intimate, refined, and almost confessional, with precise lines and often with transparent colours. They are paintings that radiate tranquillity.

been painting on large formats, exploring traces and tokens of Byzantium in himself and our society, their universal symbols, but his paintings in sizes that are more appropriate for living quarters are available in galleries as well. Mrđan Bajić (1957) is a sculptor whose works you may have noticed adorning the lobby of the Yugoslav Drama Theatre in central Belgrade. He has held exhibitions in Paris, Tibingen, Stockholm, Ljubljana, Rome, New York, Sydney, Prague, Graz, Venice and Copenhagen. He is one among a select few of younger Serbian artists with an international reputation. Baji?'s drawings and collages depicting the making of his sculptures are particularly interesting and are either their integral part or self-contained works of art that attract as much interest and demand as do his sculptures.

If you are passionate and hungry for culture or want to purchase quality works of art, you should take a stroll and visit some galleries or just ask around, you may just find something to light up your mind and soul. •

Current laws stipulate that a work of art may be taken out of the country only after it has been issued with a certificate by the Serbian Department for the Protection of Cultural Property At the Art Media gallery, of the old guard painters listed above, we saw an oil canvas entitled "Cavtat" (town near Dubrovnik) by Milan Konjović from 1954 and early works by Milo Milunović and Nikola Graovac from the 1920s and 1930s. Paintings by Sava Šumanović cost around 50,000 euros presently and a small oil on canvas by Paja Jovanović was auctioned at Vienna's Doroteum for 36,000 euros.

Kusovac pointed out that "as much as it is important to have a painting by an artist whose works have long been in museum collections hanging from your wall, it is also pivotal to have works by painters of the younger or middle generations that will become part of our national cultural heritage in a decade or two."

Mrđan Bajić 60

CorD | February 2006

CULTURE NEWS VUKSANOVI? WINS NIN AWARD Novelist Miro Vuksanović has won NIN weekly's award for the best novel of 2005 for his novel Semolj zemlja, released by publishing house IK Filip Višnjić last year. As is tradition, the result of the NIN jury was announced in mid-January and Vuksanović received his award on 19th January at Belgrade's Aero Club.

The shortlist for this, the 51st consecutive NIN Annual Award includes the novels of six other SCG authors: David Albahari for Pijavice (Leeches ), Sanja Domazet for Ko plače (Who's crying), Goran Milašinović for Apsint (Absynth), Saša Ilić for Berlinsko okno (Berlin's windowpane), Milica Mićić Dimovska for Utočište (Refuge) and Mirjana Novaković for Johan s 501.

Vuksanović's winner received the votes of Petar Pijanović, Ivan Negrišorac and Aleksandar Jerkov, while David Albahari's Pijavice was supported by Dušan Marinković and Tihomir Brajović.

Vuksanović, who is a vice-president of Matica Srpska and manager of Matica Srpska's library in Novi Sad, also received the Laza Kostić Award for Semolj zemlja.

The NIN Award is SCG's most prestige literary award for prose.

Last year saw the award's golden (50-year) anniversary, having first been established in 1954, when it was awarded to Dobrica Ćosić for his novel Koreni (Roots).

Over the years, the NIN Award has been awarded to writers from the entire area of the former Yugoslavia. Oskar Davičo received it three times, while Dobrica Ćosić and Živojin Pavlović both received it twice. Only two Authoresses have ever received the award: Svetlana Velmar-Janković - Bezdno (Bottomless) 1995 - and Dubravka Ugresić - Forsiranje romana reke (Forcing the novel of the river)1998.

SEVEN MAGNIFICENT FESTIVAL The 'Seven Magnificent' festival of epic documentary films, organised by the Belgrade Visual Communications Centre KvadArt, took place in Belgrade's Sava Centre between 26th and 28th January.

This, the second annual Seven Magnificent Festival, was opened with a screening of French film Mahaleo, directed by Cesar Paes and Raymond Rajaonarivelo.

During the four-day festival, seven European films, selected by Danish artist and festival co-ordinator Tue Tin Miler, were screened.

Miler chose the most representative contemporary documentary films from Germany, Iceland, Lithuania, Finland, Denmark and Czech Republic. The films' directors, Olafur Johansson, Kieth Davidson, Richard Ladkani, Akunas Mimelis, Mervi Junkkonen, Frank Piasecki and Miroslav Janek were guests of the festival.

Discussions followed each projection, during which the documentarists discussed their works with the audiences. The event also saw the staging of special workshops for students and filmmakers.

NATIONAL MUSEUM HOSTS EXHIBITION OF ITALIAN PAINTING,

VELIKI? NOVEL TRANSLATED AGAIN

Following successful tours of Italy and Finland, an exhibition of 52 Italian masterpieces from the collection of the National Museum in Belgrade is to open in the SCG capital this week.

The exhibition, "Classics of Italian Art from Paolo Venetian to Francesco Guardia", includes works of Paolo Venetiano, Paolo Di Giovanni Fei, Spinelo Aretino, Vittore Carpaco, Lorenzo Di Kredi, Francesco and Leandro Bassano, Jacopo Robusti Tintoretto, Bernardo Stroci, Francesco Guardia and Antonio Kavaletto.

The exhibition is finally to be presented in Belgrade after first being displayed in Bologna (November, 2004 - February, 2005), Bari (March - April, 2005) and Helsinki (May - October 2005).

The exhibition, created by Rosa D`Amico and Tatjana Bošnjak, and headed in Belgrade by architect Ivan Kucina, is a direct result of the project 'Treasures of Italian Art from the National Museum in Belgrade'. This project, realised through co-operation with Bologna's Historical, Art and Ethnological Inheritance Institute, led to the 2004 release of a catalogue detailing the works of Italian painters from the 14th to 18th centuries.

Author Dragan Velikić - SCG Ambassador to Austria - has seen his novel, the Bremen Case, released in Poland. The novel was translated into Polish by Magda Petrinjska, the most respected translator of Serbian literature into Polish, and has been published in Poland by the Bourderland Foundation. This house is preparing several presentations of Velikić's novels in Poland, which will include the participation of Ambassador Veliki? himself.

The Bremen Case was originally published in Serbian in 2001 by Stubovi Kulture - exclusive publisher of Velikić's work - and has since been published in German by Berlin-based Ulstein, one of Germany's leading publishing houses.

FEST SCREENS OSCAR NOMINEES This winter, the 34th consecutive Belgrade Film Festival - FEST will be held from 24th February to 5th March.

FEST will be opened ceremonially at New Belgrade's Sava Centre with a screening of Broken Flowers, directed by Jim Jarmusch.

Throughout the course of the festival, 74 films selected by Art Director and Selector Miroljub Vučković will be screened at the Sava

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Centre, the Belgrade Culture Centre, Dom Omladine and the Museum of Yugoslav "Kinoteka".

New to this year's FEST are two central premier screening times of 7:30pm and 10pm, as well as a B-to-B programme for film directors, producers, festival selectors and other film industry professionals Some of the films to be screened this year have already been declared as candidates for the upcoming 78th 'Oscars' - Academy Awards. These include Ang Lee's Brokeback Mountain, Bennett Miller's Capote, Lars von Trier's Manderlay, as well as the latest films of George Clooney, Sam Mendez, Gus van Sant, et al.

This year's FEST will conclude with a screening of Wim Wenders' latest work Don't Come Knocking. Wenders, who shot to fame after directing Buena Vista Social Club in 1999, will be a special guest of FEST 2006, alongside French actress Anna Karina, film directors Matías Bize and Fred Kelemen, and many other stars of the film world.

CorD | February 2006

NEW DAVID ALBAHARI NOVEL HITS GERMANY Stubovi kulture recently signed a rights' contract with Frankfurtbased publishing house Eihborn to publish the German-language version of David Albahari's latest novel Pijavice (Leeches).

Albahari's work, to be translated by Mirjana and Klaus Vitman, is set to be released on the German market by autumn 2007.

The rights to publish the German version of the novel were granted just two and a half months after the publishing of the original Serbian edition - an unusually short period of time.

Albahari is currently the most translated Serbian writer. During the past decade he has enjoyed great success across Europe, particularly in Germany, France, Great Britain and the Netherlands.

Leeches is the story of the Jewish community in Serbia, particularly in the Belgrade 'town' of Zemun. The story discusses paranoia which becomes reality and reality which becomes paranoia. •

CULTURE CALENDAR Februar y CONCERTS Belgrade Philharmonic Orchestra The Great Anniversaries Ilija M. Kolarac foundation, 3rd February Conductor- Uroš Lajovic Soloist- Aleksandar Madžar Programme- D. Despić- Concerto for the orchestra (Ballet Seasons) op. 161 R. Schumann- Concerto for piano and orchestra op.54 A minor D. Shostakovich- Symphony no.1 op. 10 F minor Conductors choose for you Kolarac, 10th February Conductor- Yasuo Shinozaki Soloist- Francoise Frederique Guy, piano Programme- I. Brkljačić- Commission, S. Prokofjev- Concerto for piano and orchestra no.2 op. 16 G major, I. Stravinski- The Rise of Spring

Jevgenij Kisin- piano Programme- Beethoven, Chopin Tuesday, 23rd February, 8pm Jazz Orchestra RTB Conductor- Bojan Suđić Soloist- Aleksandar Serdar- piano Programme- Mahler, Brams Tuesday, 28th February, 8pm Orchestra of Faculty of Music Arts Conductor- Bojan Suđić Saturday, 11th February, 8pm SAVA CENTRE

The Great Anniversaries Kolarac, 17th February Conductor- Dorian Wilson Soloist- Justo Sariz, clarinet Programme- D. Shostakovich- Festive Overture. W.A. MozartConcerto for clarinet and orchestra K 622 A major, R. SchumannSymphony No. 4 op. 120 D minor Hommage to Hans Swarovsky Kolarac, 24th February Conductor- Ralf Weikert Programme- F. Schubert- Italian overture D 591 C major, G. Mahler- Lieder eines Fahrende Gesellen, A. Bruckner- Symphony no.7 E major Guitar Art Festival ILIJA M: KOLARAC FOUNDATION Sunday, 5th February, 11am Symphonic Orchestra RTB and Vojin Koci?, guitar Monday, 6th February, 8pm Concert - Celebration of 130th anniversary of The Red Cross Wednesday, 8th Friday, 8pm Opening of Guitar Art Festival Monday, 13th February, 8pm Selection of young musicians for Euro-Asian competition th

Tuesday, 14 February, 8pm Ensemble Kolo Wednesday, 15th February, 8pm Chorus RTB Conductor- Mladen Jagušt Thursday, 16th February String Orchestra St. George th

Sunday, 19 February, 8pm Cycle- Great Musicians

Featuring Omaz a Jiango Renart, Raphael Fais - solo guitar, Raimon Galan - rhythm guitar Jean-Claude Bento - contrabass, The Rosenberg Trio (Netherlands), featuring Stokelo Rozenberg - solo jazz guitar INSTITUTE CERVANTES Cycle- Spanish Classical Music Friday, 3rd February, 8pm Radmila Vardalić, violin Zarita Ali Zade, piano Tuesday, 28th February, 8pm Chamber Orchestra of the Music Arts Faculty Programme- Falia, Joakin Rodrigo, Fernando Sor, Fernando Obradors, Manuel Garcia Morante- including some songs of Federico Garsia Lorca Reservation hotline: (011) 3034 182 Friday, 17th February, 8pm Dom Omladine, Makedonska 22 The Dog`s Dance, jazz group CorD | February 2006

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CULTURAL CALENDAR Februar y FILM

Thriller -- A politically-charged epic about the state of the oil industry in the hands of those personally involved and affected by it.

PEINDRE OR FAIRE L`AMOURE (TO PAINT OR TO MAKE LOVE)

KEEPING MUM

Screening from late January Direction: Arno and Jean Marie Larie Starring: Sabin Azema, Daniel Otey Drama -- William and Madeline buy a new house in the country.

They become close to their new neighbours and discover new dimensions about life, love, sex and relationships.

CHEAPER BY THE DOZEN 2 Screening from 2nd February Direction: Andy Shankman Starring: Steve Martin, Eugene Levy, Bonnie Hunt, Tom Welling, Hilary Duff, Carmen Electra Comedy --Tom Baker and his wife Kate want to gather the family together to spend the summer at Wisconsin's Lake Winnetka. But their holiday soon becomes competition with the family of Tom's old rival Jimmy Murtaugh (Eugene Levy).

RUMOUR HAS IT Screening from 8th February, Sava Centre Direction: Rob Reiner Starring: Jennifer Aniston, Kevin Costner, Shirley MacLaine, Mark Ruffalo, Mena Suvari Comedy -- Jennifer Aniston plays a woman who learns that her family was the inspiration for the book and film "The Graduate" -- and that she just might be the offspring of the well-documented event.

MEMOIRS OF A GEISHA Screening from 16th February Direction: Rob Marshall Starring: Suzuka Ohgo, Togo Igawa, Maki, Samantha Futerman and Elisabeth Sung.

Drama -- Based on the novel by Arthur Golden, this film is a romantic story which predates the Second World War. A poor Japanese child is taken away from her family and eventually becomes a beautiful, femme fatale geisha with her own secret and sad love...

SYRIANA Screening from 23rd February Direction: Stephen Gaghan Starring: Kayvan Novak, George Clooney, Amr Waked, Christopher Plummer, Jeffrey Wright, Chris Cooper, Matt Damon and William Hurt

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Screening from 16th February, Direction: Niall Johnson Starring: Rowan Atkinson, Maggie Smith, Patrick Swayze, Kirsten Scott Thomas Comedy -- Village vicar (Atkinson) is so preoccupied with writing the perfect sermon that he fails to realise that his wife is having an affair and his children are up to no good. But perhaps the new housekeeper will help him out.

PRIDE & PREJUDICE Screening from early February Direction: Joe Wright Starring: Keira Knightley, Talulah Riley, Rosamund Pike, Jena Malone, Carey Mulligan, Donald Sutherland, Brenda Blethyn, Claudie Blakley, Sylvester Morand, Simon Woods Romance -- The story is based on Jane Austen's novel about five sisters - Jane, Elizabeth, Mary, Kitty and Lydia Bennet - in Georgian England, whose lives are turned upside down by the arrival of a wealthy young gentleman and his friend.

CULTURAL CALENDAR Februar y INSTITUTE CERVANTES Cycle of Iberian-American film, organised in conjunction with the Embassy of Cuba in Belgrade Saturday, 4th February, 8pm PRETENDING TO BE CRAZY Directed by Daniel Dias Tores Starring Keti de la Iglesia, Enrike Molino, Koralita Velos Saturday, 11th February, 8pm STRAWBERRIES AND CHOCOLATE Directed by Thomas Giuteres Alee and Juan Carlos Tabio Starring Horhe Perugorie, Vladimir Krus and Morto Ibar Saturday, 18th February, 8pm CHICKEN TEACHES HEN Directed by Ronald Dijas Starring Reinaldo Miraveles, Konselo Videl and Beatris Valdes Saturday, 25th February, 8pm HONEY FOR OCCUN Directed by Umberto Solas Starring Horhe Peugorie, Isabel Santos and Maria Limonta

Explanatory: Tapio Wirkalla is one of the most important designers of the 20th century. He is a member of the post-war generation of Finnish artists who helped propel Finland to the top of world design in the 1950s. The exhibition currently showing in Belgrade began its world tour in 2000 and has been seen in such cities as Tallinn, Toronto, Mexico City, Philadelphia, Lisbon, Madrid, Zagreb and Ljubljana.

Wirkalla worked with glass, porcelain, metal, wood and plastic.

Numerous pieces that he designed became classical pieces of modern art, such as the Kantarelli vase. Over a million copies of Wirkalla's Solaris collection have been sold worldwide. Some other pieces of his work have also become well-known, such as works that he made for the famous Rosenthal porcelain factory. In Belgrade's Museum of Applied Arts, the public will be able to see the most significant and most beautiful peaces of work of this famous Finnish designer.

TIBET- Amazed by journey From Monday, 20th February - Saturday, 18th March French Cultural Centre, Knez Mihajilova 31

Entrance is free All films screened with English subtitles EXHIBITIONS IN TOUCH WITH THE ANTIQUE From Friday, 17th February - Sunday, 30th April National Museum, Trg Republike 11a This exhibition is aimed at contributing to the sensitive social needs of people with disabilities.

French museum, the Louvre, will present part of its collection of replica antique sculptures. This is a 'touchable' exhibition, principally for the blind and visually impaired, but also for a wider audience. The collection includes 27 copies of antique sculptures - 24 from the Louvre's collection and three from Belgrade's National Museum.

TAPIO WIRKALLA - RETROSPECTIVE From 19th January - 19th March Organised by the Museum of Applied Art and the Embassy of Finland in Belgrade.

Authors- Photographer Anies Montamari and Art Historian Nathalie Truveroa In July 2005, Montamari and Truveroa walked through the mountains of Tibet. Anies photographed the sights, while Nathalie selected texts written by famous Francophone travel writers Evareist Iko, Alexandra David-Nel, Jaque Bako and Bonvalo.

THEATRE Friday, 10th February, 7:30pm Belgrade National Theatre WHEN WE DIDN`T KNOW MUCH ABOUT EACH OTHER Written and directed by Mladen Materić Based upon the novel by Peter Handke Co-production: Belgrade National Theatre, theatres Tattoo and Garone (Toulouse), Theatre De la Vil (Paris), Cultural Centre MC 2 (Grenoble) and the French Cultural Centre, Belgrade •

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Culture

World of Mini Valuables Antique fairs in Serbia are held regularly in Belgrade, Niš, Novi Sad and Vrnjačka Banja. The most sought-after pieces are medieval jewellery, costume jewellery, small items of furniture, good old paintings and other antiquities. However, Serbia's contemporary antique fairs lack enough original, high quality items

medieval jewellery: most sought-after

Culture

By Marina Desivojević; Photo: Jelena Mandić

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ast year was the first time the Serbian Antique Dealers’ Society organised a New Year Antiques Fair for its members and fair exhibitors. The fair, which was announced as a 'big New Year sale' and was held on weekdays for the first time, was visited by around 350 visitors per day. The organisers consider this to be a good turn out.

"The interest of Serbia and Belgrade is certainly to support and simply "nurture" antique fairs in order to preserve old items and antiques which still exist in Serbia and certainly represent national treasures of the country", says Dragan Munćan, president of the Serbian Antique Dealers’ Society. "Antique fairs open up the possibilities for all those wonderful, old and rare items to see daylight again after many years probably spent gathering dust in someone's loft.

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"The most sought-after pieces are medieval jewellery, costume jewellery, small furniture pieces, good old paintings and other antiquities. But at our fairs, the way there are now, there aren't so many original, quality pieces. In our towns, as in European towns, many copies of furniture, china and glass have appeared recently, thus buyers are advised to be careful."

Serbia's antique fairs should help everybody. Those who fulfil their desires by purchasing some beautiful old piece of furniture, maybe from the time of secession, which will become fully unique after adequate restoration, or perhaps a lamp with a gilded stand whose lampshade has lost its colour and shine a long time ago, but which will, with adequate cleaning in expert hands, have its freshness and splendour restored and, perhaps most importantly, will not lose its real value.

These kinds of fairs are very respected events in Western countries, because the sale of antiques has brought pleasure to all participants for decades - some

Culture "Initially, three fair organisers - Antiques & Hobby, Senzal and the Lidija antique shop - are looking for premises that would enable us to organise similar antique fairs to those so far held in the Slavija Hotel. We would like to introduce innovations in order to make the future offer of our exhibitors better and more varied".

Munćan, who has visited several European fairs, openly admits that there is a major difference between fairs in Europe and those in Serbia. "Fairs abroad are organised twice a year and are much bigger with a wider offer". •

When a stamp was worth a house he Serbian Philatelist Club is where philatelists gather in Belgrade every Sunday between 9am and 1pm.

The Club has been at 16-18 Svetog Sava Street for 22 years. If you have not yet had the opportunity to visit, and you want to find out more about them, the philatelists suggest you pay them a visit.

As a national organisation of collectors, the Serbian Philatelist Association is currently in a difficult situation.

With the drop of all values in Dušan Stojković, society in the '90s, philately Philatelist & Antique Fair organiser became a luxury instead of a hobby and, thus, became a neglected art. The drop in the number of young people interested is also partially because of the decreased use of the postal system, caused by the development of telecommunications and computer networks. However, there are several bright examples in some primary schools in Serbia which, through the work of enthusiasts, have achieved good results. In fact, in recent years much has been done in the field of education to promote philately.

"Currently, philatelists in Serbia are organised in around 25 societies in bigger regional centres and are united in the Serbian Philatelist Association (SFS), which was established in 1948. Over the course of its long history, the Association has seen better days, when it was heartily supported", says antique fair organiser Dušan Stojković." In the 1980's, the philatelist collections of Serbian stamps reached their highest value, and in some cases stamp collectors managed to gain enough funds to buy real estate through the sales of their collections".

"Just for the purpose of comparison, the current value of a complete collection of regular and special occasion issues of our stamps from 1865 is worth between three and five thousand euros", says Stojković. Stamps with the engraver's mark, "tests", stamps with mistakes and other philately specialities have a higher value than ordinary stamps.

"The best philatelists have the opportunity to show their collections at the philatelist exhibitions organised by societies and the Association, and their collections are qualified for international exhibitions in this way; in the last several years we have achieved noticeable results at international exhibitions", concludes Stojković. •

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Paintings and pipes: popular collectables because they manage to get rid of objects which are not very dear to them, and others because they enjoy fulfilling their wishes to bring home pieces of furniture or jewellery they particularly wanted, at very favourable prices.

This kind of interest is very evident in Serbia. The most frequent sellers of antiques are pensioners who want to make additional cash funds in order to complete their budgets, or those who have lost their jobs and have inherited antique items.

There are several organisers of antiquity fairs in Serbia, and it could be said that the reason for that is the healthy competition between these kinds of organisations. However, every major city in Serbia has its own Society of Antiques Dealers which favours itself. Until a

In our towns, as in European towns, many copies of furniture, china and glass have appeared recently, thus buyers are advised to be careful short time ago, there was also a closed antiquities society in Belgrade, whose members were exclusively owners of antique shops in the city.

"Serbian antique fairs are not organised at international level for several reasons. The Serbian Antique Dealers’ Society still does not have its own premises, which would present the basis of the society. On several occasions we have requested premises from the city authorities, which we could use to improve the image of Serbian antique fairs. However, we have not had any success", says Munćan. "Still, we have long standing , solid co-operation with the Belgrade Tourist Organisation. Currently, we are working on that, so that at least we are uniting in something as organisers.

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Culture

Factory of Fairytales

Culture

Theatre show "Engleski bukvar" (English elementary reading book) may be performed in Serbian, but English words can also be heard emanating from the stage. The show is aimed towards both Serbian youngsters and resident youngsters whose mother tongue is not Serbian. The theatre’s repertoire will soon also include Lewis Carroll's classic fairytale Alice in Wonderland

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Night Scene: Katarina Radivojević and Andrija Milošević, leading stars of the Buha production of The Taming of the Shrew.

By Maja Vukadinović; Photo: Jelena Mandić elgrade's Boško Buha Children's Theatre is working at full pace this winter. Rehearsals for new performances constantly replace one another, opening night preparations seem to always be in the works and planned visits abroad are continually devised.

Since May 2005, this highly respected children's theatre has been under the guidance of director Boško Đorđević, who has a clear concept of the direct in which 'Buha' should develop. The winning combination, according to Đorđević, includes precise, dramatic texts intersected with the poetic theatrics of differing directors.

Under Đorđević's leadership, the theatre is justifying its long tradition and excellent reputation by remaining equally open to both experience theatre directors and

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younger talents making their first steps towards conquering the world of children's theatre. Đorđević explains: "the children's theatre scene, which this year is using the slogan 'Factory of Fairytales', has around 20 plays currently running. Some of them are of the highest artistic quality, but they include bulky, prop-filled sets that are not conducive to touring abroad, or even in Serbia. That's a problem because touring is exactly what this theatre is missing. So, we decided to produce several smaller, more mobile formats as well, many of which, such as puppet shows, include non-verbal theatrics. A good example of this is Marica Vuletić's Rebellion of Puppets, which has already toured several festivals."

He continues: "by late February we expect to premiere our production of Alice in Wonderland, which is a choreographed, pantomimic play with elements of optical theatrics. Actress Marija Milenković has been entrusted to

Culture direct the production. These kinds of small, mobile plays, I believe, can inject fresh energy into the theatre".

Alice in Wonderland and the pantomime format differ from the classic fairytale play format that is synonymous with the Boško Buha Theatre. Another notable exception is the aforementioned Engleski bukvar, which is accessible to both local children and international youngsters. On the whole, the theatre attracts children of four years and older, whether they speak Serbian or not. It is for this reason that CorD's interlocutor recommends foreign residents of Belgrade bring their children, particularly at the weekends, along to Buha - a venue that has always served as a "nursery of future theatre goers".

Insisting that Buha is at the cutting edge of its industry, Đorđević says: "we are following world trends in children's theatre, though the fact remains that each region, and indeed each theatre, follows its own direction.

"The best insight into global and regional tendencies is represented by the TIBA Festival, which runs every May in our theatre. Thanks to selector Igor Bojović, the festival gives us the opportunity to see the best contemporary children's plays from across Europe. Also of great importance to us are the appearances of our productions at festivals of differing concepts. Recently, through Rebellion of Puppets, we were at the festival of experimental theatre in Cairo, and we are also expecting to visit festivals in Ljubljana and Banja Luka."

Preparations are underway that will represent a real treat for Buha's young theatregoers: the soon to be opened Night Scene, which will see the productions of plays under the slogan "Play Shakespeare" until the end of the winter season.

The series will be premiered with a performance of the Taming of the Shrew, directed by Milan Karadžić and starring Katarina Radivojević and Andrija Milošević.

The theatre's association with the Bard of Avon will continue with a local production of Two Gentlemen of Verona - a remake of a production that graced the Boško Buha stage a few years ago and starred Goran Šušljik.

The Night Scene repertoire is also set to include Othello, directed by Jovan Grujić and starring Ivan Jeftović and Marija Karan as Desdemona. Moreover, both younger and older audiences will be given the chance to

Preparations are underway that will represent a real treat for Buha's young theatregoers: the soon to be opened Night Scene, which will see the productions of plays under the slogan "Play Shakespeare" attend a new reading of Shakespeare's The Tempest, directed by Ana Đorđević, as well as Twelfth Night, signed by Bojana Lazić.

The 'Play Shakespeare' project is aimed at uniting different generations of audiences by presenting the researched works of directors of contrasting profiles and styles and their adaptations of the works of this legendary writer of classic drama on a unique set and starring Belgrade's best actors.

Preparations are also underway for the spring and summer seasons, with new children's plays expected to include the Three little Pigs, directed by Marko Manojlović, and Cinderella, to be arranged by Milan Karadžić. •

Special Rates for Belgrade's Intesa Clients in Hungary Banca Intesa Beograd enabled those of its clients who chose to visit Hungary between 16th December 2005 and 13th January 2006 to exchange their hard currency under an exceptionally favourable special winter exchange rate.

Banca Intesa Beograd (formerly Delta Banka) was able to offer the special rate thanks to its membership of successful international banking group, Gruppo Banca Intesa, and its co-operation with other group members. On this occasion, group member CIB bank, from Hungary, offered all clients of Banca Intesa Beograd the chance to exchange euros into forintas and vice versa by simply showing their Banca Intesa debit cart and ID or passport. The favourable exchange is equivalent to that of cash-free transfers (around 2% more favourable than cash exchanges).

CIB's network in Hungary totals over 70 branches, more than 30 of which are located in the Budapest area. This makes it even easier for Intesa clients to make use of the Gruppo Banca Intesa member's services. •

Deposit and Crediting Activities Grow Zoran Radonjić, director general of Vojvođanska Banka, detailed his bank's business indexes at a press conference recently. Outlining success margins, Radonjić said: "According to the preliminary results of the last year, Vojvođanska Banka generated a profit of 69million dinars, and it is perceived as being realistic to expect profit will be even higher after the completion of certain remaining entries."

He continued: "The reasons for such financial results is the significant increase in the scope of deposit-crediting operations, the enlargement of the offer of products and services, more competitive conditions on the market and the rationalisation of operational expenses."

Turning to the denationalisation of the bank, Radonjić said: "Vojvođanska Banka will get its new owner in 2006. Namely, in the third quarter of this year the end of the privatisation of this bank with majority state ownership is expected."

Zoran Radonjić (centre): Vojvođanska expects further growth before privatisation 70

CorD | February 2006

Ktitor Strives Ahead Furniture company, Ktitor, is continuing to demonstrate its strive ahead by opening a new production-business centre.

This successful office furniture manufacturer has modernised its production methods to ensure that any customer will get plenty of inspiration on how to equip their business premises when they visit the Ktitor furniture sales showroom in Zemun, Belgrade (Dobanovacki put 58). •

He continued: "The value of the bank's capital at the end of last year amounted to 6.5billion dinars, which is almost 80million euros. On the basis of regulating relations with debtors the Paris and London Investors’ Clubs and credits from the International Financial Co-operation and the World Bank, a significant return of funds is expected. Therefore, the further growth of the bank's capital is expected".

In comparison with 2004, the scope of dinar deposits has increased by 50% and amounts to 13.7 billion dinars, while hard currency deposits have increased by 17% and amount to 13 billion dinars. In 2005, the bank offered 15 new corporate and commercial sector products and services, and interest rates for credits were reduced by over 50%. According to Radonjic, this ensures that the bank ranks among the most competitive banks on the domestic banking market, and stands shoulder to shoulder with domestic banks which were founded with foreign capital.

At the end of 2005, commercial clients’ deposits in this bank amounted to 15billion dinars, which created the base for an increase in the bank's crediting activity. Citizens' deposits in the same period totalled 12 billion dinars, with no fewer than 625,000 retail clients.

Vojvođanska Banka made a significant increase in the number of issued credit cards; making a 51.19% increase compared to 2004: in 2005 they issued 404,039 cards. On the payment card market, Vojvođanska Banka contributes 23.4% of the Visa system and 23% of the Dinacard system.

"We expect further growth in our participation on the cards market. This is a trend which is difficult to stop. By the end of 2006 we plan to have issued between 550,000 and 600,000 cards. We also plan to issue the Visa Gold card with no interest and postponed payment, and the Visa Classic card, with postponed payment. We also expect to activate our membership in the MasterCard system", said Zoran Radonjić. He added that the bank plans the expansion of their credit line offer in 2006, with dinar savings boasting a currency clause and new dinar saving and deposit products, such as children's and annuity savings.

Vojvođanska Banka has experienced significant success in investment banking, becoming the leader in terms of their participation in the total turnover of the Belgrade Stock Market. •

DELTA OSIGURANJE Convincingly the Best Insurer

In 2006, Delta Osiguranje will continue to intensively develop its life, private pension scheme and health insurance for citizens. In March 2006, Delta Osiguranje will establish a special pension company in accordance with the new Voluntary Pension Scheme Insurance Law. From the middle of this year private health insurance, the Guardian, will be attainable for citizens on an individual basis.

By evaluating the most important financial indexes of all insurance companies operating in South-Eastern Europe, British magazine, Finance Central Europe, proclaimed Delta Osiguranje the best insurance company in SCG and the best in the SEE region, according to the Return of Assets index •

New Shopping 'Bazaar' in Novi Sad

Nebojša Divljan, Director General, Delta Osiguranje With 3.3billion dinars of total premiums in 2005, Delta Osiguranje has increased the scope of its business almost threefold (compared to 1.16billion dinars in 2004) and remains convincingly the biggest private insurance company in Serbia.

Delta Osiguranje achieved excellent results in the last year and confirmed its position as the biggest private insurance company in SCG. Today, Delta Osiguranje insures aproximatly 500,000 people, 141,500 of which are new 2005 clients, and also insures properties worth over two billion dinars on the serbian economy.

By investing in new business premises in Subotica, Sombor and Smederevo, Delta Osiguranje has expanded its busines network to include branch offices in 26 towns and cities in Serbia.

Four million euros has been invested in the construction of apartments (on the corner of Gandijeva and Jurija Gagarina streets in New Belgrade), which are being offered to the market.

As with the most successful insurance companies in the world, Delta Osiguranje is the home of the general insurer, which means wide specialisation and an all-inclusive offer of insurance services intended for the economy and citizens.

Delta Osiguranje offers Enterprise and institutions insurance; Employees collective insurance; Delta Life life-savings insurance with pension schemes, scholarships and financial funds for the treatment of serious illnesses; Voluntary pension insurance in the Delta Pension Fund; Private health insurance; International travel health insurances; Home insurance; Goods in transport insurance; Casco and required vehicle insurance, and others.

Among the aforementioned insurance policies, private health insurance and the Delta Life savings insurance with the option of serious illness cover are two unique programmes on the insurance market, which Delta Osiguranje first offered in 2005.

On 1st February 2006, High end shopping mall "Sad Novi Bazaar" (Now New Bazaar) opened its doors in the main centre of the Vojvodina capital, Novi Sad. Delta M company, new owner of the real estate, has invested €10million to turn this former department store into a new, attractive, modern space on four levels, combining different outlets for shopping and entertainment.

The new shopping mall has the ambitious promotional slogan "For perfect shopping", which is justified by its extremely attractive offer.

For the first time ever, shoppers in Serbia & Montenegro will be able to buy items of well known Spanish brand "Zara", presented in an exclusive outlet space of 1,500m2. "Sad Novi Bazaar" will contain a unique 500m2 Maxi supermarket, which will exclusively offer food.

Citizens of Novi Sad and visitors to the city will be able to visit separate shops offering other well known brand names, such as Mexx, Nike woman, Esprit, Tom Tailor, Legend, Kronos, Navigare, Office shoes, etc.

A special entertainment place is reserved for youngsters: while parents are shopping for their kids in shops such as Exception kids and Turbo limač, little ones can play to their heart's content in the country's first real shopping mall play centre.

Along with shopping, "Sad Novi Bazaar" offers space for entertainment and relaxation: a fitness room and several coffee shops are situated on the third floor, while the top floor is reserved for a restaurant, set to open its doors in April. In addition there is an elegent, uniquely decored garden balcony with a panoramic view of Novi Sad. One more feature making this space visually unique is its attractive combination of external and internal light installation, producing special lighting effects. •

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Stunning landmark in the Making The development of Airport City Belgrade, the country's first bespoke 'Business Park', is progressing right on schedule this winter. And that’s not merely thanks to the mild, sunny days in January, but rather the committed teams of private local subcontractors who continue working to realise this eye-catching project.

As can be seen here (see photo), the tinted glass facades of the first two juxtaposed buildings of Airport City Belgrade provide a hint of the stunning, stylish and modern look that the completed ACB project will provide to New Belgrade.

ACB has already become a Belgrade landmark and a unique point of reference for those traversing neighbouring Omladinskih brigade. And, with the world-class architects and developers of the Africa-Israel Corporation at its head, the everdeveloping ACB Park remains well on course to become the Balkans premier centre for first-class business operations.•

tain roads. The electro0nic multi-plate clutch sensitively re-distributes drive torque between the front and rear wheels. These immediate adjustments also ensure optimum agility in tight bends, such as those found in multi-storey car parks.

Optimum directional stability: With xDrive, the BMW 5 Series corners like a train. Under-andoversteer are compensated by lighnting-fast re-distribution of drive power. Thanks to integration with the DSC, the system recognises changes in vehicle behaviour as soon as they develop. xDrive intervenes before the driver even has a change to notice that there was a risk of over-or understeer.

Relaxed parking manoeuvres: Rear-wheel drive makes parking manoeuvres particularly comfortable. And since xDrive uses engine power intelligently, it allocates 100% of drive torque to the rear wheels in such situations.

This means that there are no adverse effects on steering and drive train, as there are with other all-wheel drive systems.•

Balkan Icon, New Belgrade Symbol

x DRIVE: Fast, save, dynamic and agile Rain, snow, ice or mud - BMW's innovative xDrive all-wheel drive system makes a positive contribution, and not just on extreme surfaces. The BMW 525xi and the BMW 530xi with xDrive guarantee maximum traction, safety and driving enjoyment in all kinds of situations.

Enhanced driving safety in extreme situations: xDrive makes for a very safe and agile driving experience. This applies in particular to difficult driving situations such as hill ascents on slippery road surfaces, for example snow or ice.

Here, xDrive prevents wheel spin using intelligent power distribution to the front and rear axles. In this way, mastering difficult road conditions becomes easy.

Problem-free hill starts: Even competent drivers sometimes struggle to perform smooth hill-starts in snowy or icy conditions. xDrive solves this problem by applying engine power to the axle that has the best traction. Apart from the benefits in terms of increased safety, this gives the driver a reassuring feeling of control, even on snowbound roads in winter.

Agile cornering: The agility of a BMW 5 Series with xDrive is particularly apparent when cornering, for example on twisting moun-

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New Belgrade is fast becoming the new business centre of the country, and most investment is being directed towards building this part of the city, where institutions and residences, business complexes and sport and leisure facilities are all being built.

During its long work in the country, MPC Group member European construction d.o.o, has participated largely in New Belgrade building programmes, with the aim of satisfying citizens' needs and providing business premises. As such, the company presents itself as one of the biggest investors in the field of construction by offering to the market over 180,000m2 of the best quality and most comfortable space for businesses and living, all built it in exceptionally attractive locations.

By insisting on building quality, functionality, ideal location and considering the needs of the most demanding clients, the company is able to offer the most adequate and desired business premises in the whole region.

The logo of the highest building in the Balkans, the Symbol of New Belgrade, conjures appropriate images to best describe the significance of this truly iconic building. Thanks both to its location at the main bridge crossing between the old city and New Belgrade - at the confluence of the great rivers Danube and Sava, coupled with its smart, bold, modern aesthetic appearance, PC Usce is the ultimate symbol of a down-to-business New Belgrade; a veritable beacon of business, showing the way to the district from all parts of the Serbian capital.

This towering 140metre structure, with full glass façade and the most modern technical solutions, is the undisputed 'pride' of a Belgrade that's hastening towards its future in Europe.

The first ten floors of this 25-storey skyscraper have been rented by Austrian finance group Hypo, with the majority of this space to be occupied by Hypo Alpe-Adria Bank. Other companies showing great interest in the 23 floors of immaculate office space that the tower offer include Futura Plus, Weishaupt, Rudnap, EMC2, MTSI Lighting, Kappa Star, Sanos, Wellness Centre, Nokia, Pimex Oil, Prince Aviation...

The conferences and meeting halls are located on the 24th floor and will be available from 1st March 2006. The 25th, penthouse floor is designed as a multifunctional atmospheric space offering stunning, unique views over the whole city. The VR Company, OSCE, Hypo Alpe-Adria Bank, Stylos, Ericsson, Komercijalna banka, Schneider, Siepa, Eurobank EFG, Fashion Week, and even famous designer, Ora Ito, particularly chose Usce's 25th floor, which will become one of Belgrade's most beautiful restaurants on 1st March 2006.•

Amadeus Aware that friendship and truly belonging to one's community are just as valuable capital as banking assets, Raiffeisenbank has assisted a wide range of cultural events during the last four years of business activities in Serbia. With an excellent comprehension of the fact that dramatic art is an excellent medium of communication and recognition, the bank found the perfect forum for its marketing expression.

By exerting great efforts to constantly link the two cultural heritages of Austria and Serbia, Raiffeisenbank accepted the invitation to help the realisation of the theatre performance "Amadeus", celebrating the 250th anniversary of the birth of this musical genius.

The opening night premiere of Amadeus was performed on Saturday, 14th January at the Belgrade Drama Theatre (Beogradsko dramsko pozorište), under the joint sponsorship of Raiffeisenbank and Audi.

The play, adapted from Peter Shaffer's original text, was organised on the occasion of this years' celebration of the 250th anniversary of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, perhaps the greatest and most ingenious composer of all time. The stars of the play, directed by Alisa Stojanović, were Gordan Kičić (Mozart) and Predrag Ejdus (Salieri).

Although Mozart's work belongs to the world's cultural heritage, Austrians still consider him as their most famous compatriot. With a tradition dating back from 1862, Raiffeisenbank is recognised as a national brand of Austria; a symbol of trust and top professionalism.•

The Amadeus cast take a bow

R Class: Grand Sports Tourer from Mercedes-Benz

Mercedes-Benz continues to prove its role as a pioneer and trendsetter with the new R Class Grand Sports Tourer. The outstanding hallmarks of the Tourer are design, dynamism and dimensions. This unique vehicle concept combines the advantages of existing vehicle types, such as sporty saloons, estate cars, vans and sports utility vehicles, into a new, individual profile.

The power range of the engines starts at 165 kW/224 hp and extends to 225 kW/306 hp, making clear just what the R Class has to offer in terms of dynamism and pleasure. All of the engines are combined with the 7G-TRONIC seven-speed automatic transmission, which comes as standard. Permanent all-wheel drive, the 4ETS traction system and ESP®, team up to offer peerless driving

safety: keeping the new R Class safely on course even in poor road conditions. These systems are all available as standard, as is the air suspension on the rear axle. Mercedes-Benz presented a version of the R Class, developed specifically for the European market, at the International Motor Show (IAA) in September 2005.

With this Compact Sports Tourer [Its body is 235 millimetres shorter than the long-wheelbase Grand Sports Tourer version], Mercedes-Benz has shown how a more compact model can provide the same spacious interior as a larger saloon or estate car, which is achieved by the space-saving arrangement of having the engine and transmission both in front of and under the passenger compartment.

In 2006, Mercedes-Benz is continuing to satisfy the desires of all those with whom they share a passion for automobiles.

The new R-Class, which has already confirmed its leading position as a trendsetter of the automotive industry, will be available in SCG for immediate purchase and delivery at the Belgrade Motor Show in March 2006.•

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Tourism

Tourism

Green and pleasant land: Divčibare

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The protected area of the gorge also has a unique geology and is scattered with numerous caves and pits. The most important of these geological features are the protected Ušač cave system and Tubića Cave. This, the longest cave system in Serbia at 6,185m in length, includes Ušač's Cave, Ledena (Icy) Cave and Bezdana Abyss, which are interconnected through a series of channels, creating this unique cave system. The caves of the Ušač system are adorned with interesting cave art from various periods in history and Ledena Cave is classed as one of the most beautiful geological features in Serbia.

Hotel Jezero - a 'B' class hotel owned by AD Hotel Management 'Zlatar' and located in the heart of Zlatar town, 950m ASL. The hotel offers 30 rooms with more than 80 beds and a restaurant with a seating capacity of 350. All rooms are equipped with a telephone and television, and the hotel's management also organises trips to Zlatar's lakes and other mountain features.

Štitkovo Village

Ristić Magaza 138 Karađorđeva Street, Zlatar Telephone: 033/65-301 or 064/29-89-935

Located in a high valley formed by the River Tisovica and Vrelo Spring, Štitkovo village lies between the mountains of Čemernica and Javor, 30km from Nova Varoš. The village is 1,072m ASL - an identical altitude to Nova Varoš.

Founded early in the 13th century, legend has it that the village got its name, which means 'shields', because the village centre housed a medieval works for the production of military shields. Štitkovo has managed to maintain an authentic look and includes many examples of 19th century architecture.

Tourist information and accommodation Hotel Panorama - a 'B' class hotel owned and operated by Belgrade company Rekreaturs. Panorama is located 1,200m ASL and is built in accordance with the classic Alpine style.

The hotel boasts 240 beds in single, double and triple rooms, and three self-catering apartments. It has a 400seater restaurant, pool hall, table tennis hall, mini gym and an indoor swimming pool with shower facilities. The adjacent ski lane, with lift, lies 100m from the hotel, while a small sports field lies 50m from Panorama.

Panorama is an ideal destination for sporting/recreational tourists and guests are well advised to take advantage of the respiratory benefits of the Continental/Mediterranean climate by hiking on Zlatar Mountain.

RESTAURANTS

''UVAC'' -Kokin Brod Zlatar Lake Telephone: 033/86-054; 86-354; 065/555-666 ROUTES The main road from Belgrade to the Montenegrin coast passes directly through Nova Varoš, thus all buses travelling from the Serbian capital to the coast stop in the town. This is also the quickest and simplest route for those travelling by car.

The Belgrade-Bar railroad lies just 15km from Nova Varoš and the nearest railway stations are in Prijepolje (25km away) and Priboj (35km away).

TOURIST ORGANISATION ZLATAR 36 Karađorđeva Street e-mail:tozlatar@verat.net office@zlatar.org.yu tel:033/62-621 fax:033/62-621 www.zlatarco.co.yu

Tourism from Mileševa to Belgrade, where it was burnt publicly in Vračar (at the site of today's Great Temple (veliki hram)).

Mileševa also hosted the coronation of Tvrdko Kotromanić, King of Bosnia and Serbia, in 1377, and Stefan Vukčić Kosara received the title of St. Sava's Herceg there in 1446.

Despite the Ottoman invaders repeatedly torching Mileševa Monastery, it still managed to develop a rich cultural heritage. In the 16th century the monastery housed a printing press, which was used to print liturgy books. The monastery was severely damaged in a 1688 assault by the Ottoman and in 1782 all the monastery's icons were burned. Mileševa has undergone major reconstructions twice throughout its history, first during the 16th century period of Patriarch Makarija and again in 1863, when it gained its present look.

Banja Monastery The exact dates of the construction of Banja (Spa) Monastery, a Nemanjić Dynasty endowment, are unknown.

However, the monastery certainly predates the 12th century and is one of the oldest and most important Serbian monasteries anywhere. It is widely believed that the monastery was built alongside the ancient chapel of St. Ilija at the behest of Uroš I and named the Monastery of St. Nikola.

Uroš is said to have believed that his health returned after a long illness thanks to St. Nikola and the thermal waters of the nearby spa.

Banja's Monastery of St. Nikola in Dabar (the former name of the region) was first mentioned in the Studeniča Typicon, written by St. Sava between 1207 and 1215. At the Studeniča synod in 1219, when St. Sava first established the independence of the Serbian Church, the Monastery of St. Nikola was proclaimed as the Minster of the Fourth Eparchy, thus becoming the centre of the entire Dabar Eparchy under the patriarchy of Hilandar's Bishop Hristofor, St. Sava's brother.

Banja Monastery was gutted by fire several times during

Medieval masterpiece: Mileševa Monastery

Winter wonderland: Tičije Polje the Ottoman occupation, but experts believe its original superstructure remains intact. The monastery's rich collection of beautiful, priceless icons and inscriptions of significance, coupled with its unique architectural form, ensure it is well worth a visit.

Nearby, around five kilometres from Priboj, lies Pribojska Spa, know for the healing properties of its thermo-mineral springs since Roman times. Beneath the spa lies a vast subterranean body of cold water known as Murteničko Lake. Even further under the Earth's surface, beneath Murteničko Lake, lies a 900km2 body of warm water, with an average temperature of 60°C. The Pribojska Thermal Spa Centre lies at the source of the spring, where the Jaza Stream bursts out of a small cave at a speed in excess of 43 litres per second and with a source temperature of 38°C. Since the first formal analysis of Pribojska spring water was performed in Vienna in 1878, the spring has been included among the world's top thermal springs.

UVAC At 119km long, Uvac is the longest tributary of the River Lim, sourced beneath Ozren Mountain. Uvac is a typical mountain river and its characteristics provide excellent hydro-electric potential, as shown by the river's three manmade lakes: Zlatarsko, Sjeničko and Radoinjsko.

A 60km2 section of Uvac's river basin has been declared a protected nature reserve in an effort to protect the endangered species - including White Headed Vulture and the Mladica fish - that call the area home.

Uvac Gorge The River Uvac Gorge is a special nature reserve that's home to rare and endangered species of plants and animals.

The reservation covers an area of 2,717 hectares and is situated between a height of 902m and 1,276m ASL. The symbol of the reservation is the rare White-headed Vulture and the protection of this rare bird, the 'sky king', is a priority of the park.

The Uvac Gorge area is inhabited by a total of around 150 species of bird and also provides a protective habitat for endangered bats, numerous reptiles, amphibians, fish, mammals and rare plants - preliminary research has shown that just a small part of the River Uvac Gorge is home to 216 species of flora.

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Tourism from Mileševa to Belgrade, where it was burnt publicly in Vračar (at the site of today's Great Temple (veliki hram)).

Mileševa also hosted the coronation of Tvrdko Kotromanić, King of Bosnia and Serbia, in 1377, and Stefan Vukčić Kosara received the title of St. Sava's Herceg there in 1446.

Despite the Ottoman invaders repeatedly torching Mileševa Monastery, it still managed to develop a rich cultural heritage. In the 16th century the monastery housed a printing press, which was used to print liturgy books. The monastery was severely damaged in a 1688 assault by the Ottoman and in 1782 all the monastery's icons were burned. Mileševa has undergone major reconstructions twice throughout its history, first during the 16th century period of Patriarch Makarija and again in 1863, when it gained its present look.

Banja Monastery The exact dates of the construction of Banja (Spa) Monastery, a Nemanjić Dynasty endowment, are unknown.

However, the monastery certainly predates the 12th century and is one of the oldest and most important Serbian monasteries anywhere. It is widely believed that the monastery was built alongside the ancient chapel of St. Ilija at the behest of Uroš I and named the Monastery of St. Nikola.

Uroš is said to have believed that his health returned after a long illness thanks to St. Nikola and the thermal waters of the nearby spa.

Banja's Monastery of St. Nikola in Dabar (the former name of the region) was first mentioned in the Studeniča Typicon, written by St. Sava between 1207 and 1215. At the Studeniča synod in 1219, when St. Sava first established the independence of the Serbian Church, the Monastery of St. Nikola was proclaimed as the Minster of the Fourth Eparchy, thus becoming the centre of the entire Dabar Eparchy under the patriarchy of Hilandar's Bishop Hristofor, St. Sava's brother.

Banja Monastery was gutted by fire several times during

Medieval masterpiece: Mileševa Monastery

Winter wonderland: Tičije Polje the Ottoman occupation, but experts believe its original superstructure remains intact. The monastery's rich collection of beautiful, priceless icons and inscriptions of significance, coupled with its unique architectural form, ensure it is well worth a visit.

Nearby, around five kilometres from Priboj, lies Pribojska Spa, know for the healing properties of its thermo-mineral springs since Roman times. Beneath the spa lies a vast subterranean body of cold water known as Murteničko Lake. Even further under the Earth's surface, beneath Murteničko Lake, lies a 900km2 body of warm water, with an average temperature of 60°C. The Pribojska Thermal Spa Centre lies at the source of the spring, where the Jaza Stream bursts out of a small cave at a speed in excess of 43 litres per second and with a source temperature of 38°C. Since the first formal analysis of Pribojska spring water was performed in Vienna in 1878, the spring has been included among the world's top thermal springs.

UVAC At 119km long, Uvac is the longest tributary of the River Lim, sourced beneath Ozren Mountain. Uvac is a typical mountain river and its characteristics provide excellent hydro-electric potential, as shown by the river's three manmade lakes: Zlatarsko, Sjeničko and Radoinjsko.

A 60km2 section of Uvac's river basin has been declared a protected nature reserve in an effort to protect the endangered species - including White Headed Vulture and the Mladica fish - that call the area home.

Uvac Gorge The River Uvac Gorge is a special nature reserve that's home to rare and endangered species of plants and animals.

The reservation covers an area of 2,717 hectares and is situated between a height of 902m and 1,276m ASL. The symbol of the reservation is the rare White-headed Vulture and the protection of this rare bird, the 'sky king', is a priority of the park.

The Uvac Gorge area is inhabited by a total of around 150 species of bird and also provides a protective habitat for endangered bats, numerous reptiles, amphibians, fish, mammals and rare plants - preliminary research has shown that just a small part of the River Uvac Gorge is home to 216 species of flora.

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Tourism Divčibare Divčibare is located on mountain Maljen, 37 km south-east of Valjevo, at 980m ASL. As a consequence of its geographical position, Divčibare is affected by the coastal climate coming up from the Adriatic coast, as well as the Carpathian and Panonian climates that collide there, increasing the presence of iodine in the air. The air quality at Divčibare is beneficial for those suffering from lung diseases, anaemia and neurological disorders. The area has a mild, dry climate - annually averaging 239 days without wind and 280 days without rainfall. Average summer temperatures at the mountain resort are around 22°C. A mild climate, suitable geographical position, rich flora and fauna, plenty of springs and running waters make Divčibare one of the most attractive tourist destinations in Serbia, equally attractive during both winter and summer. Divčibare's woods mainly include larch trees, and in the heart of the area mountain pines rise from the mountain. These specific pines don't grow anywhere else that's less than 2,000m ASL. Nature reserves on Divčibare include the ancient forest of Velika pleča, Vražji Vir on the river Crna Kamenica and Crna River Canyon. The area's special attraction is the 20m-high Skakalo waterfall on the river Manastirica. On Divčibare there are sports fields for tennis and mini golf, as well as a trim track and marked tracks for hiking. A riding School is open year-round. The surrounding peaks and mild mountainsides are covered with snow three to four months per year. Throughout the year, Divčibare hosts various tourism, cultural and sports events, including the "White narcissus", "Days of mushrooms ", Winter festival of children's recreation, etc.

Valjevo's mountains, Medvednik, Jablanik, Povlen and Maljen, are ore-rich mountains situated at the eastern extreme of the Dinar Mountain Massif in north-west Serbia.

A unique characteristic of this mountain range is that each mountain is geologically connected to the next, with the exception of Maljen.

Skiers can take advantage of several ski lanes. On the north face of Crni Vrh (Black Peak), lies the longest track (800m), with a ski lift capable of transporting 700 skiers an hour. The track is even lit up to provide for the possibility of night skiing. Around the holiday homes of "Zmaj", on Golubac and at the Stražara Peak, three smaller ski lanes are situated, 300m long with a capacity of 200 skiers an hour.

Divčibare's ravine has excellent fields for ski trekking. Ski equipment can be easily hired at the area's numerous hotels and rest spots, while the ski scholl is also open throughout the winter season.

TOURIST INFORMATION AND ACCOMMODATION Tourist information of Valjevo County - "Valjevo tourist" 1 Prote Mateje Street, 14000 Valjevo Tel: 014/ 221 138 , fax: 014/ 226 112, e-mail: tovaljevo@ptt.yu url: www.divcibare.co.yu Hotel "Maljen" 14204 Divčibare Tel: 014 277 679, 277 234 Pansion "Pepa" (guesthouse) 14204 Divčibare Tel: 014 277 323 ROUTES Belgrade - Ibar Highway via Divci and Mionica (117km) Belgrade - Ibar Highway via Valjevo, Kaone (128km) Whichever direction you head from the city of Valjevo,

Colourful nature: Breze (Birch) North, South, East or West, you will come to an area of outstanding natural beauty. Over the years, many travel writers have described Valjevo's natural surroundings as being among the most beautiful in Europe.

At the base of Valjevo's mountains, in the unspoilt environment of beech forests, lie mountain streams and rolling sheep-filled meadows with singing shepherds; where the best kajmak (milk curd) can be found, where the scent of proja cakes fill the kitchens and visitors are toasted with a glass of šljivovica (plum rakija). Here can be found the villages of Lelić, Poćuta, Stave, Taor, Kamenica, and Brankovina.

VILLAGE HOUSEHOLDS Valjevska Kamenica - Maletić 123km from Belgrade Branko Rakic Rooms/Beds: 2/1, 2/2, 2/3 (total 6/12) Facilities: restaurant, internet, mini library, telephone Language spoken: French Rates per person: full board from 10 EUR Tel: +381 (0)14 254 407 url: www.seoskiturizammaletic.com Popučke 90 km from Belgrade "Jovanović" Rooms/Beds: 1/2, 2/3 (total 3/8) Facilities: restaurant, internet, mini library, telephone Language spoken: English Tel: +381 (0)14 283 317 E-mail: popucke@yahoo.com url: www.popucke.tk

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A volunteer worker helps display items to go on sale at the New Year’s Humanitarian Bazaar organised by the Princess Catherine Foundation and opened at Knez Mihajlova’s Progres gallery on 13th January

Taekwondo fighters compete for the Korean Ambassador’s Cup at Belgrade’s Šumice Sports Centre on 14th January.

A happy couple enjoy the festive fireworks of New Year in central Belgrade. More than 10,000 people enjoyed the live music and fireworks displays of Belgrade’s four central squares this New Year’s Eve

Deputy Belgrade Mayor, Radmila Hrustanović, flanked by Britisher sprint hurdler Colin Jackson and world indoor athletics record holder, Slovenian Jolande Ceplak.

NEWLY ACCREDITED: H.E. Haakon Blankenborg The newly accredited ambassador of Norway to SCG was born on 8th April 1955 in Vågå, Norway. Ambassador Blankenborg’s first political appointment came as early as 1974, when he served as Chairman of the Fron Labour Youth League.

After graduating in history and political sciences at the University of Oslo in 1980, he commenced an eight year stint (1981-89) as the Alternate Member of the Norwegian delegation to the Nordic Council and Member/Chairman of the Standing Committee on Church and Education. In 1990 he became Member of his country’s delegation to the Nordic Council, before heading the Norwegian delegation to the EFTA and EEA Parliamentary Committees and serving as Chairman of Norway’s Delegations for Relations with the European Parliament. Prior to arriving in Belgrade, Blankenborg served as Head of the Norwegian Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the European Union.

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Deputy Belgrade Mayor, Radmila Hrustanović (fourth from left), pictured in Belgrade City Hall on 12th January alongside participants and organisers of the expedition “Beograd na Krovu Afrike” (Belgrade on the Roof of Africa) Serbian Education and Sport Minister, Slobodan Vuksanović, pictured after opening a scientific conference, entitled "Pedagogic Explorations and Scholarly Practices" in Belgrade on 19th January

Korean opera singers perform in Belgrade’s Philharmonic Hall at a concert dedicted to Korean SCG friendship on 27th December.

SCG Foreign Minister Vuk Drašković (right) pictured alongside Italian International Relations Minister Gianfranco Fini at a press conference in Belgrade’s Italian Embassy on 27th December

NEWLY ACCREDITED: H.E. Alessandro Merola Born in Rome on 30th April 1947, the newly accredited ambassador of Italy in Belgrade graduated political sciences at his hometown university in 1970. Joining Italy’s diplomatic service in 1972, Ambassador Merola’s first overseas postings were within the office of the Permanent Italian Representative to the EU, in Brussels, and the Economic Department of the Italian Embassy in Caracas, Venezuela. After returning to Rome to head up the Italian MFA’s Asian Economic Desk (1983), he was appointed First Counsellor at the Italian Embassy in Mexico, before moving to Bonn as Head of the embassy’s Economic Department.

In 1999, Merola recieved his frist ambassadorship when he was appointed Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia. Between 2002 and 2004, Ambassador Merola served as Italy’s Deputy Permanent Representative to the EU, and prior to his arrival in Belgrade he served as Deputy Secretary-General of the Italian MFA.

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Finnish jazz pianist Iiro Rantala performs a solo with the Belgrade Philharmonic orchestra at Belgrade’s Kolarac Hall on 30th December Serbian Culture Minister, Dragan Kojadinović (left), pictured at the opening of the ‘Retrospective’ exhibition of the designs of Tapio Wirkkala (1915-1985) - one of Finland’s most important post-WWII designers. The exhibition was organised by the Museum of Applied Art and the Embassy of Finland in Belgrade.

Artist Marija Grahovac (left) shows an exhibition of her own graphic work at Begrade’s Grafički Kolektiv Museum on 16th January

NEWLY ACCREDITED: H.E. Darius Semaška The newly accredited Ambassador of Lithuania to SCG was born on 8th June 1967 and graduted from Vilnius University’s Faculty of Mathematics (1992) and Institute of Political Science and International Relations (1995).

Ambassador Semaška joined the Lithuanian MFA in 1993 and served as Third, then Second Secretary of the Northern European Division of the Lithuanian MFA’s Political Department, in 1994, and became First Secretary of this division in 1995.

Between 1997 and 1999, Semaška - a married father of two sons - served as Counsellor of the Lithuanian Embassy in Washington DC. He currently serves simultaneously as the Ambassador of the Republic of Lithuania to both the Republic of Hungary and the State Union of Serbia & Montenegro

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Red Star footballer Milan Dudić pictured on 10th January in Dom Omladine at the opening of a photographic exhibition entitled “Planet Football”, which is being held to mark World Cup year

Serbian Minister of Energy and Mining, Radomir Naumov, shakes hands with Scott Lewis, of the Consortium Merrill Lynch-Raiffeisen Investment, on 12th January, after signing an agreement confirming the Consortium's appointment as privatisation advisor to the Serbian oil industry (NIS).

Veljko Stojanović, Mercedes-Benz ‘Avala’ director, pictured on 15th December helping to model the German manufacturer’s new S-500 V8 on Belgrade’s Avala mountain.

H.E. Christos Panagopoulos, Ambassador of the Hellenic Republic to SCG, hands SCG Foreign Minister, Vuk Drašković, a donation cheque to help the victims of the Vojvodina floods on 17th January

Journalist Srđan Knežević (centre) pictured on 17th January at a press release to promote his new book “I’m Dreaming that I’m Holding Your Hand”.

NEWLY ACCREDITED: H.E. Mohammed Khalil Nabhan The newly accredited Ambassador of Palestine to SCG is returning to Belgrade after serving as Diplomatic Representative of the PLO in Belgrade (1974 - 1987) and Head of the PLO Press Centre in Belgrade (1987 - 1990).

Born on 1st November, 1947 in Qubeibeh, Palestine, Ambassador Nabhan is fluent in both English and Serbian.

Amongst other posts, he has also served the Palestinian Authority as Head of Department - President Office (Tunisia), from 1990 to 1992, and Director of the Palestinian Investment Fund (1995 - 2005).

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Shopping

St. Valentine's Day Special or centuries, 14th February has been celebrated as the traditional day of love in many Christian cultures; a day when both men and women express their undying love, anonymously or otherwise, to the person their heart longs for. But finding the most appropriate gift to signify such unbridled love can prove to be something of a dilemma.

This year, rather than settling for a predictable box of chocolates and a bunch of quickly-withering roses, why not take your pick of CorD's inspiring, alternative selection of high-class gifts from the heart, especially for the one you love?

F

Sterling Silver Floating Heart Pendant with Blue Topaz

This sweet sterling silver floating heart pendant with genuine blue topaz, suspended from a fine 18-inch snake chain, is an elegant accessory for the discerning woman.

Price: €130

Swarovski Crystal Pendant Necklace This elegant 16-inch silver necklace and heart pendant accessory is adorned with eye-catching Swarovski crystals and is suitable for both casual and formal wear.

Price: €125

Very Irresistible Givenchy: Sensual Eau de Parfum The famous specialist for roses Meilland (www.meilland.com) has created the Liv Tyler Rose, the basis for Very Irrésistible Givenchy Sensual Eau de Parfum. The scent of this rose is seductive, bright and full of happiness.

Price: (75ml)

€70

Purple and Turquoise Angelfish This beautiful, elegant fish ornament is handcrafted without moulds, in accordance with Bernadette North's design.

This unique piece combines bevelled and hand-blown glass to produce a distinctive, stylish item.

Price: €160

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Shopping

14k White Gold Diamond Heart Earrings This beautiful pair of Italian-made, polished 14k white-gold diamond earrings feature push-backs for extra comfort. The total diamond weight is 1/8 of a carat.

Price: €495

14k Yellow Gold Diamond Heart Ring This beautiful 14k yellowgold ring features eighteen round brilliant cut diamonds totalling 1/4 of a carat. It will make a perfect Valentine's gift.

14k White Gold Heart Tag Bracelet With Lobster Lock This beautiful 14k white-gold heart tag bracelet features rolo links and is secured by a lobster claw clasp. The bracelet weighs 5.5 grams.

Price: €330

Price: €575

Kenzo Flower Eau de Parfum Spray 100ml Kenzo's 'Flower' is a contemporary fragrance for the modern, urban woman who looks to nature for inspiration and renewal.

Price: €80

14k Gold Diamond and Garnet Pendant This beautiful 14k gold pendant features a heart shaped genuine Mozambique garnet measuring 8.0 mm in diameter, accented with one round brilliant cut diamond. The pendant is suspended from an 18 inch box chain.

Price: €290

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Shopping Omega Constellation Watch In celebration of the 50th anniversary of its famous Constellation range, Omega has launched the Constellation 50th Anniversary models. Available in satinfinished 18kt red gold, 18kt red gold and stainless steel or all-steel, engraved "Constellation - 50 Years" on the back.

Price: €17 (Men's), €35 (Lady's)

14k White Gold Cuban Link Men's Bracelet This beautiful Cuban link bracelet weighs 16.3 grams and measures 8.5 inches in length. The width of the bracelet is 6.5 millimetres, and it features a lobster claw clasp.

Price: €600

Millesime Imperial EDP Spray An exotic scent that evokes the citrus groves and lush landscape of a Sicilian seaside palace. Warm and romantic, with crisp citrus and soft flowers wafting on sweet, salty air.

Price: €145 (2.5 oz)

Classic Sterling Silver Money Clip with 14k Gold Plate This classic sterling silver money clip features a highly polished surface with a 14k gold plate. The clip is spring-loaded for extra security, and will make a perfect Valentine's gift for anyone who isn't fond of wallets.

Price: €95

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Shopping

Paul Smith Car Cuff Links These stylish, original cufflinks conform to Paul Smith's signature style: classic with a twist, often infused with a very British sense of humour.

Price: €115

Sterling Silver Fishing Theme Key Ring Calvin Klein Silk Ties

The perfect gift for angling enthusiasts. This highly polished key ring features an unscrewable hook tip and measures 42 millimetres in diameter.

This original selection of varying thickness Calvin Klein silk formal ties is sure to make any man look the part for any formal business function.

Price: €70

Price: €60 (per tie)

14K Gold and Diamond Tie Bar with Alligator Back 2-1/4 inch gold and diamond tie bar with alligator back is perfect for any occassion. 0.05 total carat weight H-I color, SI clarity diamonds Price: €325

Hugo Boss Hugo Energise Eau de Toilette Spray 4.2oz Energise is built on a smooth base of fluid fruits and contrasting spices that impart an instantaneous freshness bound together by a dark woodiness. It is a fragrance for the man who has an attitude of irreverence and who is always willing to take the ride to the edge a thrill-seeker who knows that the aftershock will be just as dangerous, if not better.

Price: €50 (4.2oz)

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Fashion

Leather Chic

I

rena Grahovac is one of Serbia's most prestigious and well established designers specialising in leather and fur. Grahovac established her own fashion house "Graham Wolf" 11 years ago and since 2001 she has been designing for international brands Veronica (Turkey) and Imperio (Italy).

Grahovac creates glamorous outfits, from leather jackets to pants and fur coats, predominantly in natural leather and fur.

She is a favourite designer of many prominent showbiz stars and trendsetters.

Fashion

Grahovac has contributed to numerous international fashion shows, and won a special award for this collection, presented in CorD, at the 2005 Belgrade Fashion Show.

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With this, and previous, collections, Grahovac has shown a remarkable craftsmanship in treating leather almost like lace, adding interesting cuts, horizontal pleats and exposed stitching.

Fashion

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Fashion

CorD | March 2004

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Cuisine

Nicholas Hercules, a married father of three from the UK, works for the United Nations within the Office of the Resident Co-oordinator in Belgrade.

Pastuv Restaurant Highly Recommended by…Nicholas Hercules

-------------------------

Photo by Jelena Mandić

S

oothing Yugoslavesque Roy Orbison tunes piping through the music system, exotic winter sunshine flowing through the three large ‘porthole’ windows and a tip that the finest local cuisine in Belgrade was being prepared in the kitchen was sufficient to lure me for a quiet midday lunch in the bucolic surrounds of Belgrade racecourse's Pastuv restaurant.

The aptly named Stallion restaurant (four stars) is situated at the oval-shaped circuit's finishing post, tucked in neatly off the main road that links Topčider with Banovo Brdo. Look out for the black stallion signs directing hungry gourmets from the railway crossing at Topčider - mention to the car park attendant you are dining at Pastuv and you'll forgo the 100 dinar parking fee.

Upon entering Pastuv one is struck by the simple décor, with pride of place given to the water colours of anonymous jockeys and pedigree mounts by the artist Marković - should the prints really tickle your fancy the

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staff will quote you the prices - artfully hung in the main dining room. Before delving into the menu and salivating at the prospect of hearty Serbian fare, I ducked into the loo. Spotless; aromatic; and one of the few dedicated loos for those in wheelchairs I have spotted during three and a half years of gourmet adventures in these enchanting lands.

Initial impressions of the restaurant were, well, impressive. Was the kitchen similarly unsoiled, I pondered. I picked up my elegantly fanned and starched cloth serviette upon being seated at table number 791.

Flummoxed, I scanned the place for the 800-odd other tables, but could only spot another 20 or so. I noted the need to ask the manager where all his tables had gone.

Or was it a code?

Notebook in hand and sweating over the prospect of having to pen 4,000 characters for this review, I perused the 205 choices in the photographically intense menu.

One-third or half-sized portions are available. One-third?

Yes, I'd never seen that elsewhere before either. Like

Cuisine

cheeky schoolboys we scanned the options for horsemeat. Not a cut of stallion, mare or pony in sight, my dining companion ordered drinks. He plumped for a rakija, while I stuck to the kisela voda. Draft Fosters beer is advertised and an extensive and reasonably priced wine list is also on offer.

The restaurant’s atmosphere is cosy without being 'Strahinjića Bana-fancy'; Pastuv attracts a regular clientele and is a popular hangout for the ravenous constabulary.

Low-hanging modern lights tastefully added to the ambience, as did miniature sunflowers on each table.

The stuffed mushrooms, Zlatibor potatoes (hallowed out halves with a scoop of kajmak) served on toast, chilly peppers, and bread and butter starters arrived after a suitable wait indicating it was all freshly prepared. Our craving tummies were soon groaning less as we tucked away the first course.

A pepper steak with French fries and a fresh, crisp side salad - non of those tinned accoutrements served in eateries with less demanding standards -- for myself and for my companion Pork medallions Serbian style. We were not disappointed and suitably full, perhaps a tad too much for a working day. We had no space for dessert.

The smartly turned out waiters, attired in starched green aprons, again were suitably attentive, yet not overbearing. Menus are also available in English, though the waiters will encourage you to improve your Serbian. I returned at the weekend with my young, messy and noisy children, yet the waiters took it all in their stride.

Prices are average.

Given the attraction of the clean air, the chance to visit the stables and watch the horses galloping around, Pastuv is a good family destination for an afternoon out in rustic Belgrade. Your local friends may well know about Pastuv, but few foreigners do.

Check out Pastuv's bi-lingual website and see if that online reservation system really does work. I'll certainly be returning both for the cuisine and the rumoured Rolling Stones concert at the Hippodrome in July.•

----------------------------------------------------------------Pastuv Restaurant Open daily, except Monday, 1200-2300 Paštrovićeva 2, Belgrade (at the Hippodrome) Reservations: 011 3548058 Restaurant: 011 3056103 Fax: 011 3056104 Email: office@pastuv.co.yu URL: www.pastuv.co.yu

CorD | February 2006

91

Quotes...Quotes...Quotes...

A cup of tea for the general ICTY spokesperson, Florence Artmann, has insisted that General Ratko Mladić, former commander of the Republika Srpska Army, could have been sent to The Hague within 48 hours if the Serbian authorities really wanted to do so.

"No one ever bothered to try to arrest Mladić.

When somebody in Serbia talks about that effort, it means that the Secret Service welcomes him for a cup of tea. Mladić could have been brought to The Hague in 48 hours. But there is no political will for that, and the state bodies aren't doing anything to bring Mladić to justice," said Artmann, who claims that Mladić is being hidden with military structures in SCG. Warning! Smoking causes inflation Local monopolies in communal and traffic services [municipal state-owned companies] influenced the rate of inflation in December 2005 by 50 per cent, claims Stojan Stamenković, economist and editor-in-chief of the publication Monthly analyses and trends.

"If you add the rise in the price of cigarettes to that, these three factors account for 80 per cent of the total inflation in December," says Stamenković, adding that the government has done nothing to curb monopolies as a major source of inflation. Monthly inflation in December 2005 totalled 2.2%.

Press conference for all media…except Serbian During his recent visit to Slovenia, Montenegrin Foreign Minister Miodrag Vlahović refused to talk to Serbian correspondents of B92 and Beta news agency, claim the two media houses.

After meeting with his Slovenian counterpart, Dimitrije Rupel, Vlahović held a press conference. However, when correspondents of the Serbian media tried to attend the conference they were refused entry with the explanation of Zlata Lukač, media advisor in the SCG embassy, that "Vlahović wanted to address just foreign jour-

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nalists, but that it is up to their Serbian colleagues to join them or not". A few minutes later, Lukač said that there would not actually be a press conference at all, and that the minister would instead give an exclusive interview to Slovenian daily Delo. Soon after, however, a group of Slovenian journalists and TV crews confirmed to their Serbian colleagues that Vlahović had indeed held a press conference for all media, except Serbian.

Religious stamps Prominent Serbian anti-war NGO, "Women in Black", has criticised the Serbian Government's decision to introduce an additional postal stamp and to allow the Serbian Orthodox Church to be the exclusive end-user of the funds raised. The stamp proceedings are aimed at helping finance Belgrade's St. Sava Temple. "Many states have a special tax which is used to finance major and minor religious communities, but just those who are religious are paying the tax. Introduction of the tax, which has to be paid by all citizens and serves only one religious community, proves that those who claim that Serbia is becoming a clerical state are correct in their assumption," reads a statement released by "Women in Black."

Unpopular, but necessary Serbian president Boris Tadić has repeated several times that Serbia would be much better off if new parliamentary elections were held as soon as possible. "We need new elections, which will bring a legitimate government able to lead the country through these unpopular transitional times," said Tadić. "We are a country in transition and, therefore, a lot of unpopular tasks are ahead of us. That is why we need the full support of our citizens. We will only be able to expect a better future if we act boldly and swiftly," said Tadić.

Constitution vs. elections Serbian Minister of State Administration and Local Government, Zoran Lončar, said that he is hoping that Serbia has enough pro-European forces to support the new Serbian constitution.

"We need a new constitution in order to support reforms. It is also our responsibility with regard to the process of completing the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) with the European

Quotes...Quotes...Quotes...

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Dear Editor,

Union, which has to be accomplished this November," said Lončar, a member of Prime Minister Koštunica's Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS).

Asked whether the new constitution has to be followed by the new round of elections, Lončar confirmed that it was so, but added that elections are less important. The government has already been contemplating the new constitution for more than 19 months.

Skeleton in the closet "If there is nothing to hide, the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) should be given immediate and unlimited access to all KFOR detention facilities in Kosovo. This is the right of the CPT everywhere on the territory of Council of Europe member states, including Kosovo, with regard to detention facilities administered by UNMIK," said Terry Davis, Secretary General of the Council of Europe, speaking about the state of affairs in Kosovo's KFOR detention centres. Davis was harshly criticised by an unnamed NATO officer who said, "There are no skeletons at all, and nothing has been hidden."

Last November, NATO rejected accusations made by the Council of Europe's Commissioner for Human Rights, Alvaro Gil-Robles, that the U.S. Bondsteel Camp in Kosovo reminds him, to some extent, of the famous U.S. detention camp at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba.

Armed privatisation Serbian Capital Investments Minister, Velimir Ilić, has said that the Serbian Government has given approval to the interior ministry (MUP) to "perform assistance" in socially-owned companies where the management resists implementing governmental decisions on privatisation. The "assistance" will be implemented in the case of company Genex, (an export-import company which owns several hotels), where the Government sacked the management and appointed a new one. Ilić pointed out that the decision referred not only to Genex, but rather "All companies offering resistance to the realisation of privatisation and preventing the bankruptcy estate manager from entering the company will face the same situation".

Referring to the letter of Mr Charis Moritsis, Charge d'affaires of the Embassy of the Republic of Cyprus, published in the latest issue of CorD under Letters to the Editor (CorD 23), allow me to mark my embarrassment.

In the interview CorD made with me, which was published in your December issue (CorD 22), there were two terms, namely “South Cyprus” and “1974 peace operation” which were used as a the basis to publish a whole letter expressing Greek Cypriot biased views regarding the longstanding Cyprus issue.

As a result, to my disappointment, my interview served to the Greek Cypriot colleague and enabled him to amply promote his views and criticise the Turkish authorities and Turkish Cypriots.

I believe your esteemed magazine will assess objectively my complaints and take the necessary steps in order to allow Serbian citizens to become more enlightened about the Cyprus issue, this time from the Turkish Cypriot angle.

I wish to use this opportunity to present to the CorD editorial office season's greetings and a happy and successful New Year in 2006.

With best regards, Hasan Servet Oktem, Ambassador of Turkey in Belgrade

CORRECTIONS 1.) CorD 23, page 24 - Swallowing risk.

Due to a technical error, part of CorD's interview with National Bank of Serbia Governor, Radovan Jelašić, was omitted from CorD 23.

The full question and answer are as follows: CorD: Do we have a cartel in the banking system, as some economists claim?

Jelašić: The biggest bank in Serbia contributes 14 per cent to the total of the banking system, therefore there are no conditions facilitating the existence of a cartel. It would be very important to consider that during the privatisation of Vojvođanska Bank, because it would be strange for this Government - which criticised the previous one for not dealing with the quality of privatisation - to determine the amount of money offered to purchase the bank as being the key criterion. This is a real chance to see whether this Government will sell this bank to someone who offers the most money, even if the consequences of that will be that the new owner takes over 20 per cent of the market, or whether it will give the bank to someone who will offer slightly less money, but will contribute more to the development of the market.

I cannot explicitly exclude the possibility of the existence of a cartel, but on the basis of figures I can say that, in total, the development of the banking system has contributed more to the crediting of the retail and enterprise sector than all of the money which the IMF, the World Bank, the EBRD and the IFC have given to this country. I think that it is very good that we have returned the trust in the banking system and provided the crediting volume of 4.5 billion euros in literally four years.

2.) CorD 23, pages 92, 93 - Quotes.

The quote of Zoran Stojiljković, Professor at the Belgrade Faculty of Political Sciences, was mistakenly accompanied by a photograph of Zoran Stojković, Serbian Minister of Justice.

CorD editorial apologises for any confusion caused.

CorD | February 2006

93

Concluding instalment

ENDLESS IMITATION - Part Two of the trilogy

PIGS DO NOT EAT BANANA SKINS

Photo “Gloria” archive

Timothyy Byford for CorD

Andrew, the erstwhile children's television director, has started a new 'career' as a teacher of English as a foreign language, working with individual pupils at home. He has also taken an innocent fancy to a 'rather sweet librarian' at the British Council, who one day approaches him with an interesting job offer... re you interested in taking a group of students to a Summer School on the outskirts of London? I think they'd jump at the idea of having a native speaker - and if you're willing to do an English-speaking drama workshop, they couldn't possibly turn you down."

The outskirts of London? Back to the green and pleasant land? No, I was not a rat - I had no intention of leaving the sinking ship. But it was only for two weeks and they'd pay my airfare and all my expenses. And how sweet she was to think of me. 'They' were a tourist agency that organised cultural and language-learning holidays and 'she' was Lidija from the British Council. They'd asked her, but she'd already committed herself to going to Cavtat with her boyfriend. The thought of spending two weeks in England to some extent compensated for the pangs of jealousy I suffered at the thought of some Yugoslav twerp swimming naked in the moonlight with my sweet Lidija and then fucking her in the pinewoods below Mestrović's Mausoleum.

Lidija had made the right decision. Southall certainly wasn't Cavtat - and it wasn't really England, either. But, to give it its due, it was certainly exotic. In the school I was surrounded

by Greeks, Turks, Russians, Yugoslavs and a handful of Italians, while in the town I was a member of the white minority in a city-state of Punjab Sikhs and West Indians. Thank God for Italy. And above all, Grazie a Dio per la Giovanna! Giovanna Biondi was the woman in charge of the Italian students; she lived in Naples and was married to a lawyer called Carlo who, if I read correctly between the lines, specialised in representing Mafiosi. She taught philosophy in a State secondary school but was about to take a year's sabbatical in order to teach in an international school in England. In England! In Southall of all places! It turned out that every August the Southall Summer School of English occupied the premises of the Mary Gossamer International School, founded in 1973 by a former nun who had fallen in love with and married an American millionaire whose ancestors had made their fortune in the cotton trade. Sister Mary had persuaded her husband to atone for the sins of his slave-trading forefathers by investing a substantial portion of his ill-gotten gains in an international school that rejected materialism and authority and promoted simplicity and freedom.

Now an energetic widow in her early sixties, Mary Gossamer not only ran the school, but also dashed all over Europe giving talks on simplicity and freedom.

Giovanna, with her seemingly inexhaustible supply of Armani jackets, shirts and trousers, didn't really give the

A

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impression of being a champion of simplicity, but she scored pretty high marks when it came to freedom.

"Andrea - have you by any chance got one of those Swiss army knives with something for everything?"

"My name is Andrew and I have got a Swiss army knife, but it's only got six blades."

"Has it got a corkscrew?"

"Yes." "Good. Then please come to my room and open my bottle of Valpolicella."

The Valpolicella was refreshingly invigorating and Giovanna was more than satisfied with my Swiss army knife.

"You have a lucky wife. Don't worry. She'll never find out if you don't tell her."

I suppose I should have felt just a little bit guilty about being unfaithful to Masha, but I didn't. I did feel I was being dishonest, but I put the fact that it didn't stop me continuing to open Giovanna's bottles of Valpolicella down to our marriage having become more of a formality than a reality. Giovanna didn't seem to worry the slightest about being unfaithful to Carlo, but then perhaps Italians have different criteria when it comes to infidelity. Actually, it seemed that a change of criteria in this field was the normal state of affairs in a summer school, because by the end of the fortnight it had become obvious that well over half the students over fourteen and the staff under fifty had paired off - most, but not all, with someone of the opposite sex - and were doing something after lights out that involved creaking beds and gasping. I suppose the only thing that had changed since my Sunday School Teachers' Summer School days was that for young people going on holiday on their own, the "Have you got plenty of clean handkerchiefs?" had been replaced by: "Have you got plenty of condoms, Colin?" or "Don't forget your diaphragm, Daphne!"

It turned out that Giovanna and I were sexually, emotionally, intellectually and philosophically suited - on a short-term basis at least. After my two years of intensive reading I was more than able to hold my own in our literary and philosophical conversations. It was wonderful to have someone to talk with who I felt understood me for what and who I was. I found that ideas that had been floating confusedly around in my head were crystallising into philosophical standpoints and I began to understand myself for perhaps the first time in my life. We went into town in the evening - to the theatre to see the National Theatre production of Amadeus and to the cinema to see The Tin Drum. On my thirty-ninth birthday we went to

Kramer versus Kramer, but this wasn't the best choice for the occasion, as I discovered that Justin Henry looked too much like David for comfort and I started identifying with Dustin Hoffman. When we left the cinema Giovanna could see that I was a bit down.

"Let's go to Soho. I've always wanted to go to Soho!"

So we went to Soho. I certainly wasn't going to object. We walked around for about half-an-hour for Giovanna to get the flavour of the place and then we went into a strip-bar and drank an appallingly expensive orange juice while watching a notvery-sexy dyed blonde strip and pretend to masturbate with a vibrator. I found myself feeling sorry for her, but she seemed to have her admirers. One of these was thrown out for touching her. He actually went so far as to put his hand on her breast. Her left breast to be precise…

This wasn't real - it was pure escapism. It was like the improvisation exercises in my drama workshops. In a few days I would be going back to Belgrade to my life as a faithful husband and loving father, praying that the Yugoslav students from the summer school would leave me and Giovanna well out of the accounts of their holiday that they gave their parents.

Belgrade may have been a capital city, but it was a tiny village as far as gossip was concerned.

Two days before the end of the Summer School, a rather sweet white-haired woman who must have been at least sixty came to my senior drama workshop. She had a soft, very beautiful face and sat upright and motionless at one end of the room for the entire session. Somehow she looked as though she belonged there. As if she owned the place. Even so, to start with I found her presence rather disconcerting, but by then I had such a good relationship with my students that the work-

I was trying to think why the hell I'd started all this. Was this really me? My reason for being a tramp was to symbolise rejection of what was considered to be acceptable, normal. But I had turned out to be no more than an egocentric rebel with nothing positive or constructive to offer.

"Love and hope is what makes us different from other, lesser creatures," was Davor's offering.

"And acceptance of what is, and the ability to adapt to what is, is what makes other, lesser creatures different from us," added Anja from Russia.

She was followed by Stavros from Athens: "But the reason we are at the top of the pyramid is that we possess the know-how to control, and if necessary to destroy, the lesser creatures."

"But the supreme power is God!" someone else insisted.

"God was invented by people who couldn't be bothered to try to discover the meaning of life!"

Gradually everyone joined the circle and started throwing aggressive slogans at each other. We were all shouting, each of us trying to outwit the others with some clever quip or quotation. Unable to make ourselves heard, we were pushing and shoving each other as if this would add conviction to our individual 'wisdom'. Total chaos reigned. It was terrific. It was true drama. I had completely forgotten the old lady visitor. I was completely carried away - I was sixteen again. I was shouting at Paula, the Italian girl who I knew was being fucked by Davor. I remember desperately wanting to grab her and kiss her. Then I became aware of the others falling silent. Davor had a look of complete astonishment on his face, Anja one of fear. Paula was smiling. I turned round and realised that we had another contributor to the improvisation. The 'old lady' - who now didn't seem old at all, was walking towards us, I suppose I should have felt just a little bit guilty about being her hands outstretched as if feeling her across the room. Suddenly I realised unfaithful to Masha, but I didn't. I did feel I was being dishon- way she was blind. She reached the nearest est, but I put the fact that it didn't stop me continuing to open of us, who happened to be Stavros, and Giovanna's bottles of Valpolicella down to our marriage having felt him - she felt his hands and then her touch moved up to his face. She then become more of a formality than a reality. moved to the next student and did the same. We all stood silent and motionless shops ran themselves. We started with a few light-hearted as she 'looked' at us carefully and delicately with her nimble games and I had planned to follow these with an improvisation fingers. I was the last person she approached. She couldn't see session on the theme of old age. Deciding that this might seem me, but she knew I was weeping. rather tactless in view of the unexpected and uninvited visitor, I improvised the improvisation session and suggested that we After an aeon of silence, the silver-haired woman made a circle and that one student - the oldest - should enter opened her eyes. They were young and blue. They smiled. the circle with the mask of his choice, and then the next stuFor a fraction of a second I thought I could see in them the dent should join him and either relate to him or try to get him answers to the three questions I had been asking ever since to change his mask, and so on, until we were all in the circle I read them in the history book I'd been given as form prize either relating to or trying to change each other. We could use when I was twelve: dialogue or not - as we wished. It was decided that I counted as Who am I? the oldest student and so I entered the circle first - as a drunkWhere do I come from? en tramp. I staggered around the room, swearing in SerboWhither am I bound?…

Croat, which had the Yugoslav students in stitches. Jan from Czechoslovakia joined me and tried to get me to sit down. I "Thank you so much, young man. That was wonderful. If refused, but he remained very patient: you've got a moment, I'd like to ask you something…"

"Life isn't what it seems. It is what we make it."

If I had a moment! I had all the time in the world…

"My life is not what you say it is."

"Neither is your life what you say it is."

A time to be born, and a time to die; At this I pushed Jan so hard that he fell to the ground.

A time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted; "Look, your life is nothing! Nothing!"

A time to kill and a time to heal; Davor from Croatia then rushed to Jan's help and stood A time to break down and a time to build up; defiantly between us.

A time to weep and a time to laugh; "You have no right to inflict your life upon others. Your life A time to mourn and a time to dance; is miserable, without love, without hope."

A time to love and a time to hate…

God, he was probably right!

A time to keep silence…

"What is love? What is hope?"

(Ecclesiastes, Chapter 3) CorD | February 2006

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Belgrade Directory

Theatres, Venues & Museums

THEATRES & VENUES • ATELJE 212, Svetogorska 21, tel. 324-7342 • BELGRADE DRAMA THEATRE, Milesevska 64a, tel. 2423-686 • BELGRADE PHILHARMONIC ORCHESTRA, Studentski trg 11, tel. 3282 977 • BITEF THEATRE, Skver Mire Trailovic 1, tel. 3220-608 • DADOV, Djure Salaja 6/I, tel. 3243-643 • DAH THEATRE, Humska 12, tel. 2441-680 • ISTER THEATRE, Koste Glavinica 7A, tel. 650-757 • JUGOSLAV DRAMA THEATRE, Kralja Milana 50, tel. 644-447 • KPGT, Radnicka 3, tel. 3055-082, 3055-070 • NATIONAL THEATRE (Opera, Ballet, Theatre Plays), Francuska 3, tel. 620-946 • MADLENIANUM OPERA & THEATRE, Zemun, Glavna 32, tel. 316-25-33 • THEATRE ON TERAZIJA, Trg Nikole Pasica 3, tel. 3245-677, 410-099 • SCENA RADOVIC, Aberdareva 1, tel. 323-8817 • SLAVIJA THEATRE, Svetog Save 18, tel. 436-995 • THEATRE ‘T’, Bulevar kralja Aleksandra 77a, tel. 403-570 • THEATRE BOJAN STUPICA, Kralja Milana 50, tel. 644-447 • THEATRE KULT, Bulevar kralja Aleksandra, 77a, tel. 242-860 • ZVEZDARA THEATRE, Milana Rakica 38, tel. 2419-664 CHILDREN’S THEATRES • BOSKO BUHA, Trg Republike 3, tel. 632-855 • MALO POZORISTE DUSKO RADOVIC, Aberdareva 1, tel. 323-20-72 • POZORISTANCE PUZ, Bozidara Adzije 21, tel. 2449-464 • POZORISTE LUTAKA PINOKIO, Karadjordjeva 9, tel. 2691-715 • THEATRE RODA, Pozeska 83a, tel. 545-260 CINEMAS • AKADEMIJA 28, Nemanjina 28, tel. 3611-645 • BALKAN, Brace Jerkovica 16, tel. 3343-491 • DOM OMLADINE, Makedonska 22, tel. 324-8202 • DOM SINDIKATA, Trg Nikole Pasica 5, tel. 323-4849 • 20. OKTOBAR, Balkanska 2, tel. 687-182 • DVORANA KULTURNOG CENTRA, Kolarceva 6, tel. 2621-174 • FONTANA, Pariske komune 13, tel. 602-397 • JADRAN, Trg Nikole Pasica, tel. 624-057 • JUGOSLAVIJA, Bulevar Mihaila Pupina bb, tel. 2676-484 • KOZARA, Terazije 25, tel. 323-5648 • MALA MORAVA, Spasicev pasaz, tel. 623-198 • MALI ODEON, Kneza Milosa 14-16, tel. 643-280 • MILLENNIUM, Knez Mihailova 19, tel. 2623-365 • MUZEJ KINOTEKE, Kosovska 11, tel. 324-8250 • ODEON, Narodnog fronta 45, tel. 643-355 • PALAS SUMADIJA, Turgenjevljeva 5, tel. 555-465 • RODA, Pozeska 83a, tel. 545-260 • SAVA CENTAR, Milentija Popovica 9, tel. 311-4851 • TUCKWOOD CINEPLEX, Knez Milosa 7, tel. 3229-912 • VUK, Bul. Kralja Aleksandra 77a, tel. 2424-860 • ZVEZDA, Terazije 40, tel. 687-320

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CULTURAL CENTRES • BRITISH COUNCIL, Terazije 8, tel. 3023-800 • CENTRE FOR CULTURAL DECONTAMINATION, Bircaninova 21, tel. 681-422 • CERVANTES INSTITUTE, Cika Ljubina 19, tel. 3034 182 • DOM OMLADINA, Makedonska 22, tel. 3220-127 • DOM VOJSKE JUGOSLAVIJE, Brace Jugovica 19, tel. 323-99-71 • FRENCH CULTURAL CENTRE, Zmaj Jovina 11, tel. 3023-600 • GERMAN CULTURAL CENTRE, Knez Mihailova 50, tel. 2622-823 • ITALIAN CULTURAL CENTRE, Njegoseva 47/III, tel. 244-23-12, 444-72-17 • BELGRADE CULTURAL CENTRE, Knez Mihailova 6/1, tel. 621-469 • INTERNATIONAL CULTURAL CENTRE - JUBIN, Terazije 26, tel. 687-836, fax. 687-760 • RUSSIAN CULTURAL CENTRE, Narodnog fronta 33, tel. 642-178, 688-300 • REX, Jevrejska 16, tel. 3284-534 • STUDENTS CULTURAL CENTRE, Kralja Milana 48, tel. 659-277 • STUDENTSKI GRAD CULTURAL CENTRE, Bulevar AVNOJ-a 179, tel. 2691-442 • FOUNDATION OF ILIJA M. KOLARAC, Studentski trg 5, tel. 630-550 • GUARNERIUS, Dzordza Vasingtona 12, tel. 33-46-807 EXHIBITION GALLERIES • GALLERY OF THE SERBIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS & SCIENCES, Knez Mihailova 35, tel. 334-2400 • BELGRADE GALLERY, Andricev Venac 12, tel. 323-8789 • BAZALT GALLERY, Lazarevacki drum 7, tel. 553-689 • PAVILJON CVIJETA ZUZORIC, Mali Kalemegdan, tel. 2621-585 • DOMA OMLADINE GALLERY, Makedonska 22, tel. 3248-202, ext. 25 • THE GREAT GALLERY OF STUDENTSKI GRAD, Bulevar AVNOJ-a 179, tel. 2691-442 • GALLERY OF THE FACULTY OF PORTRAIT ART, Knez Mihailova 53, tel. 635-952 • FRESCO GALLERY, Cara Urosa 20, tel. 2621-491 • GALLERY OF THE GRAPHICAL COLLECTIVE, Obilicev venac 27, tel. 627-785 • GALLERY CHAOS, Cara Lazara 12, tel. 627-497 • GALLERY OF THE BELGRADE CULTURAL CENTRE, Knez Mihailova 6, tel. 2622-926 • JUGOSLOVENSKA GALERIJA UMETNICKIH DELA, Andricev venac 4, tel. 3238-789; Dositejeva 1, tel. 627-135 • GALERIJA-LEGAT MILICE ZORIC I RODOLJUBA COLAKOVICA, Rodoljuba Colakovica 13, tel. 663-173 • GALERIJA-LEGAT PAJE JOVANOVICA, Kralja Milana 21, tel. 3340-176 • GALERIJA-PETRA DOBROVICA, Kralja Petra 36, tel. 2622-163 • SANU GALLERY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, Djure Jaksica 2, tel. 3283-490 • GALLERY PROGRESS, Knez Mihailova 22, tel. 182-626 • GALLERY OF THE NATURE MUSEUM, Mali Kalemegdan 5, tel. 328-4317 • MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART, Pariska 14, tel. 630-940 • GALLERY STARA KAPETANIJA, Zemun, Kej oslobodjenja 8, tel. 612-023 • GALLERY SULUJ, Terazije 26/II, tel. 685-780 • GALLERY 73, Pozeska 83a, tel. 557-142 • GALLERY ULUS, Knez Mihailova 37, tel. 2621-954 • GALLERY OF THE YUGOSLAV ARMY, Brace Jugovica 19, tel. 323-47-12 • GALLERY ZADUZBINE ILIJE M. KOLARCA, Studentski Trg 5, tel. 185-794 • ZEPTER GALLERY, Kralja Petra I no.32, tel. 328-1414

MUSEUMS CULTURAL&HISTORICAL MUSEUMS: • VUK AND DOSITEJ MUSEUM, Gospodar Jevremova 21, tel. 625-161 • ETNOGRAPHIC MUSEUM- Studentski trg 13, tel. 328-1888 • SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH, Kralja Petra 5, tel. 3282-595 • NATIONAL MUSEUM, Trg Republike 1a, tel. 624-322, 438-886 • MUSEUM OF PEDAGOGY, Uzun Mirkova 14, tel. 627-538 • THE MANSION OF DUCHESS LJUBICA, Kneza Sime Markovica 8, tel. 638-264 • THE MANSION OF DUKE MILOSH, Rakovicki put 2, tel. 660-422 • DJURA JAKSIC HOUSE, Skadarska 34, tel. 324-7334 • MANAK’S HOUSE, Gavrila Principa 5, tel. 633-335

AMSJ road assistance

987

Ambulance

94

Police Emergency

92

Fire Department

93

Belgrade Bus Station

636-299

Belgrade Airport

601-555

HISTORICAL MUSEUMS:

Wake-up calls

9811

• MILITARY MUSEUM, Kalemegdan, tel. 3344-408 • BELGRADE FORTRESS MUSEUM, Kalemegdan bb, 631-766 • YUGOSLAV HISTORICAL MUSEUM, Trg Nikole Pasica 11, • MUSEUM OF BANJICA’S CAMP, Veljka Lukica-Kurjaka 33, tel. 669-690 • JEWISH HISTORICAL MUSEUM, Kralja Petra 71, tel. 2622-634 • SERBIAN HISTORICAL MUSEUM, Nemanjina 24/VII, tel. 3674-057

Humanitarian line

9862

MEMORIAL MUSEUMS: • MEMORIAL MUSEUM JOVAN CVIJIC, Jelene Cvetkovic 5, tel. 3223-126 • NIKOLA TESLA MUSEUM, Krunska 51, tel. 2433-886 • MEMORIAL MUSEUM TOMA ROSANDIC, Vasilija Gacese 3, tel. 651-434 • IVO ANDRIC MUSEUM, Andricev Venac 12, tel. 323-8397

JAT ticket reservations Long distance calls (international)

901

Phone line malfunction

977

Information Exact time Information - directory inquiries Telegrams by telephone Medical Centre Emergency Room Dr. Ristić Clinic, Narodnih heroja 38 Weather forecast Central Train Station Chemists,"1. maj", Kralja Milana 9

CITY MUSEUMS: • BELGRADE CITY MUSEUM, Zmaj Jovina 1, tel. 630-825 • ZEMUN CITY MUSEUM, Glavna 9, tel. 617-752 TECHNICAL MUSEUMS: • YUGOSLAV AERONAUTICS MUSEUM, Belgrade Airport, tel. 670-992 • RAILWAY MUSEUM, Nemanjina 6, tel. 361-0334 • AUTOMOBILE MUSEUM, Majke Jevrosime 30, tel. 3241-566 • SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY MUSEUM, Djure Jaksica 9, tel. 187-360, 3281-479 • ELECTRICAL INDUSTRY MUSEUM, Skenderbegova 51, tel. 630-285 • POSTAL MUSEUM, Majke Jevrosime 13, tel. 3210-325 • ARCHITECTURE MUSEUM, Djure Jaksica 9, tel. 187-360, 3281-479

Chemists, "Prima 1", "Sv. Sava"

• MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY, Njegoseva 51, tel. 344-2149, 344-2568 • MUSEUM OF SERBIAN MEDICINE, Dzordza Vasingtona 19, tel. 3245-149

9812 95 988 96 3618-444 2693-282, 2697-808 9823 629-400 324-05-33 361-10-88, 361-09-99

Chemists, "Sv. Sava", Nemanjina 2

643-170

Chemists, "Zemun", Glavna 34

618-582

Alfa taxi

244-11-13

Alo taxi

3564-555, 063/252-002

Beogradski taxi Beotaxi

9801, 064-12-88-000 970

Ekonomik taxi

397-33-27

EURO TAXI (Lux taxi)

334-47-47

Gold taxi

329-18-18

Lux taxi

328-44-44

Maxis taxi NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUMS:

311-2123

581-111, 9804

Naxi taxi

215-76-68

NBA taxi

318-57-77

Pink taxi

9803, 488-99-77

Plavi taxi (Čukarički)

ART MUSEUMS

Taxi Bell

• AFRICAN ART MUSEUM, Andre Nikolica 14, tel. 651-654 • THEATRE MUSEUM, Gospdar Jevremova 19, tel. 626-630 • CONTEMPORARY ART MUSEUM, Usce, tel. 311-5713 • DESIGN MUSEUM, Vuka Karadzica 18, tel. 626-494 • CINEMA MUSEUM, Kosovska 11, tel. 324-8250

Zeleni taxi Žuti taxi Inbaco taxi

3-555-999 9808 323-36-66, 324-25-55 9802 3077 000

CorD | February 2006

97

Column

Many Times, Many Ways

My Life in Belgrade

Chris Farmer, Principal, Executive Group

98

CorD | February 2006

I woke up on Saturday morning in a cold sweat.

Gripped with panic, I leapt from my bed, grabbed my lengthy shopping list, and flew out the door to get to my car, still mostly in my pyjamas. Struggling simultaneously with the frozen handle, one slipper, and one shoe, I happened to notice my watch.

It was 04:35.

Under normal conditions, the emerging from bed and the making of my way to the car happens EVERY Saturday morning at a much more leisurely pace. But the conditions on this particular Saturday were not normal. Or, to be more precise, it was my conditioning.

The fact is that for the past four weeks Serbia has been beset by the multiform holiday season. Every weekend it seems to be Christmas and/or New Year's. Every Friday, we seem to be wishing each other a happy or a merry something or other. Every Saturday we have been locked in mortal combat with the traffic, shoppers, traffickers, and shopkeepers elbowing our way down Bulevar Revolucije, headbutting and tripping up pedestrians with appropriate Yuletide spiritedness on Knez Mihailova, or mobbing the front gates of Mercator long before it opens.

The season is disproportionately lengthened and the symptoms duly exacerbated if you happen to be (like me) from a tradition that celebrates Christmas in December. People in this category (like me) are regarded as unstable elements - we buzz around and scurry to finish our "Christmas shopping" in mid-December while the local populace looks on sadly, shaking their heads and tsking their tongues. This year, for example, I finished my own rushing around through successive lunch times by 19th December. Beaming with pride and a commensurate sense of accomplishment, I triumphantly returned to my office and was greeted with - "You did WHAT?" "And?" It was a time of glad tidings of great joy (extended store hours!). It was a time of answering machines and automatic email responses ("I will be out of my office for the next 87 days, due to the Holiday Season"). It is a time for which I have spent nearly the sum total of my earthly existence calculating on the basis of the 25th December - 1st January axis. Even after a few years here in the White City on the Danube, however, I have still not accustomed myself to the Gregorian-Julian Aggregate. Christmas comes but once a year - or so says the old song - but here it comes twice; and New Year's likewise.

Meanwhile, after these profound reflections, my watch read 04:36 under the frost that had now

formed on the surface. Under the influence of the past weeks of holidays, my mental clock had prepared me to stand ready with 250 of my fellow shoppers in the wee hours of the morning in front of Mercator, risking life and limb for a bottle of dishsoap and six sausages when they finally fling open the doors and the human mass explodes up the escalators to reach the shopping carts.

Back inside the house at 04:37, drinking coffee, I began the process of resetting my internal calendar.

25th December, 1st January, 7th January, and 14th January - all passed. The gifts have all been bought and exchanged and bought and exchanged and bought again. The bank manager, still sleeping, has not yet begun to think about calling me in to see how I financed the presents and provisions over four successive weeks of the Season.

Weekend shopping, a harrowing ordeal under any circumstances, has returned to its normal level of frenzy, making it unnecessary for me to wake up in cold-sweating panic in fear of being trampled by stampeding shoppers. And now my coffee and I sit and stare the overwhelming question squarely in the face: NOW what do I do?

It was a time of glad tidings of great joy (extended store hours!). It was a time of answering machines and automatic email responses (“I will be out of my office for the next 87 days, due to the Holiday Season”) This is the essence of Post-Holiday Trauma. One's universe is inverted for a period of four weeks - just enough time to form habits and develop routines - and then, just as abruptly, they are stripped away from you, leaving you to look into the rest of the long, grey, and dripping Belgrade winter as far as the eye can see.

While you are under its control, the Extended Holiday Season provides you with set and repetitive activities you buy, you wrap, you buy more, you mortgage your mother's house, you cook, you stand in line, you devise traffic tactics, you complain, and then (time permitting) you celebrate Christmas and New Year's and Christmas and New Year's. But when it finally ends, how do you face your old routines again? This vexing ontological conundrum shall occupy my thoughts until the arrival of the dual Easters.

And by the way, Merry Christmas (just in case it happens again). •