The Pilot Lent 2024

Editorial

We hope you enjoy the Lent edition of The Pilot in which we have tried to curate a selection of the best work from as broad a range of academic disciplines as possible. We’re particularly excited to showcase some of the amazing art work that Chigwellians produce. Special thanks to Mr Edwin Aitken for his invaluable help in this regard. The citations from some academic works have been removed, but a full set of references is available on request.

CONTENTS

FRONT COVER: SOLITUDE MEHAKI CHAN

2. EDITORIAL

3. APPROACHING THE MULTIVERSE INDIRA SARKAR

5. ROYAL ACADEMY ENTRY FELICITY RICH

6 AN ECO-WARRIOR’S TALE JAYDEN JOHNSON

6. ROYAL ACADEMY ENTRY ODETTE DAVIES

7. LA CASA DE BERNARDO ALBA TOM REA

10. AUTOBIOGRAPHY IN SPANISH SOFIA KING

11. G.C.S.E. GRAPHICS WORK TRISTAN MORGAN

11. G.C.S.E. GRAPHICS WORK ASIA HAYNES

12 1869. BRITISH GLOBALISATION AND THE SUEZ CANAL DYLAN CAMPBELL

16. FLOWER FISH MEHAKI CHAN

17 MEMORY AND ITS IMPORTANCE SYUEN CHIN

19. THAILAND TEMPLES MEHAKI CHAN

20 I MADE YOU A DUKE: MEASURE FOR MEASURE’S LUCIO TOM REA

23. ROMAN RHETORIC MADDIE SMALLSHAW

24. HONEY AND HER HORSE OLIVIA BOREHAM

25 TO WHAT EXTENT CAN FIRST GENERATION IMMIGRANTS BE FULLY INTEGRATED INTO CONTEMPORARY BRITISH SOCIETY JUSTINA NIKOLAYEVA

35. ROYAL ACADEMY ENTRY ISLA O’DOWD

36. AN EPIPHANY AT TIFFANY’S ROMA PABILA

40 MILGRAM AND AUTHORITY LIVVY TRESADERN

42. SELF PORTRAIT (IN PROGRESS) ISHAYA AGARWAL

43 BOLTZMANN DISTRIBUTION, ENTROPY AND FREE ENERGY RHYS SATHYAN

BACK COVER: LILY FANG

In her recent FPQ submission, Indira explored the multiverse.

Researching multiverse theories is important because it helps answer big questions about our universe's nature and origins. Exploring the idea of multiple universes can solve puzzles in cosmology and push the limits of our understanding in physics. It also encourages the development of new theories, potentially leading to breakthroughs and technological advancements. By studying the multiverse, scientists aim to unify conflicting theories, bringing us closer to a more comprehensive understanding of the universe.

Firstly, let’s define the word multiverse. The standard definition for the word multiverse is a theoretical domain consisting of multiple universes, with our universe being just a single entity within it. However, the meaning of multiverse can vary, relying on the interpretation of different theories regarding the probability of the existence of a multiverse. This idea of interpretation holding value is popular, not just in subjects like maths and science. The idea crops up in literature quite frequently as well.

For example, in 1967, French literary critic Roland Barthes wrote an essay called “The Death of the Author”, which states that the meaning of a text doesn’t hold any meaning or value until the reader determines, or interprets, the author’s intention in their own unique way. So, how could someone interpret the word multiverse?

Some think a multiverse is thousands (or even millions) of different parallel universes. Others think different universes live in deep areas of space we haven’t yet explored. What theories credit these ideas? Could we really be living in a multiverse? Let’s find out.

Cosmic inflation is believed to have occurred in the Big Bang, 13.8 billion years ago. This rapid expansion is believed to have smoothed out the distribution of matter and energy in the universe, making it more uniform and consistent.

Some scientists believe that this rapid expansion of the universe still hasn’t ceased in specific areas of space that we haven't yet observed, introducing a popular theory called eternal inflation. If these scientists are to be believed, eternal inflation could lead to the making of “bubble universes” each with its own set of physical laws. Since we have never seen these “bubble universes”, where could they be hiding?

Lots of things in space can’t be seen by the naked eye. Such as dark matter. In 1937, SwissAmerican astrophysicist Fritz Zwicky observed a group of galaxies called the coma cluster and measured the strength of the gravitational field. But something wasn’t right. The gravity working on the objects was too little to crank out the kind of gravity to hold this cluster in place. Something else was there. Something invisible to him. This ‘missing mass’ was eventually named dark matter. Since we are unable to see dark matter, anything could be concealed there, and, as 27% of our universe is made up of dark matter, there would be plenty of room for invisible dimensions. And given that the chance that earth was the only planet that came out of the big bang with the ability to accommodate life is exceedingly small, this is quite possible.

A black hole is a cosmic vacuum, a void that sucks in everything, even light. A white hole is the exact opposite. It shoots out things like light and energy and doesn’t let anything in. We haven’t yet found proof of white holes existing, yet queries have been voiced about what would happen if a black hole and a white hole were placed close together. Scientists have suggested that things that have been sucked into a black hole (and survived) would come out of a white hole in a different area, or even a different multiverse. This could literally act as a portal between universes.

String theory suggests that the fundamental molecules of the universe are not point-like particles, but rather one-dimensional "strings." These strings are conceived as extremely small and thin, and their behaviour centres around vibration. Instead of being static, these strings vibrate, like the strings of a musical instrument. In addition, the various particles that we see in the universe are believed to emerge from these vibrational patterns of the strings. The particles we perceive are generated by the distinct vibrational frequencies of these strings.

The central idea it presents involves considering minuscule strings, operating as the fundamental elements of the universe. These strings vibrate within dimensions that exceed the conventional three spatial dimensions plus time. This implies the existence of other dimensions beyond what we can perceive. Through this framework, string theory provides an explanation for the possibility of the multiverse. String theory is one of the most plausible addresses to the existing mathematical discrepancies between quantum mechanics and the theory of relativity.

For example, quantum mechanics, when interpreted through the many-worlds theory, proposes that all possible outcomes occur in separate branches of the vast multiverse. This interpretation theorises that beings exist in multiple positions simultaneously and all possible outcomes are covered by different versions of the same being. The reason we exclusively witness a singular outcome in a situation is because our detection is limited to a single result. However, the detection of only one outcome doesn't necessarily imply the absence of alternative solutions in different situations. These universes are often referred to as ‘parallel’ to ours.

To conclude, it is entirely plausible that we could be living in a vast, mystifying multiverse, with different universes dotted around us, living right under our noses (or, equally, clustered far away in areas that are invisible to the human eye). When observing cosmic vacuums, we could be unwittingly staring right at a portal to another dimension.

However, the multiverse theory is limited by a lack of evidence. Even though most ideas are based on maths or physics, they are purely theoretical. Although, that doesn’t mean this research is useless. Every fascinating formula, or fact, in science started out as nothing more than a theory.

INDIRA SARKAR, IVTH FORM

In celebration of the school’s Sustainability Week, budding poet and eco-warrior Jayden created this poem.

An Eco Warrior’s Tale

Beneath the sky so vast and blue, A tale of change, from me to you.

I am just twelve, but hear my voice, In a world of green, where hearts rejoice. Water bottles dance on store shelves, But their journey harms our ocean’s health. Microplastics whisper, hidden might, In our club of green, we seek what is right. No more plastic, let us make a stand, A cleaner world, in our small hands, Reuse, recycle, change the scene, For a brighter future, so fresh and clean.

I am just a boy, but hear my plea, A sustainable world, for you and me. With every small step, the ripple starts, In a poem of change, from young, brave hearts.

JAYDEN JOHNSON, IIIRD FORM

ODETTE DAVIES, IIIRD FORM

LVIth Spanish student, Tom, writes about his initial impressions of Bernarda Alba. He saw the play in production at The National at Christmas but has only recently started studying it in his Spanish lessons.

La Casa de Bernarda Alba ¿Hasta qué punto Bernarda es un producto de la sociedad en la que se crió?

La Casa de Bernarda Alba es una obra escrita por Federico García Lorca, poeta y dramaturgo andaluz, y se publicó por primera vez en 1936, solo dos meses antes de la ejecución del escritor en Granada a manos de las fuerzas falangistas. Subtitulado, ‘el drama de mujeres en los pueblos de España,’ Lorca examina el papel de la mujer en una España cada vez más opresiva.

A lo largo de la obra, se nos presentan casos de estudio contrastantes sobre el comportamiento femenino. La totalidad de la obra transcurre en el interior de la casa de Bernarda, en la que ha atrapado a sus hijas – Angustias, Magdalena, Martirio, Amelia y Adela – y a su madre loca, Maria Josefa, durante un periodo de ocho años de luto tras la muerte de su marido (el uso del dolor y la expectativa del mismo se utiliza constantemente para controlar a sus hijas, ‘Respetar el luto de su padre’ es claramente una prioridad. Ella las obliga a vestir de negro, lo que resulta en graves consecuencias cuando su hija menor, Adela, le ofrece un abanico verde con flores. Su hija mayor, Angustias, a pesar de estar a punto de casarse con el igualmente rico Pepe el Romano, también es regañada por llevar maquillaje –Bernarda le pregunta si ha “tenido valor de lavarte la cara el día de la misa de su padre.” Martirio también es maltratado físicamente por ‘el bastón’ de Bernarda por robar el retrato de Pepe lo que pertenece a Angustias. De esta manera, las hijas de Bernarda son vigiladas bajo un ojo atento dentro de la casa carcelaria con sus “muros gruesos” y “habitaciones blanquísimas.” En muchos sentidos, la de Bernarda es una figura violenta, controladora y aborrecible como una dictadura que no deja que entra “en esta casa el viento de la calle;” una mujer que “tiene cinco cadenas” en las que mantiene atadas a sus hijas, una que repele al público de hoy día (y fue fantásticamente interpretada recientemente por Harriet Walter en el Teatro Nacional.)

Sin embargo, la paradoja de Bernarda es que su riqueza y poder como mujer española solo tres años antes de que Franco las privara de sus derechos la convierte en un anomale refrescante en muchos sentidos. Desafortunadamente, ella usa su raro poder femenino para defender todos los ideales del patriarcado. A lo largo de la obra, se establece la falta de autonomía de las mujeres, ya que se denuncia a las mujeres que parecen poseer libertad sexual, como Paca La Roseta -"la única mujer mala" de su pueblo”, mientras que los hombres que "la llevan al olivo" (eufemismo para referirse a las actividades sexuales) son vistos con menos juicio. Sin embargo, el hecho de que Bernarda tenga puntos de vista tan tradicionales es interesante, ya que sugiere que puede ser un producto de las expectativas de su sociedad sobre las mujeres. Hay varias piezas de evidencia que sugieren que eso es así. En primer lugar, sus actitudes arcaicas hacia las mujeres liberadas ("que pague el que pisotea su decencia") son típicas de la España de Lorca. En un país donde las normas de género ("Hilo y aguja para las hembras. Látigo y mula para el varón.") estaban siendo reforzados por La Sección Femenina, lo que significaba que las mujeres que buscaban empleo eran mal vistas ya que la maternidad se convirtió en la función social primaria de las mujeres en la España franquista y

las esposas ni siquiera podían trabajar o viajar sin el permiso de sus maridos. En la obra, se refleja claramente cuando se dice por Bernarda, ’Una hija que desobedece deja de ser hija para convertirse en enemiga.”…

La preocupación por la clase (su visión de “los pobres son como los animales”) y los constantes recordatorios a su sirvienta de que su relación no es más que funcional debido a su clase"Me sirves y te pago"). y preocuparse por el mestizaje ("los hombres de aquí no son de su clase" y "mi sangre no se junta con la de los humanes mientras yo viva" y "menos gritos y más obras". En un país que tenía poco tiempo para la amistad y los vínculos en el lugar de trabajo. El miedo y la obsesión del cotilleo que vemos en Bernarda en que quiere mantener a María Josefa alejada del pozo porque "las vecinas pueden verla desde su ventana", el hecho de que le pida a La Poncia que "espiar a los vecinos", y el hecho de que la gente "tenga miedo de nuestra madre" por su intenso interés por el chisme, contribuyen a la sensación de que "nos pudrimos por él que dirán".

Todo lo anterior, junto con el hecho de que "así pasó en la casa de mi padre y mi abuelo", tal vez sugiera que Bernarda simplemente está continuando con la tradición porque no conoce otra forma de operar.

Por todas las razones expuestas, se puede argumentar que Bernarda no es más que un resultado de la sociedad española en la construcción de la dictadura franquista. Tal vez entonces sea posible que lo que debamos tomar en contra no sea esta desagradable mujer (cuya mayor preocupación tras la muerte de su hija es que "había muerto virgen", y les dice a sus hijas que lloren debajo de sus almohadas para mantener el barniz de fuerza y respetabilidad). Esto se debe a que es casi seguro que la intención de Lorca era más bien criticar no a Bernarda como personaje, sino a España como sociedad que se desliza en el estrangulamiento de Franco.

To what extent is Bernarda a product of the society in which she was raised?

The House of Bernarda Alba is a play written by Federico García Lorca, an Andalusian poet and play write, and was first published in 1936 just two months before the writer’s execution in Granada at the hands of the Falangist forces. Subtitled ‘drama of women in Spanish towns’ Lorca examines the roe of women in an increasingly oppressive Spain.

Throughout the play, we are presented with two contrasting case studies of female behaviour. The entirety of the play takes place inside Bernarda’s house in which she has trapped her children for an eight-year period of mourning, following the death of their father; the use of grief and the expectation of it is used to control her daughters throughout the play. She forces them to wear only black, resulting in serious consequences when hee youngest daughter Adela presents her with a green, flowery fan. Her eldest daughter, Angustias, despite being on the cusp of marriage to the equally wealthy Pepe el Romano, is also scolded for wearing makeup – Bernarda asks her if she “has dared to wash her face on the day of her father’s mass?” - and Martirio is physically abused (by Bernarda’s walking stick) for stealing Angustias’s portrait of Pepe. In this way, Bernarda’s daughters are monitored under Bernarda’s strict surveillance inside the prison-like house with its “thick walls” and “very white

rooms.” In many ways, she is a violent, controlling and abhorrent dictator-like figure within the household (a woman who repels modern day audiences and who was fantastically played by Harriet Walter in a recent production at the National Theatre.)

However, the paradox of Bernarda is that her wealth and power as a Spanish woman just three years before they were completely disenfranchised by Franco makes her in many ways a refreshing outlier. Unfortunately, she uses her rare female power to uphold the ideals of the patriarchy. Throughout the play, the lack of autonomy for women is established since any women that seem to possess sexual freedom, such as Paca la Roseta (“the only bad woman in the town”), are denounced, but the men who “take her to the olive grove” (a euphemism for sexual activities) are viewed with less judgement. The fact that Bernarda holds such traditional views is interesting as it suggests she may be a product of her society’s expectations of women. There is a lot of evidence to suggest that this is the case. Firstly, her archaic attitudes towards liberated women (“let she who tramples on her decency pay”) are typical of Lorca’s Spain. In a country where gender roles (“Needle and thread for females. Whip and mule for the man,”) were reinforced by La Sección Femenina, meaning that women seeking employment were frowned upon as motherhood became the primary social function of women in Francoist Spain. Wives could not even work or travel without their husbands’ permission. In the play, this is clearly reflected when it is said by Bernarda that “A daughter who disobeys ceases to be a daughter and becomes an enemy.”

The preoccupation with class ( her view of poor people - “los pobres son como los animales” – and constant reminders to her maid that their relationship is nothing but functional due to her class –“Me sirves y te pago.”) and worry about miscegenation (“los hombres de aquí no son de su clase” y “mi sangre no se junta con la de los humanes mientras yo viva” y “menos gritos y más obras.” In a country that was little time for friendship/bonding in the workplace. The fear and obsession of gossip that we see in Bernarda in that she wants to keep Maria Josefa away from the well because “las vecinas pueden verla desde su ventana”, the fact that she asks La Poncia (the maid) to “espiar a los vecinos,” and the fact that people “tiene miedo de nuestro madre” because of her intense interest in gossip all contribute to the sense that the characters “rot” because of “ what they/other people will say.”

All of the above, along with the fact that “this is how it was in the house of [her] father and grandfather,” perhaps suggest that Bernarda is simply carrying on the tradition because she knows no other way in which to operate.

For all the reasons state above, it can be argued that Bernarda is nothing but an outcome of Spanish society in the build-up to the Francoist dictatorship. Perhaps then it is possible that what we should take against is not this unpleasant woman (whose greatest worry upon the death of her daughter is that “she had died a virgin,” and tells her daughters to cry beneath their pillows in order to maintain the veneer of strength and respectability). This is because it is almost certain that Lorca’s intention was to criticise not Bernarda as a character but Spain as a society slipping into the chokehold of Franco.

TOM REA LVITH

IVth Form scholar, Sofia, produced this piece of Spanish writing. The quality of it for a student in year 8 is quite exceptional.

¡Hola! Me llamo Sofia y tengo doce años. Soy inglés y vivo en Inglaterra. Normalmente, voy a España, pero el año pasado en febrero, por una semana, fui a Francia con mis padres y mi hermano, que se llama Nate. Fuimos en tren, y luego en coche. Era muy aburrido en el coche porque no es nada cómodo y es muy desagradable. Sin embargo, vi unas películas muy buenas y escuché música. Escuché la música electrónica más que la música pop porque prefiero las melodías. Me alojé en un hotel de cuatro estrellas en las montañas. No había nada, pero la habitación era pequeña pero bastante agradable. Los dormitorios eran muy cómodas y bonitas. También el salón es muy buen y bastante agradable. Sin embargo, la cocina es guay y muy moderna. Durante mis vacaciones, todos los días esquiaba porque era muy divertido y nunca aburrido, sin embargo, no era fácil. También, comí en un restaurante bueno, ¡pero era un desastre! Porque la comida era mal y el restaurante era demasiado ocupado. Pero, mi madre y yo hicimos patinaje, era regular. No hizo buen tiempo. Además, nevó mucho e hizo mucho, muy frío todos los días. Sin embargo, ¡me encanto! ¡En Francia, lo pasé fantástico!

Translation: Hello! My name is Sofia, and I am 10 years old. I am English and I live in England. Normally, I go to Spain, but last year in February, for a week, I went to France with my parents and my brother, whose name is Nate. We went by train, and then in car. It was very boring in the car because it is not comfortable at all and is unpleasant. However, I watched a few very good films and I listened to music. I listen to electronic music more than pop music because I prefer the melodies. I stayed in a four-star hotel in the mountains. There was nothing, but the room was small but quite nice. The bedrooms were very comfortable and nice. Furthermore, the living room is very good and quite nice. However, the kitchen is cool and very modern. During my vacation, every day I skied because it was so much fun and never boring, however, it was not easy. Also, I ate at a good restaurant, but it was a disaster! Because the food was bad, and the restaurant was too busy. But my mother and I did skate, it was regular. It wasn’t good weather. Also, it snowed a lot, and it was very, very cold every day. However, I loved it! In France, I had a fantastic time

SOFIA KING IVTH

UVth and LVith artists Tristan and Asia have produced some outstanding work this year balancing text, images and colour with flair.

TRISTAN MORGAN UVTH

ASIA HAYNES LVTH

LVIth historian, Dylan, explores the impact of the Suez Canal in a recent piece of independent research.

The Suez Canal Company was established in 1858 by French diplomat, Ferdinand de Lesseps, with construction of the canal lasting until 1869, when it was officially opened on the 17th of November. Contrary to expectations, there was early opposition from the British towards the Suez Canal. Long-lasting British fears about loss of the India trade contributed to the Empire’s predisposition against the construction of the canal, since the British dominated the Cape route and overland route to India. A new canal would disrupt their plans to establish mercantile and naval supremacy since it would allow other rising global powers such as Germany to benefit. Despite this early opposition, Benjamin Disraeli’s Government ultimately decided to purchase a 44% share in the canal in 1875 since Britain stood to gain the most from the construction of the Suez Canal, given their naval dominance and desires of colonial expansion. By dramatically reducing the voyage time and distance between Britain and the subcontinent by 4200 kilometres (Searight, 1969, p144), the passage would allow Britain to further pursue its main economic and political interests in that region, ultimately allowing it to consolidate British power over India. The shortened voyage time allowed for an increase in the level of exports, reflected by India’s balance of payments and eased the transfer of troops between the colonies. In this essay I will examine how Suez aided the expanse of British imperial efforts and analyse the flow of British capital and culture as subtopics within globalisation as a new emerging force. In this instance, it is important to define British globalisation and differentiate it as it is unique, as it contains elements of mercantile capitalism and social change. The focus of my essay will address imperialism and British globalisation, focusing primarily on the components above, being defined as the expansion of more developed and extensive economic, cultural and transportation forms made possible through imperial networks, which were facilitated by the Suez Canal.

After the construction of Suez, the newfound efficiency and expansion of Britain’s capital flow abroad was extremely impressive. Whilst Egypt surrendering its shares in the Suez Canal may have been detrimental to the economic interests of Egypt in the long run, the British most certainly benefited from their new stake in the canal. The economy of the British Empire relied upon on a methodical, safe, and systematic passage to the subcontinent, which Suez carried out efficiently. Rather than cultivating the normal contemporary laissez-faire relationship between colony and home country, Britain’s governing powers extorted and exercised taxes and monopolies on primary goods, such as salt, throughout the duration of the British rule. (Gallagher et al, 1953, p3). Despite India earning the label of an agricultural country, India was a huge source of luxury items like ivory, carpets and pearls. Indian goods were in demand across the world and appreciated for their fine craftmanship. The industrial revolution in England dramatically changed the whole pattern of trade, and the following years saw the age of industrial capitalist exploitation, with the expanse of the cotton industry. The theory that globalization is a tool used to continue the economic exploitation of developing countries and promote the pillaging and plundering of colonies is proven by the British tenure in India. Throughout the duration of the British Raj, one can clearly identify how Suez facilitated the proliferation of British commerce. Before the construction of Suez between the years of 18331872, it was estimated that the East India Company generated revenue of approximately £500 million from India. (Thakur, 2013, p407). After construction of Suez, between 1871 and 1916, it was estimated that India accounted for a 40% deficit in Britain’s balance of payments,

totalling approximately £4 billion. (Mukherjee, 2010, p77). The comparison in monetary terms before and after Suez’s completion is striking; thereby substantiating the argument that Suez was incredibly influential on the expanse of British capital flow in India.

As discussed above, whilst the Suez Canal facilitated Adam Smith’s style of laissez-faire economics and helped the British expand their prosperity in India, the introduction and regularity in the use of free trade was detrimental for the Indians, which clearly showed the British motive for being in India was not an exercise in altruism. Despite the impact this had on India, it did not prevent the British from attempting to assert their ideals on other aspects of life for the Indian population. As mentioned previously, one component of British globalisation was the emergence of cultural globalisation, manifesting in various forms. Although the expansion of the empire was not primarily culturally driven, this does not mean that there were not deliberate attempts to spread British culture through missionaries promoting Christianity and the establishment of imperial education networks or attempts to socialize local elites. (Martell, 2008, pg 449).

After the construction of the Suez Canal and termination of the East India Company, developments in cultural globalisation truly began to materialise in India. The opening of the Suez Canal allowed greater access to the subcontinent for English women for instance, who despite having to be protected from ‘barbarous’ Indian men and hostile culture, still had huge influences on local culture. Women such as Mary Impey were patrons of art in Bengal. Dwarkanath Tagore, a local entrepreneur with British partners, which included British women, became a “a strong advocate of female education” and co-founded the Bengal renaissance (Blackwell, 2008, p1). This contrasted heavily with the previously rigidly orthodox view of women in most British-Indian households. A view such as this represented a cultural change in ideals, with India seeing the beginnings of a suffrage movement in the early 20th century. Single women made up a large proportion of British citizens in the subcontinent, as a consequence of the Government expressing the need in India for women to be mothers to children, provide support for the men’s work, and fulfil the desire for a replica of British society thousands of miles from home. As a result of Britain’s bid to ‘civilize’ India and westernise it, the British exerted huge influence on social conformities. The focus of imperial propaganda illustrated how western ideals were allegedly superior to those of the east, and they used this to justify their social reform. India was described as ‘backward’, as if imposing British rule was beneficial to Indian culture. This was done with the aim of making India align strongly with a sense of British identity, which meant that there would be greater appeal to British citizens to migrate there, an option made more readily accessible by the Suez Canal. The inflow of British citizens can be identified in a census conducted in 1861 prior to Suez, which saw approximately 125,945 British in India, compared to circa 238,409 in 1891, an increase of almost double, demonstrating how Suez facilitated the expanse of British immigration in India. In asserting British cultural norms as a component of globalisation, major laws were liberalized that were perceived as ethical issues, such as child marriage laws, female infanticide and female inheritance were all modernised during the British Raj. The British even liberalized laws on allowing prostitution, granting women the right to practice sexual favours. (Wright, no date, p56). The increased immigration of British citizens, and women in particular, to India through the Suez route evidently led to the social change discussed, although whether the change they implemented was beneficial to the Indian population, is contestable.

Social reform was not the only element of Indian culture which underwent significant change; political philosophy and academia in India also experienced rapid development. English was made one of the official languages, and since no one Indian language could claim the majority of native speakers, the establishment of English as a universal language bridged the gap that separated different parts of India. This led to the development of universities in Bombay, Madras and Calcutta and Indian literature in English, and even went as far as including the Magna Carta in Indian classrooms. (Masani, 1987, p90). However, few English schools and colleges were opened, and they ignored the education of the Indian masses, and the education was far from sufficient to cater to the needs of the whole Indian population. Despite the British following a half-hearted education policy in India, the English language and western ideas had some positive impact on the society for Indians. Many reformers like Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, and Swami Vivekananda absorbed western ideas of liberalism and democracy through universities. Though widespread education did not reach the masses, some ideas of anti-imperialism, nationalism, social and economic equality took root through political parties, discussions and debates on public platform and the press. The cultural developments in academia and political theory meant that more Indians were becoming educated, as evident by Gandhi and Nehru’s desire to further advance their careers by travelling to Britain to obtain a legal education. The newly established Suez route increased the accessibility for Indians to travel to Britain, with Jinnah taking advantage of this opportunity and advancing his understanding of 19th century liberalism and the concept of a democratic nation abiding by progressive politics. Whilst the British educating Indians was carried out with British economic interests at heart, they ironically did more damage to colonial rule than intended; Gandhi used his education to resist the British rule. The Suez Canal facilitated the expanse of education by allowing students to travel between the subcontinent and Britain. It also allowed for more British citizens to live in India, and these citizens wanted to have educated Indians working for them, and were therefore forced to create these educational institutions, and thereby facilitated the expanse of cultural globalisation in India.

It is also important not to overstate the benefits of the cultural ‘enrichment’ imposed by the British. There is a strong argument to be made that this was not about civilising locals, but that civilising claims were a justification for exploiting people as tools and their land for raw materials thus legitimating imperialism (Hopkins, 1999, p205). In a case like India, Hopkins argues, cultures were in fact just as sophisticated as those coming from the imperialist west. Aside from globalisation, the Suez Canal also allowed the British to exert a stronger hold on India from an imperialist perspective. The implications of Suez were far more multi-faceted than meets the eye. The dramatically reduced voyage time that Suez provided served to strengthen Britain’s hold on the subcontinent and mitigated the effects of uprisings, since troops could reach the subcontinent in record times to subjugate any revolts. The British Empire was able to maintain significant strategic interests in India. Half of the Empire’s expenditures in India were specifically allocated to military forces. (Mazumder, 2003, p8) The Suez Canal stood to strengthen the colony and the Empire’s defences by rapidly expediting the process by which the British-Indian troops were replenished with supplies and reinforcements, as the Canal offered a faster route to India. The importance of having British soldiers in India became apparent when in 1857, the Sepoy Rebellion was sparked by annoyance amongst Muslim and Hindu soldiers who were against the necessity of consuming

cow and pig grease in rifle cartridges. As a result of the huge loss in Bengal troops, the British were forced to increase the ratio of British to Indian soldiers within India and the British Empire learnt a hard lesson about the cumbersome distance between its capital and the centers of power within the colony. Officials in London heard about the uprisings in Meerut, Delhi, and Cawnpore 30, 40 and 50 days respectively after each event’s date (Bogden, 2021, p1). Troop ships dispatched from Britain faced a three-month delay before arriving in India. Consequently, Delhi was liberated by troops from the Punjab, without aid from a single British soldier. Had the delays been cut in half, Britain might have suffered significantly less damage to its prestige and imperial holdings. The importance of a shorter route through Suez became evident, and when this was established, the British took full advantage of it. With what began as a contingent of just over 45,000 British soldiers serving the British East India Company, it rapidly expanded and by 1880, eleven years after Suez was built, the Raj’s forces had grown to 137,000 troops. However, internal threats were not the only problem; a territory that was so important for the British economy and for British prestige needed to be defended from external threats as well. The Indian Army was underdeveloped to meet any such threat. To combat this, British officers began training at a military College near Croydon and were then sent to India to command Indian sepoys, travelling through the Suez route. Between 1838 and 1920 the Indian army was used outside India on nineteen occasions: in China in 1839, 1856 and 1859, in Persia in 1856, in Ethiopia in 1867, in Afghanistan in 1878, in Egypt in 1882, in Burma in 1885, in Nyasaland in 1893, in Sudan in 1896 and in Uganda in 1896. The long litany of foreign conflicts is a testament to how having a strong army was an incredible necessity for Britain. The British were desperate to maintain troops in India as a check against Russia’s advance toward the colony. By the 1870s, Russian troops had moved within 650 kilometres of India’s Punjab province. Had Russian forces crossed India’s border, BritishIndian troops would have been the colony’s main defense. Consistent and efficient transit over the seaborne passage through Suez to the subcontinent remained vital in maintaining the readiness of troops. It is therefore clear how important Suez was in providing more readily available soldiers to the subcontinent, suggesting that the newly formed waterway bolstered imperial interests. From an imperialist perspective, Suez allowed Britain to consolidate and maintain rule of India through the increase in military presence, with British rule lasting 78 years after Suez was constructed. The emergence of British culture in India began to materialise after Suez’s inception through the establishment of western social reforms. Whilst this was positive in advancing and modernizing previously backward Indian social conformities such as Sati, other elements of culture such as education proved detrimental to British interests. Gandhi’s education in western legal theory produced the basis for his use of widespread pacifism, which he used in his resistance against the British Raj.

Notwithstanding the failure to invest in the Suez Canal at the point of its opening in 1869, the construction of the canal and subsequent British investment substantially developed Britain’s mercantile and imperial interests in India. The benefits are demonstrated by the empirical data that I have presented; Suez was hugely profitable. Dividends on the original investment alone provided the British with an annual return of 8-9%, without factoring in lucrative Indian exports.

DYLAN CAMPBELL LVITH

MEHAKI CHAN, LVITH

Syuen conducted some research into a topic close to her heart for her recent FPQ: the importance of memory.

Most people do not realise the importance of our memory until they forget something, such as, where they put their car keys or someone’s name. Our memory is crucial to our everyday life, could you imagine how your life would be without it? In this essay I will discuss the causes of memory loss and how our memory can be improved.

Firstly, let’s look at how memories are formed. There are three parts of our memory, shortterm memory, working memory and long-term memory. Short-term memory can hold information for only seconds. Typically, we can only retain between five to nine pieces of information at a time. Without repeating or thinking about this memory it can dissipate quickly. If we do repeat this memory by rehearsing it or thinking about it, then it is kept in the working memory (a type of short-term memory which stores information from minutes to hours) and it is usually for completing cognitive tasks – such as solving a maths equation or a comprehensive question. From there, these memories are either discarded by the brain or moved to long-term memory. Long-term memories are relatively permanent- lasting from hours to months, although some memories can last longer, up to a lifetime.

Memories must first be encoded in order to be formed. This is the initial learning of the information and once we receive sensory information from our environment it is processed into something that can stored. Our memories then have to be stored in our short-term memory where it is kept for some time. Unless the memory is consolidated by neurones repeatedly communicating through synapses which are the gaps between neurones, our memories will fade away.

But why do we lose our memories? Our short-term memories hold information that we only need for a couple seconds or minutes. For example, imagine you were crossing a road and you looked to the side to check if there were no cars. Once you crossed the road you would discard that information as it would be unnecessary and would only clutter your brain. Losing some of our memories over time is normal especially when we age, and it is not usually a sign of a memory loss disease. The reason we lose our memories with age is because the structural integrity of the neurones that communicate with each other through synapses is weakened and the size of our hippocampus shrinks. This does not mean that you cannot retrieve your memories at all, it just takes more effort than it did at a younger age.

Although forgetting is usually nothing to worry about, sometimes it actually can be a sign of a memory disorder. Examples of memory disorders are dementia and Alzheimer’s disease, two prominent disorders you likely have heard of. These both affect our memory significantly and they are two words that are commonly used interchangeably - but what is the difference? The answer is that Alzheimer’s disease is a specific disease, while dementia refers to a group of symptoms - and neither of which have a cure. Alzheimer’s disease accounts for 60% - 80% of dementia cases. The first signs of Alzheimer’s disease are usually difficulty remembering new information as that is the part of the brain Alzheimer’s disease affects first.

Sometimes, we haven’t forgotten a memory, but replaced it with something that might not be entirely accurate. False memories are a phenomenon when we remember something

incorrectly but think it to be true. For example, a study done in the 1990s proved our memories are affected by other people. A group of people were told they were lost in the mall as a child, and their parents confirmed that they did go missing. They were then asked to recall the event in as much detail as possible. Some of the people recalled this event in vivid details – but the truth is, none of them had actually been lost in a mall before. This is one of the causes of false memories – people suggesting something happened, causing us to actually believe it did occur. This sometimes happens when the police use a leading question in an interrogation – causing the person being investigated to falsely say something that might not have happened.

Although some people have better memories than others, there are ways we can improve our memory. Having constant sleep routines, eating well, exercising and avoiding alcohol can contribute to keeping our memory healthy. In addition to physical exercise, our brains need to be ‘exercised’ too. Your brain has millions of neural pathways but if we keep using the same ones our brain isn’t being stimulated enough to develop. We need to test our cognitive abilities – our brain has the ability to form new neutral pathways at any stage in our lives. A good way of ‘exercising’ our brains is to learn a new language. It was believed that learning a new language could confuse children while growing and learning another language wasn’t beneficial – but now we know that’s not the case. Learning a new language stimulates your brain, and although it’s trickier to learn a new language when you’re older, that means the benefits are better too as your brain has to work harder.

In conclusion, our memory plays a pivotal role in our daily lives, influencing our ability to navigate tasks, recall experiences, and shape our understanding of the world. Our memory works in an intricate way and while the natural aging process may bring about some memory challenges, disorders like dementia and Alzheimer’s underscore the significance of keeping our memories healthy. In addition, false memories display how our memories are not factual events but a perspective of one person affected by their environment. We can grow and strengthen our memory through ‘exercising’ our brain and keeping a healthy lifestyle. Finally, it is vital that we continue to protect our memories as what happens in our lives truly is what shapes our personalities and us as a person.

SYUEN CHIN, IVTH FORM

MEHAKI CHAN, LVITH

In this timed conditions piece, Tom explores why the Duke condemns Lucio - for impugning his authority or competing with it?

‘I made you a Duke…do not recompense me by making me a cuckold.’ Measure for Measure’s Lucio.

Lawrence (1958) describes Lucio as a ‘fantastique’ who both impugns the Duke’s authority through his censure and slander of authority figures and who competes with it when he sees through Vincentio’s abdication of power and very nearly gets the Duke himself punished for slander at the end of the play. In the end, however, the Duke silences and punishes Lucio with critics divided as to whether or not this is an appropriate use of the Duke’s supreme power. Lucio impugns the Duke’s power in many ways, not least because he is the embodiment of the excessive laxity and leniency that has been a trademark of the Duke’s leadership. This can be seen through Lucio’s initial interactions on stage when he indulges in bawdy jokes and remarks such as ‘Behold, behold where Madam Mitigation comes. I had purchased as many diseases under her roof as come to judge.’ The same brazen behaviour is evident even when Lucio addresses the novice Isabella, in a nunnery, greeting her with ‘Hail Virgin, if so you be.’ This leads critics such as Lawrence to suggest that ‘the fact that he is dissolute, free-spoken and a haunter of brothels helps to establish … what the young men in Vienna are like, establishing the city’s moral rottenness so necessary to the plot.’ (Lawrence 1958). Not only is Lucio, therefore, symbolic of the Duke’s flawed leadership but it is also clear that he is selfconsciously aware of these flaws claiming that the Duke would have ‘dark deeds darkly answered’ – an explicit allusion to the Duke’s laissez faire attitude to probity as he has historically reigned by turning a blind eye to immorality. In this way, Lucio’s role in the play is to act as a representative of Vienna’s vice and corruption which leads the audience to call into question the Duke’s leadership, impugning the latter’s authority. More obviously, though, Lucio undermines the Duke by criticising his appointment of Angelo to the greatest position of responsibility. His assessment of Angelo as ‘a man whose blood is very snowbroth,’ who ‘was not made by man and woman’ and whose ‘urine is congealed ice’ condemns Angelo as being too glacial and draconian to lead with both ‘mortality and mercy.’ In this way, Lucio calls into question the Duke’s decision to appoint Angelo as his interim deputy because he appears not to have the compassionate qualities of Escalus. Perhaps the most obvious exhibition of Lucio undermining the Duke is when he attacks his character and behaviour in Act III accusing Vincentio of being ‘a very superficial, ignorant, unweighing fellow’ who ‘would be drunk too’, ‘eat mutton on Fridays’ and ‘pa[y] for the nursing of a thousand [bastards]…’ Such condemnation leads critics such as Kaplan to suggest that ‘Lucio is a slanderer, charging the ruler with licentiousness, drunkenness and stupidity’ (Kaplan 1990) thereby opening the critical debate up as to whether the Duke of dark corners really does have ‘some feeling for the sport’ or whether Lucio is an out and out slanderer. Either way, the fact that Lucio can and does ‘proclaim’ the Duke in this way can only be seen as impugning the Duke’s authority.

Despite the fact that ‘Lucio’s witticisms pinpoint what seem to be a significant inadequacy of the Duke’s actions as a ruler’, perhaps the reason he must be silenced at the end of the play resides less in the fact that he undermines the Duke’s fragile authority but that he competes with it. First of all, this can be seen in the Duke’s fearful reaction to Lucio’s slanders in Act III

when he is forced to seek validation from Escalus in order to restore his confidence by asking ‘I pray you, sir, of what disposition was the Duke?’ The fact that Vincentio reacts like this suggests that Lucio’s attacks have had a significant impact on him, with Lucio here presented as a direct threat rather than just a thorn in the side of the Duke’s power and influence. Secondly, critics such as Lawrence claim that Lucio is ‘a fellow who likes to be thought wise in affairs of state.’ This is perhaps best observed in Lucio’s dialogue with Claudio in Act I scene ii when Lucio tells the latter that the Duke’s ‘givings out were of an infinite distance from his true meant design’ thereby debunking the Duke’s confidence in his own spin in I iii when he says that his citizens think he is Poland for so ‘[he] has strewn it in the common ear and so it is believed.’ Lucio’s claim that he is aware of the inner-workings, politics and spin-based ‘fantastical tricks’ at the very top of Viennese society leads Coghill to suggest that ‘Lucio gives us reason to think that he knows all the time who the Friar-Duke is’ (Coghill 1955). However, this claim is not supported by Lawrence in 1958 who asked, ‘if Lucio knows who the friar is, why does he bait him so unmercifully and finally expose him, when the result can only be his undoing?’ This can be seen in the trickster’s accusation of ‘Friar Lodowick’ for the very same crimes that Lucio himself has committed, when he says ‘this is the rascal. This is he I spoke of… Do you remember what you said of the Duke? And was the Duke a fleshmonger…?’ In this way, Lawrence argues that Lucio’s taunting of the mysterious friar can only result in the Duke’s reappearance and Lucio’s punishment, a path which Lucio would not pursue unless he was oblivious to the Duke’s disguise. Lawrence therefore refutes the notion that Lucio competes with the Duke claiming that while Lucio likes to think of himself as an ‘inward’, ‘the joke is that the fellow who fancies himself in the know is really deceived all along, until the duke finally stands revealed’ (Lawrence 1958). However, even if Lucio is unaware of the Friar’s true identity, the amount of power that he holds during more than one moment in the play is frightening, albeit short-lived. The fact that it is Lucio who unmasks the Duke is symbolic of the power and control he has over the Duke at that point and, consequently, unfortunately for Lucio, spells out his downfall. Thus, Lucio challenges the Duke’s authority when he questions the authenticity of his spin, spreads an alternative account of his whereabouts and becomes his prosecutor at the play’s close.

In addition, Lucio’s accidental power over the Duke is evident when he intentionally or otherwise, facilitates the Duke’s agenda. One such example, is through Lucio’s persuasion of Isabella to talk to Angelo about the possibility of rescuing Claudio (Act I) and his subsequent stage-management of this interaction (Act II). That this ‘staging of Isabella is disastrously successful, placing her in an impossible dilemma,’ (Kaplan 1990) can be witnessed when Lucio tells her to ‘touch him, there’s the vein’ and commands her ‘to him, to him, wench, he will relent, he’s coming I perceiv’t’. Indeed, there are lines of argument to suggest that Lucio’s evil is that he himself knows full well what sort of danger he is placing Isabella in, with the previously ‘snow broth’ Angelo. This can be seen when he tells her not only to ‘sue’ but also to ‘weep and kneel’ so that ‘all [her] petitions are as freely theirs as they themselves would owe them.’ Kaplan also explains how ‘Lucio’s fantastical direction discloses an aspect of Angelo’s character with which the deputy himself had never come to terms,’ and, interestingly, this is exactly what the Duke has been wanting to discover from the beginning since he wants to see ‘what our seemers be’. Kaplan develops this point to suggest that the Duke is ‘very eager to discover if Angelo’s reputation is all that it seems’ and, in this way, Lucio’s control and ‘guidance’ of Isabella in her manipulation of Angelo inadvertently reveals Angelo’s ‘sharp appetite’, aiding the Duke in his quest to unearth Angelo’s hypocrisy.

Finally, critics are divided in regards to the Duke’s punishment of Lucio at the play’s close. This punishment occurs after the Duke has been unmasked and takes out revenge on the troublesome Lucio when he says ‘You, sirrah, who knew me for a fool, a coward…wherein have I so deserved of you that you extol me thus?’ and orders for the perpetrator to be ‘whipped first… the nuptial finished, let him be whipped and hanged.’ Some critics suggest that the disproportionate nature of Lucio’s punishment in that ‘his guilt is far less than Angelo’s but he has to marry Kate Keepdown’ (Lawrence 1958) reveals the Duke’s petty egotism. Others develop this line suggesting that the end of the play is merely a display of the Duke’s supremacy with Kaplan asserting that ‘by the play’s end, he is clearly more concerned with humiliating his subjects and subordinating them stringently to his authority’ (Kaplan 1990). In fact, the idea that the Duke has something to gain from Lucio’s punishment is one that should not be ignored with Kaplan also suggesting that ‘the duke condemns Lucio not because the latter’s slanders malign the ruler’s good government but because Lucio exposes the state’s own slanderous practices.’ This is reflected when Vincentio says ‘Upon mind honour…thy slanders I forgive’ shortly before he declares that ‘slandering a prince deserves it [the punishment he has given Lucio]’ This volte face suggests that Lucio is being punished not for his slanders alone but for who he has slandered. Critics like Lawrence and Pater suggest that this reveals both the Duke’s obsession with his reputation and popularity and a sinister desire to silence those who speak out against him and his dark corners. However, Doty suggests that, far from demonstrating pusillanimity, the Duke’s punishment is justified in that Vincentio himself is reborn at the end of the play and treats Lucio ‘less as an individual than a synecdoche of the public itself’ with his ability to silence and punish Lucio ‘proof of his ability to manage public voices more generally’.

TOM REA, LVIth

Maddie chose to write a persuasive speech in rhyming couplets from the perspective of Camulos, who is trying to convince the men of Trinovantes to welcome the Romans.

Men of Trinovantes, Camulos has spoken!

We mustn’t resist or Camulodunom will be broken!

The Romans will bring so many good things to our town.

New words will be spoken and Roman numerals written down.

Reading and writing will help us progress.

Without the Romans won’t we just regress?

Sewage systems will be constructed to remove all our waste.

New roads will be built in a great deal of haste.

Brick and stone buildings will become the norm.

Central heating will keep our houses warm

Coins will become our new way of trading.

Theatres and chariots will be our new entertaining.

Rabbits for stew or to keep as a pet.

Weapons and forts to help us protect.

Pears, apples, cabbages, carrots and peas

Our 5 a day could be achieved with ease.

Roads that are straight, no need for steering

Thanks to the Romans’ smart engineering.

They can build centres for commerce and all of our industry.

This really could be a great possibility.

Arched bridges to cross all our rivers and streams.

Do you really not want the Romans on our team?

They will give us access to an amazing empire.

Surely this is something we all desire.

So men of Trinovantes, Camulos has spoken!

We mustn’t resist or Camulodunom will be broken!

Listen, collaborate and allow the invasion.

This argument should need no persuasion!

MADDIE SMALLSHAW, IVTH FORM

OLIVIA BOREHAM, MVITH

In her recent EPQ submission, Justina explored to what extent first generation immigrants could be fully integrated into British society.

In the 21st century, contemporary Britain is often prided on its multiculturalism, with many of its cities home to people from a range of cultures across all continents. In 2021, first generation immigrants (people born outside the UK) made up an estimated 14.4% of the UK’s population, or 9.5 million people (The Migration Observatory, 2022) ; this figure appears to be increasing due to both economic migrants seeking higher paid jobs unavailable in their countries and refugees seeking asylum from crises such as the war in Ukraine. However, whilst some areas have adapted well to integrate their migrant populations, boasting cultural attractions such as Brick Lane in East London, barriers to integration still remain. These exist in the form of xenophobic political attitudes and policies, currently perpetuated by Brexit and stricter post-Covid border controls, discrimination, glass ceilings in the job market due to language barriers and overseas qualifications often going unrecognised, and social segregation, with migrants often “clustering” with those of a similar background for comfort and security. This project will explore the extent to which these barriers have and will limit the integration of first-generation immigrants in the UK, examining which barriers pose the largest threat, which migrant groups are most affected, and whether these can be effectively mitigated to increase integration into British culture and society. This topic will be examined via contemporary research in the field and a small scale survey of first generation immigrants in London and its suburbs, covering a range of viewpoints across different ages, ethnicities and genders. Self-identity and personal experience are key to understanding whether first generation immigrants consider themselves to be fully integrated, therefore this project aims to examine a range of primary sources and viewpoints to achieve a balanced judgement. In her Deluzian analysis, Probyn (1916) constructs identity as a “transition”, a process of being and becoming, implying that if an environment lends itself to accommodating immigrants they will be able to adapt to it. There is a fine line between integration, i.e. the incorporation of immigrants into a new culture with respect to their existing identities, and assimilation, i.e. the process through which migrants lose their cultural distinctiveness to, often by necessity, conform to the values of their host society. Whether the UK’s current model of integration is mostly characterised by assimilation, whether the two concepts could be compatible and beneficial, and whether integration is in fact the goal the UK should strive for, will be examined across six subtopics; politics and media representation; citizenship and national identity; work and welfare; community, “clustering” and social segregation; and active and passive discrimination. Finally, current and potential policies to aid further integration will be evaluated to establish the best path to achieving the integration goal set out in the other sections, defining the extent to which first generation immigrants are currently able to be integrated into contemporary British society. Establishing a clear, unbiased goal via this research will hopefully pave the way for further integration, improving the lives of immigrants in the UK.

According to sociologist Adrian Favell, “newer migration studies emphasise the construction of borders to prevent migration, as opposed to initial inclusivity”. (Favell, 2022). This shift in Britain’s attitudes towards migrants, from a promotion of state multiculturalism the belief that many cultures can and should exist under one state, (Graham, 2012) in the mid-20th century to a Eurosceptic preference for tighter migration laws can be seen via current

sentiment imposed by the major political parties. The immigration debate gained traction in the 2010s, with the Brexit leave campaign in 2015 using the populist slogan “Take back control” to imply that high economic and asylum immigration levels have reduced British natives’ control over the country’s policy, echoing BNP sentiment that immigration is a threat. The Conservatives have perpetuated this rhetoric, with Suella Braverman’s 2022 deportations of refugees to Rwanda and ban on “small boats”; even Labour, a traditionally pro-European and pro-multicultural party sold a “controls on immigration mug” (Fox, 2016). The centrality of the immigration debate to contemporary British politics echoes Favell’s statement – the political focus has evidently shifted from emphasising the social benefits of multiculturalism to policy debates about restricting flows of migration. Whilst some of these policies may be necessary during the post-Covid recession in the UK, it is likely that some sentiments shared may perpetuate xenophobic views and be linked to discriminatory attitudes towards new migrants. Post-Brexit hostility towards refugees via this restrictive Conservative policy has made them a particular target for media criticism. As a result, it is likely that integration for refugees, who are often presented as a “drain” on the UK’s resources (a key argument of the Brexit campaign) may be more difficult than for economic migrants, who are seen by some politicians as beneficial to UK productivity. The former Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Roy Hattersley, states that “integration without control is impossible, but control without integration is indefensible” (Hattersley, n.d.). Essentially, to aid integration of first-generation immigrants into the UK, a balance is needed, allowing policies restricting immigration to be implemented, reducing the pressure on funds and resources required for necessary accompanying policies improving potential integration for immigrants who do enter the UK. Since insiders and outsiders are likely to view the boundaries of a state differently (YuvalDavis, 2011), migrants who enter the UK are unlikely to integrate if political sentiment takes a xenophobic approach.

The media also plays an important role in shaping public attitudes towards immigrants, in turn determining their ability to be accepted and integrate socially. On the one hand, increased representation of different cultures in popular TV shows, such as Top Boy and Luther, which are popular in the UK and feature many minority ethnic characters, are likely to aid integration by encouraging tolerance of different cultures. As a result, a more understanding and tolerant society would be able to socially accommodate different cultures better, allowing immigrants from backgrounds well-represented in the media to integrate more effectively. However, there is evidence to suggest that, similar to some political sentiment, the media may perpetuate harmful stereotypes about certain cultures, often without adhering to facts presented by people of those ethnicities. For example, in response to the question “Do you feel that people of your ethnicity are fairly presented in British media?” in the survey conducted for this project, a participant responded by stating that “brown people are used for comic relief and nothing else” (Nikolayeva, 2023). Other responses described media representation as “exaggerated” (referencing portrayal of Italians) and “negative” (portrayal of Eastern Europeans) . Therefore, whilst the media is increasingly becoming more diverse, it may currently limit the integration for some by creating the space for its consumers to subconsciously adopt ethnic or racial biases which may negatively affect their future interactions with immigrants from different cultures.

Ultimately, the social and political landscape in the UK does largely affect the extent to which first generation immigrants can integrate socially into British society. If media companies

learn from the criticism from people of different cultures and reduce negative cultural portrayals and stereotyping, positive public opinion towards immigrants is likely to increase as a result of positive reinforcement theory, furthering integration and community support. Considering that only 11.3% of Conservative and Labour candidates in 2019 were BME, better political representation of immigrants and minorities could also lead to both restrictive and pro-immigration policies to be beneficial to integration.

A commonly emphasised problem associated with immigrant integration is a potential “culture clash” between British values and customs and those which migrants may be used to. Conservative Oxford researcher Suke Wolton argues that “migration has created an ethnically diverse society with a multiplicity of values which have displaced the common culture” (Wolton, 2006), arguing that traditional British culture, which some natives feel strongly about preserving, is being lost due to multiculturalism. The Conservative Burkean view of nationalism is that our affinities ripple from our localities (those similar and near to ourselves) (Goodhart, 2004). This likely explains why hostility towards migrants is higher amongst people with stronger nationalist values, and in areas with a high native population with shared values. As a result of these clashes, the UK’s current system of integrating immigrants largely relies on a process of assimilation, allowing immigrants to be part of British culture by adopting their values rather than celebrating their own cultural differences. “Realist scholars” who are sceptical of transnationalism have embraced nation-centric positions, imposing integration via “civic” values such as national citizenship (Favell, 2022) Whilst a degree of assimilation is often seen as a necessary trade off in achieving integration, often via respecting a country’s core values and attempting to pick up the main language to integrate into the labour market and society, making assimilation a necessary step in earning citizenship rights runs the risk of making integration more difficult.

A key step in earning a UK citizenship and securing indefinite leave to remain is passing a “Life in the UK” test. Originally created by Labour, the test asked participants about necessary skills such as opening a bank account in the UK, helping immigrants to integrate by teaching them skills which would ensure they could comfortably navigate living there. However, in 2010, these questions were replaced by the Conservatives with questions which required a highly in depth knowledge of British history and values, such as those about Henry VIII’s wives (Fox, 2016). A lack of this knowledge is unlikely to greatly affect the extent to which newcomers can function in British society, therefore attracting media criticism from journalists such as Fox who claim that this change reduces integration by barring immigrants from becoming full UK citizens. Acquiring a citizenship is widely seen as the first, necessary step to integration, since it allows first generation immigrants to access employment and housing, enabling them to participate fully in the UK economy. As a result, making this harder to get, via difficult questions and a charge of £1236 which disproportionately affects poorer ethnic minority groups, only increases the barrier between those who are integrated and those who aren’t. Therefore, it is mutually beneficial to revert the test back to its original, more practical questions.

The Progressive Dilemma (Willets, 1998) emphasises the assimilatory trade off between sharing and solidarity vs diversity, believing that an influx of different cultures and values would reduce social and cultural cohesion. However, an overemphasis on assimilation as an attempted strategy to mitigate this problem may also reduce cohesion, causing tensions

between migrants and the native default they are supposed to emulate due to anger at their loss of identity. In the “Good Immigrant” (Various, 2016), a compilation of personal anecdotes about immigrants’ experience in the UK, Bim Adewunmi states that “white people exist as the basic template”, whereas minorities have to adapt to this norm and earn their place in society and the media. Another writer, Wei Ming Kam, states that Chinese people in the UK are often seen as an “invisible community” and are perceived to be assimilated due to their food, finance and educational practices having a higher compatibility with those in the UK compared to other nations. Identities, in this case cultural, are not just different categories of social location but have different positions along axes of power (Yuval-Davis, 2011). Those identities most compatible with British values tend to be more respected, and those people are more able to integrate, often by assimilating. However, migrants from cultures which are vastly different to the West may find it more difficult to integrate via assimilation, and need additional support in preserving their own cultural heritage in British society.

The small-scale survey conducted for this essay found that 65% of participants, from a range of countries across South America, Asia, Europe and the Middle East do not believe that people from their ethnic background are well represented in high paid jobs in the UK (Nikolayeva, 2023). This claim can effectively be backed up by Migration Observatory statistics; migrants are overrepresented in low paying sectors such as hospitality (28% of the workforce) and transport (26%) (The Migration Observatory, 2022). In fact, those born in new EU member states are more likely to be in low skilled occupations, while non-EU migrants are more likely to be unemployed than EU migrants. This preference for EU migrants may be explained by fewer language barriers in the workplace – due to a history of migration with the UK, since it used to be an EU country, English learning has become mandatory in schools in many EU states which have high numbers of economic emigrants. This is beneficial in allowing these migrants to integrate into UK employment; the costs to employers are reduced, since they do not have to employ translators or run extra language classes and training schemes. Additionally, many countries with strong economic and cultural ties to the UK offer qualifications (e.g. university degrees) which are also recognised in the UK, therefore increasing the extent to which their migrants can integrate both economically and socially. The economic integration of migrants into the workforce is limited as a result of current UK employment laws. Those on visas are only slowed to work in extremely limited circumstances – foreign students can only work for a limited number of hours per month and asylum seekers cannot work while waiting for a decision on their claim, which takes 1-3 years) (JCWI, 2021). Workers subject to immigration control are also less able to challenge exploitation, take sick leave or demand higher wages than their native counterparts in fear of coming to the attention of law enforcement. As a result, many immigrant workers do not work under the same conditions as native British workers, meaning that their integration into the workforce is limited due to these restrictions. This causes many migrants to either work for low pay, resulting in poverty, or be completely unemployed.

However, it is important to note that these migrant pay differences do not extend across all job sectors – while the survey for this project only examined a few immigrant workers in East London across a few sectors such as teaching and decorating, there was an overall consensus that migrants were not paid less in these jobs (Nikolayeva, 2023). That trend appears to be more common in the informal, low paid sector.

The trend of first generation immigrants being more prone to poverty is likely to lead to more spatial segregation. 2021 census data shows that ethnic minority groups (except for Indian, Chinese and White other) are more likely than White British people to live in the 10% most deprived neighbourhoods in England, with Pakistani and Bangladeshi immigrants the most likely. It is possible that there may be hidden discrimination amongst employers which lead to these poverty and employment gaps, or potentially it could be due to language barriers (for some) and a lack of qualifications accepted in the UK. Therefore, it is easier for immigrants from certain ethnic backgrounds to integrate into the workforce than others.

Whatever the causes, high poverty levels amongst immigrants means that they tend to demand more welfare benefits than their native counterparts. Waltzer (1983) claimed that a generous welfare system is only possible in the context of strict border controls. If immigration levels are high, those claiming benefits will most likely be at a disadvantage, since there would be higher competition for less generous benefits, reinforcing economic inequality between poorer migrants and natives. Additionally, scarce welfare programs often exclude the most deserving “undocumented migrants”, who are most likely to live in poverty due to their inability to work (Anna Zamora-Kapoor, 2016). Poverty can make integration more difficult, since migrants in poorer areas often “cluster” with those of a similar background rather than mixing with other cultures, and a lack of social mobility means they often do not have the opportunity to move or fully integrate. Therefore, the extent to which immigrants can integrate into the UK workforce is dependent on the current level of immigration, their ethnic background, their ability to speak English and the diversity level in the geographic area they live in, since employers in less diverse areas may be biased towards British natives due to potentially lower training costs or familiarity.

The lack of upward mobility and economic opportunities which often affect many migrant groups can increase social and spatial segregation, since poorer migrants often congregate in more deprived areas. This “clustering” phenomenon, where immigrants live in “ethnic enclaves” (areas with a high concentration of one ethnic minority) (Portes, n.d.) may be attributed to both economic conditions and a desire to be surrounded by a community with similar values and cultural practices. The Burkean view that our affinities ripple from our localities mentioned earlier (Goodhart, 2004) is also applicable to immigrants, who, either in fear of forced assimilation or due to unfamiliarity with British culture, prefer to preserve their own cultures rather than socially integrating into the UK mainstream. Some groups of migrants adopt a model of “sunset segregation” – whilst they integrate and mix with a range of cultures during the day, e.g. at work or school, they retreat to ethnic enclaves in the evening because they ultimately feel more comfortable around other ethnic minorities. High levels of social segregation can reduce the likelihood of full integration into British society since migrants are kept separate from mainstream cultural practices. If cultural groups are kept completely separate, this can sometimes lead to a “parallel society” (Graham, 2012) where it is impossible to sustain shared social and political institutions due to clashing beliefs. At times, this may even lead to cultural balkanisation, as contending cultural traditions emerge in a common territorial area, leading to hostility towards certain migrant groups and reducing their ability to integrate via public attitudes towards them. However, it may also be beneficial – living as a minority in a predominantly white British area may lead to forced assimilation. Therefore, preserving individual culture via a degree of self-segregation may be preferable to some migrants than complete integration.

Writer Afua Hirsch believes this self-reinforcing segregation to be a negative phenomenon, stating that “there has never been an apartheid of segregation in the UK, nor a civil rights movement to end it” (Hirsch, 2018). Since the segregation in the UK is not legally enforced, unlike historical examples in countries such as South Africa, and instead appears to be a choice, it is often not seen as a problem limiting immigrant integration. However, given the economic and cultural barriers (such as unemployment and language) which often limit immigrants’ social mobility, this segregation may not be purely by choice. In “Brit-ish”, Afua Hirsch discusses how when South Asian women marry British men, they become more likely to be employed in managerial or professional occupations (Hirsch, 2018). This raised concerns over the pay gap between people of different ethnic backgrounds; evidently, some ethnic minority groups’ social mobility is limited economically, rather than by choice. Reducing socioeconomic barriers to integration, such as providing language training schemes at work or extending welfare benefit provisions would reduce involuntary social segregation. Many academics and politicians believe that UK society is divided more by class than by colour (Rumbaut, 1994), although there is a positive feedback loop between the two, with ethnic backgrounds often influencing socio-economic class. Bridging these economic barriers could, therefore, reduce social barriers based on ethnicity. As a result, immigrants who wish to integrate but are currently unable to would have more opportunity to do so.

By finding common values, it is possible for immigrants to integrate into British society while still preserving their own cultural identity. Rights and democracy are some of the most permeable boundaries (Yuval-Davis, 2011), and a belief in these values can create a system of mutual similarities between British natives and migrants. The UK is unlikely to become a postracial society (Hirsch, 2018) due to its high multicultural plurality, therefore the best system for integrating immigrants is likely to be a combination of necessary assimilatory measures, and cultural accommodations based on equity.

Another concern associated with integrating immigrants into contemporary British society is the fear of being discriminated against on the basis of ethnicity. In the survey conducted for this project, 60% of participants said that they have been personally discriminated against at school/work (Nikolayeva, 2023). Named examples of this further included accusations of “stealing jobs”, being told to “go back to your country” as well as several allusions to ethnic names, accents and languages being mocked. The range of different ethnicities participating in this survey, covering countries from Qatar to Mexico to Italy show that this discrimination happens to people from a variety of races. However, the majority of participants who said they hadn’t personally experienced discrimination identified their race as “White”, potentially showing that active discrimination is more common amongst different races (at least in the microcosm of survey participants in London and its suburbs). Additionally, many of these participants go to a (majority white) private school, so it is unclear whether the same level of discrimination is seen everywhere in the UK across all age ranges. When asked about discrimination witnessed in public against others, participants said they had seen it “on the train”, “in richer areas” and “in a rural area where immigrants are less common” (Nikolayeva, 2023). The range of locations shows that public acts of open discrimination are still common, with people still believing that it’s acceptable to display their racial biases in public. This can reduce the ability of immigrants to integrate socially – in “The Good Immigrant”, actress Miss L states that she was cast in the role of a “terrorist’s wife” due to her race, whilst leading parts were always given to white drama students. These acts of discrimination can limit both

upwards mobility (in her case limiting her acting career), whilst also spreading harmful stereotypes which can lead to further hostility and discrimination.

As explored via current political attitudes towards immigrants, these sentiments can be partially explained due to current events such as Brexit, media representation of migrants and historically rooted prejudice which some natives haven’t challenged due to limited mixing with people from other cultures. Hostility has also risen from natives feeling like immigrants are taking jobs and welfare benefits away from them (Kavanagh-Chapman, 2006), and therefore viewing new migrants as a threat, particularly as 21st century globalisation has increased economic migration flows to the UK. The political mobilisation of the British Nationalist Party pitted some members of the white working class against migrants, and these prejudices are still echoed today with many migrants being made to feel like outsiders. Ideas such as welfare chauvinism, where autochthonous populations believe they are more entitled to welfare than their immigrant counterparts because they constitute the polity, reduce social cohesion, and discourage public support for redistributive policies, as can be seen in other high income countries such as Sweden with large immigrant populations (KavanaghChapman, 2006). Fierce public opposition in this form can limit integration both economically (reducing benefits and employment due to public voting, thus limiting social mobility) and socially, since widespread prejudices may make it difficult for migrants to be accepted into certain social circles.

There is debate surrounding the extent to which racial biases still exist in the UK, and whether society is becoming increasingly more tolerant of immigrants. Regardless, the survey shows that active discrimination is still happening, therefore posing a threat to the integration of some immigrants. However, these acts of discrimination may not be universal in all social settings; 52.5% of those surveyed claimed they didn’t feel like an outsider in social settings, showing that social integration may be more achievable. Additionally, many participants felt completely comfortable talking about their immigrant status around both strangers and friends and family (see figures below), potentially indicating that outright discrimination isn’t a universal threat.

Whilst Figures 1 and 2 shows that many immigrants feel comfortable talking about their ethnicity to both friends and strangers, with “10” being the mode result, the range in results for strangers is larger. This shows that whilst most immigrants feel comfortable around their family and friends, a large proportion of these people do not share this with people they hardly know in the UK. Meanwhile, in a poll, 52 % of survey participants stated they do not feel like outsiders, meaning that socially they are able to integrate.

Combined with hidden workplace discrimination, and social segregation, hidden biases can evidently limit integration the more that immigrants do not conform to British norms. As a result, it is more difficult for immigrants who arrive in the UK during periods of high racial hostility (e.g. during Brexit) to integrate, particularly if they aren’t white.

One of the major debates surrounding integration is whether attitudes towards immigrants will ever get better. Historically, attitudes were characterised by conflict and violence, however a level of migration is now accepted and regarded as necessary for UK

Figure 1

Figure 2

multiculturalism and productivity. Researcher Alexander Schahbasi believes that with increased education, tolerance will increase, as more migrants become part pf the “in group” rather than being viewed as outsiders (Alexander Schuhbasi, 2020). However, some argue against this, using a NeoDarwinism argument, stating that individuals who reduce their fitness in favour of non-kin will be out performed by selfish individuals (Dawkins, 1976). This means that natives who view migrants as a threat to their socio-economic status are unlikely to be tolerant because they view it as a trade off with retaining their jobs and security, and prioritise that instead. As a result, increased education about immigrants may be beneficial in changing some of these attitudes, particularly if they are motivated by racial bias, increasing tolerance which may help immigrants to integrate better socially.

Echoing Roy Hattersley’s idea that to help integration effectively immigration needs to be controlled, there have been widespread calls for an international agenda on integration amongst OECD countries. A universal set of rules with the key aim of integrating immigrants (rather than sidelining this goal) is likely to establish clear rights for migrants and make a conscious effort to provide equal social and economic opportunities. Having established that immigrants face barriers in entering the UK workforce, more generous legislation, e.g. accepting foreign work qualifications, would allow some of these limitations to be overcome. Considering that on average migrants earn 38% less than the average salary of UK-born people, (Migrateful Team, 2021), an emphasis on finding stable professions for existing migrants is also likely to benefit potential integration.

Other possible strategies suggested by the Migrateful charity organisation include language classes for migrants who do not speak English, social networks to reduce exclusive clustering, and work mentorship and placements. ESOL classes are often run in community centres, and, although they could be costly due to needing to hire workers, learning English would help migrants access human rights and services such as healthcare, aiding integration (Migrateful Team, 2021). Collaborative social networks between organisations and migrants could be useful for those navigating a foreign landscape alone, teaching migrants important skills and allowing them to access jobs. Finally, mentorship, whilst costly to firms, could resolve the infrastructural failure of highly trained professional qualifications from abroad not being recognised in the UK. Projects which help migrants adapt skills and enter the workforce include the “Thistles and Dandelions” projects in Glasgow, which helps women develop skills in the heritage sector. Although this may impose training costs to firms, if there are enough job vacancies which migrants fill, firms’ productivity is likely to increase in the long run as a result of more trained workers, in fact lowering their costs. Changing the public perception of migrants, especially asylum seekers, via corporate bodies promoting inclusivity could also be beneficial to reducing prejudice and fear of migrants, aiding social integration. Canadian political philosopher Charles Taylor describes the “politics of recognition to be a useful tool in reducing forced assimilation as a necessary step towards integration (Heywood, 2016), encouraging positive endorsement and a celebration of cultural difference. Public institutions such as the London Migration Museum promote this education and understanding, allowing natives to learn about other cultures as well as vice versa. This interest may increase social mixing between ethnic groups due to curiosity and understanding, decreasing social segregation.

In conclusion, it is evident that the extent to which first generation immigrants can integrate into contemporary, 21st century British society varies due to different factors such as ethnicity and ability to speak English. The research used in this project has found that (typically) white immigrants experience less active discrimination and racial bias, allowing them to socially integrate more easily on a social level, although many white Eastern Europeans have found workplace discrimination to still be a large issue. Immigrants who can already speak English have access to more job opportunities, meaning that they have a higher chance of integrating economically and accessing the same social mobility opportunities available to native British people. In terms of barriers in the workplace, it appears that the main concern for immigrants is the type of jobs which are available to them, which is often limited to lower-paid employment since many high paid jobs do not recognise some non-UK qualifications and don’t provide training schemes to overcome these barriers. Contrarily, it appears that within jobs of similar stature, particularly those which are not minimum wage, immigrant workers do not feel that they are being paid less than their native counterparts (however this does not apply to the informal economy). There is a correlation between the current political landscape, which perpetuates xenophobic attitudes, and the ability of immigrants to integrate, since hostility tends to lead to self-segregation for comfort. Therefore, it is likely that it is harder for immigrants to integrate in a post-Brexit society as opposed to a time when attitudes towards them were more welcoming.

Naturally, there were limitations to the research used in this project; the survey I conducted only consulted people who lived in East London and the London suburbs, many of whom were middle class, private schooled, and with an under 18 majority. I only had access to people I knew in my local area, and therefore couldn’t survey any refugees either. As a result, the answers in the survey may be skewed and not representative of the entire UK, since this particular demographic may lack experiences that other migrant groups have experienced. Additionally, many sources used for this project centred their research around migrants in UK cities, since cities typically have larger migrant populations. Therefore, some statistics may not apply to rural areas, where it has been implied that migrants find it even harder to integrate due to extremely low representation. Further research should, as a result, be focused around rural areas and those up north to give a more comprehensive overview of the UK, since different areas may have different attitudes towards immigrants.

Overall, there is debate as to what constitutes being “fully integrated” into British society, with some sources defining this to be complete assimilation whilst others define it as having the same equality of opportunity as British natives. Complete assimilation is seen as ultimately undesirable by many, since it erodes cultural identity and would be difficult to achieve without authoritarian law enforcement. However, whilst the second definition, which operates by a principle of equity rather than equality, is not yet completely attainable (due to barriers explored in this essay), it is seen as the more utilitarian goal to strive for. Therefore, whilst most first generation immigrants are currently unlikely to fully integrate into contemporary British society, it is possible for strategies and policies expanding employment opportunities and educating the UK population to improve future integration potential.

JUSTINA NIKOLAYEVA MVIth

Year 12 student, Roma, participated in Articulation, a competition run by the National Gallery, which encourages pupils to develop their ideas about a piece of art of their choice.

Roma tells us ‘The Articulation competition encourages pupils to dive deeper into the ideas behind a chosen piece of artwork. I started my research in October and wrote my presentation, reproduced below My chosen piece of work is ‘Equals Pi’ by Jean Micheal Basquiat.

AN EPIPHANY AT TIFFANY’S

When

Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen, today I would like to share with you my epiphany at Tiffany’s. I first encountered ‘Equals Pi’ last summer, when visiting New York. This contemporary painting stood out in the Tiffany flagship on 5th Avenue, capturing my attention. The positioning of this distinctive piece of fine art confused me. Why was this seemingly disarrayed piece of work in a pristine establishment like Tiffany’s? The store itself was immaculate, everything placed meticulously, then stood this painting, loud and proud it hung upon the wall, dominating the space, demanding everyone's attention. At first, I did not know how I felt towards the piece. My initial reaction was confusion. Confusion as to what the painting meant, what was the meaning of all the symbols and icons, and what was the artist's message, this was something I could not figure out. I was speechless. I did not know what to say or feel towards this painting. After going around the store I viewed various other pieces of artwork, but my mind kept wandering back to that one piece, that hung high, overlooking everyone below. This perplexing piece questioned me so much, that I had to go back the next day to find out more. I learnt a lot about this painting and the context, which enticed me, gripping me into this carefully crafted piece of art. Basquiat was an artist who stood against capitalism, wealth, and disparity. This contrasted with the establishment at which his artwork stood today, representing wealth, opulence, and luxury. Some may think that Basquiat would hate that his work stands in such an establishment, surrounded by

expensive jewellery, curated out of diamonds. This juxtaposition of two seemingly disparate motivations for artwork made me ponder. Basquiat’s disorientating depiction is opposed to the uniformity of the setting.

WHY (Basquiat background)

Basquiat was a street artist, spray-painting graffiti onto the streets of New York City. His work originally started on walls, eventually progressing, to being displayed in high-end stores, like Tiffany’s, this inspired me. Basquiat was a self-made, humble man. This drew me in, as Basquiat achieved off his merit, he was successful due to his agency. However, another view would be the negative connotations of Basquiat’s work moving from the streets of New York to Tiffany’s. Basquiat made his work on the streets for everyone to see, suggesting what he believed and stood for. He wanted everyone to be able to see his work, no matter their socioeconomic place. But now that ‘Equals Pi’ stands in such an establishment, could the autonomy of who views his artwork end? This potential consequence goes against Basquiat’s intentions, as the purpose of his artwork was to share it with the world. This makes me question the accessibility of art, as there are so many amazing pieces out there sitting in someone’s home, locked away for only them to view. This could be the case for the Sabbadinis family, who purchased Equals Pi in 1996 for $253,000, from a Sotheby’s auction. LVMH obtained Equals Pi in 2001, from the Sabbadinis for $13.1 million. Equals Pi now being showcased in the Tiffany flagship could be their way of sharing their artwork with the rest of the world.

A Closer Look -> Symbolism

A key factor which drew Tiffany into purchasing ‘Equals Pi’ is the colour of the background. This Royal egg blue is like the iconic Tiffany blue colour. However, Basquiat’s intention was not indicative. Stephen Torton, Basquiat’s former assistant explains that the “Idea…that this blue [which]…I mixed was related to Tiffany Blue is so absurd.” Tiffany’s has re-appropriated Equals Pi due to the appeal of its colour aligning with their brand.

Jay-z Beyoncé campaign

Symbolism

One common feature in Basquiat’s work is the crown, appearing throughout his work. Basquiat uses this to honour his black heritage and history. Some critics say that the crown is a sign of respect and honour to those Basquiat regards as Kings and heroes. Basquiat’s inclusion of the crown indicates a homage to black history, which has been suppressed and marginalised in the past. Another critical view is that the crown demonstrates the social power construct. Addressing issues such as wealth and status. Crowns are also an indication of royalty, the highest point, as well as capitalism. The crown has multiple interpretations, proving that Basquiat provides multiple meanings behind one icon. Another symbol frequently appearing in Basquiat’s work is the defined distinctive heads. Which are inspired by African tribal masks as well as street art. These skulls emerged in Basquiat’s work when he shifted away from street walls and onto canvas.

The title ‘Equals Pi’ can be decoded. In a mathematical aspect, ‘Pi’ means the ‘ratio of the circumference of a circle to its diameter.’ Pi is an irrational number, suggesting that it is infinite, reoccurring, or incomplete. Pi is commonly used in maths, physics and engineering. Pi is used as a building block in equations, a sign to find an answer. Perhaps Basquiat chose this title due to its significance in day-to-day life.

The name of this painting has been altered over the years. In 1982, the painting was known as ‘Still Pi’. When next seen in 1983, it was titled Knowledge of the Cone, written at the top of the painting.

Meaning of the words

Equals Pi includes words such as DUNCE and AMORITES. Dunce’s has a more sinister nature, as dunce refers to dunce caps, these were used in European and American schools. The hats were a way of discipline. Wearing a dunce was an indication that you were stupid or slow at learning. The cone enabled public embarrassment.

The word Amorites refers to ancient people who lived during the bronze age.

Re-appropriating art

This leads me to question the ethics of re-appropriating art.

I believe there is a difference between appropriate and appreciation. So, is it right for Tiffany to have this piece of work in their store, even though it goes against Basquiat’s beliefs? Or is it okay for Tiffany to re-appropriate the art and point out that it is the Tiffany blue colour, even though it was not the artist's intention? Basquiat is no longer here to express his thoughts and views on the matter, but isn’t Tiffany just commemorating Basquiat and his work by displaying it in their flagship?

Friends + Links to current affairs

Basquiat’s friendship with Andy Warhol led to over 100 collaborations. These collaborations were an infusion of Warhol’s pop sensibility mixed with Basquiat’s raw expressionist style.

Alexis Adler, a friend of Basquiat’s who lived with him for some time, questions if Equals Pi is being used as “a prop to an ad ”

Basquiat’s work was heavily influenced by events in his life. From high school, Basquiat and Al Diaz came up with SAMO, which stood for ‘same old crap’ the two would produce graffiti along “walls…and…sidewalks” around the “Soho, Tribeca neighbourhood”. The two were trying to put an end to mediocre art. This indicates that from a young age, Basquiat has always been an activist, trying to voice the meaning behind his work, much like contemporary art. In his twenties, artist Michael Stewart died, due to police brutality. This crucial event, inspired

Basquiat to create one of the most impactful pieces of art, ‘Defacement.’ Basquiat was affected by Stewart’s death, due to the two having many similarities. They were both “black young and dreadlocked” artists. The two shared similar physical looks, which made Michael’s death so apparent to Basquiat. This act of police brutality in America correlates to the recent events in 2020, with the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. This current affair is proof that racism is still an apparent issue. One which Basquiat tried to address, much like the BLM movement. Basquiat’s work has been heavily influenced by the adversities he faced in his life.

Journals

Basquiat has a collection of notebooks from his lifetime, which are on display at the Brooklyn Museum. This collection consists of 160 unbound notebooks, 30 drawings, 600 paintings and mixed media. The notebooks are represented in chronological order, revealing Basquiat’s thoughts and feelings throughout his years. These notebooks are vital to understanding what was going on in Basquiat’s head when he painted, Daiter Buchart explains that the “notebooks are not sketchbooks. They are artwork themselves, just on a smaller scale”.

Conclusion

So, this chance encounter, something unexpected lured me back, and if I had not gone back, I would not have learnt more about this beautiful perplexing painting, and I would not have had a deeper understanding of what this painting means. If it were not for Equals Pi, I would not have understood that there is more to art than the initial first impression, the first glance the first opinion, because art is about so much more. The meaning behind the work, the artist's intention, their thoughts, and feelings and how that is expressed through their artwork. Equals Pi has helped me develop as an art student, broadening my views and stretching me to think about the piece, to uncover what the true meaning is, rather than just what is shown on the surface.

ROMA PABILA LVITH

Year 12 psychology student Lizzy Tresadern looked into Milgram’s study and his explanation for authority. Below is her response to a 16 marker question, which was assigned as a common assessment.

One explanation for defiance of authority is situational variables. Milgram conducted 3 variations to test this.

In variation 7, Milgram tested the effect of proximity on defiance. He gave telephonic instructions, meaning low proximity and found that 77.5% of participants disobeyed, this is a 40% increase in the old baseline experiments, variation 2. This concluded that with lower proximity (further distance) disobedience was higher. This could be because the sense of authority is lower from a distance. This is what Milgram concluded from this variation. There is a strength to these conclusions. There is supporting research from Rank and Jacobson who conducted an experiment, where they asked nurses over the phone (low proximity) to give a dose of a known drug (Vallum) 3x the recommended amount. The results were that 16/18 participants disobeyed. This shows that with low proximity defiance to authority is more common, this supports Milgram's original conclusions.

However, there is a weakness to Milgram’s explanation for defiance of authority. There is further research that challenges Milgram’s findings and therefore his conclusion. Holfing conducted an experiment where he gave telephonic instructions to nurses and asked them to give a dose over the recommended amount of an unknown drug. He found that only 1-person defied authority. This challenges Milgram’s findings as he concluded the opposite of Holfing’s (that in low proximity, disobedience is lower). Therefore, Milgram’s conclusions and explanations for defiance have lower validity due to the challenging research.

Another situational factor Milgram studied was uniform. In this variation, Milgram replaced the experimenter and his grey lab coat with a man in ordinary clothes. The uniform symbolises authority and in these variations disobedience and defiance increased. This explanation for defiance from Milgram has supporting evidence. Bickman conducted an experiment where someone wearing either a security guard outfit, a milkman’s, or ordinary clothes, asked random people on the street to pick up litter. This is supporting evidence as the security guard has the lowest level of defiance with 24%. This is because without the uniform that symbolises and legitimises authority. This supporting evidence makes Milgram’s situational explanation more valid, therefore situational variables do affect defiance of authority.

However, there is a significant weakness in this explanation. In Milgram’s experiment he didn’t just change the uniform, the experimenter changed to a different man. This makes the findings inaccurate because people could realise the experiment was fake. This means that Milgram might not have been measuring what he aimed to as participants might not have been reacting to uniform, rather they were showing demand characteristics. This affects the findings and therefore the reliability of the explanation for defiance of authority. Overall, the weakness of this explanation overrides the strength.

Finally, another of Milgram’s variations tested the effect of location on defiance to authority. He replicated his experiment in a random office block in Bridgeport Connecticut. Defiance to authority here, increased by 17.5%. This is because the lab in Yale’s campus possesses

prestige, therefore legitimising its authority. Compared with the location of lower prestige which conducts little authority people are more likely to disobey. This is another situational factor that affects defiance of authority.

However, there is an alternative explanation for defiance of authority which Milgram didn’t consider, dispositional factors. An example is a locus of control. People with a high internal locus of control feel more in control of their lives and are more likely to disobey because of this Holland replicated Milgram’s experiment and found that 37% of ‘internals’ resisted authority compared with only 23% of ‘externals’. These findings shows that there is another explanation for defiance of authority, which is dispositional variables such as locus of control, and that they do affect defiance.

Another dispositional variable that is an explanation for defiance of authority is authoritarian personality. The lack of an authoritarian personality means people are more likely to disobey. Elms and Milgram found a link between defiance and authoritarian personality. However, these findings are challenged by Middendorp and Meleons findings which suggested people with lower levels of education were more likely to have an authoritarian personality. Therefore, concluding that it is levels of education that affect defiance of authority, challenges Elms and Milgram’s explanation. However, both show that dispositional factors are an explanation for defiance of authority.

Overall, there are both weaknesses and strengths to both explanations for defiance of authority. However, both are valid due to the amount of supporting evidence that suggests disposition and situation affect defiance, therefore making them explanations for defiance to authority.

During our KS3 Art and Design High Achievers sessions, each pupil has begun a representational portrait painting inspired by Hans Holbein’s painting ‘The Ambassadors’ which is in the collection of the National Gallery in London. Holbein’s painting presents two ambassadors during the Tudor period surrounded by a range of objects and furniture. For their painting, the KS3 Art and Design High Achievers were asked to pose with an item of clothing and an object of their choice that represents their interests, or reflects an aspect of their personality. Year 8 pupil, Ishayu Agarwal’s self-portrait which is currently in progress, demonstrates an excellent use of paint to convey a varied number of skin tones.

ISHAYU AGARWAL IVth FORM

This piece of work is part of Rhys’ broader study of Statistical Mechanics and Thermodynamics, focusing on the mathematical models determining the various arrangements of particles (microstates) in a chemical system. Despite the randomness of motion on a molecular scale, these statistical methods allow us to predict their movement with accuracy.

Boltzmann Distribution, Entropy and Free Energy

5 The Boltzmann Distribution and Partition function

5.1 Introduction to the Boltzmann Distribution

There is no doubt it is great to know all of the macroscopic properties that are present when working with various ensembles (types of chemical systems), but it is vital to find a way to link some of these together mathematically. Each microstate has a different energy and a separate probability of occurring at given temperatures. This is where the Boltzmann distribution comes into play. It is a function clearly outlining the probability for a given microstate when parameters are included.

5.2 Understanding the Boltzmann Distribution

Before introducing the equation for distribution, it is important to know of the Boltzmann constant, k (or kB), the Boltzmann factor, and the Partition function.

5.2.1 The Boltzmann Constant

The Boltzmann constant was created by Max Planck and Ludwig Boltzmann. It is essentially a constant derived by the ratio of two constants: the gas constant (R) by Avogadro's constant (NA). Respectively, they tell us about the energy per temperature per mole of a gas, and the number of molecules in one mole of a substance. As a formula, this looks like:

5.2.2 The Boltzmann factor

The Boltzmann constant is used in the Boltzmann factor, which approximates the proportion of particles in certain energy states. The negative exponent in the formula states a possible decay relationship when applied in a function, so the fraction of particles decreases at higher energies. The factor is shown below:

Just by observing, we can confirm that as the energy of the microstate (E) is increased, the proportion of molecules decreases. When the temperature of the system (T) is increased, the value of the Boltzmann factor increases.

5.2.3 The Partition Function

The partition function, Z is a function that sums up the number of microstates in a system (Ω), while taking into consideration their specific energy levels. In simpler terms, it adds up the Boltzmann factors for each molecule arrangement i, hence it is difficult to determine when there are so many arrangements. As a result, in this essay rough estimates will be used for the mathematical examples.

Z=∑ (e kTEi), such that n=Ω and r=i

The partition function is known as a normalization constant as it is used to obtain thermodynamic properties of a system by incorporating all the probabilities of the possible states.

5.2.4 The Boltzmann Distribution

We use the Boltzmann constant and Partition function in an equation called the Boltzmann Distribution. This tells accurately finds the probability of a microstate. The equation is:

This makes sense because the numerator represents the energy level of a single microstate, and the denominator shows the sum of the energies of all microstates, so a percentage is formed. Therefore, the Boltzmann distribution presents a way to find the probability of a certain system being in a certain arrangement when under a specific macrostate.

5.3 Using the Boltzmann Factor to Explain Probabilities

We can also employ the Boltzmann factor part of the equation to elucidate how probabilities operate. As mentioned earlier, higher energy microstates yield a lower value, while higher temperatures result in a higher value. Therefore, we can infer that the probability of highenergy microstates is low, but this probability increases as the temperature rises.

5.3.1 Using the Boltzmann Distribution - Worked Example

The primary utility of the distribution lies in determining the probability of particles possessing a given energy, as previously discussed. This enables us to ascertain how many molecules possess the kinetic energy necessary to induce a successful collision, allowing us to manipulate the macrostate to enhance the reaction rate.

Question: A gas is at 300K. The partition function of the gas is approximately 1×107 . Determine the proportion of particles that have kinetic energy (E0) 1.5×10 20J.

Solution: This question becomes much simpler now that we understand the significance of each parameter. We just need to substitute the values to obtain our answer.

Hence, there is a 2.66×10 7% chance of finding a particle with kinetic energy 1.5×10 20J.

6 Entropy and Free Energy

6.1.1 Second Law of Thermodynamics and Entropy

As described in the first chapter, entropy is a measure of the disorder throughout molecules in a system. The second law of thermodynamics states that a 'spontaneous reaction will increase the entropy of the universe' - according to Physicist Jessie A. Key. To comprehend this concept, visualize ice at room temperature. The molecules in ice are much more densely packed together with minimal movement, hence it has a low entropy. The spontaneous (unprovoked) reaction for ice is for it to melt, forming water. The particles in water, however, move around much more and are spread out, resulting in higher entropy. This clearly illustrates the second law of thermodynamics, as it presents a reaction in which the entropy increases.

6.1.2 Entropy Calculation and Interpretation

Entropy is a measure of the disorder in a system, typically indicating how energy is distributed per unit temperature. We therefore use the equation:

ΔS=T/Q

Where ΔS is the entropy change of a system, Q is the heat energy transfer, and T is the temperature. The higher the dispersion of energy per unit Kelvin, the higher the entropy.

We can also express entropy in terms of the number of microstates that a system can have, (Ω):

S=kln(Ω)

This tells us that as the number of microstates increases, so does the entropy. Logically, this checks out because when there are more ways for the particles to be arranged, there is more disorder in the system.

6.3 Brief Introduction to Free Energy

Thermodynamics also states that systems have the potential to do work, or have work done onto them. The way we measure this is by taking the Free energy. As mentioned in the definition, there are 2 types of free energy each used for different statistical ensembles. Helmholtz free energy (F) is typically used for microcanonical and canonical ensembles, where the volume is held constant. Gibbs free energy (G) is often used for the grand canonical ensemble because the pressure is the constant value.

6.3.1 Helmholtz Free Energy

The Helmholtz free energy equation is:

F=U−Q

Where F is the free energy, U is the internal energy of a system, and Q represents the heat transfer of the system. In this case, the potential for energy transfer to or from a canonical system is the internal energy minus the heat energy transfer. If the value of F is positive, the system has the potential to do work. On the other hand, if F is negative, the system is likely to have work done onto it.

6.3.2 Gibbs Free Energy

The Gibbs free energy equation is:

G=U+P V Q

H=U+P⋅V

∴G=H−Q

Where G is the free energy, U is the internal energy, P is the pressure that the system exerts, V is the volume that the system occupies, and H is the enthalpy of the system. In a grand canonical ensemble, the ability for energy transfer is the enthalpy of the system minus the heat transfer. Similarly, if the free energy is positive, the system has the ability to do work and vice versa.

RHYS SATHYAN LVI /

Lily’s intricate and highly skilful interpretation of the natural world and the human body in particular, has been created from paper that Lily has meticulously cut and shaped by hand. Her piece references the fragility of the human body and the links that exist between medicine and art.

LILY FANG MVITH