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November–December 2023 | Vol. 2, No. 6

CONTENTS

THE BAYONET AS A WEAPON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

By Craig L. Barry

A SPLENDID SWORD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

By John Estok

A SOLDIER’S LOAD: CARRYING ALL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

By Tim Talbott

ARTIFACT OF THE THIRD TEXAS CAVALRY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

By W. Kerry Elliott

A BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG TROPHY – BURGER & BROTHER’S BOWIE . . . . . . . . . . 48

By Shannon Pritchard

MERRILL ALTERED VIRGINIA MANUFACTORY RIFLES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

By Tim Prince

ASK THE APPRAISER. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

By John Sexton

CALENDAR OF EVENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 SCAN TO OPEN SUBSCRIBE PAGE

NRA Affiliation

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Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

Consultants:

Publisher: Jack W. Melton Jr.

Lawrence Babits, Ph.D., Craig L. Barry, Craig D. Bell, J.D., LLM in Tax, Jack Bell, Jim Bender, Greg Biggs, Daniel J. Binder, Gordon Blaker, Vin Caponi, Glenn J. Dutton, Rafael Eledge, Dickey Ferry, Chris E. Fonvielle Jr., Ph.D., Robert French, Fred Gaede, Tom Gersbeck, Will Gorges, David Gotter, Ben Greenbaum, Gould Hagler, Russell Hicks, Stephen M. Henry, Bruce Hohler, Bill Irvin, Juanita Leisch Jensen, Les Jensen, Gordon L. Jones, Ph.D., Jeff Jones, Mike Kent, Lewis Leigh Jr., William Leigh, Tom Liljenquist, Wallace Markert, Joe Moran, John Morris, Hayes Otoupalik, Cal Packard, Josh Phillips, Tim Prince, Nick Periut, Allen Phillips, Shannon Pritchard, Scott Riddle, Tom Rowe, Gerald Roxbury, Philip Schreier, Jeff Schrader, Doug Scott, John Sexton, Sam Small, Wes Small, Carl Sitherwood, Cliff Sophia, Brendan Synnamon, Greg Ton, Bill Tracy, Mike Ward, Charles Williams, and David D. Winfield.

MILITARY ANTIQUE

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Nov.-Dec. 2023 Vol. 2, No. 6 $10

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The Bayonet as a Weapon

By Craig L. Barry

The War for the Union, 1862 – A Bayonet Charge. (Harper’s Weekly, Vol. VII, July 12, 1862)

U

On the Civil War battlefield, the bayonet turned out to be a relic, responsible for few battlefield wounds. Though there were many mass charges in Civil War battles, there were few hand-to-hand bayonet fights, and those were usually of short duration. Although infantry soldiers were issued bayonets and received bayonet drill, they found the weapon most useful for other purposes. Bayonets made excellent tent stakes and candle holders, and when a charge petered out they were useful for digging a hole to hide in. – (Kevin Eisert, civilwar.bluegrass.net)

nlike the knife, which was often carried for defensive purposes by civilians and soldiers alike, the bayonet as a weapon has always been strictly military in nature. Civilian rifles typically have no provision for a bayonet. In fact, the U.S. Model 1841 percussion rifle was the exception to the general rule for military arms taking bayonets. To the martial mind of the 19th century, the bayonet was seen as a fourth form of fencing, along with foil, epee’ (dueling sword), and dueling saber. It was, according to General George McClellan, “the brave man’s weapon.” The first official training bayonets were issued in 1858. Soldiers learned to affix and remove it on command and how to guard against cavalry and infantry using the rifle mounted with bayonet as a pike. They also drilled 4

the motions of bayonet fighting as a group drill using the actual blades. When it came time to practice bayonet fighting, soldiers would wear a plastron, or jacket, mask, and fencing gloves. The blades were mounted to old service rifles, rather than risk damage to newer long arms.

How often and how exactly were bayonets used?

Postbellum there was a tendency to downplay the role of the bayonet in close-quarter fighting. The 1870 Surgeon General’s Medical and Surgical History of the War of Rebellion (1861–1865) contained a table that listed the type(s) of wounds treated in Federal hospitals. Fewer than 1,000 bayonet wounds were noted there. Connecting the dots, historians concluded that the bayonet was little but an Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

impediment to soldiers who were issued them and that not all soldiers were issued bayonets, that they were used primarily as candlestick holders or cooking implements as noted somewhat erroneously in the heading. This is not necessarily a conclusion that can be drawn.

The Surgeon General’s information can be interpreted another way: only the wounded were treated in hospitals and the casualties from bayonet wounds were primarily dead on the battlefield.

There is some weight to the argument since the weapon was primarily used in hand-to-hand fighting. Close-quarter fighting provides a ratio of mortal bayonet wounds to recoverable injuries that is, expectedly, very high indeed.

Some period accounts state that few bayoneted soldiers survived the trauma due to the heavy loss of blood that resulted in such a short time. Perhaps if there were cause of death or autopsy reports from burial details we would have a different perspective of the damage done by the bayonet, but none are known.

equipment issued to soldiers as discarded on the march.

However, when one lends weight to the letters and diary entries that mention use of the bayonet in battle, a clearer picture emerges. Sam Watkins wrote in Company Aytch, “We gave one long, loud cheer, and commenced the charge. As we approached their lines...Officers with drawn swords meet officers with drawn swords, and man to man meets man to man with bayonets and loaded guns.” Jonathan Newcomb in the 3rd Maine Infantry noted during the Peninsula campaign, “We rose up and fired a volley, then pitched into them with bayonets and clubbed muskets and drove them back for nearly a mile.”

Perhaps most famously, Joshua Chamberlain at Little Round Top carried the day and perhaps saved the Army of the Potomac by ordering that famous bayonet charge at Gettysburg. He noted in his report the following:

There are first-person accounts of soldiers discarding their bayonets as excess weight while on the march; but soldiers also discarded other essential pieces of equipment including their canteens and blankets which they later regretted. There are estimates of up to 50 percent of the

“My ammunition was soon exhausted. My men were firing their last shot and getting ready to “club” their muskets. It was imperative to strike before we were struck by this overwhelming force in a hand-to-hand fight, which we could not probably have withstood or survived. At that crisis, I ordered the bayonet. The word was enough. It ran like fire along the line, from man to man, and rose into a shout, with which they sprang forward upon

Confederate soldier wearing a frock coat, forage cap, accoutrement set with belt, percussion cap box, leather bayonet scabbard, bayoneted musket, and holstered revolver. Also is a sling for cartridge box hidden behind him. Liljenquist Family Collection of Civil War Photographs (Library of Congress).

Private in Confederate uniform wearing a frame buckle and holding a bayoneted musket. Liljenquist Family Collection of Civil War Photographs (Library of Congress).

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

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the enemy, now not 30 yards away. The effect was surprising; many of the enemy’s first line threw down their arms and surrendered. … we made an extended ‘right wheel,’ before which the enemy’s second line broke and fell back, fighting from tree to tree, many being captured, until we had swept the valley and cleared the front of nearly our entire brigade.”

The day of the bayonet was far from over. One must also consider the well-documented effect on morale of a phalanx of gleaming bayonets advancing steadily on defenders. The British Army command for fixing bayonets

features a movement where the blade is held overhead for an instant, to communicate the threat which it represents. It was especially effective to control civil unrest as well, often dissipating a crowd of rioters without firing a shot. Rather than concluding that the bayonet was obsolete by the time of the Civil War, it is fairer to say that the tactic of charging an entrenched position with bayonets alone should have ended with the Civil War; yet it did not. Because of its usefulness in hand-to-hand fighting no matter how infrequent or impractical, the bayonet remained a valuable part of the infantry soldier’s equipment well into the twentieth century.

Union soldier in uniform with Company H hat insignia holding bayoneted musket. Liljenquist Family Collection of Civil War Photographs (Library of Congress).

About the Author Craig L. Barry was born in Charlottesville, Va. He holds his BA and Masters degrees from UNC (Charlotte). Craig served The Watchdog Civil War Quarterly as Associate Editor and Editor from 2003–2017. The Watchdog published books and columns on 19th-century material and donated all funds from publications to battlefield preservation. He is the author of several books including The Civil War Musket: A Handbook for Historical Accuracy (2006, 2011), The Unfinished Fight: Essays on Confederate Material Culture Vol. I and II (2012, 2013). He has also published four books in the Suppliers to the Confederacy series on English Arms & Accoutrements, Quartermaster stores and other European imports.

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Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

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PRO PATRIA ET GLORIA

By John Estok All photographs by Sweeny Photography

For Country and Glory

o present a meaningful linear progression for the reader, a brief history of the designation of the 7th Regiment, NGSNY is in order. This military organization came into existence in 1806 with the organization of four artillery companies armed with cannon and muskets. Early in 1812, the four companies became the “Eleventh Regiment of Artillery.” By 1824, the unit’s designation had changed to the “Twenty Seventh Regiment, National Guards.” The militia law of 1847 brought about the last and final change to “Seventh Regiment National Guard State of New York.” The sword pictured in this discourse was presented to Linus Stevens as a token of appreciation from a grateful Regiment.

T

The events related in this article deal with the period from 1824 to 1835 when the nascent Seventh was still designated the Twenty-Seventh Regiment.

Prosper Montgomery Wetmore.

(February 14, 1798 – March 16, 1876) Born at Orwell, Vermont, on June 16, 1793, Linus W. Stevens was a cabinet maker by trade. Beginning his militia career as a private in the Eleventh Regiment of Heavy Artillery, he quickly rose through the ranks being appointed sergeant in 1815, elected second lieutenant in 1820, first lieutenant in 1821, and commissioned as a captain in 1822. With the 1824 reorganization, Stevens was allowed to transfer a part of his heavy artillery company to the Twenty-seventh Regiment as its sixth company. In 1825, he was elected major of the battalion, and in 1826 ascended to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the Twenty-Seventh. The events enumerated below led to the presentation of the sword detailed in this article.

Seventh Regiment Uniform, 1835–1853. Portrait by H.A. Ogden.

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

In 1826 the Twenty-seventh was commanded by Prosper M. Wetmore, who in his civic role, was a prominent officer in the Lombard Association, a loan and trust company.

With the financial failure of the Association in that year, great discord fell upon the Twenty-seventh Regiment due to accusations of fraudulent activities by Colonel Wetmore.

These eventually resulted in a meeting of a Board of Officers on January 11, 1827, asking Colonel Wetmore to defend his integrity and character. The result of this meeting ended with a majority declaring Wetmore’s defense as unsatisfactory.

This created a schism in the organization that resulted in the announcement by Colonel Wetmore that four officers had been placed under arrest for disobedience of orders.

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Simultaneously, the opposition also countered with, “A petition to Governor De Witt Clinton had been prepared and was presented at headquarters, Albany, by Lieutenant-Colonel Stevens, praying for the removal of Colonel Wetmore from the office of colonel, and, on the 20th of January, by general orders, a court of inquiry was organized for the purpose of examining into the facts set forth in said petition.’’1 A court of inquiry was convened in April, but never reached a decision as Wetmore voluntarily resigned. On April 25th Lieutenant-Colonel Stevens was elected colonel.

Most of the officers who supported Prosper Wetmore resigned from the regiment apart from a few who continued to agitate until their removal for, “‘disobedience of orders, neglect of duty and un-officer-like conduct.’

They were sentenced to be cashiered and to pay the costs of prosecution. The court’s sentence was approved in brigade orders dated July 10, 1827; and the discord which for more than six months had reigned in the regiment came to a timely end.

During the excitement that preceded and attended the resignation of Colonel Wetmore and other officers, drills were neglected, recruiting ceased, disaffection prevailed, and the affairs of the Regiment generally assumed a condition not far from desperate. Colonel Stevens was a man of energy, decision, and ability; upon taking command he at once commenced the herculean task of rescuing the regiment from the perils that threatened its existence.”2 Apparently feeling he had achieved the above goal, Colonel Stevens resigned his commission on July 9, 1828.

However, all was not well, the newly elected colonel resigned in fifty days and Linus Stevens was once again prevailed upon to take command, but he refused. From the end of 1828 to 1830 the Regiment languished due to poor leadership with insubordinate behavior by both officers and enlisted men being commonplace. Drill and recruitment suffered. In desperation, the officers assembled on January 29, 1830, and unanimously elected ex-Colonel Stevens as colonel. Stevens conditionally accepted the offer responding: “I will accept your invitation to resume the command of your Regiment, but as it must be our mutual wish to provide for the

A Splendid Sword (obverse).

Colonel Linus W. Stevens.

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Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

Engraved presentation on scabbard.

A Splendid Sword (reverse).

Right: Prosper Wetmore in Matthew Brady’s studio 1857. Cleveland Museum of Art, Tom E Hinson.

Catalogue of Photography. Cleveland, Ohio.

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future as well as the present interest of the Corps that the following shall be the basis of such acceptance: First, that the subordinate stations in the Field shall be filled by good and approved men, such as shall be calculated to succeed to the command of the Regiment whenever the same shall be vacated.

Second, that whenever the time shall have arrived, when I may deem it expedient to retire from Command, that I have full liberty to resign the same, and that no measures shall be taken to prevent my intentions being carried into effect.”3 It is this writer’s opinion that with this statement Stevens laid the foundation for what would become the glorious and prosperous Seventh Regiment NGNY. His conditions were accepted.

Under Steven's leadership, the esprit de corps improved, along with discipline and drill. His efforts were rewarded in 1831 as outlined by this excerpt from the History of the Seventh Regiment of New York:

“PRO PATRIA ET GLORIA” is engraved on the scabbard. The motto translates to “For Country and Glory.”

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“The annual spring parade took place on the 18th day of April, the Regiment also paraded on the 18th day of May for review, at Washington ParadeGround, by his Excellency Governor Enos T. Throop, and passed in review in front of City Hall before the Governor, Mayor, and Corporation. The Twentyseventh [sic] Regiment was also reviewed by the adjutant-general in front of the City Hall, and at the conclusion a splendid sword was presented to Colonel Stevens by the adjutantgeneral on behalf of the officers of the Regiment.”4

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Under Colonel Stevens, the fortunes of the Twenty-Seventh improved with drills being held on a regular basis and new recruits being enlisted. The regiment participated in numerous ceremonial events such as the centennial of Washington’s birthday, securing subscriptions for the Lafayette medal, the Reception of General Jackson, the funeral of Lafayette, and many other events. The regiment was also commended for its professional military conduct during the Election and Abolition Riots of 1834. In December of the same year, the regiment accepted the final resignation of Colonel Stevens.

Stevens continued with his civic duties being appointed as Superintendent of the Almshouse in 1835, elected as assistant alderman in 1847, and alderman of the Fifteenth Ward in 1848. He was also a trustee of the Mechanics and Tradesmen’s Society.

Stevens was held in high esteem as this partial quote from The History of the Seventh Regiment attests: “Colonel Stevens ranks as one of the most able, valuable, and distinguished commandants of the Regiment, and by his long and faithful services fairly earned the title by which for many years he was faithfully known—‘the Father of the Regiment’.”5 Colonel Linus Stevens passed away at Stamford, Connecticut, in 1863. The Seventh Regiment continued to prosper well into the 20th century earning the nickname of “The Silk Stocking Regiment.”

Source: History Of The Seventh Regiment Of New York; Volumes I And II; Colonel Emmons Clark; Published By The Seventh Regiment; 1890.

Endnotes: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Ibid. Page 148, volume I. Ibid. Page 157, volume I. Ibid. Page 178, volume I. Ibid. Pages 186-187, volume I. Ibid. Page 226, volume I.

About the Author John E. Estok, BA, MPH, DMD, is a retired dentist and a forty-plus-year member of the North-South Skirmish Association.

He is an avid collector of 19th-century militaria and an amateur historian.

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

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The Soldier’s Load: Carrying All I

By Tim Talbott

n this article we share some information on the various pieces of military equipment Civil War infantry soldiers commonly wore and carried while on the march and in battle. Knowing what gear soldiers were working with is an important step to better understanding their challenges and capabilities on the battlefields that Central Virginia Battlefield Trust works to preserve.

SMOOTHBORE MUSKETS AND RIFLE MUSKETS The most important piece of equipment that Civil War infantry soldiers carried was their musket or rifle. Some soldiers began their service using antiquated flintlock smoothbore muskets. However, as armories ramped up manufacturing, foreign-made guns flowed in, and other weapons were converted to percussion ignition and rifled barrels, fewer of the old-style firearms remained in the ranks. It took some time to get Civil War soldiers armed with the most effective shoulder arms, but by the summer of 1863, most fighting men were armed with rifled weapons.

Soldiers favored rifles due to their accuracy and dependability even though their potential rate of fire was actually slower than spherical bullets.

Most Federal rifles came in various Springfield models produced in Massachusetts. Many different contract manufacturers also made rifles on the Springfield patterns. Additionally, the United States Army imported large numbers of British Enfield rifles, a smaller number of Austrian Lorenz rifles, and some from other countries.

The Confederate States of America manufactured their own weapons too, some using machinery captured at the Harpers Ferry armory in 1861, which was transported to Richmond. These firearms were similar in pattern to the Springfield. The Fayetteville Arsenal in North Carolina also produced rifles, as did several other small arms manufacturers across the South. The Confederates relied heavily on imported weapons, particularly Enfields, and on captured Federal weapons taken from prisoners or gathered from battlefields, and then inspected, cleaned, repaired, and reissued.

Left rifle-musket: English imported .577 caliber Pattern 1853 Enfield riflemusket. (Beverly M. DuBose Jr. Collection. The Atlanta History Center.)

Right rifle: U.S. Model 1861 Springfield rifle, .58 caliber. Lock plate is dated 1861 with U.S. / SPRINGFIELD stamped on the face. (George W. Wray Jr. Collection. The Atlanta History Center.)

Facing page: Private Hiram M. Kersey, 44th Iowa Infantry regiment, standing on rug, holding a musket with fixed bayonet, and cartridge box with sling and breastplate. He is wearing a 4-button sack coat and blue trousers. Tucked into his US waist belt is a side knife, and revolver. All soldier photographs from the Liljenquist Family Collection (Library of Congress).

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Unidentified Confederate soldier with a British Enfield rifle-musket.

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This unidentified Federal VI Corps soldier is holding a Model 1855 Springfield rifle-musket. If he is, indeed from the VI Corps, his frock coat, and probably the musket, are likely photographer’s props.

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The typical Springfield or Enfield rifle was a single-shot muzzleloading weapon with a percussion cap ignition system that weighed about nine or ten pounds. A welltrained soldier could load and fire about three shots per minute. However, the rate of fire could drop significantly depending on many factors, including fouling buildup inside the barrel. Manufactured primarily in the .58 (Springfield) or .577 (Enfield) calibers, rifles had the power to penetrate six inches of pine boards at 500 yards although most combat firing occurred at 200 yards and less. The common muzzle velocity on Civil War rifles was approximately 900 feet per second, considerably slower than present-day military weapons, Due to company and regiment upgrades, combat damage, and sometimes carelessness, soldiers did not always end their service with the weapons they started with. Yet, many soldiers formed a close attachment to their rifle. Some Federal soldiers took advantage of the option to purchase their rifle at a reduced cost at the war’s end for hunting, protection, and as a keepsake.

BAYONET AND SCABBARD Socket bayonets that fit over the muzzle of shoulder weapons allowed a soldier to continue loading and firing while affixed had been around for over a century before the Civil War. Most Civil War bayonets were the socket type with triangular-shaped blades. The triangular blade design made the bayonet structurally stronger than an edged blade and potentially inflicted a nasty puncture wound.

A leather scabbard hung from the soldier’s waist belt to hold the bayonet and help protect the wearer or comrades from accidents. Unfortunately, unintentional bayonet injuries occurred in camp, during drill, and in parade exercises. Although injuries from bayonets made up a very small proportion of overall battle wounds, there were occasions when belligerents used their bayonets in combat, proving particularly intimidating in offensive situations.

Soldiers often found more practical uses for bayonets in camp or on campaign than using them in battle. They made good candle holders, improvised earth picks, and rope stakes for shelter and tent flies. While some soldiers preferred to discard the extra weight due to its lack of use, Federal and Confederate regulations included instructions for deducting the pay of soldiers who lost bayonets and scabbards.

U.S. .58 caliber Springfield bayonet and leather scabbard.

One the most produced bayonets by the United States during the Civil War.

British .577 Enfield bayonet and scabbard. Thousands were imported by the Confederacy and the United States.

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Unidentified Federal soldier holding an Enfield rifle musket with fixed bayonet.

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Unidentified Confederate soldier holding an .577 caliber Enfield rifle musket with bayonet and scabbard on his waist belt.

He appears to be wearing a wooden button consignment coat.

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Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

CARTRIDGE BOX Soldiers who utilized single-shot muzzleloading weapons were typically issued between 40 and 60 rounds of ammunition when a battle appeared imminent.

The cartridge box usually held 40 cartridges, which came wrapped in paper packages of ten bullets and 12 percussion caps. If issued more than 40 cartridges, soldiers put the surplus rounds in their pockets, knapsack, blanket roll, or a combination of places. Individual cartridges contained the lead projectile and a proper measure of black powder, all wrapped in a paper tube to help make the loading process as efficient as possible.

The basic loading process involved nine steps: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

Receive the order to load Handle cartridge (remove from cartridge box) Tear cartridge (with teeth while holding in right hand) Charge cartridge (pour powder down barrel and seat the bullet in the barrel Draw rammer (remove the ramrod from under the barrel) Ram cartridge (using the ramrod, push the bullet to the breech) Return rammer (place rammer back) Prime (place percussion cap on the ignition cone) Shoulder arms (to prepare to receive firing commands of ready, aim, fire).

Soldiers wore their leather cartridge boxes on a sling over the left shoulder, with the box resting on the right hip to allow quick access for the right hand. Some cartridge boxes had belt loops on the back for wearing on a waist belt. Federal cartridge box slings usually had a round brass plate attached to it embossed with an eagle.

Inside the cartridge box there were usually metal “tins” that held the loose and packaged cartridges. Open compartments in the top of the tins held twenty cartridges for easy access, while the remaining 20 cartridges were in a reserve lower compartment of the tins. The cartridge box’s outer leather flap kept the contents secured, while an additional inner flap provided extra protection from the elements and helped keep cartridges in place if the user forgot to fasten down the main outer flap. The outer flap on Federal cartridge boxes usually had a stamped brass “US” plate on it.

Also, on the front of the cartridge box, but protected by the outer flap, a small compartment was usually available to hold cleaning materials and the primary rifle musket tools that armies issued soldiers. For Federal soldiers these often included a wiper (to help remove debris in the barrel) that threaded on the ramrod, a combination cone wrench and screwdriver tool, and a tompion that fit inside the muzzle to keep debris out of the barrel when not in use.

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

U.S. issue leather cartridge box, sling, and breastplate.

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Pvt. John Alldredge, Co. A, 48th Alabama Infantry, with a Model 1842 Springfield musket and shoulder slung cartridge box.

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Unidentified Federal soldier holding a Springfield rifle-musket and wearing a cartridge box with a US box plate. Although this is a reverse image photograph, his waist belt buckle is upside down while the cartridge box plate is correctly mounted but reversed.

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CAP POUCH AND WAIST BELT By mid-1862 most Civil War soldiers no longer used weapons with flintlock ignition systems. While some continued to carry smoothbore muskets, most flintlocks were discarded or converted to the percussion cap system. Percussion caps were much more reliable at igniting the cartridge charges than flint and steel, particularly in adverse weather conditions.

Made of brass or copper and resembling a tiny top hat, percussion caps contained a contact explosive chemical called mercuric fulminate inside the cap. When the weapon’s lock hammer struck the cap, it sent a spark through the firing cone into the breech end of the barrel igniting the black powder charge, which propelled the projectile forward out the barrel.

To supply caps, each package of ten cartridges a soldier received also contained a paper roll of 12 percussion caps. The additional two caps per package of cartridges ensured extras in case the soldier dropped a cap or two while loading.

Confederate percussion cap box. (George W. Wray Jr. Collection. The Atlanta History Center.)

The armies issued leather cap pouches to soldiers to hold the percussion caps. Typically worn at the front right of the body on a waist belt, the cap pouch (like the cartridge box) had an outer and inner flap to keep the caps in place. As an added measure, a small layer of lambswool placed inside the mouth of the pouch kept caps from jangling out in case the soldier forgot to secure the outer flap. Cap pouches also usually included a cone pick, a stiff wire used to clean carbon buildup inside the rifle’s ignition cone. Too much carbon buildup could cause a misfire.

The soldier’s leather waist belt usually featured a stamped or cast brass buckle. Belt buckles came in a multitude of styles.

Oval-shaped stamped brass lead-filled versions featuring the letters US or CS were common. So, too, were square frame buckles for Confederates, and rectangular version with an eagle on it for Federal officers. Some buckles had intricate interlocking halves. In addition to the cap pouch, the waist belt also supported the bayonet and its scabbard and sometimes the cartridge box.

Union percussion cap box. (George W. Wray Jr. Collection. The Atlanta History Center.)

Sources and Suggested Reading Gregory Coco. The Civil War Infantryman: In Camp, On the March, and In Battle. Thomas Publishing, 1996.

Echoes of Glory: Arms and Equipment of the Confederacy. TimeLife Books, 1996.

Echoes of Glory: Arms and Equipment of the Union. Time-Life Books, 1996.

Typical US belt buckle worn by Union troops. These were manufactured by the hundreds of thousands.

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Unidentified Federal soldier wearing a percussion cap pouch, cartridge box and sling, bayonet and scabbard, and a leather waist belt with an oval US belt buckle.

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C.S.A. rectangular belt buckle similar to the one in the photograph. The images are reversed from the photographic process during the Civil War.

Unidentified Confederate soldier with cartridge box and sling, cap pouch, waist belt with rectangular C.S.A. belt buckle.

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“To keep up the supply of ammunition pack mules were brought into use, each animal carrying three thousand rounds. The boxes were dropped close behind the troops engaged, which were quickly opened by the officers or fileclosers, who served the ammunition to the men.”

– Pvt. George Norton Galloway, 95th Pennsylvania Inf., describing May 12, 1864, at Spotsylvania Court House.

PARTING SHOT

Civil War soldiers typically carried 60 cartridges into expected combat. The cartridge box held 40 rounds, while the other 20 were stored in their pockets, knapsack, or blanket roll. When their cartridges ran out, if possible, more were brought forward in wooden ammunition boxes like the ones shown above near a Petersburg trench. Note the two leather cartridge boxes in the center, a probable gun sling, and the spilled package of cartridges on the bottom right.

(Library of Congress) Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

Tim Talbott is the Chief Administrative Officer with CVBT. The mission of CVBT is to preserve land associated with the four major campaigns of: Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Mine Run, and the Overland Campaign, including the Wilderness, and Spotsylvania Court House. To learn more about this grassroots preservation non-profit, which has saved over 1,700 acres of hallowed ground, please visit: www.cvbt.org.

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ARTIFACTS OF THE THI RD TEXAS CAVALRY

By W. Kerry Elliott

D

uring the American Civil War, a unit of mounted volunteers sometimes known as the South Kansas-Texas Mounted Volunteers served in the Confederate States Army as part of the 3rd Texas Cavalry Regiment. After being organized at Dallas, Texas, during 1860, the 3rd Texas Cavalry mustered into Confederate service June 13, 1861. Colonel Elkanah Greer, Lieutenant Colonel Walter P. Lane, Major George W. Chilton, and Adjutant Mathew Ector were the first officers to serve in the field. Officers and enlisted men largely came from a dozen counties in northeast Texas.

Numerous Third Texans, including its first commander, Elkanah Greer, were Knights of the Golden Circle members, a shadowy organization that advocated for secession prior to the war. Greer was the grand commander of the Knights in 1859. At least three earned general’s commission. Greer was promoted to brigadier general after being wounded at Elkhorn Tavern. Irish-born Walter Lane, fought in the Texas War for Independence, including the final battle at San Jacinto. He received the three stars of a Confederate general March 17, 1865, appropriately St. Patrick’s Day, on the last meeting of the Confederate Senate. Matthew Duncan Ector in 1863 after he was elected colonel of the 14th Texas Cavalry and distinguished himself at Murfreesboro and Richmond.

Bedford Forrest’s regiments got behind the Federal rear.

Sam Barron later wrote that, “as they retired to their hill and cedar brake the third time, Forrest opened fire on their rear, and they threw down their guns and surrendered— that is, those that were still upon the field. Their artillery, cavalry, and one regiment of infantry had already left.”

During the War’s last 18 months, the regiment was in Ross’s Brigade, but the only change was in renaming Whitfield’s Brigade in which they had served since October 1862. The Texans thereafter continued fighting together until the end of the war. In December 1863, Lawrence Sullivan “Sul” Ross, a former Texas Ranger and future governor of Texas, was assigned command of the Texas Cavalry Brigade, hence the designation “Ross’s Brigade.”

Ross had a heroic career as a Texas Ranger when he rescued Cynthia Ann Parker from the Comanches and later killed Chief Peta Necona in single combat. Upon his promotion to brigadier general Dec. 21, 1863, he was given his brigade. By the end of the War, he had fought in over 130 engagements and had five horses shot under him.

Confederate General Lawrence Sullivan Ross, seen here in his military uniform in the 1860s. The original photograph now resides in the Texas Collection at Baylor University.

The regiment was eventually assigned to the Texas Cavalry Brigade. The Third fought at Wilson’s Creek, the first Texas unit to see heavy combat, and Chustenahlah in 1861. Soon after crossing into Mississippi, the regiment participated in the Battle of Iuka in September 1862, where it suffered casualties equaling fifty percent of its total strength. Other significant 1862 battles included the siege of Corinth, Pea Ridge, Second Corinth, and the Holly Springs Raid. On October 23, 1862, a new brigade was formed under Colonel John Wilkins Whitfield that included the Third Texas, along with the Sixth, Ninth, and 27th Texas Cavalry Regiments.

Despite their losses, the regiment went on to play an essential part in defending Vicksburg and Jackson. After Whitfield’s brigade was sent to Mississippi they took part in operations conducted to force Grant to abandon his envelopment of Vicksburg. In December 1862, General John C. Pemberton promoted Van Dorn to brigadier general and assigned him to destroy Grant’s supply base at Holly Springs, Miss. The Holly Springs Raid Van Dorn led some 3,500 cavalrymen from Grenada, Miss., and caught the Federals unawares; the garrison was asleep.

The Confederate horsemen captured and paroled over a thousand Yankees and destroyed $1,500,000 worth of supplies by looting warehouses and burning everything they couldn’t take away. Grant’s forces had to abandon northern Mississippi. It took over four months to restart their attempt to capture Vicksburg.

At Thompson’s Station, Tenn., on March 5, 1863.

Whitfield’s Brigade engaged in a series of charges, rallies, and counter charges. The attacks ended when two of Nathan 30

Lawrence Sullivan “Sul” Ross. (Sept. 27, 1838 – Jan. 3, 1898) Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

In May 1864, Ross’s Brigade was transferred to Georgia and assigned to W.H. Jackson’s cavalry division to help defend Atlanta. During the Atlanta Campaign, The Texans distinguished themselves and sustained heavy losses in near continuous fighting during the campaign.

When Atlanta fell to Sherman’s armies, they participated at Franklin and Nashville. After Nashville, the regiment fought for the remainder of the war in Mississippi. The Third’s surviving 207 members eventually returned home after Ross’s Brigade formally surrendered May 4, 1865.

The brigade’s veterans formed the Ross Brigade Association in 1875.

A few artifacts and photographs associated with the regiment’s soldiers are presented in this article. They document the service of a western regiment that served for the war in a variety of roles.

Like most soldiers, Barron carried a canteen and relied on it for good water, something he found lacking at Corinth: Barron’s account of the water and rations available at Corinth he recalled:

“Our camp was moved to a point about three miles east of Corinth. … The rate at which our men fell sick was remarkable, as well as appalling, and distressing in the extreme. The water we had to drink was bad, very bad, and the rations none of the best. The former we procured by digging for it; the earth around Corinth being very light and porous, holding water like a sponge. When we first went there the ground was full of water, and by digging a hole two feet deep we could dip up plenty of a mean, milky-looking fluid; but as the season advanced the water sank, so we dug deeper, and continued to go down, until by the latter part of May our water holes were from eight to twelve feet deep, still affording the same miserable water. My horse would not drink a drop of the water the men had to use, and if I failed to ride him to a small running branch some two miles away he would go without drinking. The rations consisted mainly of flour, made into poor camp biscuit, and the most unpalatable pickled beef.”

FIVE OF TERRY’S TEXAS RANGERS, CA. 1863 Walter S. Wood, Thomas S. Burney, Felix G. Kennedy, William A. Lynch, and Peter L. Kendall are shown from left to right.

The five men wear a mixture of outer garments and head covers. They each sport a pin in the shape of a five-pointed star on the front on their hats. The original photograph is in the archives of Texas A&M University, College Station, Texas.

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CANTEEN CARRIED BY SAMUEL BARRON This Confederate wood drum canteen was carried by Samuel Barron. It was featured as the cover on Sylvia and O’Donnell’s book Civil War Canteens, 1983. The neatly carved TEXAS graces the five star points with a 3 in the center.

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This canteen has a carved wooden spout and two iron bands that hold the wood frame together.

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The carving on the canteen back contrasts with the fine work on the canteen’s “front.”

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This engraved silver-plated pin was recovered in Vicksburg, Miss. It reads “TEXAS” around the outside points with “3rd / Cavl” in the center.

Carved on the reverse is: “CapT S B Barron / Company C 3RD / Texas Cavalry.”

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Colt Model 1851 Navy revolver carried

by Samuel Barron Serial No. 102789.

The cylinder of this revolver is engraved with a scene of the victory of the Second Texas Navy at the Battle of Campeche on May 16, 1843. Despite the “Navy” designation, the revolver was chiefly purchased by civilians and military land forces and very popular with Confederate officers.

Colt’s Patent Fire Arms Manufacturing Company.

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Barron’s well worn pistol holster.

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The top of Barron’s Colt’s octagon barrel is stamped: “— ADDRESS COL. SAML COLT NEW-YORK U. S. AMERICA. —”

Barron’s Colt backstrap is engraved: “Captain S. B. Barron / Company C, 3d Texas Cavalry.”

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The underside showing the Colt’s serial numbers.

The matching serial number 102789 stamped on the butt stock, bottom of the guard and frame, and on the loading lever indicates this revolver was manufactured in 1861.

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Private George T. Brown, 3rd Texas Cavalry Regiment, Arizona Brigade. Brown is holding his Colt Model 1851 Navy revolver.

His battle shirt says something about the casual attire often worn by Western Theater cavalrymen. The identification, Arizona Brigade, is curious since the regiment did not serve in the far southwest. (DeGolyer Library, Southern Methodist University).

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Lawrence Sullivan “Sul” Ross.

(Sept. 27, 1838 – Jan. 3, 1898)

This Confederate canteen is adorned with intricate carvings that elevate it from a mere utilitarian object to a work of art. The meticulous craftsmanship displayed in the engravings imbues the piece with a sense of history and gravitas, making it a remarkable artifact of its time. Each carving appears to have been executed with great care and precision, suggesting not just skill but also a deep reverence for the object. It is not merely a container for sustenance; it is a canvas that captures the essence of a tumultuous period, rendered all the more compelling by the hands that crafted it.

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FLAG CARRIED BY THE THIRD TEXAS CAVALRY This banner was made by a private contractor in Mobile, Ala. It was given to the regiment in November 1863. It is somewhat unusual in having twelve stars, not the typical thirteen or eleven. The regiment name and several engagements in which the 3rd Texas Cavalry distinguished itself were sewn to the flag. This flag was found in a Confederate ambulance abandoned Aug. 20, 1864, at Lovejoy’s Station, Ga., and taken by Minty’s Brigade. In 1905 the flag was returned to its rightful owner, the State of Texas. https://www.tsl.texas.gov/historicflags/4049ThirdTexasCal.html.

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Samuel B. Barron, 3rd Texas Cavalry, ca. 1882.

Captain Jesse Wynne, Company B 3rd Texas Cavalry.

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Samuel B. Barron’s PAROLE OF HONOR dated July 28, 1865. (https://www.fold3.com/ image/10389380)

TERRY’S TEXAS RANGERS REUNION, TEXAS San Antonio served as the host site for the yearly reunion of Terry’s Texas Rangers. The photo shows the front of Turner Hall on Houston Street on November 13 and 14, 1889. The Special Collections Department of the UTSA Libraries.

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SOURCES Barron, Samuel B.: The Lone Star Defenders: A Chronicle of the Third Texas Cavalry, Ross’ Brigade. 1908.

Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Vol. 1. Secaucus, NY: Castle. 1987.

Benner, Judith Ann: Ross’s Brigade, C.S.A. from the Handbook of Texas Online (June 22, 2017).

Retrieved August 22, 2023.

“Historic Flags of the Texas State Library and Archives: TSLAC 306-4049 Third Texas Cavalry Regiment.” Austin, TX: Texas State Library and Archives Commission. 2017.

Sylvia, Stephen W., and Michael J. O’Donnell, Civil War Canteens, 1983.

The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Volume XVII Part I. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. 1886. Retrieved July 13, 2023.

The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Volume XXIV Part III. Washington, DC.: Government Printing Office. 1889. Retrieved July 7, 2023.

About the Author Kerry Elliott is a retired chiropractor from Newnan, Ga. He graduated from West Georgia University with a degree in Biology and a Doctorate of Chiropractic from Life University in 1981. He is a member of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, the Atlanta Civil War Roundtable, and the American Society of Arms Collectors.

His interest in Civil War history was sparked as a teenager, by his discovery of having two great, great grandfathers in “Fightin” Joe Wheeler’s cavalry.

Dr. Elliott’s primary collecting focus is items associated with Western Theater Confederate cavalry.

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Tim Prince College Hill Arsenal PO Box 178204 Nashville, TN 37217 615-972-2418

www.CollegeHillArsenal.com

J&J Military Antiques

Buying and Selling

Collector’s Arms 1700-1945 Militaria Specializing in Civil War-World War II

Original Rev. War – WWII Guns, Swords, Bayonets, Molds, Flasks, Tools and Accoutrements.

Specializing in all Civil War Union & Confederate Artifacts.

PO Box 18 • Mt. Bethel, PA 18343 • Phone: 610-599-0766 Email: jjmilitaryantiques@gmail.com

www.jjmilitary.com

9150 John S. Mosby Hwy. (Rt. 50) Upperville, Va 20185 for US Mail: PO BOX 602 (540) 592-7273 • SophiaCSArms@aol.com

Buying and selling only the highest quality original Confederate antiques in the world.

804-543-4597 | OldSouthAntiques@gmail.com | OldSouthAntiques.com OSMA, LLC, 1720 S. Walton Blvd., Suite 4, Box 316, Bentonville, Arkansas 72712-7533

A Battle of Williamsburg Trophy Burger & Brothers Bowie Knife

By Shannon Pritchard

E

very soldier, North and South, needed a knife when they marched off to war; and in the South, it was fashionable, if not practical, to carry a large fighting knife, the bigger the better, judging from war-era photographs. Like the Code Duello, knife fighting was a Southern custom rarely engaged in by those above Mason–Dixon’s line. In truth, relatively little fighting was done with them, North or South, but there are numerous documented cases of Confederates engaging in hand-to-hand combat with knives.

I would like to think that the Burgers and Mr. Boyle were motivated by patriotism; but I am sure, as astute businessmen, they could see there was going to be a more considerable demand for swords than saws.

During the decade before the War Between the States, Bowie knives were in fashion and were widely carried by men all over the country. It is thus impossible to categorize Bowies as Confederate unless they have a documented history of Confederate use or are one of the few that have Southern maker marks or distinctive characteristics.

This beautiful Bowie has many classic Confederate hallmarks, but more importantly, it is stamped with the rare “BURGER & BROTHERS” over “RICHMOND – VA” maker’s mark. As such, it is a quintessential Confederate Bowie knife.

Prior to the War Between the States, Edward Boyle, Henry R., Lewis, and Peter N. Burger, were in the saw manufacturing business. When the North invaded Virginia, Boyle joined with Thomas Gamble and began producing various types of edged weapons, including knives and swords for private purchase and for the Confederate Government. The Burger Brothers had a much smaller production, but they too, made swords and knives.

Notices for the Burger Brothers, and Boyle & Gamble, Richmond Dispatch. Richmond, Va., Saturday, June 30, 1860, page 3.

(Newspapers.com)

Burger & Brother’s advertisement in De Bow’s Review and Industrial Resources, Statistics, Etc: Devoted to Commerce, Agriculture, Manufactures. United States: J. D. B. DeBow., 1861.

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Most Burger & Brothers and Boyle & Gamble products are unmarked; fortunately, they marked enough of each type of weapon for

modern collectors to readily identify their unmarked products.

Burger & Brother Bowies follow a distinct pattern.

The blade is flat without a ridge. The clip point has a false edge; the back is beveled, three iron rivets attach the two-piece wooden slab grips, and the cross guard is beveled brass, or sometimes iron. While these desirable knives are encountered with variations on the above, the knife pictured here has all the desirable signature characteristics and a wonderful Burger & Brothers maker’s mark.

The reverse of the knife and scabbard of this finely etched trophy of the Battle of Williamsburg.

The obverse of the knife and scabbard.

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This Bowie knife measures 15 ¾ inches overall and is in very good condition. The leather scabbard is original to the knife, and it too is strong and intact, except for the missing toe and belt. The missing scabbard toe would have been made of brass, like the throat. The remnants of a leather

lanyard are fixed around the knife’s pommel; this served two purposes: it prevented the wielder’s hand from sliding off the knife even when wet, and if it should come out of the hand, it remained with its owner. All in all, it is a very practical addition to a Southern soldier’s gear.

The knife’s new owner had the blade professionally etched upon his return home.

His candor in recording it as found, rather than captured, speaks well of his integrity.

BURGER & BROTHERS RICHMOND – VA stamp on the Williamsburg knife.

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The knife features a leather strip attached to the end of the wood grip. This was an addition made by its Confederate owner. This leather strip served a dual purpose. It enhanced the grip of the knife, particularly in wet conditions.

The leather’s texture and material properties provided additional friction, reducing the likelihood of the knife slipping out of the owner’s hand during use.

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Burger & Brother’s document reads: “$1000. Richmond Va. Nov. 11th 1861.

Received of Col. Wharton J. Green of the Department North Carolina Regiment One Thousand Dollars being payment in full for one hun-dred and seventy five Bowie Knives, belts, and scabbards for the use of his regt. [signed] Burger & Bro”

Source: Fold3.com, Confederate Citizens File, Business Name: Burger and Brothers, page 25, fold3.com/image/85287904. As a side note, Colonel Green enlisted in the Confederate service in 1861, and rose through the ranks to lieutenant colonel of the 2nd North Carolina Battalion.

A close-up of the carving on the wood grip reads: “WMSBURG / MAY 5 / 62” in three lines.

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The Williamsburg Trophy sheathed in its original leather scabbard.

Note that the reverse originally had a rivetedon, strap-type, belt loop like those found on the company’s D Guard scabbards.

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August 8, 1861 receipt for 100 knives at a cost of $6.25 each. The knives were received in Richmond, Va., from Smith Stansbury, Captain of Artillery.

Source: Fold3.com, Confederate Citizens File, Business Name: Burger and Brothers, page 38, https://www.fold3.com/image/85287917.

From September 21 to November 25, 1861, Burger & Brothers manufactured circular saws, 100 artillery knives, 63 Roman (artillery) swords, and 120 cavalry lances. They also repaired sabres for the Confederacy.

Source: Fold3.com, Confederate Citizens File, Business Name: Burger and Brothers, page 44, https://www.fold3.com/ image/85287923.

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OVERVIEW OF THE BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG

T

he Battle of Williamsburg was a significant delaying action that took place on May 5, 1862. The battle was fought under the direct leadership of Major General James Longstreet to give Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston’s Army of the Potomac, time to withdraw closer to Richmond; and yes, it was known as the Army of the Potomac at this time. The Union advance was part of Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign aimed at capturing the Confederate capital of Richmond, Va. The Peninsula Campaign had been initiated by McClellan with the objective of advancing up the Virginia Peninsula and seizing Richmond. The massive Union Army laid siege against an insignificant force under Brigadier General John Bankhead Magruder at Yorktown, Va. After a month’s preparation McClellan planned an assault on the Yorktown defenses, but the wily McGruder pulled out and marched for Williamsburg on the night of May 3. McClellan’s month of preparation gained naught but time for General Joseph E. Johnston to move his Army of the Potomac from northern Virginia to Williamsburg.

The Confederates had constructed a strong series of fortifications known as the Williamsburg Line, anchored by Fort Magruder. These works could be flanked by water; Johnston only intended to hold McClellen here until he could consolidate and move the whole army nearly forty-five miles closer to Richmond at the Chickahominy River. Major General James Longstreet’s troops were tasked with holding Williamsburg Line while the rest of the Confederate Army continued its withdrawal closer to the Chickahominy line.

On the afternoon of May 4, Union forces under Major General Edwin Sumner approached Williamsburg and encountered the Confederate defenses. Sumner was reluctant to launch a full-scale assault without further reconnaissance and support.

However, Brigadier General “Fighting Joe” Hooker thought the other generals were too timid and decided to attack.

Hooker’s Division advanced at dawn on May 5th, and brought on a battle, but “Fighting Joe” soon found that he was unable to advance and was in danger of defeat. McClellan ordered reinforcements to support Hooker and the fighting intensified as both sides committed more troops to the battle. Union forces repeatedly attempted to breach the Confederate lines but were repulsed each time. During the night Longstreet withdrew and continued his muddy march towards Richmond.

Private W.C. Watkins, 23rd North Carolina Infantry, wrote of the battle and withdrawal: “wet as rain can make us, with knapsacks and every shred of extra clothing gone, we marched back to the brow of the hill where we first formed in line of battle. Here amid mud and rain we were held in line of battle till 3 a.m. …then twelve miles were tramped, or rather stumbled, through darkness, mud and slush, before halt was made for rest of sleep, the tenacious mire was often knee deep. Shoes were pulled from our feet by it and lost. Pantaloons became so caked and weighted with mud that many, in sheer desperation and utter inability in their exhaustion, to carry an extra ounce, cut off and threw away all below the knees,” and it did not get any better for four more days, until they finally reached the Chickahominy on the evening of May 9th. The “trophy knife” must have been left behind in the dark, or perhaps on a dead Confederate.

After the battle, McClellan failed to pursue the retreating Confederate Army aggressively, missing an opportunity to inflict a crippling blow but giving time for the Union troops to scavenge souvenirs. The Confederates had successfully delayed the Union advance, buying valuable time for their forces to regroup and strengthen the defenses of Richmond.

The Battle of Williamsburg was a hard-fought engagement that McClellan described as a great victory. In reality, it demonstrated the weakness of McClellan’s leadership. It did not result in a decisive outcome for either side, but the Confederates achieved their goal, to hold McClellan in check. It also served to demonstrate McClellan’s timidity and lack of front line control that would plague the Union Army throughout the Seven Days Battles and beyond.

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Sketch of the battlefield and Confederate works in front of Williamsburg, Va., May 5, 1862. (Library of Congress) Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

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The brass counterguard is an elongated oval on this Burger & Brothers Bowie knife.

About the Author Shannon Pritchard has authored numerous articles relating to the authentication, care, and conservation of Confederate antiques, including several cover articles and is the author of the definitive work on Confederate collectibles, the widely acclaimed Collecting the Confederacy, Artifacts and Antiques from the War Between the States, and is co-author of Confederate Faces in Color.

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The Texas Gun Collectors Association is one of the oldest gun collecting clubs in the country, established in 1950. Our members’ interests mostly revolve around antique and historic firearms from a bygone era and also collectible classic firearms from more modern times. Our members come from 46 states in the U.S. and from Australia, Canada, England, Japan and Switzerland.

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Some of the benefits members enjoy are: G “The Texas Gun Collector“ is a high quality magazine published twice a year (in the Spring and the Fall) to keep the membership informed of association activities, to disseminate news, and to present articles and reports of common interest to those engaged in the collecting of antique and collectible arms. Members may submit articles for publication in the magazine or advertise within.

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Outside Front Cover

Merrill Altered Virginia Manufactory Rifles

By Tim Prince

T

he Virginia Manufactory of Arms was established in 1797 by an act of the Virginia legislature. The goal of this armory, located along the James River in Richmond, was to supply the Virginia militia with arms required for defending the Commonwealth. Over a roughly two-decade period, from 1802 through 1821, the Virginia Manufactory produced a variety of small arms, including some 58,000 flintlock muskets, 4,000 flintlock pistols, 2,000 flintlock rifles, and some 10,000 sabers. The facility also produced about 300 cannon during the same period. The facility was shut down circa 1821, primarily because arms were forthcoming from the U.S. government under the Militia Act of 1808.

The facility was resurrected during the Civil War as the Richmond Manufactory. In the interim, the facility had served as an arsenal, a storage facility rather than an armory, or manufactory. In 1860, with war clouds looming, the Commonwealth of Virginia decided to return the facility to its prior manufacturing status. To perform this task, former Harpers Ferry Master Armorer James Burton was hired to set up the facility. Burton had just returned from overseeing the set-up of the British Royal Small Arms Factory (RSAF) at Enfield Lock, Great Britain’s version of the “Springfield Armory,” and was undertaking to receive the necessary machinery to manufacture rifle muskets in Richmond when the Civil War erupted.

Reestablishing the Virginia Manufactory as the new Richmond Arsenal was not the only action the Virginia government took to prepare for war. In addition to trying to acquire small arms from as many vendors as possible during the year leading up to the firing on Fort Sumter, a major program of improvement was undertaken to alter existing stocks of flintlock firearms to percussion. This had been going on somewhat aggressively since about 1857, when the Commonwealth had started to turn in as many flintlock muskets as the Federal Government would allow under the Militia Act of 1808 and have them replaced by percussion-altered muskets.

Before the war, the Commonwealth had also contracted some private vendors like Merrill, Thomas & Company to alter existing arms to percussion, primarily Virginia Manufactory arms that were in storage. Once the war broke out, the Commonwealth relied on additional contractors to continue the percussion alteration program. The primary contractors were Thomas J. Adams of Richmond, J.B. (and A.B.) Barrett & Company, William Morgan, F. Persignon, S.C. Robinson, and the Union Manufacturing Company.

Three smaller contractors also did alterations for the Commonwealth on a much more limited basis, including J.H. Wells, J.D. Brown, and S. Holbrook. While most work was performed on flintlock muskets, many flintlock Virginia Manufactory rifles and pistols were also altered to percussion.

In 1803, the Virginia Manufactory produced its first flintlock rifles. These “First Model” or “Type I,” rifles largely followed the pattern of the “Kentucky” or “Pennsylvania” rifles then in common use on the frontier. They were nominally .50 rifles with octagonal barrels that were initially 46 inches in length but were shortened to 43 inches in 1806. The guns were 62 inches overall length (1803–1805) and then 58 ½ inches overall length. They were full stock, did not accept a bayonet, and were brass mounted during early production, but were changed to iron mounted during 1806. The early rifle’s most notable visual feature was a large, four-piece patchbox in the obverse buttstock that terminated in a large, coiled snake-motif hinge plate. Only 333 of these scarce “snake patchbox” rifles were produced by the Virginia Manufactory from 1803 through 1809.

James H. Burton. (August 17, 1823 – October 18, 1894) Left: Overall view of Merrill-altered 2nd Model Virginia Manufactory rifle. Civil War photograph of the ruins of State Arsenal and the Richmond & Petersburg Railroad bridge.

Richmond, Va. (Library of Congress) Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

The production of “Second Model,” or “Type II,” Virginia Manufactory Rifles began circa 1810–1811, but no rifles were completed until 1812. These rifles were similar to the earlier “Type I” but were .45 caliber, with a nominal 39 inches (38 ¹³⁄₁₆ inch) octagonal barrel and an overall length of 55 inches. The barrel was secured with three keys and a screw through the breech plug tang. Like the earlier rifle, it was a flintlock muzzleloader, brass mounted like the earliest “Type I” rifles.

Again, the design incorporated a full-length stock with no provision for a bayonet. U.S. tactical doctrine of the period saw the rifle as a specialty weapon, and they were not generally equipped with bayonets. Instead of the “Snake Patchbox,” a more conventionally shaped four-piece brass 61

patchbox was incorporated in the obverse buttstock.

Between 1812 and 1821, 1,760 Second Model Virginia Manufactory rifles were produced, bringing the total rifle production of the Virginia Manufactory to 2,093.

Between 1809 and 1815, the Commonwealth also purchased some contract rifles and did so again in 1819. These contract rifles were quite similar to the current production Second Model rifles, and a total of 2,145 were so acquired. Thus, the Commonwealth of Virginia manufactured or purchased 4,238 flintlock rifles between 1803 and 1821. According to George Moller’s research, between 1,000 and 1,500 of these flintlock rifles were in storage at various locations throughout the Commonwealth in 1860.

During the fall of 1858 and spring of 1859, one of the largest pre-war operations was undertaken to alter Virginia Manufactory rifles from flint to percussion.

During that period, some 600 Virginia Manufactory rifles were forwarded to the Washington Arsenal for alteration, but only 32 were modified. The balance were shipped to Harpers Ferry, where in early 1859, hammers and jigs were produced to perform the alterations, and the remaining rifles altered and then returned to the Richmond Arsenal. The cost by the U.S. Ordnance Department was charged against Virginia’s yearly allotment of arms under the Militia Act of 1808; the effective “cost” of the work equated to a deduction of some 44 muskets from the Commonwealth’s yearly allotment. As a result of the John Brown Raid on Harpers Ferry on October 16, 1859, nearly all these rifles were issued to the Virginia Militia. The raid likely Ruins of State Arsenal (formerly Virginia Manufactory) and view down James River, Richmond, Va. (Library of Congress)

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MILITIA ACT OF 1808 Provisions That the annual sum of two hundred thousand dollars be, and the same hereby is appropriated, for the purpose of providing arms and military equipments for the whole body of the militia of the United States, either by purchase or manufacture, by and on account of the United States.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is authorized, to purchase sites for, and erect such additional arsenals and manufactories of arms, as he may deem expedient, under the limitations and restrictions now provided by law: Provided also, that so much of any law as restricts the number of workmen in the armories of the United States to one hundred men, be, and the same hereby is repealed.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That all the arms procured in virtue of this act, shall be transmitted to the several states composing this Union, and territories thereof, to each state and territory respectively, in proportion to the number of the effective militia in each state and territory, and by each state and territory to be distributed, to the militia in such state and territory, under such rules and regulations as shall be by law prescribed by the legislature of each state and territory.

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

induced the Commonwealth to look to other potential locations to have their remaining stock of flintlock rifles altered. One firm that the Commonwealth turned to was Merrill, Thomas & Company of Baltimore.

Merrill, Thomas & Company had formerly been the firm of Merrill, Latrobe & Thomas. It had manufactured the Merrill, Latrobe & Thomas breechloading carbine for the U.S. military circa 1855. It would go on to manufacture Merrill breechloading carbines and rifles for the Union during the American Civil War. The firm agreed to undertake the alteration process for $2 per rifle, plus shipping and packing costs. Between 250 and 360 rifles were forwarded to Baltimore for alteration in early 1861; one shipment consisting of 172 rifles was returned on April 17, 1861, less than a week after the firing on Fort Sumter.

The work is distinctly identifiable as Merrill’s, as the percussion bolster and hammer have the same profile found on Merrill patent carbines and rifles. The oblong, angled bolster included a clean-out screw and was brazed over the original flintlock vent hole. The external flintlock battery was removed, and the associated lock holes were filled. A percussion hammer of Merrill’s design was added to the tumbler, and the percussion alteration process was complete. An additional feature of the Merrill-altered rifles was that the barrels were cut back slightly from their original 39-inch length to between 36 inches and 36 ½ inches. A number was then stamped on the face of the muzzle, which is believed to be an alteration inventory number, to keep track of the number of guns altered and to be billed for.

According to the research presented in Confederate Rifles and Muskets by Dr. John D. Murphy and Howard M. Madaus, at least 270 Merrill-altered Virginia Manufactory rifles can be documented as being issued between April 1, 1861, and June 13, 1861.

The guns were issued as follows: “50 Virginia Altered Rifles to Captain W.W. Cogbill, Chesterfield,” is believed to be W.T. Cogbill of the “Chesterfield Central Guards,” who would go on to be Company D of the 14th Virginia Infantry.

“60 Altered Virginia Rifles to Captain S.S. Williams, Woodstock.” This appears to be Samuel C. Williams of the “Brooklyn Grays,” who would go on to be Company F of the 10th Virginia Infantry.

“100 Virginia Altered Percussion Rifles to M.J. Harman, Staunton.” This appears to be Quartermaster M.G. Harman of Staunton, who subsequently issued the guns to the regiment assembled by Colonel George A. Porterfield, which would become the 25th Virginia Infantry.

“10 Virginia Percussion Rifles to Captain J.W. Timberlake, Greenwood Depot.” These guns went to the “Albemarle Rangers.”

“12 Virginia Percussion Lock rifles to Captain Thomas G. Pollock” for issue to the “Wise Skirmishers.” Captain Pollock was a company commander in the 46th Virginia Infantry, who would later go on to serve on the staff of General Kemper and be killed at Gettysburg.

Close-up of the lock area of a Merrill-altered Virginia Manufactory 2nd Model rifle, showing the distinctive Merrill bolster and hammer.

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

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Close-up of the name carved into the stock behind the triggerguard of the Merrillaltered Second Model Virginia Manufactory rifle. The name, E. Watson, links this rifle to the 46th Virginia Infantry, who were issued 12 percussion-altered “Virginia Rifles.”

Detail of the muzzle area of the Merrill-altered Second Model Virginia Manufactory rifle showing the Merrill conversion inventory number “44.”`

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Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

Detail of the cheek rest and counterpane of a Merrill-altered 2nd Model Virginia Manufactory rifle.

Close-up of the patchbox and lock area of the Merrill-altered 2nd Model Virginia Manufactory rifle.

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

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Murphy & Madaus believed that some guns listed above included Merrill-altered rifles from the first batch of rifles altered at Harpers Ferry. As the first issues of the percussion-altered rifles listed above occurred on April 1, 1861, slightly more than two weeks before the first Merrillaltered guns were returned, those rifles had to be Harpers Ferry-altered guns. Other “Virginia Rifles” issues are noted, but these references make it impossible to determine if the guns were percussion altered or remained in their original flintlock configuration. Using George Moller’s research as a point of reference, when the war broke out, approximately 700 to 1,200 Virginia rifles remained in store in their flintlock configuration after deducting the Merrill and Harpers Ferry altered rifles from his 1860 figure. Many of these guns were subsequently altered to percussion by Virginia-based contractors, like those listed earlier in this article.

The Merrill-altered 2nd Model Virginia Manufactory rifle pictured in this article conforms in all ways to the handful of known examples that survive today. The rifle has the

expected Merrill pattern hammer and bolster, and the barrel has been shortened from a nominal 39 inches to 36 ¼ inches.

The face of the muzzle is numbered 44. Interestingly, the only Merrill-altered Virginia Manufactory rifle available for the Murphy & Madaus study was #46, only two numbers away from this example. The original Virginia Manufactory markings remain on the lock, including a large VIRGINIA under the bolster and RICHMOND / 1820 in a two-line vertical arc behind the hammer. The rifle is additionally stamped E WATSON in the belly of the stock behind the triggerguard. An examination of Confederate enlistment rolls shows both an “E Watson” and a “G Watson” served in the 46th Virginia Infantry, a regiment that was issued 12 of the Merrill-altered Virginia rifles via Captain Pollock. The regiment used these guns for a small group of skirmishers.

Other than the replacement wooden ramrod and some restoration of the last couple of inches of the forend, the gun pictured in this article remains in its original configuration as it saw use during the Civil War.

E WATSON About the Author

Tim Prince is a full-time dealer in fine and collectible military arms from the Colonial Period through WWII. He operates College Hill Arsenal, a web-based antique arms retail site. A long-time collector and researcher, he has been a contributing author to two major book projects about Civil War era arms including The English Connection and a book on southern retailer-marked and Confederate-used shotguns. He is the author of over 60 articles on weapons in Civil War News. Tim is also a featured Arms & Militaria appraiser on the PBS Series Antiques Roadshow and serves as a Senior Consulting Specialist to the Arms & Armor department of Cowan’s, a Hindman Company.

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Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

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Membership benefits include: • The Antique Bowie Journal – a first-class, full-color print publication published three+ times annually • Annual Membership Meeting • Website with members-only section that includes a private discussion forum, resources such as how to avoid counterfeits, and online access to 40+ years of ABKA publications • Becoming part of a fellowship that includes the most knowledgeable authorities on bowie knives and the owners of the world’s finest bowie knife collections Membership is $50/year for both U.S. and International, and Lifetime Memberships are available.

Download a membership application at:

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Confederate Staff and Field Officer’s Sword

Ask The Appraiser:

I have a Civil War sword that I would like to know more about. It’s not a spectacular story, really, it was purchased so long ago from my dad. He bought it in North Carolina from a guy who lived a few houses down from a Civil War veteran’s family back in the 1960s. I don’t have any names, unfortunately. There are letters SHO on the pouch, but I don’t know if that’s a name or what that is. I’m looking for someone smarter than me to learn who made the sword and if there are others like mine. I can’t seem to find any sites that sell Civil War swords like mine. Does that mean it’s rare, or nobody is selling? I may decide to sell it one day; perhaps an auction would be best, but I’m not sure. What would a summary appraisal report show? Other than who made the sword and how old it is, what else can you say about it? Let me know if you need any more details or if you need better angles for those photos. Steve

Answer:

Your sword is not rare, but this pattern with the hilt cast in the form of letters “CSA” is a very popular and valuable

Confederate staff and field officer’s sword. There were two almost identical makers of this pattern, Louis Froelich of North Carolina & B. Douglas of South Carolina. Values on either maker are the same for unmarked examples.

There are subtle differences between the makers; Froelich normally had assembly markings in the form of Roman numerals cut into the edge of the guard and top of the scabbard throat. The lack of these assembly marks is one reason I believe B. Douglas of Columbia, S.C. made your sword.

Your sword is “as found,” with no restoration or cleaning, making it very popular among purist collectors. The attached white buff belt predates the Civil War and may have an old maker’s mark stenciled if you look closely. The buckle is the 1832 artillery pattern.

The buckle is unusual in that it has an eagle cast in relief on one side, which is typical, but the other side is plain and smooth. I have not seen this type of device before on the

Confederate staff officer sword most likely made by the firm of B. Douglas, Columbia, S.C., in “attic as found” condition with prewar militia belt and officer used valise.

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Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

other half. It is possible that there was an applied device, such as a state seal, though there are no visible signs of solder or attachment marks. The belt on its own sells in auction for around $1,000. The valise is not military, but similar items associated with Confederate officers are marketable, and initials add a partial identity to a soldier.

The sword, though not in the best condition, is still a fine survivor, complete, and authentic. Most grip leather

is missing due to poor storage, but the single-strand brass wire wrap is intact. The blade and scabbard body have an iron patina; the brass hilt and scabbard mounts have mottled chocolate/mustard patina. The finest examples sold in the heyday of the sword market for close to $20,000.

In auction today, a presale estimate of $7,000-9,000 would probably get good participation and could easily sell for more.

Five inches is the standard length for Civil War era sword grip north or south with rare variation.

Blade shows typical Confederate forging with unstopped fuller.

1832 pattern, 2-piece militia buckle attached by central “S” hook; one side has an eagle, and the other side is undecorated.

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

The scabbard has pinned brass throat and narrow brass ring mount standard to this pattern.

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The grip is made from spirally cut wood with a leather cover and wire wrap. Much of the leather has chipped away due to the dry environment where it was stored for the past 150 years in the attic or barn.

Beautiful chocolate brown patina found on the brass hilt with cast CSA.

About the Author

John Sexton holds the highest designations as certified appraiser with International Society of Appraisers (ISA-CAPP) & accredited senior appraiser with American Society of Appraisers (ASA) specializing in Civil War memorabilia.

He authenticates and evaluates other rare and valuable historic items as well.

He is coauthor of the book Confederate Bowie Knives (2012) with Jack Melton and Josh Phillips, published by Mowbray Publishing Inc., and author of many periodical articles on Confederate arms. John’s contact information: website: www.civilwarappraiser.com, email civilwarappraiser@gmail.com, cell 770-329-4984.

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Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 6

Calendar of Events Before making plans to attend any event, please contact the event host.

You can submit your event to: mail@militaryantiquecollector.com

NOVEMBER Nov. 11-12, Florida. Antique Gun, Knife, Civil War, and Militaria Show

Florida Military Antique Collectors, Inc. at the Fort Myers Event Center. Contact Gary 847-863-3929. FMAC, Inc., PO Box 6518, Fort Myers Beach, FL 33932. Email infofmac@yahoo.com, website https://fmaac.tripod.com.

Nov. 18, Virginia. Civil War Show

In conjunction with the Central Virginia Civil War Collectors Association, Bullet and Shell is proud to present the 42nd Annual Central Virginia Military Antique Show (formally Mike Kent’s Capital of the Confederacy Civil War Show). This year, the show is moving to a new location at Meadow Event Park, 13191 Dawn Blvd, in Doswell, Va. The show will host vendors and displays of American military history from the Revolutionary War through WWII. Bring your relics for appraisal or to sell. Over 300 tables! There will be many historical items to add to your collection. Show hours are 9-5 on Saturday, vendor setup on Friday.

Parking is free and admission is only $10 adults with children under 12 free. For more information; www.MilitaryAntiqueShow. com. Contact show promoters: Carl Sitherwood at 404-394-5128 or by email at Carl@BulletAndShell.com, and Mike Ward at 224-558-1886, Mike@BulletAndShell.com.

Nov. 12-13, Oklahoma. Gun Show

Tulsa Arms Collectors Association at the Tulsa Fairgrounds, Tulsa, OK. Contact Mark Wanenmacher, PO Box 33201, Tulsa, OK 74153. Phone 918-492-0401, website http://www.tulsaarmsshow.com.

Nov. 24-25, Tennessee. Military Collectors Association Show

Two shows a year since 1976. Over 325 tables of Militaria from all periods. Most is usually WWI and WWII with some Civil War and Gulf War. Tables are always sold out so new dealers may need to get on a short waiting list. Franklin Marriott Cool Springs Hotel, 700 Cool Springs Blvd, Franklin, TN 37067. Just off I-65 at exit 68-A. $5 admission and free parking. Friday Public Noon-5 p.m., Saturday 8 a.m. till 3 p.m. TMCA hotline 615-661-9379. www.tmcaonline.org, email TMCA@comcast.net. This show is open to the public. The TMCA has been around since 1976 with over 1,200 active club members. The TMCA is a nonprofit club, not a for-profit enterprise. We strive to keep cost low and simply have fun enjoying the hobby of collecting Militaria.

Visit our website for more information: https://www.tmcaonline.org.

Nov. 25-26, South Carolina. Gun and Knife Show

The Charleston (Ladson) Gun and Knife Show is held four times annually at the Exchange Park Fairgrounds in Ladson, S.C. While smaller than some of the shows at 315 tables, it still attracts some of the Low Country’s biggest and best gun shops, collectors, and hobbyists. Located just off I-26 at Exit 203, the show is easily accessible from Charleston and Columbia. Hours are 9 till 5 on Saturday, 10 till 4 on Sunday, admission is $10, and parking is free. For additional information; www.MKShows. com or contact Mike Kent at Mike@MKShows.com or by phone at 770-630-7296.

DECEMBER Dec. 1-3, Pennsylvania. Antique & Modern Arms Show

The Forks of the Delaware Historical Arms Society, Inc. presents the Antique & Modern Arms Show at the Agricultural Hall, Allentown, Pa. Contact 610-438-9006. 1350 Uhler Rd, PMB 138, Easton, PA 18040-9006. http://www.allentownshow.net.

Dec. 3-4, Tennessee. Civil War Show and Sale

MK Shows presents the 36th annual Middle Tennessee Civil War Show and Sale at the Williamson County Ag Expo Park, 4215 Long Lane in Franklin. The nation’s largest Civil War show, featuring 750 tables of antique weapons, artifacts, and memorabilia from top dealers and collectors around the country and encompassing all eras of military history from the Revolutionary War through World War II. Appraisers are always on hand to help you identify and value your military collectibles at no cost. Hours: Saturday 9-5, Sunday 9-3. Free Parking. Admission is only $10/adults and children under 12 are free. For additional information; www.MKShows.com or contact Mike Kent at Mike@MKShows.com or by phone at 770-630-7296.

Military Antique Collector Magazine • Vol. 2, No. 5

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Promoters of Quality Shows for Shooters, Collectors, Civil War and Militaria Enthusiasts

Presents The Finest

Military Collectible & Gun & Knife Shows

Rev War l Civil War l World War I & II l l Modern Gun & Knife Shows Myrtle Beach Gun & Knife Show

Asheville Gun & Knife Show

Nov. 4 & 5, 2023

Jan. 6 & 7, 2024

Myrtle Beach Convention Center 2101 North Oak Street Myrtle Beach, SC 29577

Charleston Gun & Knife Show Exchange Park Fairgrounds 9850 Highway 78 Ladson, SC 29456

Nov. 25 & 26, 2023

WNC Ag Center 1301 Fanning Bridge Road Fletcher, NC 28732

Chickamauga (Dalton) Civil War Show

Northwest Georgia Trade Center 2211 Tony Ingle Parkway Dalton, GA 30720

Feb. 3 & 4, 2024

Middle TN (Franklin) Civil War Show

Myrtle Beach Gun & Knife Show

Dec. 2 & 3, 2023

Feb. 10 & 11, 2024

Williamson County Ag Expo Park 4215 Long Lane Franklin, TN 37064

Myrtle Beach Convention Center 2101 North Oak Street Myrtle Beach, SC 29577

Mike Kent and Associates, LLC • PO Box 685 • Monroe, GA 30655

(770) 630-7296 • Mike@MKShows.com • www.MKShows.com

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