Artilleryman Magazine Summer 2017

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The Artilleryman | Summer 2017 | Vol. 38, No. 3

CONTENTS

8

EXECUTIVE DOCUMENT 99—REPORT ON PARROTT, HOTCHKISS AND SCHENKL PURCHASES BY THE WAR DEPARTMENT A summary of selected wartime projectile purchases. By Jack Bell.

18

THE QUEST FOR “LONG TOM”

26

FORT MACON STATE PARK GETS AN ORIGINAL 10-INCH COLUMBIAD CANNON

A 30-pounder Parrott rifle captured and used by the Confederates. By James Burgess.

Submerged in the ocean for over a century. A new life for a Columbiad. By Paul Branch.

28

FORT CASWELL DOCUMENTED 24-POUNDER BREECH SIGHT

30

HISTORY OF FORT CASWELL

32

OHIO CIVIL WAR & ARTILLERY SHOW

38

RARE PARROTT RESURRECTED

40

A FRENCH CONNECTION—THE GIRARDEY FAMILY

50

MYSTERY OF THE 3-INCH CLAY RIFLE

56

THE BATTERY THAT KILLED BISHOP POLK

63

THE ARTILLERIST BOOKSHELF

64 2

Rare breech sight with provenance. By Thomas Bailey.

North Carolina’s coastal defenses at Fort Caswell. By Lawrence E. Babits, Ph.D. 40th Annual Ohio Civil War & 25th Artillery Show in Mansfield, Ohio. By Teresa Drushel.

Standing tall for a first time after its previous flight 150 years ago. By Ron Bupp.

Three Girardey men who fought for the Confederacy. By Robert A. (Bob) Sadler.

A surviving example of a rare 3-inch Clay rifle. By Jim Schoenung.

The story of Leonidas Polk and how he was killed by an artillery projectile. By Stephen Davis.

Confederate Artillery Organizations: An alphabetical listing of the officers and batteries of the Confederacy, 1861-1865. Reviewed by Peter A. Frandsen.

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Consultants:

Lawrence Babits, Ph.D., Thomas Bailey, Craig D. Bell, Jack Bell, Jim Bender, Col. John Biemeck (Ret.), Stephen Davis, Ph.D., Leonard Draper, Glenn Dutton, David Gotter, Butch & Anita Holcombe, Les Jensen, Gordon L. Jones, Ph.D., Mike Kent, Lewis Leigh Jr., William E. Lockridge, Donald Lutz, John Morris, Michael J. O’Donnell, Hayes Otoupalik, Bernie Paulson, Bruce Paulson, Lawrence E. Pawl, M.D., Craig Swain, Matthew Switlik, Bill Tracy and Mike Ward.

Black Powder Explosive Ordnance Assistance Colonel John Biemeck, Ret.

Black Powder Explosive Ordnance Assistance (Identification, threat assessment, handling, storage, technical and deactivation assistance) for Government, State and Municipal Agencies.

Contact Colonel John Biemeck, Ordnance Corps, U.S. Army (Retired), cell 804-366-0562.

This service is offered as a courtesy to government agencies by The Artilleryman in an effort to preserve antique explosive black powder projectiles for future generations.

Printed proudly and responsibly in the United States of America. All rights reserved under International and PanAmerican Copyright Conventions. No part of this magazine may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote brief passages in a review.

The information contained herein is for the general history and background of our readers and The Artilleryman assumes no liability for loading or shooting data which may be published in this magazine. The circumstances surrounding the loading and discharge of firearms mentioned are beyond our control and are unique to the particular instance being described. We hereby disclaim any responsibility for persons attempting to duplicate loading data or shooting conditions referenced herein and specifically recommend against relying solely on this material. Readers are cautioned that black powder varies according to grain size, type, date of manufacture and supplier, and that firing of antique or replica ordnance should not be undertaken without adequate training and experience in procedures and loads.

Articles, Photographs and Image Submittals: The Author(s), Photographer(s) will indemnify the Publisher against any loss, injury, or damage (including any legal costs or expenses and any compensation costs and disbursements paid by the Publisher) occasioned to the Publisher in connection with or in consequence or any breach of the Author’s warranties and which the Publisher is not able to recover.

Publisher: Jack W. Melton Jr. Founding Publisher: C. Peter Jorgensen Editor: Larry Babits Book Reviews: Peter A. Frandsen Advertising: mail@ArtillerymanMagazine.com Webmaster: Carson Jenkins Jr. Graphic Designer: Squeegie Studios InDesign Guru: Neil Stewart

Contact Information: Historical Publications LLC The Artilleryman 520 Folly Road, Suite P-379 Charleston, SC 29412 800-777-1862 Email: mail@artillerymanmagazine.com Website: ArtillerymanMagazine.com Hours 9-5 EST, Monday-Thursday The Artilleryman Magazine (ISSN: 088404747) Copyright © 2017 by Historical Publications LLC is published quarterly

by Historical Publications LLC, 520 Folly Road, Suite P-379, Charleston, SC 29412. Quarterly. Business and Editorial Offices: 520 Folly Road, Suite P-379, Charleston, SC 29412, Accounting and Circulation Offices: Historical Publications LLC, 520 Folly Road, Suite P-379, Charleston, SC 29412. Call 800-777-1862 to subscribe. Application to mail at Periodicals postage prices at Charleston, SC and additional mailing offices (if applicable).

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About the Cover: The 19th Ohio Light Artillery.

Rita Smith, David Brosko, Jeff Johnson and Daniel Engle, shoot an original U.S. 3-inch Ordnance rifle, No. 308, while participating in the 25th Artillery Show in Ohio.

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| Vol. 38, No. 3

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To The Editor: I was a bit surprised to see in the Spring 2017 issue of The Artilleryman another article by Mike Kelley on ”The Civil War Cannons of Lowell, Massachusetts.“ This contained the same factual errors as his very similar article in Military Collector and Historian vol. 67 no. 3 (Fall 2015). His Artilleryman articles ran three pages and eight photos, whereas the earlier article ran two pages and four photos. Immediately on reading the first article, I wrote a letter to the editor (published in Military Collector and Historian Summer 2016 issue, pp. 133,) which read in part ”The article identifies the four cannon in the Lowell, Mass. cemetery as IXinch Dahlgren guns. In fact they are 32-pounder unchambered Navy guns of 51 cwt, cast by Tredegar Foundry in 1847.”

Mr. Kelley gave the weight of these guns as 1,150 lbs., when, in fact, they each weigh about five times that. I have no idea whether Mr. Kelley read my earlier letter on his first article or not, but hopefully you will send him a copy of this; maybe he’ll include more accurate information in his next article on the Lowell, Mass., cannons.

Source: Olmstead, et al, The Big Guns, Museum Restoration Service, Alexandria Bay, N.Y., 1997, appendix 66, 212.

John Morris Springfield, Va. Mike Kelly’s Reply: Thank you for your email on Mr. Morris’s feedback concerning my article on Lowell’s Civil War cannons.

When I first researched the story, I did not know what kind of cannons they were, so I contacted the Charlestown (Boston) Navy Yard Maritime Park and spoke with a National Park Service Historian. He told me the cannons were most likely IX-inch Dahlgren 4

The Artilleryman

naval guns left over from the Civil War and were offered to local cities and towns as war memorials. Based on that information, I wrote the story.

I am very sorry that this information was not correct. My articles are written with a human interest slant, not so much a technical angle. However, I have learned a valuable lesson from Mr. Morris’s letter. In the future, I will be much more accurate.

Mike Kelley Tewksbury, Mass.

To The Editor: You continue to impress me with the work you get done to make a simple article look impressive and add significantly to the impact of the article on the reader.

I considered the article draft I submitted a relatively minor contribution to the knowledge base about the design, manufacturing, and use of Civil War projectiles. Your efforts converted it into something very impressive.

Here is a sincere “Thank you” for making the effort, which you do on all of the articles I read in The Artilleryman Magazine. Your readership may not know how much you, Peggy, and your staff make in upgrading an author’s draft to give your readership a sensational article.

Jack Bell Washington, D.C.

To The Editor: Just received Vol. 38, No. 2, Artilleryman Magazine. As on old Journalism major (back in the hot lead Linotype days) you are to be commended on your new journalistic enterprise. You have revived and improved a great publication. The layout, research, articles and photographs are presented in a most professional and well balance manner.

While American Civil War artillery is the main focus of the majority of subscribers, you may catch some flack publishing non ACW articles but I believe the majority of our fraternity has expanded its horizons to include pre and post war artillery; a good example is Justin Ruhge’s “The Biggest Guns in the West”.

Besides being artillery collectors, researchers and or reenactors we are also life long students and the well-researched articles have broadened our knowledge i.e. Jack Bell’s article delving further into period published articles on projectiles and Col. John Biemeck’s “Greek Fire” a topic we all know, but have little in depth knowledge.

Looking forward to the added contributions that will be brought on board by your new editor Larry Babits.

Bill Tracy Buttonwillow, Ca.

W anted

Civil War Artillery Implements, Sights, Fuzes, Tools and Projectiles

David Kornely ~ Collector

dkornely@ec.rr.com • (910) 540-6540

O

n a blustery chilly April morning the sounds of a Civil War cannon echoed through the hills around the United States Military Academy, West Point, N.Y. About 100 West Point cadets majoring in History were given an opportunity to see military demonstrations, arms displays and be trained on firing vintage military weapons. They not only were trained on the weapons but they were given the chance to meet living history reenactors who shared their stories about the people, their weapons and the histories they represented.

Our unit: the Sixth New York Independent Battery represents a Civil War Horse Artillery Battery. We are based out of Rahway, N.J., where the original unit was recruited. We were invited by the U.S.M.A History Department to train the cadets on the Model 1857 12-pounder smoothbore cannon (the Napoleon) cast by H.N. Hooper in 1863.

There are four immediate positions on a Napoleon; each cadet was assigned a position and a reenactor to guide them through the steps needed to fire the cannon. As cadets stepped up to their assigned positions they

learned to sponge, ram, worm, insert the charge, tend the vent and fire the piece. Safety precautions were explained and followed through with each team.

After the cadets trained for the day, the instructors and staff were invited to take a turn on the vintage weapons.

It was a memorable day for all. The Sixth N.Y. Ind. Btry. was given the great honor of being asked once again to return to West Point in 2017. If you are interested in learning more about our unit and the events we attend you can find us online at www.6thny.com.

Army West Point Cadets firing Civil War U.S. M1857 Napoleon Smoothbore Cannon. (Photo courtesy of U.S. Army by John Pellino/United States Military Academy/PAO) ArtillerymanMagazine.com

| Vol. 38, No. 3

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Walter Stalzer from Medford, N.Y. provided us with an small, unusual cannon and would like to know what is it? Please let us know if you have information on this gun. Email us at: mail@artillerymanmagazine.com

6

The Artilleryman

Charleston, S.C.—Fort Sumter-Fort Moultrie Trust’s biggest news in a while: Adopt-A-Cannon was funded—thanks to an anonymous $200,000 donation! Many individuals have contributed towards this conservation project to preserve the guns at Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter. The Trust recently received donations from the Roanoke Civil War Roundtable and the American Civil War Roundtable (UK) and the park was awarded Federal funds. What put the Trust

over the top was the game-changing gift from a local anonymous donor in honor of his father, a proud Citadel graduate.

Work began last fall on the first of eleven Parrott rifles and metal carriages to be treated by conservators from the Warren Lasch Conservation Center. The Lasch Lab is known internationally for its work on the Hunley and is the heart of the Clemson University Restoration Institute in North Charleston. Make a trip out to Fort

Sumter and you may just see conservators Chris McKenzie, Claire Achtyl and Justin Schwebler at work. The Trust is humbled and grateful for the generous gift that will see this longterm project to completion. The Fort Sumter-Fort Moultrie Trust is a 501(c) (3) charitable organization dedicated to preserving, protecting and utilizing Charleston’s National Parks for the common good. For more information about the Trust visit our website at www.FortSumterTrust.org.

WWI Field Cannon Model 1906

Civil War Deck Cannon

4.7-inch, with limber. Hard-to-find Northwestern Ordnance Co. Ready for easy restoration. U.S. Army’s standard medium field gun in 1917, with 60 in service. Production was increased when the U.S. entered WWI. Northwestern Ordnance Co. produced 98 more of them in Madison, WI during 1918. Limber has stamp on it that reads Rock Island Arsenal. $21,900 or reasonable offer.

We believe this to be one of the original six Ordnance rifles converted. No. 11 P.I.C 1861, 813 lbs. TTSL, complete with original U.S. base. Manufacturer: Phoenix Iron Co. Phoenixville, Pennsylvania, Model 1861. Maximum Range 1,830 yards. Barrel/Tube length 69 inches. Original Bore: 3 inches converted to 3.18 inches. This gun was altered to a breech loader at Fort Mackenzie, Wyoming. $17,000 or reasonable offer. (Source: Wayne Stark’s notes)

Located in California. Call Jeff for more information (916) 410-3993 (I will split the shipping cost)

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T

he technology shift to rifled projectiles was just underway at the beginning of the Civil War. The shift was intended to achieve greater accuracy, greater range, and more effective explosions of artillery projectiles. Designers of rifled artillery struggled with the challenges of cannon metallurgy and rifling designs, projectile design and weight, and sabot material and design. During this period, the older technology smoothbore cannon and projectiles remained in widespread use, with the 12-pounder smoothbore

U.S. 12-pounder case shot filled with lead case shot and asphaltum matrix that holds the contents in place. Courtesy the Lawrence E. Pawl collection.

8

The Artilleryman

projectiles continuing as the main Civil War workhouse artillery cannon and projectile.

This article highlights the results of a review of Executive Document 99 reports on Parrott, Hotchkiss, and Schenkl projectiles. It provides some surprising information regarding some calibers of rifled projectiles little known to the modern collecting community, including 4.62-inch Hotchkiss shells and 3.8 and 4.62-inch Schenkl shells. Other surprising data also surfaced that are described in this article.

The War Department continued to take deliveries after April 9, 1865.

Statistics on those deliveries are not included in this article.

Executive Document 991 identifies in detail the Union War Department’s purchases of cannon, artillery projectiles and other ordnance for the Union Army during the Civil War. The report does not include Union Navy purchases and manufacture, because the Navy Department was not part of the War Department. Executive

Document 99 also does not cover the production or use of Confederate projectiles or foreign-manufactured cannon and projectiles sold to Union states and to Confederate forces.

War Department purchases of cannon, projectiles, and other ordnance production provided critical support for the Union Army’s combat operations against Confederate troops and targets. Such production capabilities were a far more serious and continuing struggle for the Confederacy.

Intense competition (both private sector and governmental) was underway among the designers of rifled cannon and/or projectiles for both the Union Army and Navy throughout the War. Nonetheless, the utility of the 12-pounder cannon and projectiles during this transition to rifled projectiles led to them maintaining their dominant position through the War. The surprise in examining the Executive Document 99 data was to see that 12-pound shot was

Sales Of 12-Pounder Projectiles To The War Department Type

Shot

Shell

Case Shot

TOTAL

12-pdr.

Smoothbore

273,017

333,243

500,083

1,106,343

not the most commonly manufactured and used 12-pounder during the War. That title among smoothbores goes to 12-pounder case shot as shown in the table on the previous page.

The surprise was that 12-pounder case shot sales significantly exceeded both shot and shell. Case shot represented almost half the total 12-pounder sales to the War Department during the War.

Parrott and the West Point Foundry According to Executive Document 99, Parrott’s 2.9-inch and 3.0-inch rifled projectiles were not the most common rifled projectiles in a nominally single caliber purchased by the War Department but a close second.2 That title goes to the 3.0-inch Hotchkiss projectiles, which were used primarily in 3.0-inch Ordnance Rifles.3 Nonetheless, Parrott sold more rifled projectiles to the War Department than any other vendor—and numerous cannon as well. Parrott’s undocumented sales volume to the Union Navy would push his total sales even higher if recorded. However, it would not help Parrott’s ranking in the 2.9/3.0-inch rifled projectile category, because the Union Navy did not extensively use that caliber.

Parrott won favor with the War Department (and the Navy Department) with three salient characteristics of West Point Foundry operations under his leadership and management: • Parrott was the low-cost (or lowprice) producer. This characteristic kept the War Department and the Navy Department buying his cannon and projectiles, even when their deficiencies were well known.4 • He was able to respond quickly and with sizable volumes to the changing and sometimes urgent War Department and Navy Department needs during this

time of great experimentation and development.

• He enjoyed a unique position of trust. He was allowed to serve as the War Department’s inspector of cannon and projectiles when the War Department was unable to provide its own inspectors.

Based on known recoveries, Parrott also delivered rifled projectiles to the Union Navy in the following calibers —3.67-inch, 4.2-inch, 5.3-inch, 6.4inch, and 8.0-inch.

At the same time, Parrott was producing and selling a large number of rifled cannon to the War Department and the Navy Department. With the rapid development of technology, Parrott’s ability to develop larger caliber cannon quickly kept him on the leading edge of rifled cannon development and production. Even the Navy Department conceded they could not keep up with the development of heavy rifled cannon technology,10 leaving the field of large rifled cannon production almost exclusively to Parrott.11

Parrott’s manufacture and delivery of 2,938 cannon barrels of different calibers to the War and Navy Departments reflects an average delivery of two barrels per day every day for the duration of the war, in addition to the projectile deliveries of both Parrott and other projectiles. The details are shown in the table below.

Parrott Cannon Sales To The War & Navy Departments During The Civil War12 Caliber (in.)

2.9 3.0

3.313 3.67 4.2 5.3

War Department

276 279 334 391

6.4

233

10.0

42

8.0

TOTAL

Navy Department

— —

—

91

— 336 407 110 352 87

1,646

—

—

1,292

Parrott Projectile Deliveries To The War Department During The Civil War Caliber (in.)

Shot/Bolt5

Shell

Case Shot

Canister

TOTAL

2.9/3.0

9,108

338,975

180,250

32,490

560,823

4.2

36,587

140,912

28,740

9,840

216,079

3.67

Rifled 24-pdr.

(5.82)

30,255

149,404

68,204

15,780

263,643

6,933

11,326

2,268

—

20,527

Rifled 32-pdr.

(6.4)

4,562

14,131

1,513

—

20,206

Rifled 42-pdr.

(7.0)

23,5967

60,739

8,897

3,448

5,332

1,513

—

10,293

7,6998

23,586

3,298

—

34,583

100

150

—

250

6.46

8.0

10.0

1,285

12.0

9

TOTAL

123,573

5,066

749,621

— —

294,683

ArtillerymanMagazine.com

4,124

— 62,234

97,356

6,351

1,230,111

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It is significant to note that Parrott sold more 3.67-inch, 4.2-inch, and 6.4inch rifles to the War Department and the Navy Department than he did the 2.9/3.0-inch caliber, although fewer projectiles (except for the 6.4 and 4.2inch Parrotts sold to the Navy) were purchased for use in those calibers.

In the mega-sized cannon and projectile category, the first 8-inch Parrott rifle was manufactured and sold to the War Department in April 1862. Deliveries continued for several months after the War ended. General Gillmore used 8.0-inch Parrott rifles extensively in his operations against Charleston. The “Swamp Angel” was an 8-inch Parrott rifle, serial no. 6, weighing 16,577 pounds and dated 1862. It fired only 36 rounds before it burst. The “Parrott problem” was aggravated by the fact that the gun was set at an acute high angle (burst at 31° 30'). Gillmore also oversaw the use of a massive propellant charge (16 pounds) that exceeded Parrott limits in order for the projectiles to reach downtown Charleston 7,900 yards away (4.48 miles).

The first 10-inch Parrott rifle, also known as a 300-pounder, was delivered to the War Department in June 1863. The 10-inch Parrott rifle was only used by the Union Army and only in Charleston, S.C. The first one in use had its muzzle burst on the 27th round. It was cleaned up, and the gun continued to be used, however, on its 37th round, the cannon burst again and was scrapped. Based on period reports, other 10-inch Parrott rifles were subsequently used against Charleston.

Parrott continued to manufacture and deliver 10-inch Parrott rifles to the War Department for at least a year after the war ended.

Parrott resigned as Superintendent of the West Point Foundry in 1867 and died in 1877 at the age of 73. Changing demand and technology for iron and steel production negatively impacted the West Point Foundry and it went bankrupt in 1889.

10

The Artilleryman

The central office building located on the grounds of the West Point Foundry.

There is an iron plaque located beneath the circle with the embossed letters “OFFICE. 1861”.

West Point Foundry. Boring a 6.4-inch, 100-pounder Parrott rifle. The close lathe is turning down a burst breech reinforce.

Cannon boring machines at West Point Foundry. Note the trunnion lathe on the right.

West Point Foundry’s Test Range with a 10-inch, 300-pounder Parrott rifle on test stand with workers loading what appears to be a projectile. Note the machinist spirit level on top of the breech. West Point photographs courtesy of Paulson Brothers Ordnance.

Two different views of the Marsh Battery where the famous Swamp Angel, an 8-inch Parrott rifle, laid siege to downtown Charleston. The gun burst on its 36th round.

(Library of Congress)

Charleston, S.C. Located at Battery Strong this 10-inch, 300-pounder Parrott rifle burst at the muzzle when a shell exploded prematurely in the bore.

The rough, jagged muzzle was hand tooled to remove excess material and the gun was fired again.

(Library of Congress)

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11

Hotchkiss Hotchkiss & Sons14 of New York began manufacturing its projectiles early in the War. The first deliveries, in early September 1861, were in the 3.67-inch and 3.8-inch calibers, almost certainly for James rifles. Its first deliveries of 3.0-inch projectiles did not occur until February 1862.

During the course of the war, Hotchkiss, like Parrott, delivered a wide assortment of projectiles in different calibers, taking the prize for the largest volume of deliveries in a single caliber—the 3.0-inch Hotchkiss projectiles at more than 700,000.

The Hotchkiss projectile deliveries are shown in the table below: Hotchkiss projectile deliveries to the War Department continued for some months after the War, until late October 1865, all (with one exception) to fulfill orders from the War Department issued before the War was over.

The oddest post-war delivery (but ordered before the War ended) was for “13 shot, after General Gillmore’s plan,” ordered on Feb. 16, 1865, and delivered on July 26.

Several Hotchkiss sales to the War

Department appeared unusual and required some research into period cannon orders. First was the War Department order for more than 8,000 3.4-inch projectiles. It turns out that the War Department (not the Navy Department which used the 3.4-inch caliber extensively) ordered twelve 3.4-inch Wiard rifles in 1861. The War Department also ordered six 3.67-inch Wiard rifles in January 1862, although about 13 are known to have survived.

The Hotchkiss 3.4-inch projectiles were delivered to the War Department beginning in March 1862 and continued until January 1863. The 2.6-inch Hotchkiss projectiles were also for the 2.6-inch Wiard rifle; first deliveries of these were also March 1862, with last deliveries in September 1862.

The War Department ordered more than 11,000 3.5-inch Hotchkiss projectiles. The only known gun of the 3.5-inch caliber was the British-made 3.5-inch Blakely rifle, which is not known to have been sold to the U.S. Government. Hotchkiss began delivering these 3.5-inch projectiles in late 1863 and delivered them until early January 1865. One could assume that the Union Army captured enough

Hotchkiss Projectile Deliveries To The War Department During The Civil War Caliber (in.)

2.6

Shot/Bolt 2,405

2.9

—

3.0

15,000

3.5

—

3.4

900

3.67

7,266

3.8

10,466

4.0 4.2

288

4.5

TOTAL 12

668

—

41,493

The Artilleryman

Case Shot

Canister

TOTAL

17,069

—

2,658

22,132

3,650

—

2,040

5,690

200

8,036

379,55715

220,624

5,721

6,428

4,960

37,795 50,923

—

2,606

16

4,500

4.62 7.0

—

Shell

4,552

19,181 75,993 2,330 1,878 1,000

2,888

17

212

1,976

509,933

86,156 1,236 3,745

14,725 500

—

—

—

329,410

111,260

—

—

701,337 13,385 67,987

152,107 2,330 5,272

10,052 2,888 880

992,096

3.5-inch Blakely rifles and regarded them highly enough to use them extensively until almost the end of the War. There is no record in Executive Document 99 of the War Department purchasing 3.5-inch Hotchkiss bolts, even though a number of surviving bolts are known, including one in the author’s collection.

The delivery of 2,888 4.62-inch Hotchkiss shells presents another puzzle. They could have been ordered for use in any rifled 12-pounder, but there is no known record of its use by the rifled 12-pounder cannon. A careful review of the length and weight of the 4.62-inch Hotchkiss shells suggests that they were too heavy for standard rifled 12-pounder cannon. Until recently, there were no known surviving specimens of the 4.62-inch Hotchkiss shells. However, a recent posting by the author on the Bullet & Shell artillery forum resulting in four being identified—all presumed to have been the 4.5-inch caliber. Careful measurement with calipers was needed to determine that the diameter of the 4.62-inch shells was 4.52-inches on the shell and cup bodies and 4.54-inches on the sabots, too large for the 4.5-inch siege rifles.

The James rifled cannon design became obsolete early in the War, however, Hotchkiss delivered almost 68,000 3.67-inch18 and more than 150,000 3.80-inch projectiles throughout the War beginning in August 1861 and continuing through February 1865. This indicates that the 3.67-inch and the 3.8-inch James guns continued to be used until almost the end of the War, probably in the “western theater.”

Among the stories of competition between Hotchkiss and Parrott are the ones relating to the use of Hotchkiss projectiles in Parrott rifles. Parrott protested that the Hotchkiss projectiles could cause the Parrott rifles to burst because the lead sabots sealed the barrel too quickly, putting too much chamber pressure on the barrel. This would include not only the 3.0-inch

Parrott

Schenkl

Hotchkiss

2.9-inch, 10-pounder Parrott shell with a Type III brass sabot and zinc Parrott time fuze adapter. Length is 8.3 inches. For the 10-pounder Parrott Rifle. Recovered from Vicksburg, Miss. Courtesy the Paul Wohlford Collection.

3.0-inch Hotchkiss shell for the 3-inch Ordnance Rifle. Length is 6.8 inches, weighs 8.4 pounds with a brass Hotchkiss time fuze adapter. The sabot is a lead band or ring around the nose and base cup. Recovered from Spanish Fort, Ala. Courtesy the Thomas S. Dickey Sr. Collection at The Atlanta History Center.

3.0-inch Schenkl shell for the 3-inch Ordnance Rifle. Length is 9 inches. It has a brass Schenkl percussion fuze.

The papier-mâchÊ sabot is missing.

Non-excavated. Courtesy the Paul Wohlford Collection.

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13

and 3.67-inch Hotchkiss projectiles.

More to the point was the use of the 2.9-inch and 4.2-inch Hotchkiss projectiles in these exclusively Parrott cannon calibers. The only reason the War Department would have ordered Hotchkiss projectiles in these two calibers would have been for use in Parrott rifles. Given the numerous problems the War Department had with Parrott and the West Point Foundry, ordering Hotchkiss projectiles in those calibers would have sent a strong message to Parrott to fix the projectile and rifle problems the War Department complained about. Battlefield recoveries confirm that Hotchkiss projectiles were in fact used in Parrott rifles on a limited basis.19 The author does not know why Hotchkiss cast more than 2,330 4.0inch caliber case shot, a Navy rifle caliber. The War Department was not known for considering that caliber and had no known guns in that caliber, but ordered 2,330 shot in August 1864, which were delivered in October. The Dahlgren bronze 4.0-inch rifle was first put in service for the Union Navy in 1863.

The rarest of the surviving Hotchkiss projectiles sold to the War Department are the 4.0-inch case shot, and the 12-inch shells (the latter of which has only one known surviving specimen—in the Navy Yard collection).

Hotchkiss delivered a variety of projectiles to the Union Navy. Based on known recoveries, they include 3.4inch, 3.67-inch, 4.4-inch, 5.1-inch, 6.0inch, and 6.4-inch. The rarest surviving Navy specimens are the 6.0-inch and the 6.4-inch, the latter of which were probably only test specimens. However, both surviving specimens were recovered on major battlefields, not test ranges.

Hotchkiss & Sons continued to deliver rifled projectiles to the War Department for the Union Army until October 1865, including six 12.0-inch shells, which were used in testing the experimental 12-inch Dahlgren rifles, all of which burst and failed the tests after firing 15 to 30 bolts or shells.

After the War, Hotchkiss introduced smaller caliber guns and projectiles. However, the Union Army did not spend significant funds after the War, relying on the masses of leftover weapons and ammunition from the Civil War.

Schenkl Schenkl projectiles were manufactured by Cyrus Alger & Co., of Boston, Mass. Alger was manufacturing cannon and large smoothbore projectiles for the War Department at the same time.

The Schenkl projectiles represent the third largest volume of War Department purchases for the Union

Schenkl Projectile Deliveries To The War Department During The Civil War Caliber (in.)

Shot/Bolt

Shell

Case Shot20

3.0

—

96,375

70,750

3.8

500

32,300

1,100

3.67

1,810

4.2

292

4.5

402

4.62 7.0

600

TOTAL 14

57

3,661

The Artilleryman

16,766 8,180

67,614 4,595

—

225,830

6,520 2,792

17,304

— —

98,466

Canister

510

—

167,125

—

33,900

—

4,100 702

TOTAL

—

5,312

25,606 11,264 89,420 5,897 57

333,269

Army, although significantly fewer in number than either the Parrott or Hotchkiss projectiles.

Schenkl projectiles were regarded by both Union and Confederate forces as one of the most effective for three reasons: • Their design (front heavy) kept the projectile from tumbling in flight.

• The papier-mâché sabot virtually eliminated “friendly fire” casualties among the forward infantry troops.

• The Schenkl percussion fuze was considered among the most reliable to ensure a burst on impact.

Schenkls were significantly more expensive than Parrott and Hotchkiss shells. For example, the 3.0-inch Parrott shells cost $0.70 each, the Hotchkiss cost $1.00 each, and the Schenkls cost $2.40 each. The cost-driven logic kept the War Department focused on the low cost producers. The actual sales of Schenkl projectiles to the War Department are shown in the table bottom left.

Few 3.8-inch and 4.62-inch Schenkl shells are known to have survived.

This is probably the result of modern collectors incorrectly assuming that they are the 3.67-inch or 4.5-inch caliber.

It is clear from the statistics that Schenkl was the preferred projectile for use in the 4.5-inch siege rifle. This might have reflected the view that the 4.5-inch siege rifles would have been positioned further to the rear with a greater risk of “friendly fire” casualties from sabots cast off other types of projectiles early in flight.

Alger also sold Schenkl projectiles to the Navy Department. Battlefield recoveries confirm Navy purchases in the following calibers: 3.4-inch, 3.67inch, 4.0-inch, 4.2-inch, 4.4-inch, 5.1inch, 6.4-inch, and 8.0-inch.

Confederate regard for the Schenkl was so high that their arsenals also manufactured a number of Schenkl projectiles. Based on battlefield recoveries, they manufactured Schenkl shells in the 2.25-inch21 and

2.75-inch calibers and shells and bolts in the 3.67-inch caliber. Many of the 3.67-inch shell and bolt recoveries have been attributed to the Marshall Arsenal in Texas.

Endnotes: 1. This is the shorthand title of the reports submitted by the War Department to Congress in 1868 regarding the purchases of cannon, ordnance, projectiles, and small arms. It was officially named “40th Congress, 2d Session: House of Representatives, Executive Document Number 99”. Ironically, although tasked to do so, the Navy Department apparently did not submit a report on its manufacture and purchases as requested

by Congress (or their submission was lost).

Obviously, the manufacture and sale of projectiles to the Confederate government is not included in Executive Document 99 reports.

The data in these reports provided under Executive Document 99 were published in 2000 by Andrew Mowbray Publishers under the title of Civil War Arms Purchases and Deliveries.

2. There appears to be a problem in the War Department records submitted under Executive Document 99 identifying the purchase of 2.9-inch and 3.0-inch Parrott projectiles, with too few of the 3.0 projectiles identified, with perhaps too many reported 10-pounders (the usual 2.9-inch identification), since both were sold to the War Department at the same price. There appears to be no other source to verify the Executive Document 99 data.

3. 957 Ordnance Rifles were sold to the War Department; less than 600 2.9-inch and 3.0inch Parrott rifles (combined) were sold to the War Department and to New York and Pennsylvania (and probably Virginia on the eve of the War. 4. Eighty-six Parrott cannon barrels were documented to have burst while in use during the War (with another 18 indicated to have burst for other reasons), compared to only eight Dahlgren barrels bursting during use.

[Source: Report on Heavy Ordnance, 1869, by the Joint Committee on Ordnance] Union Navy Admiral Porter, commander of the Union attacks on Fort Fisher, complained that more of his men were killed by exploding Parrott rifles during the Fort Fisher battles than by Confederate projectiles. The Army and Navy both had continuing quality problems with Parrott cannon and projectiles, but purchases were never seriously curtailed.

5. In Executive Document 99, rifled “bolts” were reported as “shot.”

6. The Union Navy’s purchase and use of 6.4-inch and 8.0-inch Parrott projectiles probably exceeded the Army’s use in those calibers.

7. Executive Document 99 identified four types of Parrott 6.4-inch bolts provided to the War Department—wrought iron (177),

solid (16,824), hollow shot (1,511), and “shot” (4,636). The simple “shot” designation appears to be hollow shot as well, since they were priced the same as the hollow shot and less than the solid shot. Parrott did not separately identify several other types of bolts sold to the War Department including the chilled-nose, the flat top, and the steel top. He also identified 66 6.4-inch shells as “incendiary.”)

8. Parrott reported that 562 of the 8-inch bolts were hollow shot, and 139 were chilled nose.

9. The 12-inch Parrott and Hotchkiss projectiles were used in a test of experimental heavy rifled cannon—12-inch rifles bored from 15-inch Dahlgren gun blocks. All three cannon burst after brief firings. The cannon using the Parrott rifling burst on the 27th round; the gun using the Rodman rifling cracked badly on the 16th round; and the gun using the Atwater rifling burst on the 30th round.

10. Under Admiral Dahlgren in late 1861, the Navy Department had purchased and manufactured both 4.4-inch (50-pounder) Dahlgren rifles and 6.0-inch (80-pounder) Dahlgren rifles. After the battle at Roanoke Island in February 1862, most of these cannon were withdrawn from service. Later, they were briefly brought back into use (with much lighter projectiles) for only for a brief time in 1863 at Port Hudson and Vicksburg, when the Navy’s operational requirements for cannon exceeded the available Navy supply available to support nearly concurrent operations planned for operations against Charleston, Vicksburg, Mobile, and Port Hudson in the Spring and Summer of 1863. The War Department’s planned operations against the Confederates (which occurred at Gettysburg and Vicksburg) precluded them providing any cannon to meet the Navy’s needs.

11. This was not the case for smoothbore cannon and projectiles. Several companies competed effectively to design and build very large caliber smoothbore cannon. Among them, Rodman was actually the technology leader, having created the hollow casting technique that Dahlgren, his fiercest competitor, ultimately adopted.

12. Source: The Big Guns, by Olmstead, Stark &Tucker, published by the Museum Restoration Service, Bloomfield, Ontario, and Alexandra Bay NY, 2007. All cannon information in this article comes from that source.

13. Parrott has been documented to have manufactured and sold a number of 3.3-inch Parrott rifles. Documentation indicates that some were ordered by the Union Committee of New York and that Parrott solicited an order from Lt. Col. James Ripley, the Union Chief of Ordnance. Those surviving barrels have 12-groove right hand rifling [Source: The Big Guns]. Other information has been collected regarding at least some different 3.3-inch Parrott rifles. A number of them were recovered several decades ago buried in South Carolina. Of greater interest, only the Confederates manufactured projectiles

in the 3.3-inch caliber—the Archer, Read, and Selma shells and bolts. In addition, Stonewall Jackson (who in early 1861 was on the faculty at the Virginia Military Institute) was reported to have ordered several Parrott rifled cannon for testing in early 1861.

He was reported to have used them against Union forces in an early Civil War battle at Bethel Church in Virginia. The 3.3-inch Parrott rifles recovered in recent years reportedly have hook-slant rifling, a rifling type not favored by the Union War Department, but favored by a number of senior Confederate ordnance officers.

14. Hotchkiss & Sons manufactured virtually all Hotchkiss projectiles. Norman Wiard reported sales of 5,800 Hotchkiss shot, shell, and canister to the War Department in January 1862, as well as 240 rounds of some unspecified (but probably Hotchkiss) shells for proof and inspection. Other than the 12.0-inch shell (see page 254 of Bell, Civil War Heavy Explosive Ordnance), the largest known Hotchkiss projectile is the 7.0-inch caliber, but no surviving specimen is known to the author. Hotchkiss shipped less than 5,000 projectiles in several Parrott calibers.

Only two of the Navy’s 6.4-inch Hotchkiss projectiles (one bolt and one shell) are known to have been recovered, the bolt on the James River and the shell in Charleston.

15. Includes 9,320 3.0-inch combination-fuzed shells delivered late in the War. 16. Includes 48 combination-fuzed shells delivered late in the War. 17. Includes 612 combination-fuzed shells delivered late in the War. 18. Some of the 3.67-inch projectiles may have been intended for the Parrott rifles.

19. For the 3.0-inch and 3.67-inch Hotchkiss projectiles, this was determined by examining the rifling marks on Hotchkiss projectiles. For the 2.9-inch and 4.2-inch Hotchkiss projectiles the answer is simple—if fired, they were from a Parrott rifle.

20. Alger separately listed Schenkl “case shot” and “shrapnell” sales to the War Department. The distinction between the two is not clear. Other vendors to the War Department did not make that distinction.

21. The author does not accept the tentative identification by some of these 2.25-inch shells as Hardings. No other Hardings share either the shell or sabot design of these shells. Moreover, confirmed Harding recoveries have occurred only in the Charleston area, whereas these 2.25-inch C.S. Schenkls have been recovered in N.C. and Virginia.

Jack Bell is the author of Civil War Heavy Explosive Ordnance, a reference guide for collectors and curators on large artillery projectiles and mines. He is a long-time collector and researcher on Civil War artillery since first relic hunting with Tom Dickey in 1952. In his “other” life, Jack has served as a Marine in Vietnam, a private industry guy, and a senior executive in the Department of Defense and the State Department, with extensive work in Iraq and Afghanistan. Jack and his wife Gin live in Washington, D.C.

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O

ne of the little mysteries of the Civil War that has always intrigued me is the fate of the 30-pounder Parrott rifle the Union army employed to open the First Battle of Bull Run. It is well known that the Confederates captured it at the end of the battle and subsequently used it to harass shipping along the Potomac but, after that references to the gun were more elusive. Some missing pieces in the puzzle have recently come to light and the history of the gun widely known as “Long Tom” can now be more fully told.1 While some accounts represent it as a “32-pounder”, the gun was officially an Army M1861 30-pounder (4.2-inch caliber) Parrott rifle. U.S. Ordnance records show it as registry #2, foundry #293 (stamped on the right rimbase), and inspected by Robert Parker Parrott

2nd Lt. Peter C. Hains photographed near Fair Oaks, Va. in 1862.

(Library of Congress) 18

The Artilleryman

at the West Point Foundry on June 15, 1861. The tube alone weighed 4,190 pounds and was 11 feet in length.

Mounted on a number 2 siege carriage the total weight came to 3 tons. It took a team of ten horses to move it. With a charge of 3.25 pounds of mortar powder, it had a range of 4,800 yards at 15° elevation.2 This gun and a 250-man supporting detachment were placed under the command of a youthful 2nd Lieutenant, Peter C. Hains. Fresh from West Point’s Class of 1861, Hains was assigned to Co. G, 1st U.S. Artillery but temporarily attached to Captain J. Howard Carlisle’s Co. E, 2nd U.S. Artillery. Hains’ state-of-the-art weapon inspired confidence among the troops of Brigadier General Irvin McDowell’s Army of Northeastern Virginia as they ventured out of their camps around Washington on July 16, 1861 and headed for Manassas Junction.

Beyond Centreville, the narrow Warrenton Turnpike suspension bridge at Cub Run had to be braced to get the heavy gun across, causing some delay, but by dawn on July 21, Hains had his piece deployed in the middle of the pike a short distance east of the Stone Bridge over Bull Run. From this position the huge 30-pounder fired three shots in rapid succession. These first shots of the Battle of Bull Run initiated division commander Gen. Daniel Tyler’s diversionary demonstration at the Stone Bridge and, at the same time, served as a signal to launch Gen. McDowell’s planned flank attack two

miles upstream at Sudley Springs.3 One eyewitness recalled, “About half past six the youthful lieutenant of the thirty two pounder, who was coloring a big mershaum pipe, and who held it in his teeth while sighting his gun, opened the fight by sending thirty-two pounds of steel and shrapnel over on the other side of the creek; and well we watched its vicious mission, and descried its course by burning fuse, heard the explosion as it landed, saw the dust and smoke fade away, not knowing whether it hurt or not.”4 Capt.

Edward Porter Alexander, Confederate Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard’s signal officer, recorded the result of that first shot: “The Federals had brought one very heavy gun, for field service, a 30 lb. Parrot [sic] rifle they called ‘Long Tom.’ Long Tom was on the pike opposite Stone Bridge & opened the day with a shot at my little signal station near the Stone Bridge, & the shot went through the tent but hurt nobody.”5 Lt. Hains continued firing leisurely at intervals throughout the day as targets of opportunity appeared beyond Bull Run. By afternoon the fighting had shifted to Henry Hill and beyond view but Confederate batteries in the vicinity of the Lewis house, Portici, still occupied Hains’ attention. Late in the afternoon. Gen. McDowell rode up and personally ordered the young Lieutenant, “Get it out, get it out quick!” The Union army fled in great haste with Col. Joseph Kershaw’s 2nd S.C. Inf., Col. E.B.C. Cash’s 8th S. C. Inf., and two 6-pounder guns of Capt.

Delaware Kemper’s Alexandria Light

Artillery in pursuit. Two squadrons of Colonel Richard Radford’s 30th Va. Cav. also threatened the Union retreat along the turnpike from the south.

According to Hains, he managed to get his gun back across the flimsy Cub Run bridge before it became

impassible but, once across his team of horses strained in vain to move the ponderous beast up the opposite slope. While many sources credit Capt.

Del Kemper’s guns (Alexandria Light Artillery) with firing on the bridge and overturning a wagon which blocked

Photograph of Robert Parker Parrott (1804-1877). He was a graduate of West Point and later superintendent the West Point Foundry in Cold Spring, N.Y. Patent drawing is of Parrott’s Model 1861 Parrott rifle, United States Patent No. 33,401, dated Oct. 1, 1861.

the span, another source suggests the bridge collapsed under the weight of several artillery carriages trying to get across at the same time. Long Tom ended up amid the wreckage.6 In any case, Hains was forced to spike and abandon his gun at Cub Run. The Albemarle Light Horse led by Maj. John Scott was the first Confederate cavalry company on the scene and took possession of ten guns and other abandoned equipment at Cub Run, Long Tom being the largest prize. Although Hains later claimed that his ammunition train escaped, E.P. Alexander reported some 300 rounds of ammunition were captured with the gun.7 The following morning a member of the 4th S.C. Inf. surveyed the scene at Cub Run and later wrote, “I saw a lady’s hoopskirt hanging on Long Tom, the old cannon that was used by the Confederates during the balance of the war.”8 With the help of some S.C. infantry, Thomas Munford’s troop of Virginia cavalry subsequently recovered the guns at Cub Run and moved them to Manassas Junction where they were presented directly to President Jefferson Davis.

An article in Confederate Veteran Magazine notes that after the battle “the celebrated gun “Long Tom” was presented to General T.H. Holmes’ Brigade “for better service and execution on the Potomac.”9 Captain R.L. Walker’s Virginia Battery (Purcell Artillery), attached to Holmes’ Brigade, had already demonstrated their proficiency with six 10-pounder Parrott rifles that had been acquired by the state before secession. In late July and August 1861, Walker employed Long Tom at Marlborough Point and exchanged fire with U.S. Navy gunboats to draw attention away from shore batteries being built further upstream at Evansport, Shipping Point and Cockpit Point.

In correspondence to General Holmes on Aug. 22, 1861, Gen. Samuel Cooper remarked, “General Johnston reports that you had arranged with him when at Manassas to have the work

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constructed at Evansport immediately on your return, and that you selected for its armament five of the captured guns, viz, the 32-pounder and two small Parrott rifles and two 12-pounder howitzers, which he had sent to you a day or two after your interview with him.”10 On Sept.

9, 1861, Gen. Cooper notified Gen. Joseph E. Johnston that, “eight guns of the heaviest caliber, including the rifled gun taken at Manassas, will have arrived at Evansport this evening.”11 Serving with the Washington Mounted Artillery, a company belonging to Hampton’s S.C. Legion, Sergeant Wilmot W. Curry recorded in his diary on Sept. 20, 1861, “Today a detachment from the Washington Mounted Artillery was sent down to Freestone Point for the purpose of erecting a battery. The battery will contain the two rifled six-pounders from our battery and an eleven foot long thirty-pounder known as “Long Tom” which was captured at Manassas plains. It is a very handsome piece.”12 Curry noted that Long Tom was still manned by a detachment from Walker’s Purcell Artillery Battery.

Another article appearing in Confederate Veteran confirms that Long Tom was attached to Col. Wade Hampton’s battery, commanded by Capt. Stephen D. Lee, and was employed at Freestone Point (Leesylvania State Park today) in late Sept.

1861. “Capt. S.D. Lee’s battery occasionally engaged the Federal war vessels in the river, his best gun being “Long Tom,” a 32-pound rifle cannon captured from the Federals at Manassas.”13 Although U.S. Navy sources offer no corroboration, the Richmond Daily Dispatch for Nov. 7, 1861, asserted that Capt. Lee had sunk one of the ships of the Federal fleet with Long Tom.14 Federal accounts from this period acknowledge that they were on the receiving end of 30-pounder Parrott shells. After a lively exchange of fire between the ships of the Potomac Flotilla and the Confederate battery at Freestone Point on Sept. 25, 1861, the commander of the USS Jacob Bell 20

The Artilleryman

reported, “I judge from close observation, only three guns were in use…They are rifled guns and of long range, for I observed many of their shot striking close to the Maryland shore.”15 This action on the part of S.D. Lee’s battery was another deliberate attempt to draw U.S. Navy attention away from the batteries being constructed further downstream near Evansport. Those batteries eventually engaged vessels of the Potomac Flotilla for the first time on Oct. 15.

There can be little doubt that a 30-pounder Parrott rifle fired at a small schooner passing the battery at Shipping Point (Hospital Point on Quantico Marine Base today) on Oct. 17, 1861. The Parrott shell was reportedly recovered from in front of Mrs. Budd’s house on the Maryland side.16 On Oct. 30, 1861, Gen. Joseph Hooker reported from his headquarters near Budd’s Ferry, Md., “Lieutenant-Colonel Getty informs me that the rebels have one 30-pounder rifle piece and three of small

caliber; the former is supposed to be the one captured at Bull Run.”17 Gen. Hooker, however, was not impressed by the marksmanship of the Confederate gunners. Writing on Nov. 1, “The random shooting of the enemy renders it an adventure of comparative safety.

My observation is that they [Union ships] are as likely to be struck by lightning as by the rebel shot.” Elaborating further on Nov. 11, “They do fire wretchedly.

Whether it is owing to the projectiles or to the guns I am not informed. Several of the pieces are rifled, but they seem to throw more wildly, if possible, than the smoothbores. From what was witnessed to-day and on previous occasions, I am forced to the conclusion that the rebel batteries in this vicinity should not be a terror to any one.”18 Long Tom was evidently moved around to various emplacements along the Potomac during this period. Writing from Dumfries on Sept.

27, 1861, Col. Louis T. Wigfall of the 1st Texas Inf. mentioned, “The “Long

Professor Lowe’s military balloon near Gaines Mill, Va. Inflation of the balloon Intrepid to reconnoiter the Battle of Fair Oaks; Lowe, not visible in this image, is standing to the right of the balloon.

(Library of Congress)

Tom” is moved this morning farther down the river.”19 An article appearing in the Richmond Daily Dispatch, dated Oct. 21, 1861, noted that “Long Tom” had been mounted on Triplet’s Hill to bear upon the channel.20 A map later published in the New York Herald on March 17, 1862, shows Long Tom occupying

a fortification at the mouth of Chopawamsic Creek below Evansport.

Long Tom was not among the heavy guns abandoned and destroyed by the Confederates when they evacuated Northern Virginia and their Potomac River batteries on March 9, 1862, to consolidate their lines closer to

Richmond. Subsequent references to the gun being used during the Peninsula Campaign have been found. J.W. Lokey of the 20th Ga. Inf. recorded, “I noticed one day an observation balloon the Yanks had sent up...We had with us a 32 pdr rifle cannon, called “Long Tom,” which we had captured at the first battle of

Map from the March 17, 1862, edition of the New York Herald.

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Manassas. This gun was fired at the balloon which caused it to descend quickly.”21 A member of the 17th N.Y. Inf. corroborates the story: “Prof. Lowe, with his balloon, was stationed near our camp to make ascensions frequently and view the rebel works and the country about.

But the rebel gunners having noticed it took great delight in trying to hit the balloon. Although it was difficult to aim their pieces at an object so high, yet in a short time they made it lively to the one who occupied the balloon, as the shells seemed to explode all around it. Not only the danger of being hit himself but the danger of his balloon being hit, and the fall that would follow, made him feel like being “pulled down” at once.”22 Long Tom evidently took part in the Battle of Gaines Mill on June 27, 1862. Gen. John B. Magruder instructed Gen. William Nelson Pendleton to place “Long Tom” and all long range pieces he had in rear of Mrs. Christian’s place.23 According to Pendleton, “Arrangements to this end had already been made, and two powerful rifled pieces, under Captain Dabney, were on their way to the best place accessible, just below Mrs. Price’s…. The two large rifles, under Captain Dabney, being posted as far forward as practicable, and committed, with instructions, to the charge of Major Garnett, in due time opened upon the enemy across the stream; with what effect we could not determine.”24 General D.R. Jones later reported: “In the afternoon, from the top of Mrs. Price’s house I saw the enemy drawn up in great force across the Chickahominy, ready to meet the steadily advancing lines of General Longstreet’s command. So soon as the engagement began I directed Captain Dabney to open with his battery of one 32-pounder [30-pounder] Parrott gun, known as “Long Tom,” and one 18-pounder rifled gun upon the enemy’s flank….this fire was continued with the happiest effect until nightfall. It has since been reported to me that an officer captured from one of the enemy’s batteries stated that the fire from these guns was most disastrous.”25 Gen. Robert E. Lee ordered Gen. Pendleton on July 28, 1862, to join 22

The Artilleryman

Gen. D.H. Hill with his reserve batteries, including “the long 32-pounder” (Long Tom), on an expedition to old Fort Powhatan in an effort to cut off McClellan’s communications by the river.26 On the night of July 31, an assemblage of 41 Confederate guns took position under cover of darkness at Coggins Point opposite Harrison’s Landing. At 12:45 a.m. on Aug. 1 they opened an intense fire on Federal transports in the James River and McClellan’s camps on the opposite shore.

Long Tom was still under the immediate command of Capt. William J. Dabney in this action. The Union gunboats USS Jacob Bell and USS Morse eventually returned fire. The exchange ended by 2 a.m. During the fight a Union shell exploded near Long Tom, killing one cannoneer and wounding two others, but evidently causing no serious damage to the famous piece.27 In a letter written to his parents on Sept. 17, 1862, from Drewry’s Bluff on the James River, 1st Sgt. Charles F. Bahnson, Co. G, 2nd Bn. N.C. Inf., mentioned an artillery unit with two captured Federal guns camped nearby and stated, “One is the celebrated ‘Long

Tom’ of Manassas notoriety.”28 Corporal Tally Simpson of the 3rd S.C. Vol. wrote from Fredericksburg on Dec. 2, 1862, “The two big guns, Long Tom and Long Charlie, arrived here on the cars a day or two since.”29 Gen. Pendleton reported, “On the 29th [Nov. 1862] Lieutenant [W.F.] Anderson, of [H.N.] Ells’ battery, near Richmond, reported the arrival of men and horses with two 30-pounder Parrott guns, which on recommendation of the undersigned, the commanding general had ordered up to the lines.” However, Col. Henry C. Cabell, Chief of Artillery for McLaws’ Division, described both 30-pounder Parrotts as Richmond Manufactory guns. He also reported, “Both of the Richmond guns did good service, but exploded during the engagement.”30 This may well have been a case of mistaken identity on the part of Cpl. Simpson. Any similar gun could have easily been confused for the famed Long Tom.31 Writing to Gen. D.H. Hill in Goldsborough, N.C., on March 15, 1863, Gen. James Longstreet advised, “I can spare the Whitworth that I have here as soon as I can get “Long Tom” and

U.S. 30-pounder Parrott rifle guarding the Manassas National Battlefield Park’s Stone Bridge back in the late 1960s. The real Long Tom was never on the bridge during the battle. The area where it was actually deployed on July 21, 1861, remains beyond the park boundary. This gun was transferred to Fort Pulaski in 1973

“Charlie,” as they are called, in my battery at Fort Powhatan. I have established a battery at Fort Powhatan for the purpose of intercepting transports should they attempt to pass up James River.”32 On Jan. 5, 1864, Gen. W.H.C. Whiting in Wilmington, N.C., reported to Col. Josiah Gorgas as follows: “My 30-pounder Parrott burst yesterday fighting the enemy at Lockwood’s Folly, killing 1 man and wounding officer in

charge. It was at third fire. This is all the Parrott gun I have. Hurry the others. All the guns I have seen lately are defective; should be tested and examined. Send this to General Cooper.” In his relayed message to Gen. Samuel Cooper, dated Jan. 6, 1864, Gorgas wrote, “There are arms on the way to him [Whiting] and I have asked Colonel Stevens for the gun known as “Long Tom,” now on the defenses here.”33

General Whiting would have been familiar with Long Tom having previously commanded a brigade in support of the Confederate Potomac River batteries in 1861. On Dec. 17, 1864, Col. William Lamb, the commander at Fort Fisher, recorded the following in his diary: “Came down the river with General Whiting in the Cape Fear. The Long Tom rifle exploded in Battery Anderson last night. Went up to see it. The carriage

Country: CSA Name: Broun Diameter: 4.12 inches Bore Diameter: 4.20 inches Cannon: 30-Pounder Parrott Rifle Overall Length: 12.25 inches Weight: 25.2 pounds (empty) Construction: Shell Fusing System: Time Fuse Material: Wood Sabot Material: Copper Alloy Sabot Height: 1.45 inches Provenance: Petersburg, Va. This projectile is one type that the Confederates manufactured for the 30-pounder Parrott rifle. Diameter of the tapered fuse hole at the top is 1.42 inches. Sabot extends past the flat iron base of the shell. Shell has indentations in the cast iron below the copper sabot that are typical of Broun projectiles to help the sabot adhere to the shell. Width of the rifling impressions on the sabot from the groove in the cannon is 1.18 inches. This is the actual projectile in Abbot’s book, Fig. 56, Plate VI (drawing). Projectile courtesy West Point Museum Collections, U.S. Military Academy.

Gen. Henry L. Abbot wrote in his book Siege Artillery In The Campaigns Against Richmond“, on page 101, that “The first and most common system is Reed’s [Read’s], which closely resembles that of Parrott. The rotary motion is given by an expanding ring of soft metal attached to the base of the projectile-wrought iron, copper, and even lead being employed for this purpose, but no brass. The larger specimens are comparatively rare; eighteen out of twenty-six samples being for field and siege guns, for which it seems to be the preferred system. The plans for attach­ing the ring are numerous and well worthy of study.

The drawings show ten different devices, some very ingenious, and one (Fig. 56, Plate VI) decidedly more successful than that of Parrott. The projectile was often thrown into our batteries, and some captured samples were fired from a 30-pounder Parrott at the enemy. So far as we could judge, it was free from the three great faults to which this system is liable, viz., failing to take the grooves, throwing off the ring, and chipping off dangerous fragments from the base of the shell. The troublesome use of the cold chisel for starting the ring is also avoided. In my judgment, this pattern ought to be thoroughly tested with a view to use in our own service.“

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was torn to pieces and the gun was broken into over seven large pieces.”34 Many Parrott rifles met disastrous fates while in service. The stress of repeated firings would eventually cause the brittle cast iron tubes to fail despite their wrought iron reinforcing bands at the breech. Five heavy Parrotts burst on board U.S. Navy ships while attacking Fort Fisher in late Dec. 1864.35 Given the propensity of these guns to self-destruct and the fact that the Confederates tended to use a more potent powder charge, it is entirely plausible that Long Tom could have met such an end.

However, Col. Lamb may have been mistaken about the identity of the burst gun tube at Battery Anderson.

The Federals referred to the one-gun Battery Anderson on the coast north of Fort Fisher as the “Flag Pond Battery.”

It fell into Federal hands on Christmas Day, 1864. In a report dated Jan. 22, 1865, Rear-Admiral David Dixon Porter described it as, “a larger work put up by the rebels, in which was one 8-inch gun that had burst some time ago.”36 Adding to the prospect that Long Tom may have survived the war is a report dated March 2, 1865, in which Brig. Gen. Henry Abbot included a list of guns captured at Fort Fisher in January 1865. This list itemizes a “4.2-inch Parrott (No. 2)” having been recovered in good order.37 The possibility this may have been a Navy Model 30-pounder with registry number 2 must be considered but there is a good chance the tube in question may have

been Long Tom. Its significance as one of the pieces captured at First Bull Run may have been simply overlooked.

Only half the Army 30-pounder Parrotts produced can be found today and registry number 2, Long Tom, is not among the known survivors Whether fragments of Long Tom are buried in the sand at the site of Battery Anderson on Federal Point north of Fort Fisher or the obsolete tube was unceremoniously disposed of after the war as scrap iron remains a compelling mystery.

End Notes:

1. The author wishes to acknowledge and

thank Barrett Decker, Peter Frandsen, Harry Smeltzer (his blog, “Bull Runnings,” is well worth a visit by anyone

interested in First Bull Run), Lt. Col. Ron

Personal Recollections of General Edward Porter Alexander, (Chapel Hill, 1989), p. 50.

6. William Fitzhugh Randolph, “Closing Scenes of First Manassas,” Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. 23, p. 263.

7. Peter C. Hains, “The First Gun at Bull

Run,” Cosmopolitan Magazine, Vol. 51 (1911), pp. 388-400. Although Hains states

that his ammunition wagons escaped, E.P. Alexander notes the capture of ammuni-

tion in his report, O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 2, p. 571.

8. B.B. Breazeale, Co. J, 4th South Carolina Infantry at the First Battle of Manassas, (Manassas, 1912), pp. 24-25.

9. “An Interesting Record First Published,” Confederate Veteran Magazine, Vol. 3 (1895), p. 22.

10. O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 5, pp. 801-802

helped with this story.

12. Wilmot Walter Curry, Diary, (Center for

contributing important leads that have 2. C.S. Ordnance Bureau, The Field Manual for the Use of Officers on Ordnance Duty,

(Richmond, 1862), Dean S. Thomas reprint

(1984), p. 20. The table on p. 121 specifies a more robust charge of 3.5 lbs.

3. U.S. War Department, War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the

Union and Confederate Armies, Series 1, Vol. 2, pp. 362-367. Various times ranging

11. Ibid., p. 835.

American History, University of Texas), September 20, 1861.

13. John Coxe, “Bloody Night Affair at Colchester, Va.,” Confederate Veteran Magazine, Vol. 23 (1915), p. 168.

14. Richmond Daily Dispatch, Nov. 7, 1861,

15. U.S. War Department, The Official Records

of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, Series 1, Vol. 4, p. 690.

between 5:30 and 6:30 a.m. are given for

16. Ibid., p. 726.

gests that Capt. Carlisle personally fired

18. Ibid., pp. 638, 649.

the opening shots. Lt. Wilson’s report sugthe first shots and not Hains.

4. John Taylor, “The Story of a Battle,” Address to the Young Men’s Catholic Club,

Trenton, N.J., Dec. 11, 1893. (Copy from

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The Artilleryman

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Virginia State Library), p. 7.

5. Edward Porter Alexander, ed. Gary W.

17. O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 5, p. 633.

19. Ibid., p. 882.

20. “Bohemian,” Richmond Daily Dispatch, October 25, 1861 & Nov. 8, 1861. Triplet’s Hill is described as being on the left of the

road leading to Evansport. A map in the

Field Notes of S.S. Gause, 1st Ark. Regt., confirms that Triplet’s Hill overlooked

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the mouth of Quantico Creek. Today it is known as Geiger Ridge on Quantico Marine Base. Another battery emplacement

existed on “Rising Hill” overlooking Evansport, near the present site of Quantico’s Waller Hall.

21. J.W. Lokey, “My Experiences in the War

Between the States,” Confederate Veteran, Vol. 1 (2000), p. 26.

22. H.A. Dudley & A.M. Whaley, History of Company “K” of the 17th Regiment, N.Y.V.,

p. 2.

23. O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 11, Part 3, p.

689.

24. O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 11, Part 2, p.

535.

25. Ibid., p. 688.

26. Ibid., p. 936.

27. Ibid. pp. 940-946; O.R. (Navy), Series 1, Vol. 7, pp. 607, 713, 731.

28. Sarah Bahnson Chapman, ed., Bright and

Gloomy Days: The Civil War Correspondence of Captain Charles Frederick Bahnson,

a Moravian Confederate, (Knoxville, 2003),

p. (Letter to parents dated Drewry’s Bluff, Sept. 17th 1862.)

29. Richard Wright, ed., Far From Home: The

Wartime Letters of Dick and Tally Simpson, 3rd South Carolina Volunteers, Oxford University Press (1994), p. 161. “Long Charlie” is believed to be a 20-pounder Parrott captured during the Peninsula Campaign.

It may or may not be the same gun referred to elsewhere as an “18-pounder.”

30. O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 21, p. 587.

31. It must be acknowledged that the name

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32. O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 18, p. 920.

33. O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 33, p. 1066.

34. O.R. (Navy), Series 1, Vol. 11, p. 746.

35. O.R. (Navy), Series 1, Vol. 11, pp. 359-360.

36. Ibid. p. 270.

37. O.R. (Army), Series 1, Vol. 46, Part 1, p. 167.

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O

n February 24, 2017, Fort Macon State Park, Atlantic Beach, N.C. received an original Model 1861 “Confederate Rodman pattern” 10-inch Columbiad, which will be exhibited on its outer wall. The park is a unit of the N.C. Division of Parks and Recreation that features historic Fort Macon, a 19th century Third System fort guarding the entrance to Beaufort Harbor. The fort was built during 1826-34 and was garrisoned at times by army artillery units until the outbreak of the War Between the States. Confederate forces seized the fort and held it for a year until Union

forces under Maj. Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside besieged it during March and April, 1862. When the Confederate garrison refused to surrender, the fort was bombarded for eleven hours

by Union siege artillery on April 25, 1862, and forced to surrender after sustaining considerable damage. The Union used the fort for the rest of the war. During the remainder of the 19th century, it served as a U.S. Army garrison post and a prison. It was used for war again in both the Spanish-American War and World War II. The fort became a State Park in 1924 and receives over one million visitors

annually.

Of more than fifty cannons that once comprised Fort Macon’s original 19th century armament, all were apparently scrapped by the Army except two 10-inch siege mortars still in the fort. In recent years the park staff has been able to acquire examples of some types of cannons that once comprised the fort’s original armament. These include an original 6-pounder field gun and 32-pounder carronade, along with replica 30-pounder Parrott rifles, navy 32-pounders, and a Confederate Rodman pattern 8-inch Columbiad fabricated last year by Historical Ordnance

Left to right: John Fullwood, Coastal District Superintendent; Grant Johnson, park attendant; Randy Newman, park superintendent; Paul Branch; Jeff Jakubowski, maintenance; David Lewis, chief of maintenance; Glenn Dutton; Paul Terry, park ranger; Tanner Dutton; Kevin Bleck, park ranger; Rufus Perdue.

26

The Artilleryman

Works, Woodstock, Ga., which so far is the largest functional replica cannon of this period made in modern times for living history exhibit purposes.

On the park staff’s wish list, however, was to one day acquire an example of the largest cannon the fort originally possessed, a 10-inch Columbiad. During the War Between the States, the fort had two, one a prewar Model 1858 10-inch Columbiad mounted on its inner citadel; the other was a wartime Model 1861 Confederate Rodman pattern 10-inch Columbiad mounted on its outer wall. To somehow acquire an original 10-inch Columbiad someday of either model was a dream no one ever thought would come true. But come true it did. For the circumstances of how this came to be, we must backtrack to the year 1877.

In late February 1877, the schooner Philadelphia left Charleston, S.C., with a cargo of railroad iron and at least 26 Columbiads and seacoast guns from the former Confederate defenses of Charleston, all of which was destined to be melted down for scrap at Philadelphia. The schooner sank in bad weather off Murrell’s Inlet, S.C., and its cargo lay forgotten on the bottom for more than a century. Fortunately, Long Bay Salvage Company, LLC, acquired salvage rights to the wreck and began recovering the priceless cannon to restore and sell. For company owners Rufus Perdue and Glenn Dutton, it is a long, laborious process to extract a cannon weighing almost seven tons from the concreted mass of the wreck, lift it to the surface, and haul it to their conservation laboratory for the long process of preservation and desalination. So far they have been able to raise seven cannon.

The Fort Macon State Park staff had been aware of Long Bay’s salvage efforts for several years through the company’s agent and longtime friend of Fort Macon State Park, Mr. William Gorges, owner of Battleground Antiques/Civil War Shop of New Bern, N.C. Through the efforts of Mr. Gorges

and special funding from the N.C. Division of Parks and Recreation, the park was able to acquire the sixth cannon salvaged by Long Bay just after it completed the preservation process.

This cannon is a 10-inch Confederate Rodman pattern Columbiad, Number 1885, weighing 13,388 pounds, manufactured by the Tredegar Iron Works in Richmond, Va., on August 8, 1863. The gun was then sent to the Charleston defenses. On February 24, 2017, Long Bay delivered the cannon to Fort Macon State Park.

Fort Macon State Park plans to mount the cannon on a replica carriage at the south angle of its outer wall, the same location where the fort’s original 10-inch Columbiad once stood. The first Columbiad, Number 1316, was also made at Tredegar Iron Works sent to Fort Macon in January 1862.

Although it was apparently sold for scrap by the army long ago, the park will soon display its brother at the same spot. For the park, it is a dream come true to have an original 10-inch Columbiad, the same model from the same foundry as one the fort originally mounted in the 19th century.

Carefully secured gun as it arrived at the fort.

It took a large crane to lift this 13,388 pound cannon.

10-inch Tredegar Columbiad mounted on a temporary wooden platform now sits guarding the fort.

Glenn Dutton and Rufus Perdue carefully position the gun while being lowered.

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T

he illustrated breech sight still carries the original Bannerman’s price tag stating “Confederate Brass Cannon Sight Fort Caswell 5- “. It was purchased by a collector many years ago, with whom it remained until we were given the opportunity to purchase this rare artifact.

The sight is cast from what appears to be a brass alloy with a high copper content. This is consistent with other existing Civil War cannon sights of known Confederate manufacture. The 1861 U.S. Ordnance manual specifies that the breech site is to be constructed of sheet brass. The Ordnance manual also specifies dimensions for the M1844/41 24-pounder breech sight which do not correspond with the actual dimensions of this sight.

The sight consists of a vertical scale .23 inch thick, 1.19 inches wide and 15.75 inches high. The scale is graduated in degrees and minutes. It is set on a 1.25 inches wide, .375 inch thick curved base that would rest upon the breech of the gun. A slide is attached to the vertical piece has a notch

cut on its upper and lower edges though which aim is taken. The slide is locked at any point from 0 to 8 degrees by use of a thumbscrew. By viewing through the notch, the slide is used in conjunction with a front sight blade mounted at the highest point of the muzzle to obtain a sight picture.

It is interesting to note that at the 1865 capture of Fort Caswell there were no 24-pounder cannons inventoried in the fort itself, however there was one 24-pounder shown in the adjoining Battery Campbell which quite possibly could have been moved out of the Fort Caswell and into the battery position when it was constructed.

Map of Fort Caswell & Battery Campbell from the Atlas To Accompany The Official Records Of The Union And Confederate Armies, Plate 132, Figure 2.

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The Artilleryman

Sight from the reference collection of Historical Ordnance Works

Fixed non-excavated 24-pounder spherical ball fitted with a Bormann time fuse.

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N

orth Carolina’s coast provides many opportunities for shipping but makes defending the ports difficult. The Cape Fear River is one example because it has two mouths as well as associated small inlets. The Cape Fear is also navigable as far inland as Fayetteville, well beyond Wilmington. Defense of the Cape Fear began fairly early with works inside the mouths.

In 1825, the U.S. government enacted legislation authorizing works named Fort Caswell at the mouth of the Cape Fear. Construction of the fort on Oak Island went slowly due to funding, distance from supplies and shortages of labor. It was finally completed about 1838.

The planned initial armament was to consist of 70 guns, 8 howitzers or mortars, and 12 carronades. Ten years later, the plans called for seventy 24-pounders mounted en barbette to fire over the parapet, four ten-inch heavy mortars, two 10-inch light mortars, four 8-inch howitzers, with 100 rounds per gun. There is no documentary evidence that these cannon were ever mounted in the fort. When North Carolina authorities took over the fort in 1861, there were only two, 24-pounder cannon found in Fort Caswell.

During the Civil War, the fort underwent upgrading as Wilmington turned into a major, then the only, east coast port importing supplies for the Confederacy. Wilmington became so important that many other forts were built to protect the Cape Fear with the most famous being Fort Fisher.

When Fort Fisher fell on January 15, 1865, Fort Caswell was ordered evacuated. Some buildings were burned, the powder magazines were blown up, 30

The Artilleryman

and guns spiked. The garrison went upriver to Fort Anderson.

Union forces recorded the weaponry they captured at Fort Caswell.

Their report shows the fort greatly upgunned, reflecting its importance and the weapons technology that changed rapidly during the war. There were

Beauregard writes to Governor Pickens on April 17, 1861, regarding the guns proposed for Fort Caswell. Source: Army Official Records; Series 1 - Volume 51 (Part II), Page 14.

Map of Fort Caswell from the Atlas To Accompany The Official Records Of The Union And Confederate Armies, Plate 132, Figure 2.

four 32-pounder smoothbores, ten 10-inch Columbiads, two 9-inch Columbiads, three 8-inch Columbiads, one 150-pounder Armstrong rifle, one Parrott 20-pounder rifle, three rifled field pieces, plus three buried cannon.

These totals do not agree with map drawings that show five 32-pounders but they are probably more detailed as they represent an inventory.

One cannon in front of the old state house in Raleigh is said to have come from Fort Caswell. This is a banded and rifled 32-pounder. This gun is not reported as being at Fort Caswell but it may be the fifth 32-pounder shown on the fort map made by Union engineers.

Given the sight marked Fort Caswell, it is interesting that no captured cannon were 24-pounders. Even the two mentioned as being in the fort when it was taken over by the Confederates are gone. The two 24-pounders were replaced with heavier smoothbores and rifled artillery. The lack of 24-pounders after April 1861 suggests they were removed to other Cape

Fear forts when Fort Caswell was upgraded. That means this gun sight is probably an earlier, pre-war artifact from Fort Caswell.

Any information about Battery Campbell’s construction and armament installation and service would be greatly appreciated.

History, Competition & Camaraderie

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For more information visit us online at W W W. N - S S A .O R G

ArtillerymanMagazine.com

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Everyone is talking about The Annual Ohio Civil War Show which just celebrated its 40th year.

Over 4,000 people attended the show at the Richland County Fairgrounds in Mansfield, Ohio, on the first weekend in May. The crowds were heavy throughout the seven buildings on Saturday and steady on Sunday with people of all interests and ages. Exhibitors were pleased with the many guests, and die-hard history buffs were excited to see over 750 tables of rare memorabilia, weapons, books, prints, jewelry, sutler materials, many unique items, and educational displays.

W

hat makes this show so special and still thriving after 40 years, is a family’s passion and dedication for the love of history and keeping a dream alive. Donald B. Williams of Ashland, Ohio, started the Show with just 60 tables, nearly half of it being his own collection, in 1978. Don’s passion was to share his love of the Civil War and better educate history buffs and the general public with an opportunity to learn more about one of the most brutal wars ever fought. Today, his three children and their dedicated committee of family and close friends continue their father’s tradition. Managing this high-quality show, they are proud to say that respecting history is how they were raised. “This is what we do and what we enjoy doing. We hope to continue the Show for many, many years to come.”

The Ohio Civil War Show offered special outdoor features to educate and entertain the visitors. Guests enjoyed period music by Camp Chase Fife & Drum Corps and the 73rd OVI Regiment Band. An Abraham Lincoln interpreter presented the Gettysburg Address. Members of the Society of Civil War Surgeons performed a limb amputation on a wounded soldier. The Brigade of the American Revolution, along with Confederate and Union Civil War Infantry, fired weapons and marched perfectly in line as the cannons roared. Special Civil War and World War II Living History encampments showed visitors how soldiers survived living with very minimal accommodations.

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The artillery show added 25 years ago was a crowd favorite. It included eras from the Revolutionary War through World War II. This show is the only one of its kind in the United States. Visitors enjoyed seeing full-scale cannons, limbers, caisson, and artillery shells along with an eight cannon line. Reenactors took to the field in full dress to give an educational and entertaining reenactment of artillery firing. The guns sent flames and smoke bellowing out, rolling across the ground with a roar that won’t soon be forgotten.

In addition to celebrating Civil War history, the World War I and World War II exhibitors were added to the show due to the interest in our continuing history. German soldiers walked amongst the crowd and answered questions from guests who wanted to understand more about the other side. A rare encampment set-up within the large barn showed complete living quarters, uniforms, weapons, and ammunition. A WWII Willys Jeep was also on display and made for a great photo opportunity. WWII GI’s and German soldiers blank fired various military weapons in a demonstration of their capabilities. What a rare site to see!

Some exhibitors participated in a display competition, during which 18 dealers showcased their unique items with historical facts in an outstanding visual display. Award winners this year included Bill Combs for Best Memorabilia for his display “Aguinaldo’s Army Philippine Soldiers from Katipunan to the Revolutionary Republic.” Elizabeth Topping won Most Educational with a unique topic, “Civil War Effects of the Gentler Sex.” James Brenner received Best Arms for his Rifled Musket display “Miles Greenwood” while Richard Wolfe received Best Photographic Display for “West Virginia Surgeons, Hospital Stewards, and Nurses.” Tom McCrory took the Best GAR Outstanding Display entitled “Grand Army of the Republic Membership Badges 1866 – 1999.” Ken Baumann received Best Artillery for his rare “WWI Trench Mortars.” Ingrid Holzwarth received Best World Wars for a great story about “Genevieve Joins the WACS.” Two Judges Awards went to Steve Rigoni for “Oran Rowland’s 3rd Michigan Cavalry” and David Noe for his display covering “The Austrian 1842 Tubelock to Caplock” evolution. Finally, the 2017 Best of Show Award went to Matt Switlik for his rare artillery display entitled “Le Canonde 75.”

The Ohio Show is happy to have such a variety of quality displays for all to enjoy.

Make the Ohio Civil War Show your travel destination each year. Take a moment to step back in time. Mark your calendars for May 5 and 6, 2018. The show will be held at the same location, the Richland County Fairgrounds, in Mansfield, Ohio.

Visit us on Facebook – Ohio Civil War Show and find out more on www.ohiocivilwarshow.com.

Mark McConnell of Braddock Mountain Antique & Estate Sales in Frederick, Md., always has a large selection of unusual artillery items for sale at this show.

Revolutionary War reenactors fire a volley during one of many firing demonstrations held that weekend.

Numerous cannon and limbers parked for the festivities. It was a chance for the public to experience cannon fire.

Battery firing, from right to left, in 5 second intervals.

Note the hard to capture muzzle blast shot by the photographer on the second gun in. (Peggy Melton) ArtillerymanMagazine.com

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2017 Best of Show Award went to Matt Switlik for his rare artillery display entitled “Le Canonde 75.�

Mike Potucek of Whitworth Ordnance stands with his breech loading Whitworth 3-pounder.

This gun won the 600 yard long range artillery competition at Grayling in 2015 and again in 2016.

19th Ohio Light Artillery poise for a group shot during the event. They graciously took time to help with this issues cover shot. Left to right: Front row: Jeff Johnson,, Nancy Kelley, Rita Smith, David Brosko. Back row: Daniel Engle, Richard Fonner.

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The Artilleryman

A 3 pound zinc bolt cast for the Whitworth rifle.

Craftsman cannon maker, Dave Seedenburg, of Seed Artillery & Restoration, stands behind a reproduction Confederate 2.25-inch Mountain Rifle that he made with three groove rifling cut like the original tubes.

World War I Trench Mortars display by Ken Baumann, Milan, Mi. Carriage and cannon builder, Steve Cameron of Trail Rock Ordnance, stands in front of one of his period correct reproduction carriages.

Camp Chase Fife & Drum Corps entertained the crowds with period music.

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Beaufort Naval Armorers 252-726-5470 Artillery projectiles from Nick Periut’s table, Army Of Tennessee Relics.

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| Vol. 38, No. 3

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H

eavy artillery projectiles have been an interest of mine since visiting Fort Fisher, N.C., in the early 1970’s while serving in the Marines at Camp Lejeune. Throughout the years I purchased a representative projectile on occasion with a view of building a diminutive assortment of ordnance similar to those used by the Confederates in the fort and the Federal Navy that pounded the fort with over 40,000 rounds.

In early 2017, walking past the Union Drummer Boy in Gettysburg, I spied a projectile in the shop window that was larger than probable for the Gettysburg area. It turns out to be a 5.3-inch Parrott bolt. It was plain to see from its rusted and battered condition why at first it did not have much eye appeal, but it was a caliber of projectile utilized during the bombardment of Fort Fisher by the U.S. Navy.

I did more research on the projectile as well as the Parrott gun that fired it. I learned that rusty, beat up 60-pounder was very rare. Jack Bell’s scholarly work on heavy Civil War ordnance1 suggests less than 10 survived the war years. Moreover, Mr. Bell’s study indicated there were four guns of this caliber in the Union fleet shelling Fort Fisher. A few shells but no bolts have been found at that site. The only examples of the 60-pdr. Parrott bolt are from the West Point range. All known recoveries were the “chilled-nose” variety with the type II brass sabot.

My conclusion was the shell I have did not see Fort Fisher, but rather is a West Point “graduate.” In addition to missing its brass type II sabot and most of the supporting iron flange that 38

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retained that sabot, my poor bird lost most of its “nose” on impact with the range’s scattered boulders.

After returning to the shop to discuss the details of acquiring the bolt with proprietor Brendan Synnamon, it came home. Only then did I discover it could not stand upright without some support. Taking into account its age and condition, this rare veteran Parrott deserved upgrading.

It was not my intent to “restore” the bolt to its unfired state even if that were possible. With all respect to this rare projectile, I determined that it should retain its scars and injuries. The goal was to stabilize

the iron and provide support so it could stand alone. This accounts for using resurrected in the title because the original word “resurrection” in the Greek New Testament language (anastasis) means to “stand up“, hence the relevant meaning.

Three things can be learned by looking at the shell. First, upon firing, it took the Parrott’s rifling as evidenced by the damage acquired on the “chilled nose” indicating it struck front end first. Second, as is the case for many Parrott projectiles, the type II sabot was thrown off after leaving the bore. Last, the deep gash on the bolt’s side is on a slanting angle starting at the ogive and curving toward the rear. This damage demonstrates the bolt was still rotating with the speed the rifling imparted before throwing its sabot.

The mission in assisting the Parrott to stand on its own is as follows:

Figure 1.

Figure 2.

Figure 3.

Figure 1. Shows the bolt as purchased from the shop. It was then placed in an electrolysis tank.

Figure 2. Illustrates the wide adhesive tape used as a form to contain the epoxy used to replicate the sabot. The tape was firmly attached to the bolt sides to prevent the epoxy leaking beyond the area intended to be filled. The bolt was upended. Here I used a level along the projectile’s sides to ensure a flat plane for pouring.

Figure 3. Follow the epoxy mixing instructions. Mix the resin 1 ½ tea spoons of bright brass colored paint.

Both epoxy components are mixed together, again blending thoroughly.

Next pour the epoxy slowly and cautiously to avoid air bubbles. Cure time was about 18 hours.

Figure 4. After carefully removing the tape, trim any surplus epoxy.

Figure 5. Shows the finished bolt with scars, missing “chilled-nose” and replacement sabot. The 60-pdr. Parrott can now stand on its own.

Figure 6. Closeup of finished sabot.

Sources: 1. Bell, Jack, Civil War Heavy Explosive Ordnance-A Guide to Large Artillery Projectiles, Torpedoes, and Mines, University of North Texas Press, 2003., Pgs. 26, 27, 286, 287.

The replaced “sabot” on page 289 of Jack Bell’s book was the method used described in this article by the author of the above piece.

Ron has been a Civil War enthusiast since learning his great uncle served in the 130th. Pa. Vol. Inf. Living only 30 miles east of Gettysburg served to deepen his appreciation of all things Civil War. He has given talks at the York County Heritage Trust, Cumberland County Historical Society, Penn State/York Campus, civic groups, local public and private schools, on the strategy, equipment, and ordnance used at the Battle of Gettysburg.

Ron served in the U.S. Marine Corps during the 1972 Spring Offensive in Vietnam. Ron retired following 29 years as Chaplain in the York County Prison in York, Pa.

Figure 4.

Figure 5.

Figure 6.

Completed 60-pounder Parrott bolt added to the collection.

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F

rancois Girardey and his wife Maria Anna ventured to America in 1842. They came from Saint-Amarin, Department of Haut-Rhin in the southern part of the Alsace region of France. They lived along the Mozelle River, about 50 miles northwest of Basel, Switzerland.1 This region, fought over for centuries by France and Germany, was incorporated into France in 1684 and reconverted to Catholicism. It was a very prosperous region, culturally a mixture of French and German.

The Girardeys departed from LeHavre aboard the Herculean and arrived in New York, on June 21, 1842 (Figure 1). They brought their five children (Figure 2): Edward Joseph age 14, Isadore Phillipe age 12, Camille Eugene age 10, Marie Angelica age 8 and Victor Jean Baptiste age 4.2 From New York, they proceeded to Augusta, Ga., where they had family and friends. One of Francois’s sisters, Catherine and her husband Martin Frederick, had settled in Augusta during the early 1820s.

Francis, his name now Americanized, died in 1846 so Maria Anna and the family moved in with the Fredericks. Maria Anna died in 1855. Victor was only 16 at that time. Despite their parents deaths (Figure 3) and the separation of the four brothers, all were close, successful, and made a difference in their arenas of life. They are reviewed in order of their actions for the Confederacy.

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E

dward Joseph Girardey probably attended Richmond Academy in

Augusta, but was sent to France to finish his preliminary schooling.

He was naturalized in 1849 after

Figure 1. Herculean ship’s log June 21, 1842 with Girardey Family listed as aboard.

(Ancestry.com)

Figure 2. Listing of Maria Girardey and 5 children (Victor called Jean).

(Ancestry.com)

graduation from the Medical College of Georgia in Augusta. Now a doctor, he also ran the Lafayette Hotel, a billiard hall, a restaurant offering many fine delicacies and several saloons. Most of his business pursuits were managed by his brother, Isadore Girardey. He was quite active in the local Catholic Church of the Holy Trinity.3 Like many Augusta men, he was involved in military preparedness for problems they were sure would come. He joined the Richmond Hussars, “Augusta’s ‘bold, dashing but skillful’ cavalrymen” (Figure 4). The Hussars were a gallant and rather wealthy group. The expense of their equipment—a horse, saddle, bridle, uniform, saber, pistol and spurs— required a significant investment.

Their uniform was an army blue shirt trimmed with yellow; the trimming on the collar and sleeves distinguished

Figure 3. Magnolia Cemetery, Augusta-Richmond County Georgia, the site of burial of Francis Joseph & Maria Anne Girardey.

(Author’s photographs)

the wearer’s rank. The Hussars were also equipped with Sharps carbines and Sibley patent tents “which were white, house-like and very comfortable.” In 1861 their captain, Thomas P. Stovall, offered the company to the Confederate government just after the war began. They became a part of Gen. Thomas R.R. Cobb’s famous Georgia Legion.4 Unfortunately, Edward was severely injured by an accidental discharge of his pepperbox pistol May 11, 1859, and died May 18. He was preparing to serve the South, but fate intervened. (B. 1827; D. May 18, 1859).5

C

amille Eugene Girardey also may have attended the Richmond Academy. He was naturalized in 1853 and thereafter moved to New Orleans, La. There he started C.E. Girardey & Company, an auction house involved in the mercantile and slave trade. His younger brother, Victor, joined him in the business. Camille married Emma LeSueur, daughter of a well-known New Orleans family of French descent. Camille was a well known entrepreneur and community leader.

When war appeared certain, Camille was appointed lieutenant and aide to the governor of Louisiana on Nov. 24, 1860. On April 26, 1861, he enlisted in Company B, Nelligan’s 1st Louisiana Infantry. Company B. was an artillery company attached to the infantry regiment. For 12 months he was stationed in Norfolk, Va. He was well thought of by his men. He became captain of the Louisiana Guard

Figure 4. Letterhead of the Hussars from “Confederate City Augusta Georgia 1860-1865”.

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Artillery which in March of 1862, became known as Capt. C.E. Girardey’s Company, Louisiana Guard Artillery.6 Camille Girardey was in the process of developing plans for the building of gunboats in Europe.

On May 10, 1862, he requested a discharge to fulfill contracts to build these vessels. On July 28, 1862, his resignation was approved by Robert E. Lee and he was mustered out July 31, 1862. In March 1863 Camille was mentioned in correspondence between James D. Bulloch and Secretary of the Navy Stephen Mallory regarding the building of armor clad ships for the C.S.A. in France but no end result is identified or located to date.7 Camille Girardey reappeared on the scene in Augusta in 1864. There he convalesced at his brother Isadore’s home while on sick furlough from the Army of Tennessee. During his time in Augusta he set up an ice factory based upon a French patent. The ice was used exclusively for the hospitals and the sick. It was later written by a former Confederate soldier, “In those days it [ice] was priceless… and carried comfort to many a fevered bedside.” The ice works was on Greene Street near Wilde or Forysth streets. The factory produced 500-600 pounds per day in cylinders of ice that were 2 feet long and 5-6 inches in diameter. “Lucky was the well person who could manage to secure a piece three or four inches long.”8 An article in the Richmond, Va., Whig, July 7, 1864 documented the popularity of the process.

Richmond Whig, July 7, 1864. P. 3 c. 2 Home Manufactured Ice—Capt. Camille Girardey of Augusta, is manufacturing ice for the hospitals by means of a caloric acid gas and water, under the influence of steam and atmospheric pressure, in a machine invented by M. Carrie, of France. The machine is capable of producing one ton per day. It can also manufacture salt and some chemicals of importance. Capt. Girardey has secured 42

The Artilleryman

the patent right for the Confederacy, and intends it to be introduced into all the Southern cities.

In the fall of 1864, Camille was back in Confederate service. He was placed in command of a battery consisting of six captured cannons. It was called the Orleans Guard Battery A, and was also known as Girardey’s Battery. As Sherman’s army marched toward Savannah, the need to protect the Savannah-Charleston Rail Road, the main link between the cities, became a priority. Girardey’s Battery departed Augusta by train on Dec. 6, 1864, bound for a site close to Coosawhatchie and Pocataligo, S.C. They arrived in time to go into action on Dec. 9, 1864, to repulse a Federal movement against the Savannah–Charleston line. By Jan. 6, 1865, the battery consisted of 125 men armed with four 12-pounders and two Blakely guns.

Camille fought throughout the Carolina Campaign, occupying various fortifications at Charleston until the city’s evacuation. At the Battle of Averasboro, N.C., their two howitzers engaged the enemy until they were abandoned during the retreat. The battery surrendered with the army on April 26, 1865.9 After the war Camille Girardey initially returned to Augusta and ran his ice factory. Later, he and his family returned to New Orleans where he resumed operation of C.E. Girardey & Company. He remained active in the Catholic Church and, more particularly, the New Orleans Catholic Association which provided relief to all faiths during yellow fever epidemic. While he was one of the three fighting Girardey brothers, he was the least publicized though he was active throughout most of the War. (B. Dec. 16, 1831; D. April 22, 1889).

I

sadore Phillipe Girardey (Figure 5) was born Aug. 7, 1829, at Saint-Amarin in the Alsace region of France. He came to America with his parents in 1842

Figure 5.

Girardey.

Maj. Isadore Phillipe (Author’s Collection)

at age 12. After the family settled in Augusta, he was sent to France to finish his education. There he learned the confectionery business in its most artistic form. The young Frenchman, then 19, took over his uncle Martin Frederick’s confectionery business and managed several businesses of his older brother Edward.10 He married Martha McLemore Payne of Augusta in the 1850s.

Isadore joined the Washington Artillery, an Augusta volunteer company organized in 1854, and known as the Pride of Augusta. The group was composed of many naturalized foreigners with over a third of German descent.

He served as a lieutenant for several years and was commissioned captain in 1860. These men were generally opposed to secession, but once it appeared that war was inevitable, they volunteered their services to the State of Georgia. In November 1860, the group was presented with four brass 6-pounder cannon complete with caissons and limbers by Georgia Governor Joseph E. Brown.11 Abraham Lincoln was elected President on Nov. 6, 1860; South Carolina seceded from the Union on Dec. 20, 1860, and Georgia followed on Jan. 19, 1861. The same day Georgia’s Adjutant General Henry C. Wayne

telegraphed Girardey urging him to hold his battery in readiness. On Jan. 20, they demanded surrender of the U.S. Arsenal established in Augusta.

Fortunately, Capt. Arnold Elzey surrendered the Federal Arsenal to the Georgia troops on Jan. 24, 1861, approximately three months before the firing on Fort Sumter.12 One type of weapon confiscated at the Arsenal was the Mississippi Rifle.

The 1841 rifle (Figure 6) was so named due to its use during the war with Mexico. A Mississippi volunteer regiment led by Col. Jefferson Davis used these rifles. Two thousand Robbins and Lawrence Mississippi rifles were sent to the U.S. Arsenal in Augusta in 1860.13 These rifles were shipped to the Augusta Arsenal between 1858 and 1859. As one might imagine, there was a need for a uniform change once the war began.

When Alabama’s Leroy P. Walker, the Confederate secretary of war, requested an artillery unit to go to Pensacola, Fla., Governor Brown volunteered the Washington Artillery and on April 11, 1861, Girardey and his men were sent to join Brig. Gen. Braxton Bragg. Governor Brown

Figure 7. On June 22, 1861, Jay Dearborn Edwards photographed these men from the 9th Miss. Inf. at General Bragg’s Camp at Warrington opposite Fort Pickens, Pensacola, Fla. (Library of Congress) refused to allow the cannon to go with the troops. Without their cannon the Washington Artillery was converted to infantry in August 1861, and attached to the 1st Bn. Ga. Inf. After much consternation, an appeal was made to Confederate Vice President Alexander H. Stephens and on Jan. 10, 1862, the company received six cannon and was reconstituted as a battery.14 The conditions were quite primitive

Figure 6. The Clinch Rifles are reviewed on the Arsenal parade ground under Georgia’s Red Star flag. (“Confederate City Augusta Georgia 1860-1865”)

and Captain Girardey suffered with illness throughout his stay at Pensacola (Figure 7).

Learning of his illness, Mrs. Girardey suddenly appeared in the Confederate camp heavy with child and with three children in tow. Her presence did little to ease Isadore’s situation. In fact, it made it quite worse.

Girardey was able to return to Augusta with her on a leave of absence.

Upon his return to camp his condition improved. “In a tongue in cheek tribute to his wife, he later christened the Washington Artillery encampment as “Camp Regina,“ so named for the daughter his wife carried at the time of her visit.15 With the Federal invasion of central and western Tenn., some Confederate forces were moved to other fronts.

On March 8, 1862, the Washington Artillery departed for Mobile, Ala., and then by rail to Corinth, Miss. The Washington Artillery was attached to a brigade of a fellow Augustan, Brig.

Gen. John K. Jackson. On April 6, 1862, Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston launched a surprise attack on Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s Army of the Tennessee encamped at Pittsburg Landing (Shiloh) on the Tennessee River. Grant’s forces struggled but were able to rally.

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General Johnston was killed in action and the Southern troops came under the leadership of Gen. Pierre G.T. Beauregard who withdrew them to Corinth.

The Battle of Shiloh was the Washington Artillery’s first and only major battle. Jackson’s Brigade was posted at the extreme right of the second line of battle and did not take part in the initial assault. At 9 a.m. the morning of April 6, Girardey’s battery engaged in counter battery fire so devastating that afterward one of his men went to the place where the enemy battery was positioned and returned with its colors.16 On April 7, Girardey’s company again fought aggressively with several casualties. Girardey supported Brig. Gen. Patrick R. Cleburne on the Confederate left and engaged Federals in Cleburne’s rear. The Washington Figure 8. A 6.4-inch, rifled 32-pounder Harding shell (Glenn Dutton collection) with a Girardey fuse inserted into a wooden fuse plug but almost impossible to see in this photo.. (Jack Melton)

Figure 9. Non-excavated (left, from Mike Ward collection) and excavated Girardey percussion fuses. (Jack Melton) Artillery engaged the enemy without infantry support taking casualties and losing one cannon. After the battle, Gen. Beauregard requested that Girardey and his artillery help cover the Confederate retreat. Girardey and his men received high praise from General Beauregard, who commended them for their gallantry.17 There is a plaque in Shiloh National Park inscribed: C. S. Jackson’s (3D) Brigade, 17th Ala., 18th Ala., 19th Ala., 2nd Texas Girardey’s Georgia Battery, Withers’ (2D) Div. Bragg’s Corps, Army of the Mississippi.

Girardey did not fare well when in the field. His health deteriorated and when his 12-month enlistment expired he resigned. After his resignation, Isadore returned to Augusta as a hero.18 During his field service, Isadore had often voiced his concern about inferior cannon fuses utilized by the Confederate artillery. Like the other Girardeys, he had a talent for

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inventiveness and he began working on a new cannon fuse. The fuse tied a timed-fused projectile to a percussion shell. His fuse “consisted of a copper tube filled with a fulminate compound enclosed in a wooden or paper tapered sleeve. A small serrated knife blade with an anvil disk affixed to its upper end is inserted through a slot on the top of the tube. A tin crush cap protected the mechanism from moisture and accidental discharge.

When a Girardey fuse was impacted, the disk drove the serrated edges into the fulminate causing sparks which sent a flame into the shell’s bursting charge” (Figures 8 and 9).19 His fuse was accepted by Colonel Hypolite Oladowski, (Bragg’s Ordnance Chief), and later endorsed

by Col. George Washington Rains.

Isadore Girardey, still a captain, received a commission as assistant military storekeeper in the Ordnance Department. Here he was able to continue his research on the fuse while he resided with his family at home and filled the much needed role of

assistant to Colonel Rains.20 Colonel Rains was working diligently at the Confederate Powder Works in Augusta (Figures 10 and 11) which left his assistant, Isadore Girardey, responsible for records of the powder works and directing the government machine works which would finish over 130 cannon as well as gun carriages, caissons, field artillery limbers and battery wagons.

Figure 12. Augusta Arsenal, once the responsibility of Isadore Girardey, is now within the campus of Augusta State University.

(Author’s photograph)

Figure 10. Dedication sign on the obelisk chimney. (Author’s photograph) The sign reads: GEORGE WASHINGTON RAINS U.S.M.A.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL-ORDNANCE, C.S.A.

BREVET-MAJOR-U.S.A. CAPTAIN. 4TH ARTILLERY. WHO UNDER ALMOST INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES ERECTED, AND SUCCESSFULLY OPERATED THESE POWDER-WORKS A BULWARK OF THE BELEAGUERED CONFEDERACY.

Girardey was also responsible for the recently acquired Arsenal on the “Hill” (Figure 12) in Summerville, also known as the Sand Hills. The Arsenal was about six miles west of downtown Augusta.21 As one document stated, “the vast quantity of war material that passed through Girardey’s hands at the Arsenal nearly defies description—a simple list of all items used by the three branches of service might suffice.” Girardey maintained active correspondence with officers in Richmond County, Atlanta, Macon, Dalton, and Rome, Ga., Columbia and Charleston, S.C., Montgomery and Selma, Ala., Chattanooga, Tenn., Richmond, Va. and Jackson, Miss., just to name a few.22

Figure 11. All that remains of the Powder Works today is the 150 foot obelisk chimney tower. (Author’s photograph)

Late in the war, Captain Girardey was again called upon to command troops, this time to protect Augusta.

By mid-Dec. 1863, Rains also commanded some 20 militia companies.

Rains, aware he needed someone to put these troops in good order, recommended that Isadore be promoted to major. Major Girardey took charge of these men in Jan. 1864. His younger brother, Capt. Victor Girardey, assistant adjutant general on the staff of Maj. Gen. Ambrose Wright, was temporarily attached to Rains to help organize the local forces.23 He commanded the six companies of the Augusta Arsenal Battalion until Gen. Lee requested his return to duty with the Army of Northern Virginia in April, 1864.24 Major Girardey’s last war time service was in Augusta. In March 1865, he functioned as a courier between Maj. Gen. Pierce Manning Butler Young and Federal authorities in Savannah concerning transportation of displaced families of Confederate officers from Savannah to Augusta.

After the war, Girardey was a respected member of the Augusta community. Always proud of his French heritage, he founded the Societe’ Francaise in 1873 and on at least one occasion flew the tri-color French ensign from atop the opera house he owned. His popularity was evidenced by his 1872 honorary induction into the Hibernian Benevolent Society.25 He kept involved with his Confederate comrades-in-arms through his membership in the Confederate Survivors of Augusta. This society eventually became Camp 435 of the United Confederate Veterans. He died in Paducah, Ky., and was buried in Augusta’s Magnolia Cemetery beside his wife and the Payne family. (B. 1828 D. 1889) It is quite interesting to note that his burial site has no marker! The only marker on the Payne plot is for Anna, an 11 year old daughter of the Payne family with a cemetery card locating Isadore in the Payne plot.

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V

ictor Jean Baptiste Girardey was born June 26, 1837, in Hirsingue, Alsace, France.

He came to America with his family aboard the Herculean in December 1842. Victor was orphaned at the age of 16. He briefly lived with his family in the Augusta home of his uncle Martin Frederick.

Figure 13.

Victor J.B. Girardey.

Victor went to New Orleans to live with his brother Camille circa 1856.

There he completed his education and went to work as an auctioneer with C.E. Girardey and Company. While in New Orleans he met, and in 1858 married, Clotilde LeSueur, sister of Emma LeSueur, wife of his brother Camille. He was naturalized in New Orleans Oct. 20, 1859.26 Victor and his wife were residing in New Orleans at the time of Louisiana’s secession from the Union on Jan. 26, 1861.

Girardey was involved in the organization of the Louisiana Guard militia. He was appointed 1st lieutenant

by Louisiana, seemingly following the footsteps of his brother Camille.

In October 1861, he was listed as 1st Lieutenant and aide-de-camp to Gen. Albert Blanchard. Blanchard, a native of Charlestown, Mass., joined the Confederacy as colonel of the 1st La. Vols. and was promoted brigadier general in 1861. From there Girardey was attached to Gen. A.R. Wright’s Ga. Brigade and appointed assistant adjutant general.27 46

The Artilleryman

Victor fought in many battles with the Army of Northern Virginia during the remainder of his service.

During the Seven Days fighting— the culmination of the Peninsula Campaign—he served in Maj. Gen. Benjamin Huger’s Division which consisted of the brigades of Brig. Gens.

William Mahone, Ambrose R. Wright, Lewis A. Armistead and Robert Ransom Jr. He served directly under Wright.

After the battle of Oak Grove, Wright wrote, “I was greatly assisted throughout the entire days fight by my assistant adjutant-general, Captain V.J.B. Girardey, whose coolness, courage, and daring intrepidity throughout the hottest of the fight entitled him to receive the warmest commendations of the Department.”28 After the failure of McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign and the end of the Seven Days Battle of June 1862, Wright wrote in his report “I am again called upon to acknowledge the valuable services of my assistant adjutant-general, Captain V.J.B. Girardey, during the protracted movements of

my brigade.”29 During the Second Manassas Campaign, Colonel Walker, who commanded Wright’s Brigade, was wounded. Captain Girardey assumed command on the left two regiments while Captain C.H. Anderson, commanded the right two regiments (Figure 14).

Captain Anderson, in reporting the engagement said, “Great credit is due Captain V.J.B. Girardey, assistant adjutant-general who superintended the movements on the left of the brigade, and his gallant behavior nerved the weakest soldier to a full discharge of his duty.”30 On June 4, 1863, Victor was on a reconnaissance mission in the Fredericksburg area.

As he was leading skirmishers he had his horse shot out from under him. He was also reported as killed in action by the Augusta Daily Chronicle & Sentinel.31 On July 29, 1863, Victor Girardey filed for resignation for an unspecified family reason. He was granted a leave of absence instead. He proceeded to Augusta and was requested by his brother, Isadore, and Col. George

Figure 14. Ruins of Stone Bridge at Bull Run Creek; 2nd Battle of Bull Run or 2nd Manassas. March 1862, Captain Girardey assumes a command.

(Library of Congress)

Washington Rains to help organize the local Augusta forces to protect the vital facilities. He headed the six companies of Augusta Arsenal Battalion.

He wrote Brig. Gen. Samuel Cooper, the Confederate Army’s Adjutant and Inspector General, requesting duty in Augusta. When The decision was passed to Gen. Robert E. Lee who wrote, “In my opinion it would be a waste of service of such a man as Capt. Girardey to place him in such a position.”32 On April 5, 1864, Victor Girardey was ordered back to Virginia. Here he was transferred to Mahone’s Brigade.

In May 1864, he participated the battles of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania, distinguishing himself (Figure 15). On July 30, 1864, Union forces exploded a mine, blowing a gap in the Confederate defenses of Petersburg.

The Confederates quickly recovered and launched several counterattacks led by Brig. Gen. William Mahone Here, once again, Girardey distinguished himself by his performance and timing of Mahone’s counter attack after the Union Army’s mine exploded under the Confederate lines.

He calmly led two brigades to fill the gap caused by the explosion (Figure 16).33 The action prompted Victor to write his brother: Head Quarters Wright’s Brigade August 5, 1864 Since last I wrote you we have had another battle in which I had the honor to participate and escape uninjured owing I suppose to the fact of having a very hard head a ball struck me plump on the head & strange to say did not injure, except making me quite weak & faint for a while – you have heard of what a part of our Division has accomplished, only 3 Brigades retook the works held by two Yankee Corps & supported by another & slaughtered them like sheep. I never Yet have seen so many Yankees dead on the same space of ground. They acknowledged a loss of men 5000 – We captured about 1200 prisoners & 18 flags – Our Division has done all the

fighting For this Army at this point –since we have been here at Petersburg We have fought four (4) battles and never had more than three Brigades engaged at any one time. We have taken in three battles alone 19 pieces of Artillery, 29 stand of Colors, about 5000 stand of small Arms & about 3700 prisoners, 300 horses 50 wagons &

30 ambilance (sic). all this is exclusive of what we captured in the Campaign before reaching this point – this is doing very well – you have ere this heard of my promotion to Brigadier General, & at present in command of this Brigade – so you see I have at least gone up with a jump and trust I will stick – what do you think of

Figure 15. Kurz and Allison print Battle of the Wilderness—Desperate fight on the Orange C.H. Plank Road, near Todd’s Tavern, May 6th, 1864—Girardey served in Mahone’s Brigade.

(Library of Congress)

Figure 16. The Battle of the Crater during the Siege of Petersburg July 30, 1864— Girardey again distinguishes himself.

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your little Brother – no sarcasm. We also have other honors a pouring in and the Girardy boys-are come – If you can spare a little of your good old what You keep in your cellar, it would be very acceptable and, and no doubt add to comfort – very hot-& dry’ My last I wrote you in relation to your forges, send them – My love to Mother & Angy kiss the Children for me.

Your affection (ate) Bro (ther) Victor Remember me to the gals in the office -Tell Mac to hurrah In early July 1864, Brig. Gen. Wright became ill and had to leave his troops. After Wright’s absence of more than 30 days, Mahone wrote a lengthy letter to Gen. A.P. Hill recommending that Girardey be promoted to brigadier general Despite Samuel Cooper’s objections, Robert E. Lee stated, “I consider Captain Girardey one of our boldest & most energetic officers. He has been particularly efficient in the field.”34 On Aug. 3, 1864, he was promoted to brigadier general and given command of Wright’s Brigade to rank from July 30, 1864.

The Second Battle of Deep Bottom, (Figure 17) or Fussell’s Mill, began on Aug. 13, 1864. Deep Bottom is the colloquial name for an area in the James River in Henrico County 11 miles southeast of Richmond, Virginia. It is a horseshoe-shaped bend in the river known as Jones Neck. On August

Figure 17. Marker locating site of Deep Bottom Battle. located near Variana, Henrico County, Virginia.

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16th, the Union cavalrymen drove the Confederate forces as far as White’s Tavern but were eventually pushed back to Fisher’s Farm. Confederate Brig. Gen. John R. Chambliss was killed during the fighting.35 The Union 10th Corps had a successful day as Brig. Gen. Alfred H. Terry’s division attacked the Confederate lines. The fighting led to hand to hand combat, and without any support, Wright’s Brigade. Girardey, acting commander of Wright’s Brigade, attempted to rally his men.

With the colors of the 64th Ga. Inf. in his hands, and leading a charge, he fell with a mortal head wound. The young Confederate was dead at age 26.36 Girardey’s body was recovered by the Federals and returned through the lines. A Virginia funeral was planned but word was received that a brother was en route from Augusta to take the

Figure 18. Tombstone of Victor Jean Baptiste Girardey and his stone in the circle of Augusta’s brigadier generals.

(Author’s Photographs)

body home.37 His remains arrived on Aug. 26, 1864. Local troops formed in procession Aug. 27 for his funeral, first at Saint Patrick’s, then at City Cemetery (now Magnolia) Cemetery (Figure 18).

There is a “Circle of Honor” for the seven brigadier generals laid to rest in Magnolia with a plaque in the center honoring their memory.

Endnotes:

1. Family Documents 2. Log of ship Herculean, Port of New York, June 21, 1842 as found on Ancestry.com.

3. Family Documents 4. Corley, Confederate City Augusta, Georgia 1860-1865 (Spartanburg: The Reprint Co., 1995) p. 33.

5. Family Documents 6. Fold3.com, April 26, 1861, Company Muster Roll 7. Ibid, July 27, 1862 R.E. Lee’s response to resignation request “… Under the circumstances of the case, I recommend the acceptance of Captain Girardeys resignation. Signed R.E. Lee Gen.” 8. Dutcher, Memorial History of Augusta, Georgia from the close of the Eighteenth Century to the Present Time, New Index

by Cannon (Spartanburg: The Reprint Company, 1980).

9. Bragg, Ross, Blaker, Jacobe, and Savas, Never for the Want of Powder—The Confederate Powder Works in Augusta, Georgia, (Columbia: The University of South Carolina Press, 2007).

10. Family Documents 11. Brown, Augusta’s Pet Company The Washington Light Artillery, The Confederate Regimental History Series, (Clearwater: Eastern Digital Resources, 2001), p. 10.

12. Corley, op. cit., p. 36.

13. Murphy, Madaus, Confederate Rifles and Muskets – Infantry Small Arms Manufactured in the Southern Confederacy 1861-1865, (Newport Beach: Graphic Publishers, 1996) p. 342.

14. Brown, op. cit., p. 21.

15. Bragg, Ross, Blaker, Jacobe, Savis, op. cite. P. 115.

16. Cunningham, Shiloh and the Western Campaign of 1862, ed. Joiner and Smith, (New York: Savas Beatie, 2007), pp.

215-216.

17. Brown, op. cit., pp. 24-25.

18. Ibid, p. 28.

19. Jones, Artillery Fuses of the Civil War, (Alexandria: O’Donnell Publishing Co., 2001.) p. 65.

20. Bragg, Ross, Blaker, Jacobe, Savas, op.

cit., p. 221.

21. Rains, History of the Confederate Powder Works, a speech delivered by Rains, (Petersburg: Newburg Daily News Print, 1882). Found on www.freebooks.org.

22. Bragg, Ross, Blaker, Jacobe, Savas, op. cit., p. 218.

23. Fold3.com, April 5, 1864, Girardey ordered relieved from command of local troops at Augusta, Ga., and when relieved to report to Gen. R.E. Lee for duty with his Brigade.

24. Bragg, Ross, Blaker, Jacobe, Savas, op. cit., p. 243.

25. The Paducah Evening Sun, “The Demise of Maj. Girardey,“ (Paducah: 1898).

26. U.S. Naturalization Record Indexes, 1791-1992 (Indexed in World Archives Project) from the National Archives, Microfilm Serial: P2087: Microfilm roll:6, via Ancestry.com.

27. Warner, Generals in Grey, Lives of Confederate Commanders, (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1950), p. 27; and Fold3.com, October 12, 1861, “Appointed A.D.C. from La., rank 1st.

Lt.; to take rank same date, to report to Gen. Blanchard.”

28. Fold3.com, June 21, 1862, “Was Lieut. & A.D.C. to this date, when he was appointed Capt. and A.D.C. to Gen. Wright, comg. Blanchard’s 3rd Brig., Huger’s Division.”

29. Evans, ed., Confederate Military History: A Library of Confederate States History, vol. VI, (Atlanta: Confederate Publishing Co., 1899), pp. 420-421.

30. Ibid, p. 421.

31. Ibid.

32. Augusta Daily Chronicle and Sentinel, (4 June, 1863).

33. Fold3.com, op. cit., (April 5, 1864 letter).

34. Bernard, Battle of the Crater, July 30, 1864, (Richmond: Southern Historical Society Papers, 1890). Excerpts from a speech given in Petersburg, Va. & Sifakis, Stewart, Who Was Who in the Civil War, (New York: Facts on File, p 251).

35. Fold3.com, August 2, 1864, Letter from R.E. Lee. 36. Horn, The Petersburg Campaign – The Destruction of The Weldon Railroad, Deep Bottom, Globe Tavern, and Reams Station, August 14-25, 1864, 2nd edition, (Lynchburg: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1991).

A part of the Virginia Civil War Battles and Leaders Series, p. 26.

37. Ibid, p. 35.

Bibliography:

• Bernard, Comrade George S., “Battle of the Crater July 30, 1864.“ Southern Historical Society Papers Volume XVIII, Richmond, Va., January-December 1890. The excerpts from an Address delivered before the A.P. Hill Camp of

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

Confederate Veterans of Petersburg, Va. in that city on the June 24, 1890.

Bernard (1837-1912) was a lawyer and Confederate Veteran.

Bragg, C.L., Ross, Charles D., Blaker, Gordon A., Jacobe, Stephanie A.T., and Savas, Theodore P., Never for Want of Powder—The Confederate Powder Works in Augusta, Georgia, Columbia, South Carolina: The University of South Carolina Press, 2007.

Brown, Russell K., “Augusta’s Pet Company the Washington Light Artillery“, The Confederate Regimental History Series. Clearwater, South Carolina: Eastern Digital Resources, 2001.

Corley, Florence Fleming, Confederate City Augusta, Georgia 1860-1865, Published for the Richmond Historical Society. Spartanburg, South Carolina: The Reprint Company, Publishers, 1995.

Cunningham, O. Edward, Shiloh and the Western Campaign of 1862, edited by Gary D. Joiner and Timothy B. Smith.

New York: Savas Beatie, 2007.

Dutcher, Salem, Memorial History of Augusta, Georgia from the close of the Eighteenth Century to the Present Time. New Index by Margaret H. Cannon, Ph.D., Spartanburg South Carolina: The Reprint Company, 1980.

Evans, Clement Anselm Ed., Confederate Military History: A Library of Confederate States History. Written by distinguished Men of the South. Atlanta, Georgia: Confederate Publishing Co., 1899, vol.

VI. Found on Free Google Ebook.

Hazlett, James C., Olmstead, Edwin, and Parks, N. Hume, Field Artillery Pieces of the Civil War. Forward by Harold L. Peterson. Cranbury, New Jersey: Associated University Press, Inc., 1981.

Horn, John, The Petersburg Campaign The Destruction of The Weldon Railroad – Deep Bottom, Globe Tavern, And Reams Station August 14-25, 1864, a part of the Virginia Civil War Battles and Leaders Series 2nd Edition. Lynchburg, Virginia: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1991.

Jones, Charles H., Artillery Fuses of the Civil War. Photography and design by Mike O’Donnell. Alexandria, Virginia: O’Donnell Publishing Co., 2001.

Murphy, John and Madaus and Howard, Michael, Confederate Rifle and Muskets-Infantry Small Arms Manufactured in the Southern Confederacy 1861-1865. 1st edition, first Printing. Newport Beach, California: Graphic Publishers, 1996.

Rains, Col. (General) George W., History of the Confederate Powder Works.

An Address Delivered by Invitation before the Confederate Survivor’s Association, at its Fourth Annual Meeting, Memorial Day, April 26, 1882. The Newburgh Daily News

• • • •

Print, Newburgh, N.Y., April 26, 1882.

Located on http:www.freebooks.org/Books/ h/5448-history-of-the-confederatepowder-works Sifakis, Stewart, Who was Who in the Civil War, New York: Facts on File, 1988.

The Evening Sun, Paducah, Ky., September 22, 1898.

Warner, Ezra J., Generals in Gray Lives of Confederate Commanders. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1959.

Web Pages:

• Sifakis, Stewart, Compendium of C.S. Armies: Louisiana, found on http// w w w .acadiansingrey.com/ O r leans%20Gd.%Batt.htm • Fold3.com, “The world’s premier collection of original military documents”, http://www.Fold3.com • http://www. HMdb.org. The historical Marker Data Base

Acknowledgments: I would like to acknowledge Gordon Blaker, co-author of the book Never for Want of Powder—The Confederate Powder Works in Augusta, Georgia, for his able assistance. Gordon led me to C.E. Bragg, also a co-author of the Powder book. Dr. Bragg dedicated a chapter of this book to Isadore Girardey and shared many facts with me about the Girardey brothers. His research in the Augusta area was extremely professional and very helpful. Next in line is my tireless editor, Bill Baab of Augusta. Bill spent many hours correcting my grammar, sentence structure and punctuation. I would also like to acknowledge Jim Thomas of our local Sons of Confederate Veterans who urged me as well as Terry Wabnitz, a national genealogist for the Sons of Confederate Veterans, who was always there to help when I needed it. Jerry Murphy of Magnolia Cemetery in Augusta, Ga., provided great support in the location of family plots and helped with his guidance both via email and at Magnolia.

Finally I must recognize my wife Nan who tolerated all of the travel, book purchases, telephone calls and time alone while I prepared this material.

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I

t was interested to see the photos of the rare Clay projectiles that appeared in the Spring 2017 issue of The Artilleryman.

As noted in the description, for many years these bottle shaped projectiles were mistakenly identified by collectors as Armstrong shells. While both the early Armstrong projectile and the Clay used a lead jacket to engage the gun’s rifling, the only thing the 3-inch Clay gun shared with the Armstrong gun was that both were rifled breech-loaders. They both used breeches that closed via a hand-operated crank, linked to a screw that sealed the breech against escaping gases (obturation). That said, the Clay gun itself is considerably rarer than its few surviving rounds unearthed at the High Bridge recovery site in 1960.

The 3-inch Clay breech-loader was made by Lieut. Col. William Clay, Superintendent of the Mersey Steel and Iron Works located in Liverpool, England. Between 1862 and 1865, a few of these weapons were sold to the Confederacy and to Peru. They received no particular attention in Great Britain.

The Clay gun might best be characterized as ineffective, possibly unsafe, and, at least with respect to its loading arrangement, well ahead of its time. For the past 150 years the 50

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3-inch Clay wrought-iron gun barely garnered a footnote in the histories of artillery—either in this country, or in Britain. Indeed, a few years ago an expert on Victorian artillery was unable to identify the gun at all from photos.

So it is not too much to say that the Clay is one of the more under-studied and poorly documented 19th century weapons. For this reason it deserves attention.

I’ve included illustrations of its design taken from period publications, along with photos of the only known surviving example, and that is limited to the barrel, located in Chile. Interestingly, the Clay gun’s eccentric breech mechanism prefigures by three decades the so-called Nordenfelt-style breech, as used in the famed and highly successful French 75.

During the 1850s and 1860s, the Mercy Steel and Iron Works specialized in working large masses of forged wrought iron under huge hammers.

Among other things, they made solid forged iron crank shafts for ocean-going steamships. They were also one of the first English foundries to make steel. The Works fabricated two early “monster“ cannons.

The first of these, the so-called Horsfall gun, was made in 1856, just after the conclusion of the Crimean War (1853-1856). The forging took

seven weeks to complete and cost £3,500. This was a solid-forged and bored out smoothbore cannon with a 13-inch bore and a breech diameter of 44 inches. Weighing 52,864 pounds, the barrel had an overall length of 15 feet, 10 inches. This muzzle-loader fired a 282 pound spherical shot using 25 pounds of black powder. Its destructive power was unprecedented, as demonstrated by being the first gun to fully penetrate the Warrior pattern 4.5-inch thick plate armor at 200 yards. The gun was constructed with an exceptionally small windage of only eight one-hundredths of an inch.

It was graciously presented to the British government in 1856, provided it be used against the Russian enemy in Turkey. Since the war ended prior to its completion, that condition could not be met. When the government tested the Horsfall gun, every effort to burst it proved unsuccessful. Finally, the War Office lost interest and returned it to the Works where minor repairs were made to the wrought iron.

A somewhat smaller gun made by the Mersey Works was exhibited at the 1862 London Exhibition held at Kensington Gardens. It became known as the “Prince Alfred Gun” in honor of the British royal family member who happened to be visiting the Liverpool plant when the gun was being

constructed. This impressive forging was one of the most popular exhibits at the 1862 Exhibition. It had a bore of 10 inches, an overall length of ten feet, six inches, and weighed some 24,150 pounds. Unlike the Horsfall gun, this one was made as a hollow forging in one mass. It fired a spherical shot of 136 pounds. One major difficulty in working wrought iron of this size was the need to bring the entire barrel to a uniform high temperature for forging under the hammers. In the process of raising the temperature of the iron’s inner mass, so much heat had to be applied to the exterior for an extended time that it created burnt or crystallized iron that weakened its structure at such points. When the Exhibition closed its doors, Captain Blakely purchased the Prince Alfred Gun with the intention of shrinking steel bands around its exterior for testing its strength.

Also exhibited at the London show was the 3-inch (12-pounder) breech-loading field gun, whose projectiles are given on pages 30-31 in the Spring 2017 Artilleryman issue. In 1862 this same gun was purchased by at least two countries, the Confederacy and Peru, each acquiring two guns for evaluation. Although not quite as elegant as the eccentric design used in the French 75, it follows the same principle. This design is reported to have been first patented by H.F. Forbes in 1856, and later independently reinvented by Lieut. Col. William Clay, whose rank derived from his leadership of a Volunteer Force composed of workers from his company. The barrel itself weighed about one thousand pounds, and the gun’s field carriage and limber added another 2,500 pounds. Barrel length was just over 7 feet, but the rifled portion of the barrel was limited to 70 inches. In some period references, the barrel is described as “hammered steel,“ while most others call it wrought iron. Given the kinds of guns Clay was making at this time, it’s probably accurate to say that the barrel was made of rolled or

“puddled” iron, while the breech and trunnion ring were probably cast steel.

Rifling was 15 shallow rectangular groves. The powder charge was given as 1 ½ pounds.

The engraving below (Illus. A), one sees various elevations of the 3-inch Clay breech-loader. A description of the working of the breech is given as follows: “The breech-loading arrangement is effected as follows:--At the breech end, the gun is formed with a projection, or extra depth, on its lower side, to allow for the boring out of a circular screw-threaded bore or recess of much larger diameter than the bore of the gun, and with its center considerably below the center of the bore. Into this recess is screwed a cylindrical screw-threaded block or breech piece, B, which closes the bore of the piece when screwed home, but which has formed through it a cylindrical passage so placed that when the breech-piece is turned back through a portion of a revolution, this passage comes directly opposite to the bore of the piece, and allows of the charge being passed into the barrel. In the engraving, the breech-piece is shown in such a position that the charge may pass freely into

the barrel; when this has been done by turning the handle (shown on the breech piece) part round, the hole in the breech piece will be moved away from the bore of the gun, and the latter thus effectually closed On a close inspect of the engraving, it will be seen that a pin is inserted in the upper right hand end of the gun; this forms a stop for the handle to come against, and may be removed by loosening a thumb screw that nips it, when it is desired to screw the breech-piece entirely out of place for cleaning the parts.“ Lieut. Col. Clay claimed the following advantages for his gun: a) it was relatively inexpensive to make; b) it had a high rate of fire, in one test getting off as many as 18 rounds per minute; c) it had exceptional strength; and, d) it did not foul because the breech was completely covered when fired. Of these, the one that appears the most dubious is the second, rapidity of fire. Even the French 75, using fixed round ammunition, therefore obviating the need to load the projectile and the powder charge separately, had a sustained rate of fire less than half of what Clay stated his “bag gun” could achieve. Add to this the time to

Illus. A. This engraving shows the various elevations of the 3-inch Clay breech-loader. It was published in the July 1, 1861, issue of The Artizan (Vol. 19 - No. 223).

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return the gun to battery and re-lay it; it is difficult to understand how the Clay’s effective rate of fire could have exceeded more than 2 or 3 rounds per minute.

As shown with greater detail in Illus. B, the trunnions were formed in one piece with a cast hoop collar shrunk on the barrel. The collar itself was supported upon a strong bracket, which pivoted on top of the steel carriage. It had a tail-piece extending backward, where the extreme rear rested on a box bracket affixed to the top of the carriage’s trail. In the extremity of the tail-piece was a slot through which rose the point of a nut and bolt. Attached to the latter was a traverse screw worked by a small hand wheel. Turning the traverse crank permitted an unknown number of degrees of barrel movement to the left or right. A threaded elevating screw was positioned above the tailpiece, passing into a circular steel housing with projecting small hand spikes for raising or lowering the barrel. There was a small rectangular opening about 6 inches from the end of the breech, which received the end of the elevation bracket (Photo E). It was claimed that the elevating and

Illus. B. 52

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traversing arrangement was strong and effective, though on the field of battle perhaps less sturdy than it needed to be.

which the charge is loaded. By screwing up the plug half a turn, the solid part of it covers the end of the bore and sets closely against it. The breech is thus opened by one movement, and the parts, though large, are simple; but the obvious defect is the difficulty of applying a suitable gas-check.”

Photo E. The authority of all things relating to artillery from this period is the American engineer, Alexander Lyman Holley (1832-1882). In his book titled A Treatise of Ordnance and Armor (1865), Holley briefly comments on the Clay gun: (see Illus. C) “Fig. 362 shows the apparatus patented

by Lieutenant-Colonel Clay, of the Mersey Steel and Iron Co., Liverpool. One side of the breech is enlarged to receive a screwplug, A, a little over twice the diameter of the bore. A hole, C, in the plug, forms, when the latter is unscrewed half s turn, a continuation of the bore, D, through

Illus. C. While no contemporary writer comments on the Clay as being a “dirty” gun, it was common for most breech-loaders to leak somewhat.

Looking at the design, fouling would tend to build up on the threaded exterior of the breech-plug.

With respect to the gun’s mounting, there are two carriage designs given in period publications. The first, which appears flimsy and unattractive, is made entirely of steel, including agriculture-like wheels, as shown in Illus. A & B. The second (Illus. D) is wood and based somewhat on a British 9-pounder carriage. This drawing is taken from The Illustrated London News (No. 1126 – Vol. XL, January 11, 1862, pg. 56). Elsewhere we are informed that the wheels were 4 feet, 10 inches in diameter. It is not known

Illus. D.

when the Confederacy acquired its Clay guns, but it probably occurred in 1862. Following the war, we know that comments on the Clay’s performance were made by General Edward Porter Alexander, who served as Chief of Artillery, Army of Northern Virginia.

Alexander’s commentary reads as follows: “Clay was a breech-loader and was called an improvement on the breech-loading Armstrong which was manufactured for the English government and could not be obtained. It’s grooving and projectiles were very similar to the breech-loading Armstrong and its breech-loading arrangements appeared simpler and of greater strength. On trial, however, it failed in every particular. Every projectile fired “tumbled” and fell nearer the gun than the target and at the seventh round the solid breech piece was cracked through and the gun disabled.”

There is an invoice for repairing of a breech-loading rifle from Samson & Pae, a well-regarded Richmond-based machinist firm dated June 1862. The invoice is for the replacement of the Clay’s breech-plug. But instead of being cast steel, it was bronze. In all likelihood this is for the same piece that Alexander claims “cracked“ after its seventh round. Disposition of the second gun is unknown.

In Artillery and Ammunition of the Civil War (1970) Ripley adds that General Alexander was not the only Southerner with a low opinion of the Clay, quoting an 1861 letter in which Huse writes that he heard the North purchased some Clay breech-loaders “... at enormous prices. From accounts I have heard of them and from a cursory inspection of one, I should think the men about the breech would stand a little better chance than the enemy, but the difference would be slight. I am told they were invoiced as Armstrong guns. The true Armstrong cannot be had. I think, however, that they can be manufactured from the drawing which I shall send...“ If indeed any Clay 12-pounders were purchased

by the Union they have not been located. Nor is there any evidence the Confederacy attempted to build Armstrong guns. It also raises the question that, if Huse thought poorly of the Clay gun, why did the Confederacy acquire two in the following year?

In Ed Olmstead et al.’s The Big Guns (1997) one finds sketchy information (Appendix D26) about a Clay at Watervliet Arsenal. Some years ago I queried the museum director about this gun and he conducted a thorough search of the Arsenal’s records but was unable to find any evidence that a Clay gun had ever been owned by Watervliet.

In James C. Hazlett et al Field Artillery Weapons of the Civil War (2nd. ed.

1988), we are told that the West Point Military Academy’s 1914 Catalogue describes “Trophy Number 189“ as: “3-inch Clay wrought-iron breechloading rifled field gun, captured at Danville, Virginia, April 27, 1865.

Patented by Lieutenant Colonel Clay of the Mersey Steel and Iron Company, Liverpool, England.“ Hazlett remarks that the gun is no longer available for study since it was scrapped during a World War II metal drive. Given there was no shortage of iron in this country before, during, or after WWII, it is distressing to think that this unusual piece, and who knows whatever other treasures, were

thrown into the melting pot for the appearance of patriotism While Alexander criticizes the poor performance of the Clay gun as a shooter, at least one other writer claimed it was also a dangerous gun.

In an article titled “Artillery: Past, Present, and to Come“ published in the Dublin University Magazine (Feb. 1861 - pg. 222), one finds the following note: “Not long ago the Russian Government ordered a cannon from the Mersey Steel and Iron Company: “The cannon was rifled like Armstrong’s, and breech loading on Clay’s plan. The Grand Duke Michael went in person to see practice from it on its arrival at St. Petersburg (or rather Cronstadt), believing it to have been thoroughly tested; it burst at the third round, killing one man and the Duke’s two horses. This should be known, but I do not like to write it in my own name, though I can vouch for the truth of it.”

The photos were taken by the author in Santiago, Chile, in November 2008. Photo A shows views of the top and bottom of the barrel. Photo B shows the rear of the breech, including in Photo C the heavy threads of the breech plug. Photo D shows the eccentric form of the breech end of the barrel. Photo E represents the bottom view of the breech where the rectangular hole into which the elevation bracket is inserted.

Photo A. Top and bottom of the tube.

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Photo B. Rear of the breech.

Photo C shows the heavy threads of the breech plug.

This weapon was one of two Clays purchased by Peru, probably in 1863 or 1864. It and another were used at the Battle of San Juan (January 13, 1881) during the War of the Pacific (1879-1883). In the after-action report prepared by Peruvian Colonel Panizo, Chief of Coast Artillery, we are told that at the start of the battle one of his Clay guns had been put out of action in the first minutes of the battle. An armorer worked on it, along with a disabled Nordenfelt machine-gun, but could not fix either gun in the field.

Meanwhile, Panizo’s second Clay gun was put out of order and the barrel had to be relocated to the carriage of the first disabled gun.

In this battle the Clay guns were of no use, with the second gun suffering from a carriage failure of some sort.

During this engagement the Peruvi-

ans lost their Clay guns. Later they lost the war and paid handsomely for that defeat.

It should be noted that the gun turned up in Chile because almost all Peruvian artillery was carted off to Chile following the war. To this day one finds Peruvian field artillery sitting in front of many Carabineros (national police) offices throughout Chile.

By the time my collector friends came across the gun about ten years ago, it had been remounted on a seriously ugly farm carriage and a peculiar appendage had been added to the breech perhaps to allow the gun to be fired as a noise-maker.

In summary, the 3-inch Clay field gun, while incorporating several novel features, did not make a good record for itself in the service of the Confederacy or Peru.

Photo D shows the eccentric form of the breech end of the barrel. The vent can be seen on top of the breech.

Above two muzzle views showing the unique rifling.

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The collectors who discovered the gun: Sr. Francisco PĂŠrez and Sr. Gilles Galte.

News from the U.S. Army Artillery Museum The museum’s new addition continues to creep towards completion with basically only the addition of a second condenser to the HVAC system being required.

We hope to have the addition ready for exhibits this summer.

The centennial of the U.S. entry into the First World War begins on April 6; we have been continuing to add to our interpretation of artillery in the “Great War.” This quarter we added three new flipbooks, two of them for children; National Geographic’s’ “Everything about World War I”, “The True Story of Winnie-thePooh,” and “In Flanders Fields” about the war’s most famous poem. We also installed a large color map of the American Expeditionary Force (AEF) done in 1932.

Coming soon are two German artillery uniforms and an exhibit on gas warfare.

Thanks to a great donation by Stan Hurt we now have a Civil War artillery officer’s kepi to join the frock coat in the Civil War uniform case. This private purchase kepi was worn by Captain John S. Stevenson of the 3rd Pennsylvania Heavy Artillery.

This quarter we received the donation of a large group of 1/35 scale dioramas depicting artillery pieces in the museum’s collection from the family of the late LTC Douglas Converse. LTC Converse was an avid scale model builder and creator of large and impressive dioramas.

We added chain shot and bar shot to the British 24-pdr. gun case to show examples of other types of Revolutionary War ammunition. These two projectiles were primarily used to destroy the rigging of enemy warships.

Last, but certainly not least, we installed a new wall case for the Order of Molly Pitcher in the Central Gallery just below the Don Troiani print of Molly Pitcher at the Battle of Monmouth. This order is presented to the spouses of Field Artillerymen and women for great service to the branch.

Gordon A. Blaker Director/Curator U.S. Army Artillery Museum 238 Randolph Road, Fort Sill, OK 73503 Phone: (580) 442-1819 http://sill-www.army.mil/FAMuseum Gordon.a.blaker.civ@mail.mil

Capt. John S. Stevenson’s 3rd Pennsylvania Heavy Artillery kepi.

24-pdr. Chain-shot.

Bar-shot from Crown Point.

“In Flanders Field“ flipbook.

Converse diorama of the German 17cm gun in action.

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H

ow many Confederate generals were killed in action? Fifty.

How many Confederate chaplains lost their lives in the service?

Forty-one.

How many Episcopal bishops who were also Confederate generals were killed during the war? One: Leonidas Polk, who lost his life June 14, 1864.

Polk was born in North Carolina in 1810. West Pointer, Episcopal priest, planter, and bishop of Louisiana, he was appointed major general at the start of the war by his friend Jefferson Davis. Leaving the capitol after meeting with the president, someone called out, “What! you, a bishop, throw off the gown for the sword!” to which Polk answered, “No, sir, I buckle the sword over the gown.”

Polk commanded troops in the Mississippi Valley that eventually became part of the Army of Tennessee.

He served as corps commander under Bragg, and was promoted to lieutenant general in October 1862. Sent to Mississippi after Chickamauga, Polk returned to the Army of Tennessee in May 1864, leading a corps under Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, then in north Georgia.

By mid-June, the Confederates had fallen back before Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman’s forces to north of Kennesaw Mountain, some twenty miles from Atlanta. About 11 a.m. on the morning of the 14th, Gen. Johnston, Polk and Lt. Gen. William J. Hardee 56

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were atop Pine Mountain, surveying the Federal position below. Capt. Rene Beauregard—son of the famed Creole general—commanded an artillery battery dug in on the mountaintop. Infantry support came from the Florida brigade of Col. William S. Dilworth.

Dilworth warned the officers that the enemy artillery had their range and to watch out.

Sure enough, down below, Gen. Sherman himself spotted the officers atop Pine Mountain and ordered nearby guns to fire a few salvos. The Fifth Indiana Battery Light Artillery, commanded by Lt. Alfred Morrison, opened up, sending 3-inch caliber Hotchkiss projectiles toward the top of Pine Mountain.

Dilworth was pointing out the Yankee lines when things got hot. “I had scarcely got down from the parapet when a solid shot from the ene-

Leonidas Polk (1810-1864), photographed as Episcopal Bishop.

(Library of Congress)

Fifth Indiana Battery Light Artillery’s cannon emplacements where the fatal shot was fired from on June 14, 1864.

(Jack Melton)

my’s battery came over our heads,” Dilworth remembered. He urged the generals to move back from the crest.

Hardee did so, joining Col. William D. Gale, Polk’s son-in-law and ADC. Johnston started walking toward them, but Polk tarried, apparently wanting one last look.

Just then, a Northern artillery projectile struck and killed the bishop-general. It passed completely through his chest, breaking first his left arm then his right, before striking a tree and exploding. Polk was dead before he hit the ground.

Colonel Gale and Lt. Aristide Hopkins, another staff officer, ran up to the general’s mangled body. So did Hardee and Johnston. “My dear, dear friend,” the former grieved; “little did I think this morning that I should be called upon to witness this.” A tearful Johnston laid his hand on Polk’s forehead. “I would rather anything but this,” he sobbed. Stretcher-bearers were called; they placed the general’s corpse on the litter and with staff officers headed down the mountain.

Signal officers wigwagged a message: “Send an ambulance for General Polk’s body.” The wagon came up, and bore it to Marietta, the rail depot.

From there a train carried the general’s remains into Atlanta.

Death of Gen. Polk on Pine Mountain illustrated by the famous wartime artist Alfred Waud. (Library of Congress)

Confederate Rene Beauregard’s Battery’s position is within a few yards of Polk’s monument.

(Jack Melton) The renowned Confederate newspaper reporter Henry Watterson wrote under the nom de plume of “Shadow.” He was in Atlanta in June 1864, and on the 15th was among those who coursed through St. Luke’s Church to view the body of Bishop Polk. He apparently was able to interview Col. William D. Gale, one of the staff officers who first rushed up to the fallen general, and learned the ghastly details of the shell-wound. “It crushed both of the arms [and] tore off the chest,” “Shadow” wrote in his column, written on the night of June 15 and published in the Mobile Advertiser and Register, June 21. Watterson stated that Gale told him when he reached Polk, “there was a faint gasp and a little twitching of the nether lip; but life was gone.”

Pen and ink sketch map of northwestern Cobb County, Georgia, showing the “route of Harrison’s Brigade,” Confederate and Federal works, battlefields, roads, railroads, churches, drainage, and relief by hachures. Also depicted are the locations of the “5th Ind. Bat. [that] kill[ed] Gen. Polk, June 14” and the “spot [indicated by a cross] where Polk was killed.”

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Within a few hours Sherman knew of Polk’s death. Union signal officers had cracked the Rebels’ semaphore code and intercepted the staff’s call for an ambulance. They sent the intelligence up the chain, allowing Sherman to wire Washington, “We killed Bishop Polk.”

Johnston too telegraphed his capital. “The army and the country this morning had the calamity to lose Lieutenant General Polk,” he announced, “who fell by a cannon-shot directed at one of our batteries.” Johnston had to announce the news to his army as well. “Lieutenant-General Polk fell to-day at the outpost of this army,” his order read; “in this distinguished

Amidst the several claims by Union artillerists over whose battery killed Bishop Polk, one stands out as baseless: that of Capt. Hubert Dilger, commander of Battery I, 1st Ohio Light Artillery. The Prussian artillerist, nicknamed “Leatherbreeches” for his doeskin trousers, was allegedly detached that day from Palmer’s XIV Corps to Howard’s IV. Dilger claimed to have received the order from General Howard to fire on the “saucy” Rebels atop Pine Mountain. “Shust teeckle them fellows,” the Prussian is said to have ordered his gunners.

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leader we have lost the most courteous of gentlemen, the most gallant of soldiers.” Word spread quickly through the ranks. That night, Capt. Samuel Foster, a Texan in Maj. Gen. Pat Cleburne’s Division, was able to record details of the tragedy in his diary.

The Rev. Charles T. Quintard, Episcopal chaplain-at-large for the Army of Tennessee (and physician), was among those at Atlanta’s downtown depot that evening, waiting for the train bringing Polk’s body. Quintard saw that it was taken to nearby St. Luke’s Church. Quintard had overseen construction of the spare wooden chapel that spring, when the city’s sole Episcopal worship-place started to overflow on Sundays. The general’s body, cleansed and in dress uniform, covered by a cross of white flowers, lay in state that night.

The next morning, June 15, thousands of soldiers and civilians queued outside St. Luke’s, waiting to file past the casket. “Many, very many,” remembered a young girl years later, “paused long enough when the casket was reached to stop… and take a leaf, or a flower, or twig” from the white magnolia blossoms

which had been banked by the coffin.

Their aroma filled the sorrowful room. At noon Dr. Quintard delivered a eulogy in what would eventually be the first of Leonidas Polk’s three funeral services.

Meanwhile staff officers contacted the general’s family. Polk’s son in Montgomery was telegraphed; Col. Gale went to Asheville to get Mrs. Polk and her daughters.

But where to bury the bishop?

Logic dictated New Orleans, home of Polk’s Episcopal diocese. The Crescent City, though, was then in enemy hands. It was decided that the Diocese of Georgia should be entrusted with Polk’s interment. The bishop of Georgia, the Rt. Rev. Stephen Elliott, made arrangements for the bishop-general to be laid to rest in Augusta, where Elliott was rector of St. Paul’s Church.

Quintard oversaw transport of the casket to the railway station, escorted

by Polk’s staff, several Confederate generals and citizens. It arrived in Augusta the morning of June 16 and was taken to St. Paul’s, where it lay in state for two days. The general’s remains were then consigned to a lead coffin and removed to Augusta City Hall

George N. Barnard’s photograph of Pine Mountain taken after the battle.

while arrangements were made for an ornate funeral to be held on June 29.

President Davis was invited to attend, but he had to decline, sending instead a warm note of condolences.

When the date arrived, everything was ready. That morning at City Hall soldiers solemnly placed the general’s coffin in a hearse heaped with flowers and draped by the “Stainless Banner” of the Confederacy. A procession led by Augusta Mayor Robert May wended through the city toward St. Paul’s. With businesses closed, crowds lined the streets as the procession passed by, bands playing somber airs.

A full regiment of infantry with horsemen and artillery provided the honor guard. Among the dignitaries in the long column was none other than Lt. Gen. James Longstreet, who happened

to be in Augusta, still recovering from his Wilderness wound.

Once at the Episcopal Church, Bishop Elliott officiated in services featuring hymns and scripture. The highlight was Elliott’s sermon, in which he reviewed Polk’s life as priest and soldier, extolling his virtuous character, and castigating the Yankees. The bishop warned “ye Christians of the North” of the judgment they would someday receive at the hand of Christ.

Before “that awful bar where your brute force shall avail you nothing,” the bishop summoned them “…in the name of that sacred liberty which you have trampled under foot; in the name of the glorious Constitution which you have destroyed; in the name of our holy religion which you have profaned; in the name of the temples of God which you have desecrated; in the name of a thousand martyred saints, whose blood you have wantonly spilled; in the name of our Christian women whom you have violated; in the name of our slaves whom you have seduced, and then consigned to misery.“ “And there I leave justice and vengeance to God,” Elliott concluded. So many people thought highly of his remarks that they were published as a pamphlet.

Union 3-inch caliber Hotchkiss percussion fused shell fired from a U.S. 3-inch Ordnance Rifle. Recovered by Thomas S. Dickey Sr. from Nickajack Creek just outside Atlanta, Ga. This shell is the same caliber and pattern as one recovered at the site where Polk was killed; found by historian Philip L. Secrist, Ph.D. This archaeological evidence supports the official reports and historical documentation adding that Polk was killed by a 3-inch Northern shell. Courtesy the Steve Phillips collection. (Jack Melton)

Union Brig. Gen. Walter C. Whitaker.

Although Sherman ordered several different batteries to fire on Pine Mountain, historians have settled on the 5th Indiana as the one which fired the round which killed General Polk. Brig.

Gen. Walter C. Whitaker commanded a brigade in Maj. Gen. David Stanley’s division of the IV Corps. In his campaign report, Whitaker was quite specific about which Union battery should take credit for killing the Rebel general: “On the 14th a shell from the Fifth Indiana Battery, commanded

by Lieutenant Morrison, fired from a 3-inch Rodman [Ordnance] gun, from the section commanded by Lieutenant Ellison, killed Lieutenant-General Polk of the rebel army.”

U.S. 3-inch Ordnance Rifle, No. 339, dated 1862, located at Shiloh National Military Park. This is the type of rifled cannon that fired the well-aimed projectile that killed Gen. Polk. Using a satellite program the distance was measured to be approximately 3/4 of a mile from the 5th Indiana Battery’s position and Gen. Polk’s death location.

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Polk’s coffin was lowered into a tomb beneath the floor of St. Paul’s; Gen. Longstreet aided in the ceremonial throwing on of earth. Elliott announced that the diocese of Georgia would care for Polk’s “sacred dust” until such time as his own, that of Louisiana, could. But that would take years, as it turned out. In the meantime, Polk’s wife Frances died in 1875; she was buried in Augusta alongside her husband. A few years later a brass plaque was embedded in the chancel railing: “A.D. 1889 In memory of Rt. Rev. Leonidas Polk June 14 1864 and his wife Frances A Devereux April 16 1875 at rest beneath this chancel.”

There’s another memorial to

Confederates withdrew from their position on Pine Mountain during the night of June 14-15. The next day Federals occupied the crest. One soldier saw a note fastened to a stake in the ground reading, “You damned Yankee sons of bitches has killed our old Gen. Polk.” Inspecting the Rebel works, David Conyngham (photo above) of the New York Herald came upon a “mass of blood”; he knew it was Polk’s. He and a surgeon picked up some bits of bone: they looked like ribs, radii and ulnae—arm bones— and pocketed them as ghoulish souvenirs.

(Library of Congress) 60

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General Polk, one with which Civil Warriors are much more familiar.

It’s the monument on the crest of Pine Mountain in Marietta, Ga. A generation after the war, one J. Gid Morris, a Confederate veteran living in Marietta, determined that Gen. Polk should have a monument at the site of his death. Morris and his wife raised the money and on April 10, 1902, with appropriate ceremony, a twenty-foot marble shaft was unveiled atop the mountain. On its north side, facing the direction of Sherman’s lines, the inscription invokes Caesar’s boast about his Gallic conquest. Morris, the good old Reb, added a taunt to the Yankees. Back then, it was thought that during the war 600,000 Southerners had served in the Confederate army, battling 3 million Yankees until they succumbed to exhaustion. Hence Morris’ chiseled gibe: “VENI VIDI VICI with 5 to 1.” The other side of the shaft explains that on June 14, 1864, “on this spot,” Polk was killed by a cannon shot that “crashed through his breast.” Today, although the site is on private property, the landowner allows respectful visitors to trek to Morris’ monument. As bonus, they can see three of the four earthen embrasures that protected Rene Beauregard’s Battery back in 1864.

When Stephen Elliott took charge of his fellow bishop’s remains “until such time as his own diocese shall be prepared to do him honor,” no one could have guessed that eightyodd years would pass before that time came, in 1945 during the final days of World War II. Mitchell Tyler, sexton emeritus at St. Paul’s, whom I interviewed decades ago, remembered when the call came to remove Polk’s remains from the church crypt. In the bishop-general’s coffin he found nothing more than some teeth and dust—“all would have fit in a cigar box.” Those remains, and those of Mrs. Polk, were transported to New Orleans and at long last received by the Diocese of Louisiana. On May 2, 1945, at Christ Church Cathedral, six

Episcopal bishops participated in Leonidas Polk’s last funeral. The Rev. Frank A. Juhan, Chancellor of the University of the South in Sewanee, Tenn. (which Polk had helped establish), gave the sermon, looking over the royal purple robes which draped the Polks’ caskets. Then, much as had been done at St. Paul’s in 1864, the remains were lowered beneath the chancel floor.

Today’s visitor to Christ Church in New Orleans will find the burial place marked by a large stone in the cathedral floor (south choir aisle). Ornately etched is the inscription:

Leonidas Polk 1806-1864 First Bishop of Louisiana 1841-1864 and his wife Frances Ann Devereux 1807-1875.

There we have it: three services of eulogy, two interments, one monument. Not bad for a Confederate general whom historians today regard more highly as a spiritual and moral leader for the Confederacy than as a talented army corps commander.

Steve Davis of Atlanta is a regular contributor to The Artilleryman Magazine and Civil War News. His book, A Long and Bloody Task: The Atlanta Campaign from Dalton through Kennesaw Mountain to the Chattahoochee River May 5-July 18, 1864, was published as part of Savas Beatie’s Emerging Civil War paperback series.

The companion volume, All The Fighting They Want: The Atlanta Campaign From Peachtree Creek To The City’s Surrender, July 18-September 2, 1864, has just been published this Spring.

Steve welcomes comments by email at steveATL1861@yahoo.com.

Baltimore Antique Arms Show News TIMONIUM, Md.—The 63rd anniversary of the Maryland Arms Collectors Association Show was held at the State Fairgrounds on March 18 & 19. This gun show, more commonly known as “The Original Baltimore Antique Arms Show” or just “The Baltimore Show,” is acknowledged by most people as the premier antique gun show on the east coast of America and by many as the best antique gun show in the world. Whichever way you view it, you would have to admit that once again it was a great show for dealers, collectors, the general public and anyone interested in gun collecting or military history. It is a true labor of love for the collectors who make up the Show Committee.

Display Appreciation Awards went to Jeffrey L. Sipling for “Quackenbush 1871,” Daniel Hartzler for “The John Brown at Harpers Ferry,” James Schoenung for “Carronade Cannons,” Lewis Southard for “U.S. Martial Pistols Accoutrements,” Gerald Roxbury for “Presentation Grade U.S. Naval Sword,” and David Noe for “The 1842 Austrian Musket.”

Judges Choice Awards went to David Hanes for “Western PA Militia Musket,” Ken Baumann for “WWI Trench Mortars,” Chris Grazzini for “Federal Period Swords,” Brian Kowalski for “The German G/K 43 Rifles,” Paul Johnson for “Odd Ball Civil War Bayonets,” and Samuel Higginbotham for “Alterations of Maynard Tape Primer.”

The Third Place Educational Award went to Mark Tyler for “York County Screw Tip Powder Horns,” Second Place Educational to Robert Eckert for “Target Rifles Through the Ages,” and First Place Educational to Matthew Switlik for “75 MM French WWI Cannon.”

The Best Single Weapon Award was presented to David Prawdzik for “Confederate Cofer Revolver and Patent Document.”

Denny Pizzini with his impressive display of cannon and guns. Frank Alessi is standing behind Denny’s M1879 1.62-inch Hotchkiss rifle, serial No. 43.

Showcase. Interpret. Preserve.

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SUBSCRIBE NOW 4 quarterly issues, $24.95 Subscribe online: MilitaryImagesMagazine.com

Or send a check payable to: Military Images PO Box 50171 Arlington, VA 22205

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MI James “Jim“ Schoenung won an award for “Carronade Cannons“ (All photos Jack Melton)

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Left: First Place Educational went to Matthew Switlik for his “75 MM French WWI Cannon.”

Center: Only known surviving C.S. Arsenal Columbus, Geo. 9-pounder smoothbore cannon. Inspected by Fredrick Clinton Humphries, weight 327 pounds, dated 1863. Owned by Denny Pizzini.

Standing in front of Denny Pizzini’s display with almost 200 years of artillery knowledge are (left to right) Matthew Switlik, Thomas Bailey, Dave Seedenburg, Charlie Smithgall and Denny Pizzini.

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By Peter A. Frandsen Confederate Artillery Organizations: An alphabetical listing of the officers and batteries of the Confederacy, 1861-1865.

Edited by F. Ray Sibley Jr.,Savas Publishing and Savas Beatie LLC, 390 pages, 2014, ISBN: 978-1-6112-1230-3.

Hardbound, $49.95

T

he basis for this invaluable reference work was originally pieced together and published as Confederate Artillery Organizations by the United States War Department in 1898 as an aid to organizing the massive 128 volume War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. The original Organizations reference work was a labor in and of itself and today only a very few copies are known to exist.

One copy of Organizations is in the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. It is doubtful that the original Organizations could be recreated today from scratch.

Where the original editors and

compilers of the Confederate Artillery Organizations left off, Editor Ray Sibley picked up and went beyond. He has spent more than a decade researching the thousands of original reference entries correcting mistakes and adding many units and additional officers unknown to the original compilers more than a century ago. Editor Sibley utilized published works, archival records, manuscripts, letters, diaries, and other documents to bring the original work into the 21st century.

He has also added information from the rare Memorandum of Artillery Officers, Confederate States of America, and the List of Officers, Corps of Artillery, Confederate States Army on the U.S. Register of 1861, and other materials probably published in conjunction with the original Organizations reference book at about the same time.

All those old references have been pulled together in one place for the use of the modern reader. The modern bibliography at the end of this new book is extensive and highly valuable in and of itself.

And good use he has made of all that material. He verified the original work, corrected mistakes, and added much further useful information.

The proof is in the footnotes alone— nearly four thousand! Further it must be understood Confederate war records are not nearly as complete, or organized, or retrievable, as equivalent Union records so editor Sibley’s task was that much harder.

A more referenced reference work on artillery cannot be conceived.

Sibley has magnified the value of the original work many times in addition to making it available to all.

This corrected, revised and vastly updated reference work sets forth the lineage of Confederate and State artillery units. It lists in alphabetical order individual batteries and the

names of commanding officers, and dates of acceptance into service.

Most units have annotations that include an alternate name, if there was one, if a unit disbanded or was merged into another organization, which often happened. The schedule by battery is commensurate with the contemporaneous and narrow concept of American artillery organization of the 19th century. The annotation for commissioned officers includes the date of appointment, date of promotion to a higher grade if any, date of transfer, date dropped from rolls, and date relieved from command as appropriate. This book has little narrative and is not about the tactics or weapons of the artillery units or a battle history.

It is safe to say that editor Sibley knows more today about Confederate artillery organization than the Confederate government did in 1865.

It is also safe to say that there is no other reference work like it, nor is any equivalent reference work likely to rival it for a long time to come, if ever.

For anyone interested in American artillery organization this work is a must have and cannot be too highly recommended. It has a wealth of information.

Lastly, the official Field Artillery: Artillery Lineage Series (Revised edition), compiled by Janice McKenney (revised 2010) has some limited organizational history of Civil War artillery units being mostly campaign credits added by the U.S. Army Institute of Heraldry long after the War. Note: There is also Frederick Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion (1908) for Union organizations.

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