
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 2025
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 2025
John Oliver
In Grants Pass, a simmering dispute between resident Michael Servant and city officials has brought into sharp focus one of the most difficult challenges facing local governments across the country: how to manage homeless encampments in a way that protects both vulnerable populations and surrounding neighborhoods. At the center of the conflict is the sanctioned homeless camp located along 5th and 6th streets. Servant argues that the city itself is violating its own nuisance property laws, while the city maintains that public property is subject to a different legal standard.
The disagreement, now stretching over months, has been documented in lengthy email exchanges among Servant, the Grants Pass Police Department, and City Attorney Stephanie Nuttall. The correspondence reveals both the frustration of nearby property owners and the city’s cautious legal stance in a policy landscape shaped by state law, federal court rulings, and limited municipal resources.
For Servant and his neighbors, daily life alongside the camp has meant constant disruption. Reports of trespassing, theft, public disorder, intimidation, and vandalism have become routine. He notes that he has often called the police to report incidents, only to be told
that without multiple simultaneous complaints, a citation for disorderly conduct cannot be issued. The reality, he says, is that this is the typical result of the dozens upon dozens of calls neighbors have made. Nearly all of the offenses are transitory—violent outbursts, unleashed dogs, shouting profanity, and disturbances that vanish before officers arrive 10 to 15 minutes later. The calls themselves can involve 5 to 10 minutes of navigating questions from dispatch, and contrary to Chief Warren Hensman’s assurances, Servant says reporting has only become more cumbersome, now requiring callers to
provide their date of birth. “What does that have to do with anything?” he asked.
One key point of contention is the city’s use of surveillance cameras trained on the site. Police officials have stated that the cameras are not monitored in real time, but rather used to gather evidence after a crime has already occurred. To Servant, this approach misses the point. He points out that when the department did dedicate staff to actively monitor the feeds for one day, they made numerous arrests and stopped violations in progress. That, he says, proves how effective the cameras could be if
used proactively.
City Attorney Stephanie Nuttall has pushed back on the assertion that the site qualifies as a chronic nuisance property under Grants Pass Municipal Code 5.12.121. The code allows the police department to issue warnings after two nuisance reports and requires action after three. But, as Nuttall explained in her June 9, 2025, letter, the decision to issue the initial warning is discretionary. Without that first step, the process leading to a nuisance determination is never triggered.
Nuttall further emphasized that the city cannot regulate public property in the same way it can private land. She cited House Bill 3115, passed by the Oregon Legislature, and federal injunctions that limit the city’s ability to criminalize or displace homeless residents without providing alternatives. But Servant argues that this is a mischaracterization. There is nothing in HB 3115, he says, that prevents municipalities from enforcing their own nuisance property codes or from managing the very sites they choose to establish. The city’s position, he contends, is based purely on financial concerns. According to Servant, City Manager Aaron Cubic acknowledged as much during a recent council meeting, saying that if the city increased its
• see HOMELESS, page 7
By Ellen Ward
Israel’s military carried out an unprecedented attack in Qatar on Tuesday, striking targets linked to senior Hamas leaders in the capital city of Doha. The strike marks the first time Israel has launched a direct operation on Qatari soil, a move that risks destabilizing fragile diplomatic channels and jeopardizing ongoing ceasefire talks.
The operation took place in the Katara district of Doha, an area known for its embassies, residential buildings, and schools. According to Israeli officials, the strike was aimed at Hamas figures who have been involved in directing operations since the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel and who were currently engaged in reviewing a ceasefire proposal brokered by the United States. The Israeli government described the attack as a retaliation for both the original massacre and a deadly shooting in Jerusalem the day prior.
Reports from the region indicate that the attack killed several individuals close to Hamas’s political leadership. Conflicting accounts quickly emerged regarding the fate of Khalil al-Hayya, a prominent figure within Hamas’s Political Bureau. Some sources in Israel claim he was killed, while Hamas has insisted that he survived, though his son Himam al-Hayya and office director Jihad Labad were confirmed dead. A Qatari security officer also lost his life in the strike, intensifying Doha’s condemnation of the incident.
The strike comes at a sensitive moment in efforts to end the Gaza war. Qatar has been a central mediator in negotiations between Is-
rael, Hamas, and international partners, hosting talks that have at times led to temporary truces and prisoner exchanges. At the time of the attack, Hamas leaders in Doha were reportedly considering a ceasefire proposal that involved U.S. and regional guarantees. By carrying out an assault in the very heart of these diplomatic efforts, Israel has introduced a new level of volatility into the already fragile process.
International reaction to the strike was swift. The United Nations Secretary-General denounced the operation as a violation of Qatar’s sovereignty and a serious threat to peace efforts. The Arab League, Gulf Cooperation Council states, and major Middle Eastern countries including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey, and Jordan issued sharp condemnations. Western governments also responded critically, with France, Spain, and the United Kingdom expressing concern that the strike undermines the diplomatic track. Spain went so far as to restrict entry for certain Israeli ministers as a
ALJAZEERA.COM/MAHMOUD ISSA/REUTERS
political measure.
The United States acknowledged it had prior knowledge of the operation, with officials confirming that Israel had informed Washington before carrying it out. While U.S. leaders have maintained support for Israel’s security operations, the decision to strike within Qatar places Washington in a difficult position, balancing its long-standing alliance with Israel against its strategic partnership with Qatar, which hosts a major American air base and plays a pivotal role in Gulf diplomacy.
For Israel, the strike was portrayed as part of a broader strategy to dismantle Hamas leadership wherever it may be found. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu emphasized that the action was a continuation of Israel’s response to the October 2023 attacks, framed as necessary to ensure the safety of Israeli citizens and to pursue justice. Israeli military officials have referred to the operation by its codename, Atzeret HaDin, or “Day of Judgment.”
The humanitarian backdrop to this escalation is stark. Since October 2023, the war in Gaza has resulted in catastrophic loss of life, with estimates of Palestinian deaths surpassing 64,000. Entire neighborhoods have been reduced to rubble, and international agencies continue to warn of famine and disease spreading in the enclave. By extending the conflict into Qatar, there are fears that the war could broaden into a wider regional confrontation.
The long-term consequences of Israel’s decision to strike in Doha remain uncertain. What is clear is that Qatar’s role as a trusted mediator has been damaged, if not entirely undermined, by the attack. Without Qatar’s involvement, it is unclear who could step in to facilitate dialogue between Israel and Hamas, both of whom remain locked in a cycle of violence with little trust between them.
For now, the strike represents a historic shift in the conflict’s trajectory. By targeting Hamas leaders in a foreign capital known for its mediation role, Israel has taken a step that may alter the course of the war and the prospects for peace in the Middle East for years to come.
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By Leaf Barret
The U.S. House Oversight Committee this week released hundreds of pages of records tied to the estate of Jeffrey Epstein, including a highly unusual item that has already drawn national attention: a so-called “birthday book” created for Epstein’s 50th birthday in 2003. The material, unveiled as part of an ongoing congressional inquiry, has fueled renewed debate over the disgraced financier’s social connections and the extent to which his network of acquaintances overlapped with political, academic, and business elites.
The book, reportedly compiled by Ghislaine Maxwell, is part scrapbook, part illustrated album. It contains handwritten notes, typed messages, sketches, and satirical images contributed by figures from Epstein’s wide circle. While some pages are innocuous or playful, others are sexually suggestive or unsettling, intensifying scrutiny of the environment in which Epstein operated during his years of influence.
Among the entries attracting attention are pages linked to former President Bill Clinton, President Donald Trump, and Harvard law professor emeritus Alan Dershowitz. Clinton’s contribution was a reflective message that spoke to longevity, curiosity, and friendship. Trump’s alleged entry was more controversial: a stylized sketch accompanied by typewritten dialogue referencing secrets, framed within the outline of a nude woman. Trump has strongly denied writing or authorizing the page and has described the work as fabricated. Dershowitz’s contribution took the form of a mock
magazine cover with tongue-in-cheek headlines.
The contents of the album extend beyond these high-profile names. The released version also features references to business leaders, politicians, and socialites, reflecting the breadth of Epstein’s connections. Some of the contributions are lighthearted greetings, while others contain inside jokes or provocative imagery. One particularly disturbing page has raised alarm for its depiction of masked figures planning violence, which has inten-
sified debate over the culture surrounding Epstein’s inner circle.
The committee’s release included not only the album but also documents such as Epstein’s will, a 2008 non-prosecution agreement, and portions of his contact lists. Lawmakers leading the effort stated that the material had been obtained through subpoena of the Epstein estate. While the long-rumored “client list” has not materialized, the disclosure of the birthday book has been positioned as a step toward transparency. Members of the Oversight Committee have signaled that additional financial records will be pursued in the coming months.
The political fallout has been swift. Democrats have seized on the more sensational aspects of the album to argue for continued disclosure of Epstein-related material, particularly focusing on the page attributed to Trump. Republicans, including Oversight Committee Chair James Comer, have accused their counterparts of emphasizing certain entries for partisan advantage, while downplaying others. The release has therefore deepened the partisan divides over how Epstein’s legacy should be examined in a political context.
For the public, the significance of the birthday book lies not only in the names it contains but also in what it symbolizes about Epstein’s life and influence. The scrapbook offers a snapshot of the social ecosystem around him at a time when he was consolidating wealth and status. The playful and sometimes disturbing nature of the entries highlights the atmosphere
in which he moved: one in which celebrity, wealth, and power intersected with secrecy and impropriety.
Questions remain about the legal implications of the material. Thus far, the Justice Department has reiterated that it does not possess a formal “client list,” and prosecutors have said that many of the documents tied to Epstein have no bearing on criminal conduct. Still, the unusual character of the birthday book has added to the perception that Epstein’s world was far removed from conventional business or political circles.
The release underscores the unusual role of congressional oversight in investigating a figure who died in federal custody in 2019 but whose connections continue to reverberate years later. By making the records public, lawmakers have brought forward a set of documents that were once private mementos, now transformed into evidence of how Epstein cultivated relationships with the powerful.
As the Oversight Committee prepares to expand its inquiry into financial records, and as civil litigation involving Epstein’s estate continues, the birthday book stands out as both a curiosity and a flashpoint. It may not provide definitive answers about Epstein’s crimes or his collaborators, but it illustrates the unusual blend of glamour, secrecy, and notoriety that surrounded him. For a public still seeking clarity about who knew what and when, the scrapbook’s pages offer another reminder of how far Epstein’s influence reached—and how many questions remain unresolved.
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By John Oliver
The picture of the American labor market over the past year looks less robust than earlier reports suggested. New figures released by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) show that the nation added substantially fewer jobs than initially recorded in the 12-month period ending in March. According to the updated data, employers added 911,000 fewer jobs than previously estimated. That revision cuts more than half of the 1.79 million jobs originally reported during that span.
The recalibration reflects the BLS’s annual benchmarking process, in which preliminary payroll data is compared with more comprehensive unemployment insurance records. These records provide a more complete tally of employment, and the process often results in adjustments. While some revisions are minor, this year’s downward shift is notable in both its scale and its potential implications for understanding the economy’s strength.
Before the update, the official data suggested that the economy had been adding an average of roughly 147,000 jobs per month over the 12-month period. The revised numbers bring that monthly pace closer to just over 70,000. Although the labor market remains far from contraction, this slower rate signals a deceleration that could influence broader economic planning, policy decisions, and public expectations.
The revision does not erase the overall gains of
the past several years, during which the labor market recovered strongly from pandemic-era losses. However, it does call attention to the limits of headline figures often cited as indicators of economic momentum. Monthly payroll reports are among the most closely watched economic releases, but they are also subject to sampling errors and estimation challenges that can later be corrected. This latest update underscores that reality.
The impact of the revision stretches beyond statistical curiosity. Slower job creation suggests that demand for workers may not be as intense as originally believed. That can ease pressure on wages, which had been rising rapidly as employers competed for limited talent. While moderate wage growth can help cool inflation, it also tempers household income gains at a
time when many Americans are still grappling with higher costs of living. Rising expenses for housing, healthcare, energy, and food remain key concerns for workers, and a slower employment trend may complicate their ability to keep pace.
For businesses, the data offers a more cautious backdrop against which to plan investments and hiring. Many sectors—particularly retail, hospitality, and construction—have experienced sharp swings in employment in recent years, reflecting both shifting consumer behavior and broader economic uncertainty. Employers in these industries may view the revision as confirmation that labor supply and demand are moving toward balance, reducing the urgency to aggressively expand payrolls.
Policymakers are also paying attention. The
Federal Reserve monitors employment trends closely when setting interest rate policy. A slower pace of job creation can reinforce arguments that the economy is cooling sufficiently to keep inflation in check, potentially affecting decisions about whether to maintain or adjust current interest rate levels. Meanwhile, federal and state leaders who rely on job growth as evidence of economic resilience may find themselves recalibrating their messaging in light of the revised data.
Despite the downward adjustment, the labor market continues to exhibit strengths. Unemployment remains historically low, workforce participation has stabilized, and key sectors such as healthcare and professional services continue to add jobs. These areas of growth help offset weaknesses in other industries and indicate that the economy has not stalled but rather entered a slower, steadier phase of expansion.
Ultimately, the revised figures provide a clearer, though more modest, view of U.S. job creation over the past year. While the economy is still generating employment opportunities, the pace is less vigorous than many had believed. This new perspective highlights the importance of treating early job reports as preliminary snapshots rather than definitive accounts. For households, businesses, and policymakers alike, the message is that the labor market remains resilient but is no longer surging at the breakneck speed seen earlier in the recovery.
Prime Minister Bayrou Resigns After Confidence Vote Defeat
By John Oliver
France was thrown into another period of political turmoil this week after Prime Minister François Bayrou submitted his resignation following a resounding defeat in a parliamentary confidence vote. The collapse of his government marks the third time in just over a year that a French head of government has been toppled, leaving President Emmanuel Macron to confront yet another leadership vacuum and a nation grappling with uncertainty.
Bayrou’s downfall was tied directly to his austerity-driven budget plan, which proposed more than €40 billion in savings. His blueprint called for deep cuts to public spending, including the elimination of thousands of state jobs, a freeze on welfare programs, and the cancellation of two long-standing public holidays. While Bayrou defended the measures as necessary to bring France’s debt and deficit closer in line with European Union rules, his proposals angered both the political left and right. The decisive vote in parliament saw 364 lawmakers oppose him against just 194 in favor, making his resignation unavoidable.
Though Bayrou managed to remain in
office longer than some of his immediate predecessors, his nine-month tenure still reflected the broader instability that has characterized French politics in recent years. The failed budget plan highlighted the structural challenges facing the French economy, where debt has ballooned to more than 114 percent of gross domestic product and investor confidence is increasingly shaken. Markets reacted quickly to the government’s collapse, with borrowing costs for French bonds climbing and the country’s risk premium over German bonds widening to levels not seen in years. Analysts have begun
grouping France alongside the more fragile economies of the eurozone periphery, raising fears of a deeper financial crisis if political dysfunction persists.
The consequences of Bayrou’s resignation extend beyond financial markets. Protest groups have announced coordinated demonstrations under the banner of “Block Everything,” calling for nationwide strikes and disruptions across transportation, energy, and public services. Authorities have deployed tens of thousands of police and security forces to prepare for unrest, underscoring the volatility of the moment. The scale of the protests and
the ability of the government to manage them will serve as an early test for whoever emerges as Bayrou’s successor.
President Macron now faces the challenge of naming a fourth prime minister in less than two years. Potential successors from across the political spectrum are already being discussed, including senior cabinet officials and former party leaders. Yet the underlying issue remains the fractured composition of the National Assembly. With no party holding a clear majority since Macron’s snap elections last year, every major vote has been a battle, and efforts to form durable coalitions have repeatedly failed. The repeated collapse of governments has drawn comparisons to the instability of the Fourth Republic in the 1950s, a period remembered for its rapid turnover of leaders before Charles de Gaulle’s reforms created the current presidential system.
For Macron, the stakes are now higher than ever. His ability to maintain authority while navigating growing unrest, rising debt, and increasing political polarization will determine whether France regains stability or slides further into crisis. With Bayrou’s resignation, the Fifth Republic is once again testing the limits of its resilience, and the coming weeks may prove decisive in shaping the future of both Macron’s presidency and the French political system itself.
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By Ellen Ward
A Mexican national living unlawfully in the United States has been sentenced to more than a decade in federal prison after admitting to leading a drug trafficking and money laundering conspiracy that funneled millions of dollars through an Oregon beauty salon. The sentence, announced by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Oregon, underscores the seriousness with which federal authorities are pursuing fentanyl distribution networks operating in the Pacific Northwest.
According to court filings, 35-year-old Luis Antonio Beltran Arredondo, a resident of Las Vegas, Nevada, played a leadership role in a trafficking ring that moved heroin, fentanyl, and methamphetamine across Oregon, Washington, and California between 2021 and 2022. Investigators with the Drug Enforcement Administration and multiple partner agencies tracked the movement of drugs and money tied to the organization, ultimately uncovering a sophisticated laundering scheme built around a small business in Tualatin, Oregon.
Federal prosecutors explained that the beauty salon served as a front to legitimize cash generated by the sale of narcotics. Approximately $4.6 million in drug proceeds were cycled through the business before being used to acquire nine residential properties. These properties, purchased as part of the laundering plan, were later converted into rental units to further disguise the origins of the money. All nine homes have since been seized by the federal government and are slated for forfeiture.
The scale of the underlying drug activity was also significant. During the course of the investigation, agents seized more than 52 pounds of heroin, 7 pounds of fentanyl pills, and nearly 6 pounds of methamphetamine. These seizures represented only a portion of what authorities believe the organization had trafficked. The case illustrates how fentanyl, a synthetic opioid many times more potent than heroin, continues to move through interstate networks and reach communities in Oregon.
Arredondo pleaded guilty in June 2025 to one count of conspiring to distribute controlled substances and one count of conspiring to commit money laundering. He faced the possibility of life in prison and a $10 million fine. At sentencing, a federal judge imposed a prison term of 135 months, followed by five years of supervised release. Once he completes his sentence, Arredondo will be deported.
The investigation was led by the DEA with critical support from the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Homeland Security Investigations, IRS Criminal Investigation, Oregon State Police, and the Tigard Police Department. Prosecutors emphasized that the success of the case rested on interagency cooperation, which enabled them to follow both the narcotics and the financial transactions across multiple states.
The U.S. Attorney’s Office also highlighted the broader context of the case. Small businesses like salons, car washes, and restaurants have long been targeted by criminal groups as vehicles for laundering drug proceeds. By combining cash-intensive operations with real estate acquisitions, traffickers can create an appearance of legitimacy while recycling profits into long-term investments. Federal forfeiture of those properties is intended both to dismantle the illegal enterprise and to return some mea-
sure of value to the public.
Officials noted that this case is part of a larger federal effort to curb fentanyl distribution in Oregon and across the Pacific Northwest. With overdose deaths from synthetic opioids continuing to rise, prosecutors and investigators have described such prosecutions as critical tools in disrupting supply chains.
For communities in Oregon, the sentencing demonstrates how law enforcement agencies are targeting both the supply of narcotics and the financial systems that sustain trafficking. While the prison term imposed on Arredondo will remove a key player from circulation, officials acknowledged that fentanyl trafficking remains a persistent threat, requiring ongoing coordination at the federal, state, and local levels.
The Department of Justice has made clear that the forfeiture of assets and the imposition of lengthy prison terms are designed to send a message to other organizations that laundering money through front businesses will not shield them from accountability. As Arredondo begins his sentence, the seized properties will be processed for sale, with proceeds directed toward law enforcement and community initiatives aimed at combating drug trafficking.
This case, built from months of surveillance, seizures, and financial tracing, offers a window into how fentanyl networks operate and the challenges facing authorities tasked with dismantling them. It also illustrates the way everyday businesses can be exploited to hide the profits of illicit trade, bringing a national crisis into the heart of Oregon communities.
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management role it would obligate them to provide such services in perpetuity.
Servant remains unconvinced by assurances that the city is doing all it can. He has argued that the city’s own actions—establishing and maintaining the encampment in a cityowned parking lot—make it directly responsible for its impact on the community. He cites case precedent from Arizona where courts found municipalities were not immune from nuisance laws when they knowingly created conditions that harmed neighbors. “The city is not just permitting the property to become a nuisance,” he wrote. “They are actively creating one by failing to manage it.”
He also points to what he sees as hypocrisy in the city’s approach. During a recent council workshop, the city discussed new criteria for future homeless service grants that will require applicants to comply with all zoning, planning, and fire codes, ensure 24-hour management, and demonstrate minimal community impact. “None of those safeguards are being applied to the current camps,” Servant argued. “Clearly the city understands the nature of the problem and are setting up safeguards going forward. Why are those safeguards not in place now?”
The sanctioned camps themselves were hastily established in response to the Disability Rights Oregon injunction, which temporarily
limited the city’s ability to enforce anti-camping ordinances. Though the injunction has since been lifted, the city continues to use the pretext of emergency to skirt its own nuisance property codes. While officials describe the camps as “temporary,” Servant argues that more than 13 months of operation cannot reasonably be called temporary. Based on the current timeline, the sites will remain in place until at least June 2026, and there has been no public discussion of what the plan will be if the request for proposals to find an outside manager fails to attract a qualified applicant.
The broader context is significant. Grants Pass has become a national test case in the homelessness debate, with the U.S. Supreme Court hearing arguments this year in City of Grants Pass v. Johnson. That case could decide whether cities may enforce camping bans when sufficient shelter beds are not available. In the meantime, the city council has struggled to balance legal obligations with community pressures, creating a patchwork of short-term fixes and long-term uncertainty.
For neighbors, the frustration is not only about safety and quality of life but also about what they see as unequal treatment. Private property owners who allow repeated nuisance behavior face stiff penalties and can be forced to close. When the city itself is the landlord,
however, the rules appear to shift. To Servant, that raises a troubling question: if the city can declare itself immune from its own nuisance codes, what other ordinances might it ignore? Against the backdrop of what critics describe as a culture of corruption in Josephine County politics—and the fiasco of a cancelled grant process tainted by alleged ex parte communication between the mayor and council members—such questions have taken on new urgency.
Chief Hensman has pledged to work with staff to streamline reporting and increase camera monitoring, and residents have noticed an uptick in police presence. But Servant argues the problems remain systemic. The corre-
spondence shows that he intends to continue pressing the issue with city officials, the Oregon Attorney General, and through legal channels if necessary.
The standoff illustrates a deeper dilemma. Can a city both comply with state and federal mandates to provide space for unhoused residents and still enforce its nuisance ordinances fairly? Servant insists the answer lies in active management and accountability, not legal loopholes. City officials counter that their hands are tied by legal constraints and limited resources. What is clear is that without decisive action, the sanctioned camps will remain a source of disruption, legal wrangling, and community division for the foreseeable future.
By: Jay Meredith, CPA Investigative Journalist
Two weeks ago, a group of citizens led by chief petitioner Jim Goodwin filed recall petitions for Josephine County Commissioners Chris Barnett and Andreas Blech. Among several other things, the recall petition language for Barnett cites lack of integrity, while the recall petition language for Blech cites a lack of transparency.
While the Grants Pass Tribune has nothing to do with these recently filed recalls, this paper has reported new examples of both of these just in recent days after the filing of the recall petitions. And there are even more examples to report today.
Reading the specific language of the recall petitions, many grievances date back to situations that happened between January and April this year. A couple of the larger concerns were wasting over $700k of taxpayer funds on an unnecessary voluntary county employee resignation program and the chaos that seemed to ensue after two commissioners gave up their voting power to BCC Chair Andreas Blech for all things personnel related and department restructuring.
The County’s HR/Finance Director was one of several key staff positions that voluntarily resigned with a huge buyout, leaving the County scrambling to maintain certain duties during this “transition period.” Former Commissioner Simon Hare was brought in to be contract budget officer for this year’s budget process and IT/Emergency Manager Director Michael Sellers was tapped to fill a newly created job of “Director of Operations” which included at the time being the director over Finance and HR (even though Mr. Sellers resume showed no experience in these areas).
It was March 4th that the two Commissioners delegated their personnel duties and gave all their personnel authority over to BCC Chair Andreas Blech. Before voting to do this on March 4th, Commissioner Blech stated, “I just want to point one thing out, and that the intent of granting this authority has to do with the positions, and with the intent of reducing the workforce at the County.” Both commissioners Chris Barnett and Ron Smith nodded their heads and acknowledged this would be a transition period.
I confirmed through a records request process that no financial analysis was done before all three commissioners approved the costly voluntary resignation program in February this year and the intent as stated by Commissioner Andreas Blech was not to refill any lost positions even through they didn’t limit what departments or positions could participate in the program. Not long after the resignations were processed, Juvenile Justice requested to refill one of these lost positions because they had minimum staffing requirements. And just in the last week Commissioner Ron Smith has said on social media in his opinion the County needs to fill a public information officer type position (another one of the positions lost in the resignation program).
Interim Director of operations Michael Sellers wasted no time “reducing the workforce” starting with the Directors of Public Health and Community Development. It has been reported that these Directors are considering lawsuits against the County, because they had BOLI claims outstanding and other claims that had been upheld by an internal investigation against two of last year’s County commissioners at the time they were fired.
Then when Budget Officer Simon Hare resigned in a blaze of warnings to the public about what Commissioner Blech was trying to do, includ-
ing according to Hare a compensation package in the FY26 budget for newly appointed Interim Director of Operations Michael Sellers that totaled $388,000 per year including benefits, Sellers suddenly voluntarily went back to his old job and Blech was forced to do the rest of the staff firings and restructurings himself. Commissioners have denied having a contract in place with Sellers for this (according to Hare the contract was in process of being negotiated) but Commissioner Blech has never publicly denied that there was an attempt to give Sellers a compensation package for $388,000 per year. Simon Hare provided a budget printout of this compensation package, and it appeared legitimate…as if this salary rate might have already been approved and was entered into the County’s personnel financial system.
Blech then put the Public Works Director on admin leave and eventually fired him. Blech combined the Juvenile Justice Department with the Community Corrections department and according to the previous Juvenile Justice Director did so without following state law requirements on how to appoint a new director over the Juvenile Justice program. Blech reportedly fired all the staff in the Community Development Code Enforcement and Solid Waste programs.
Neither Commissioner Blech nor other commissioners have explained why all these layoffs and department restructurings took place. They never even publicly announced the combination of the Juvenile Justice and Community Corrections department into a new department called Community Justice, but you’ll see it described as this in the FY’2026 budget document. Even the County website still has these two departments shown as separate departments, but names the department director for each the Community Justice Director.
Back in June, Commissioner Andreas Blech was kind enough to give me nearly two hours of his time to talk about various budget concerns that I had, including the Budget Committee’s decision to cut general fund budgets even though the County’s General Fund had a significant surplus projected for the next year. It was a good discussion, but he didn’t answer any specific questions about why staff reductions were taking place other than referring to a generic potential for losing some state or federal funds. I explained to Commissioner Blech that Law Enforcement programs and General Fund programs don’t heavily rely on federal funds for op-
erational purposes these days, and those state/ federal funding sources that do supply operational revenues for these programs are not at risk. I also explained that the County’s general fund had a large projected surplus for next year and coming years. He thanked me for these explanations, but it didn’t appear to change his staffing or budget decisions in the slightest.
Back in the February through April periods this year, I started having to put in public records requests to the County because several actions and decisions were being taken in private rather than in public meetings of the BCC as was usually the case in the past. And the BCC members refused to answer major questions about why these actions were taking place.
In April I put in a records request for newly appointed Interim Director of Operations Michael Sellers’ Salary and Benefit information, because I wanted to understand the cost and scope of this new position. Coincidentally this records request went in only one day before Budget Officer Simon Hare’s dramatic public resignation letter surfaced. But from start to finish it took almost three months to fill this records request.
By law, most public records requests are supposed to be fulfilled within fifteen business days at the longest. And guess who was in charge of public records requests at the County? Michael Sellers himself was in charge of public records requests back then. There were other public records requests that took months to be fulfilled as well. It seemed the more controversial the issue (like my request for Library maintenance costs paid by the County), the longer it took to complete a public records request.
We reporters hear a lot of rumors by virtue of what we do, but we sometimes have to find a way such as public records request to verify this information. Some records requests put in by the Grants Pass Tribune this year have gone completely unanswered.
It took an appeal to the Josephine County District Attorney to get Michael Sellers salary and benefit information through a public records request. But when I received it, there were inconsistencies in the information received and it seemed like the County did not provide the proper detail on all requested records. Payroll information on public employees is public information, but the County has argued and as recently as last week continues
to argue this information is exempt from public disclosure. I’ll get back to that in a moment.
Commissioner Chris Barnett has attempted to control the local media’s narrative both before he was elected and after he was elected. In direct retaliation to the truth telling done by the Grants Pass Tribune, Barnett has brought a lawsuit against the owner of the GP Tribune late last year and created a series of his own “News” channels back in February of this year that use portions of the GP Tribune’s legal and operating names. News pages on Facebook such as the Josephine County Tribune, Josephine County News, and a few others are owned and operated by Commissioner Barnett. And then several months ago the Grants Pass Tribune asked the County to be recognized as local media per the County’s media policy just like all the other local media agencies. Instead of granting the request, the BCC just cancelled the media policy and stopped doing executive sessions of the BCC. This appeared to be in direct retaliation for the truth telling done by the Grants Pass Tribune, and Barnett’s personal squabble with the GP Tribune has put the County at greater risk because the Commissioners can no longer meet in a private executive session to discuss sensitive legal issues. Going back to the public records requests, after the County District Attorney ordered the County to fulfill my payroll records request on Director Sellers and release information from one other public records request that they withheld, BCC Chair Andreas Blech took over the responsibility for all public records requests. An email that I received on Monday of this week said that effective August 5th, BCC Chair Andreas Blech is now overseeing all public records requests. This is important, because if an elected official is the one processing the public records request and if that request needs to be appealed, the appeal now has to go through the state Circuit Court rather than through the local District Attorney.
I submitted four new public records requests on August 7, 2025. Two were follow-up requests to try and clarify some inconsistent information I received in the last round of public records requests, and two were new topics that I was investigating. And 17 business days later I had to appeal all four to the DA because the County never responded (note by law the County has no more than 15 business days to fulfill requests). Shortly after appealing to the DA, I received two denials of my requests citing inappropriate state law exemptions that did not apply to these specific requests, one request for me to pay an exceptionally large records request fee which was not justified, and in the fourth request the County simply said, “We are not the custodian of [and do not possess] the requested records.”
For the records request where the County’s response was, “We are not the custodian of [and do not possess] the requested records,” I simply asked for “a copy of all text messages and emails sent by John West to any Commissioner or Wally Hicks from January 2025 to July 2025.” I had several reasons to request these, but the primary purpose was to verify rumors I heard from a variety of sources. I knew for a fact some written communications (public records) of this nature did exist, but I wanted to see them for myself and see the extent by which recalled Commissioner John West was trying to exert his influence over the current BCC.
When Commissioner Ron Smith heard that
my records request was denied, he did the right thing and sent me all the emails that he had received this year from former Commissioner John West. So, did BCC Chair Andreas Blech, who is now in charge of overseeing the fulfillment of all public records requests, intentionally withhold these records? While I can’t say for sure one way or the other, I have completely lost all trust in the County public records request process. I find it very hard to believe that the BCC Chair was not aware of all these emails that former Commissioner John West sent to him, and from the records I received from Ron Smith, Commissioner Andreas Blech was included in most of these emails. Most of them went to all the commissioners.
I also know for a fact that former Commissioner West does a lot of texting, and I’ve texted with all three current commissioners (before they were commissioners) so I know all four of them text regularly. I find it hard to believe that West never sent any text message to the current commissioners this year regarding County business. These texts are public records that should have been disclosed in my recent public records request, but BCC Chair Andreas Blech says the County does not possess such records.
Making matters worse, BCC Chair Andreas Blech, the relatively new records request administrator, denied two of my other records requests citing exemptions in state law that don’t apply to these two specific records requests. But on Monday of this week, I received an email from the District Attorney saying that all records request appeals must go through Circuit Court. While reporting this, the DA also confirmed that the exemptions cited in one of those requests are not applicable. I have emailed Commissioner Blech asking him to process this specific request since
the DA weighed in on it. As of the date and time of writing this article, I have received no response from anyone other than the DA on processing this specific records request since the DA effectively already ruled on the appeal request.
And it just so happens that for both public records requests that were inappropriately denied in the last week, they both deal with a topic that could potentially be a politically sensitive topic for Commissioner Andreas Blech. The DA has already ruled that one of these denials was incorrect, according to state law. And now I must wait and see if Commissioner Blech will release the records or if he will force me to file an appeal in Circuit Court. This will likely be costly for the County, because state law says if the court rules they didn’t process a records request in the timeline required by law or illegally withheld the requested records, the County will likely have to pay a small fine for each instance as well as pay the legal and filing costs of the party that appealed if the appeal is upheld.
So we have a BCC Chair that has stated in the past he does not read or listen to any local media or social media, has repeatedly declined to answer questions from both the public and local media on several topics of public interest this year such as the firing of several department directors, restructuring departments, and firing other County employees, and now the BCC Chair is in charge of public records requests and already has a record of denying several legitimate public records requests. The BCC Chair has also recently put himself in charge of reviewing all vendor service contracts in all amounts from all departments, the BCC Chair is currently the acting Public Works director, and this is all above and beyond the very busy daily duties of being the Board chair. In my opinion, this concentration
of both power and duties coupled with lack of transparency is In the meantime, over the last several weeks Commissioner Chris Barnett is attempting to rewrite history, putting his integrity on the line once again.
In the August 21 Weekly Business Session of the BCC, Commissioner Chris Barnett in response to public comments stated, “I just want to say one thing about the budget of Josephine County. We passed the budget in the green. We paid for every single thing the taxpayers wanted without laying off one employee.”
It must be Christmas season with all this talk of red and green and getting everything the taxpayers wanted. Except the truth is, many County staff members were laid off towards the beginning of the budget season this year. As reported by the Grants Pass Tribune just yesterday, “Perhaps most striking is Barnett’s assertion that the 2025–26 county budget balanced without layoffs. Public records contradict this outright. The county eliminated its entire Code Enforcement and Solid Waste staff while also terminating or demoting several department heads, including directors of Community Development, Public Works, and Public Health. These decisions were not announced publicly in advance and have yet to be fully explained by the Board. The current year’s budget document shows seven fewer FTE in Community Development, 0.5 fewer FTE in Veterans Services, two fewer FTE in Public Works, six fewer FTE in the Internal Service Funds, and eight fewer FTE in Public Health. By denying these layoffs and other reductions in the workforce, Barnett’s statement crosses from spin into demonstrably false information.”
In the BCC’s Weekly Business Session of August 14 in leading up to the discussion related to the Library lease proposal, Barnett stated, “The
original intent in January, on January 6th was simply to clarify responsibility for building repairs that were superseding and accruing. That's why we wanted to get to the table and that's why this whole thing came up. And mind you, Commissioner Smith and I, 3 hours in our term and this happened. OK, I apologize, but I have to say that, you know, getting the information that we've gotten now, trying to work on a resolution, I think the intent of what that was got blown out of proportion. The more I look back at it, the more I look back at it. And I think Commissioner, Commissioner West at the time was there and it was just simply trying to get the library and the board back together to discuss some repairs on the building. And that's what I see….But I just want to say the original intent was to simply clarify responsibility for building repairs.”
Except, if you go back and watch the actual video of that January 6th meeting where Barnett, West, and Smith voted to cancel the Library’s lease 12 months before the written lease end date, former Commissioner John West clearly had more in mind than just to make the Library pay for maintenance of the exterior of the building. West arranged this whole meeting agenda, brought in the County’s real property specialist to explain what the going market lease rates were of similar type commercial buildings, and West’s clear goal was to force the library to pay a lease rate of what he felt should be about $15k to $20k per month (which would not be affordable for the Library District).
West’s goal had been and continues to be to financially attack the Library District, and Barnett is either intentionally trying to rewrite history or is completely oblivious to this fact. Or given that Barnett was West’s real estate agent for 15 years before becoming commissioner, it could be both.
By Ellen Ward
The countdown is nearly over for one of the largest senior-focused events in Southern Oregon. In just two days, on Friday, September 12, the Josephine County Fairgrounds will open its gates for the 2025 Southern Oregon Senior Resource Fair, a daylong event designed to inform, support, and celebrate the region’s older population. From 9 a.m. to 3 p.m., attendees can expect free entry, engaging activities, and access to a wide range of services and information dedicated to healthy aging.
The fair, hosted by Team Senior Referral Services, is a cornerstone community event that brings together professionals from health care, financial planning, legal services, and senior living. Topics this year include Alzheimer’s and dementia awareness, medication management, chronic pain solutions, elder law issues, public health resources, and guidance on Medicare and Medicaid. For many, the event provides a chance to connect face-to-face with experts who can answer questions and help families plan for the future.
A centerpiece of Friday’s fair will be the Veteran Recognition Ceremony, beginning at 10 a.m. in the fairgrounds parking lot. Organized by the Non Commissioned Officers Association (NCOA), the ceremony will honor veterans with medallions in recognition of their service. Organizers anticipate a strong turnout as local veterans, young and old, gather to receive acknowledgment for their dedication and sacrifice.
Later in the day, at 1 p.m., the focus will shift to safety and preparedness with a Disaster Preparedness Event. Sponsored by Volare Health and Mercy Flights, this session will feature emergency responders sharing practi-
cal steps for preparing households in the event of a catastrophe. Attendees will also hear updates on the Cascadia Subduction Zone and its potential impact on Southern Oregon, making the session particularly timely for residents concerned about regional natural hazards.
Community partners and sponsors, including Highstreet Insurance & Financial Services, are lending their support to ensure the fair is both comprehensive and accessible. With booths, presentations, and special events scheduled throughout the day, the fair is designed to be a one-stop hub for information that can often be overwhelming for seniors to navigate on their own.
Beyond its educational offerings, the Senior Resource Fair is also a social occasion. Attendees can look for-
ward to connecting with peers, sharing experiences, and building relationships. The event is about fostering community as much as it is about providing guidance, ensuring that seniors and their families leave feeling supported and empowered.
The fair will be held at the Josephine County Fairgrounds, located at 1451 Fairgrounds Road in Grants Pass. Admission is free, and everyone is encouraged to attend — seniors, caregivers, and families alike. For additional details, residents can contact Team Senior at (541) 295-8230 or visit www. TeamSenior.org
With only two days remaining, anticipation is building for what is expected to be one of the most informative and meaningful gatherings of the year for seniors in Southern Oregon.
www.grantspassmag.com