Pemanence & Adaptation

Permanence & Adaptation

Infrastructure as Educational spine in Mathare, Nairobi.

Afra van ‘t Land

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Permanence and adaptation: Education as Infrastructure in Mathare, Nairobi.

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Mashimoni, 2011

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Metropolitan area of 684 km 2009 Population of 3.1 million *

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Huruma, Mathare Valley, 2012.

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WATER INFRASTRUCTURE AS EDUCATIONAL SPINE Permanence and adaptation; Education as infrastructure in Mathare, Nairobi.

Abstract As Nairobi’s population continues to grow at a rate of 4% per annum, informally occupied neighbourhoods, which accommodate over 60% of the city’s residents, are densifying rapidly, with some areas now housing 5,000 people per hectare. The importance of securing public facilities and space becomes increasingly apparent, as such high densities exacerbate problems of inadequate urban infrastructure, and as this informal city fabric gains permanency.

The thesis explores how a staged infrastructural development can provide a basis for positive future growth, and through a combined and localized water/waste strategy can begin to designate, suggest and protect public space, upon which people can continue to build. Using the expansion and formalization formalisation of three existing non-formal schools as an opportunity for improving sanitation, access and educational space, it also encourages collaboration between local government and community-based organisations. The thesis strives to embody and build on the vibrant, efficient and adaptive context of Mathare Valley, with the potential to act as social and environmental infrastructure for wider community use.

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Acknowledgements Special thanks are due to all the participants of the Change by Design workshop, and in particular the residents of Mashimoni, as this visit and their insights proved invaluable to the development of this project.

Many thanks also go out to Ingrid Schroder, Joris Fach and Felipe Hernandez for their enthusiasm and support for this project. In addition I would like to thank Juma Assiago, of UN-Habitat Safer Cities, and Elijah Agevi, of Research Triangle Africa in Nairobi, for being extremely generous with their time, and introducing me to the ‘Good School, Good Neighbourhood’ project in Korogocho.

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Table of contents Abstract Acknowledgements Table of Contents

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Chapter One Introduction Informality & Globalisation Informal city of Nairobi (Incremental) upgrading Research Aims & Questions Research Methodology Limitations of the study Strategic Ambition

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Chapter Two Integrated Participatory Planning Strategy Mapping Climate

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Chapter Three Retaining wall and Ground Condition Existing Circumstances Reinforcing the ground condition Building resilience in the fabric

56 58 70

Chapter Four Water & Waste Management Water Existing water condition Need/Consumption Precedents Potential pitfalls What this strategy overlooks Waste Existing condition Specific needs Building resilience in the material fabric Precedents Potential problems What this strategy overlooks

74 77 78 80 81 81 84 87 89 89 89 90

Chapter Five Permanent Structures and Enclosures Incremental sequenced build of components Material Strategy Precedents

94 98 110 112

Chapter Six Occupation / Transformation School as community resource, and vice versa

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Schools History of Kenyan Education Education in Mathare Valley Why is this a suitable vehicle for growth?

Expansion of classrooms & larger variety in types of spaces Precedents Potential problems

120 120 122 124 128 130

Ad-hoc Occupation & Shared use Ad-hoc

136 138

Chapter Seven Procurement Organisations of the poor The Private sector Local Government NGOs Agency & Architects Precedent & Process

145 145 145 147 147 147

Chapter Eight Conclusions Social resilience and further potentials

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Bibliography List of Interviews List of Tables List of Illustrations & sources

156 163 165 167

Appendices Change by Design Workshop methods

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Kariobangi, 2009

CHAPTER ONE Introduction

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[1] On the equator, in the African continent, lies Kenya [2] Kenya sits just below the horn of Africa, occupying a prime location in East Africa [3] Nairobi sits south of the equator. It was founded along the railwayline in the 1890s, providing connections between Uganda and the coast [4] Nairobi Metropolitan region is made up of 16 constituancies, and currently has a population of 3.5million.

By 2020 this is predicted to be 5 million [5] East of the city centre, Mathare Valley is one of the oldest and largest informal settlements in Nairobi [6] Mathare has an estimated population of 500,000 [7] Mashimoni is a ‘village’ of approximately 3500 residents.

It is an informal settlement, on Ministry of Defence owned land, and will be the focus of this thesis.

Introduction ‘Africa currently has the unusual opportunity to leapfrog with its infrastructural deficit - Imagine urban systems which can deal with the global challenge of how to construct low carbon urban forms and systems. There are infrastructural implications in buildings as energy efficient, low cost, labour intensive solutions.

Allowing for technological innovation, using social and cultural dynamics’ (Pieterse, African Centre for Cities , 2011).

Established along the Kenya-Uganda railway in 1899 (Freund, 2007, p. 79), Nairobi is a relatively new metropolis. Fragmented since its initial planning in 1926 - when the colonial British divided it into ‘white, Indian and black quarters’ (White , Silberman , & Anderson, 1948) - fractures are still visible today, although - ‘defined by an impoverished east and an affluent west’ (Huchzermeyer, 2011, p. 157) - these are now socioeconomic rather than ethnic. Not only do large socio-economic differences exist, but tribal allegiances also contribute to further fragmenting the city­­. Despite the city’s cosmopolitan nature, certain ethnic groups, especially in low-income areas, dominate different residential neighbourhoods. For example, ‘Kibera and Kariobangi are dominated by Luos; Kawangware and Kangemi

by Luhyas; Mathare, Githurai and Zimmerman by Kikuyus; and Eastleigh by Somalis’ (Owuor & Mbatia, 2011, p. 131). The 2007 post-election riots were particularly violent in the lowerincome neighbourhoods, where more than a thousand lives were lost, and ‘over a quarter of a million people were forced to flee their homes’ (Ibid., p. 136). Exacerbated by high population densities and political encouragement, their residents were easily manipulated into conflict scenarios. Nairobi is growing 4-5% per year. Between 1999 and 2009, its population grew by a million residents (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2010). In 2009, 3.1million people - 8.0% of the total Kenyan population - were living in Nairobi Province (Ibid.), an area equivalent to 0.1% of the country’s surface area. Most of this growth is manifested in ‘informal settlements’, which, despite occupying only ‘5% of the available land’ (Bodowes & Kwinga, 2003, p. 221; Mitullah & Kibwana, 1998, p. 200; Satterthwaite, 2011), are now estimated to accommodate 60% of the city’s population, in comparison to 33% in 1971 (NACHU, 1990; Matrix, 1993; Ngau, 1995, as cited

by Mitullah, 2003, p. 11). The urban fabric of Nairobi is changing rapidly, with tenement blocks replacing single-story structures.

A Mathare ‘village’ called Huruma, for example, accommodates an estimated population of 5000 residents per hectare, which, according to Huchzermeyer, ranks ‘among the highest population densities of the African continent’ (Huchzermeyer, 2011, p5).

Given these conditions, it is urgent to secure larger proportions of space for this growing population, and offer the necessary public facilities for wellbeing in the city. It is also important

Mashimoni, 2011 Shop on MauMau road.

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Fig 1: 1948 Planning proposal: Summary:

L.W. White, L. Silberman and P.R. Anderson In 1899, the British colonial empire decided to build a new capital. A team of South African planning consultants were introduced to draw up a strategy for growth.

Population: Growth strategy: Transport strategy:

18 000 Garden City approach, segregating residential from industry and commerce.

Railways were central to the scheme, and due to demand a public bus service was created. Car ownership was popular and encouraged.

Placing the ‘Industrial Estate’ on the south-east of the city meant that the prevailing winds alleviated the city of its fumes.

Toxic industry sited outside of the city centre, and aside from industrial estate.

Industrial zoning set out in the 1940s is still in place today.

Sustainable plan: Industrial strategy:

Figure 1. Illustrations by author for previous essay on Nairobi Metro 2030

Masterplans

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Fig 2: 1973 Planning proposal: Summary:

Population: Population Prediction: Growth strategy: Transport strategy: Sustainable plan:

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Nairobi City Council with Colin Buchanan & Partners as consultants Transport focused solutions to the layout 585 000 for 2000: 2.9-4.2 million North-East and southern direction proposed Development of cheap and efficient public transport service encouraged.

New roads to alleviate inner city traffic are proposed.

It is encouraged to preserve and utilise land to the north west of the city for agricultural purposes (and therefore densification should be limited in these areas).

to consider introducing localised infrastructures in order to counterbalance existing systems; which are currently heavily overburdened. This project proposes a staged infrastructural development that can provide a basis for positive future growth, and through a combined and localised water/waste strategy, can begin to designate, suggest and protect public space, upon which people can continue to build.

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Fig 3: Present - 2010 Summary: Population: Growth strategy: Transport strategy:

Sustainable plan: Security:

Current status of Nairobi 3.1 million in Nairobi province, as per 2009 Census Apparently sporadic and along transport arteries. ‘[T]ransport in Nairobi can be split into five components: private vehicles, buses, matatus, commuter trains, and taxis.’ (...)Travelling by rail is limited due to lack of funding to improve/complete the project. Throughout the city you find many cyclists and pedestrians, although both of these modes can prove dangerous as there is little infrastructure in place to provide security.

Little to no regulation appears in place to prevent abuse of land use zoning, resulting in loss of valuable green, nature or agricultural zones to densification.

In recent years there has been an increase in incidents of crime, leading to the popularization of gated communities and multistory housing compounds. The fences and walls surrounding property are increasing in height and protective appendage.

My design research is located in Mashimoni, a ‘village’ in the larger Mathare Valley. Mathare is the second largest ‘slum’ in Nairobi (second to Kibera, reputedly the largest in Africa), with an estimated population of 500,000. In contrast to the green and leafy neighbourhoods of western Nairobi [Enkare Nyirobi meaning ‘place of cool waters’ in Maasai (Maathai, 2006) (Nevanlinna, 1996)], Mathare Valley is starkly barren. This is both due to the drop in altitude -from 2,300m in the west to 1,500m in the east-, but also to its former use as stone quarry. Devoid of trees, it offers little resistance to flash floods or harsh midday sun. This makes the area a critical case study for investigating localised environmental, social and economic design potentials.

Despite imminent risks of ‘being grabbed or suffocated by relentless tenement construction’ (Huchzermeyer, 2011, p.

245), Mashimoni still comprises predominantly of single-story structures, and has an approximate population density of 961 per hectare (Author using Pamoja Trust’s enumeration data, 2011).

Approximately 3,500 residents live in 1,500 structures, of which 65% are rented (Makau & Karanja, 2010). Pre-independence in 1964, the land was owned by ‘an Indian’, but now officially belongs to the Ministry of Defence (Ibid; French, 2011), although structure Fig ‘owners’ 4: 2030 let their properties to tenants.

Planning proposal: Summary:

Triad Architects, Nairobi Municipal plan of the metropolitan region: a political plan

Through a process of identifying and responding to specific local Growth strategy: Improving infrastructure to encoursge growth needs,Transport the project establishes a set of layered propositions that strategy: Introducing mass public transport networks including metro, tram and improved busses. operate through a range of scales and anticipate future growth.

Sustainable plan: Renewable energy sources to be encouraged and improved.

TheseIndustrial proposals are located usein the north east strategy: Promotionto of integrate new industrialeducational areas in Mavoko inspaces the southand and Thika suggested. three existing non-formal primary schools as key anchor points within the scheme. These design proposals are a combination of short and long-term strategies. In a neighbourhood of continuous Visualisation:fear of eviction, there are few common and flux, continuous neutral reference points. By fostering a safe, inspirational environment, conducive to learning and working, this project aims to promote a greater social responsibility within the area, and reinforce the ‘right to the city’.

In 1973 Nairobi’s population was 580,000. In 2012, Mathare Valley’s population alone is estimated at 500,000.

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Setting the Context Informality & Globalisation ‘We live in a world where nearly one in six inhabitants is a slum dweller – and the numbers are growing’ (Soja & Kanai, 2007, p.67). The United Nations have defined four indicators that express a physical ‘slum’ condition as; ‘lack of water, lack of sanitation, overcrowding and non-durable housing structures, insecurity of tenure’ (UN Habitat, 2008). Harvey has defined ‘the 0 2.5 5 10 Kilometers environmental question’ as a problematic with ‘simultaneous ecological, social, cultural and political dimensions’ (Harvey cited PRODUCED BY:

by Goodbun, Till, & Iossifova, 2012). Aspects of high population Buildings per Acre SPATIAL INFORMATION DESIGN LAB University density, restricted access, insecure land tenure, security Columbia threats, Graduate School of Architecture, Planning and Preservation 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 >9 For Columbia waste accumulation, health risks, limited access to education, to University's Earth Institute : 10/10/08 employment, and environmental degradation are all inextricably Figure 2. Population densities in Nairobi (Columbia University, 2009) Figure 3. Population sizes and densities in a select number of areas in linked. These inter-related urban issues call for an integrated Nairobi (Mittulah, 2003) and multi-faceted response, also advocated by Urban Think Tank (UTT); ‘current problems of massive urbanisation cannot be solved in a unitary, isolated fashion, but require multiple and simultaneous approaches’. (Brillembourg, Feireiss, & Klumpner, 2005, p. 103). Henri Lefebvre has called ‘the right to the city’; which cannot be dictated from above but must develop from below, is steadily acquiring growing importance in the light of changing relationships between public space and society that results from the increase in social, cultural and ethnic differentiation (Ibid, p. 12). Informal settlers live in constant fear of eviction, and therefore have little incentive to invest in their immediate physical environment.

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PRODUCED BY: SPATIAL INFORMATION DESIGN LAB Columbia University Graduate School of Architecture, Planning and Preservation For Columbia University's Earth Institute : 10/10/08

There has been extensive research and writing on recent prolific urbanisation, particularly in the global south. Despite countless reports developed by UN-Habitat, the World Bank, NGOs and private initiatives, the ‘problem’ persists. Notwithstanding lip service to ‘participation’, real involvement of the ‘squatters’ is still limited, which will be elaborated on in chapter two. As a result of globalisation, ‘advances in communication and information technologies, improved transport and deregulation of capital markets have enabled private investors to take advantage of national differences in tax rates, labour costs and environmental restrictions’, thereby imposing ‘significant economic, social, political, spatial and demographic stresses’ on Nairobi. (Owuor & Mbatia, 2011, p. 127). In addition, weakening of national and local public institutions (relative to external private economic power) has led to privatisation of public services ‘in which investors pick the more profitable services, further eroding urban revenue which must cope with the poorly performing services’ (Ibid. p. 128).

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Multistory tenements are replacing single story structures. The grey blockwork is characteristic of most construction in Nairobi. (Mashimoni, 2011)

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Informal city of Nairobi ‘Nairobi plays an important role in the global, regional, national and local economy’ (Owuor & Mbatia, 2011, p. 134), ‘employs 25% of the country’s workforce and generates more than 45% of national GDP’ (UN-HABITAT 2006). Despite this, standards of living are dropping significantly for a growing number of its residents in recent decades; ‘the proportion of the population living below the poverty line increased dramatically from 26% in 1992 to 50% in 1997’ (Owuor & Mbatia, 2011, p. 131).

During the 1980s, President Moi’s regime eroded the ‘power and status of local authorities and hampered municipal service delivery’ (Huchzermeyer, 2011, p. 143), as the city’s population continued to grow. As a result, ‘tenements mushroomed in many districts in Nairobi, in defiance of zoning and other regulations’ (Ibid, p. 146), many of which are located in Mathare.

Huchzermeyer observes that the City Council encounter these tenements with a sense of realism and pragmatism as; ‘they embody the antithesis of modern town planning, in building type (compact as opposed to suburban or tower block) and land use (mixed as opposed to segregated)’ (Ibid, p. 159). However, ‘the unauthorised development of multi-story tenements remains largely ignored’ and ‘statistical data does not differentiate between the ‘slum’ and multi-story tenement markets’ (Huchzermeyer, 2011, p. 146), which has significant implications for appropriate means of meaningful intervention. The Nairobi Metro 2030 Vision, while addressing the challenge of ‘slums’ and the need to ‘eradicate’ them, denies the existence of large tenement districts with unauthorised construction at extreme densities (Ministry of Nairobi Metropolitan Development, 2008, p. 70), thus highlighting how ongoing informal practices are not currently embraced as an opportunity to shape and improve the city by actively intervening in an appropriate way. Although standards of living in ‘slum settlements’ are extremely poor, and therefore supposedly cheaper, slum dwellers report that ‘rents currently charged are still high, given the conditions’, and that they are ‘being exploited by wealthy and well-connected landlords and landowners’ (Agwanda et al. 2004). ‘Only 55-60% of Nairobi’s land is private. The remainder forms part of public land: 35 to 40% is governmental and 5% is municipal’ (Karuga, 1993 cited

by Medard, 2006, p. 34), which emphasises the important role government can play in reforming these informal neighbourhoods in the city, for long-term mutual gain.

(Incremental) Upgrading The government led, Kenya Slum Upgrading Programme (KENSUP), in collaboration with UN-Habitat, has constructed a large-scale ‘decanting site’ near Soweto ‘village’ in Kibera.

Intended to accommodate Kibera residents while their original neighbourhood was upgraded, the resulting phenomenon has 16

Kibera’s ‘Decanting site’, 2011. KENSUP has built tenement accommodation to ‘temporarily’ rehouse residents while their original site is upgraded. These do not cater for independent income generation or other crucial community relationships. It is common knowledge that most residents have moved back into Kibera and are letting these rooms out to others.

In Huruma, Pamoja Trust are supporting Muungano’s saving group members in constructing their own incremental homes (Change by Design 2011).

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been that those residents have moved back into Kibera, while renting out their new temporary accommodation to others. This is presumably a result of the ‘top-down’ planning strategy, as the ‘decanting site’ –aside from its derogatory name- did not consider the social and economic significance of the existing incomegenerating systems of Soweto residents - the ‘kiosk from home’ enterprises - , which maximise on the high population densities that exist, giving areas like Kibera their vibrancy. Instead, this new housing typology did not offer any opportunities for enterprise, as social space was very limited.

This is why non-conventional incremental approaches, such as those advocated by non-profit organisations such as Pamoja Trust and NACHU are proving successful in upgrading city fabric.

They undertake negotiations with the relevant authorities for lending conditions that favour housing, on behalf of their clients.

They also source funding from various categories of national and international donors, and assist with land acquisition and technical support. ‘Through such efforts, affordable, low-income housing has been delivered to urban groups’ (Ochieng, 2007) without damaging existing livelihoods and informal economies.

Pamoja Trust emphasise the importance of a local and specific approach; No upgrading model or plan, by the fact of its existence, will change the urban landscape. There must be an intervention in each and every slum. An intervention that appreciates each slum’s unique set of circumstances and therefore negotiates and crafts a suit that fits. (Makau & Karanja, 2010, p. 4) Their predominant focus is on housing, although inevitably this influences the surrounding public realm. As the city experiences this transition into a more permanent building fabric, where ‘densification is the order of the day, and demand has taken control of the process’ (Ochieng, 2007), it is pertinent to re-imagine how public urban space can enhance the urban experience and cater for the future.

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Dandora (Government) Primary School, 2011 Most schools in Mathare provide lunch for students.

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The 1948 plan was racially segregated,these divisions are socio-economic today

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60% of Nairobi residents live on 5% of the land

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Research Aims and Questions • How does basic infrastructure act as catalyst, and become a platform for positive future growth? How do you provide the conditions to protect shared public facilities – both permanent and temporary?

• How can design be adaptive and expand over time? What economic/ development framework might support these conditions, and what is essential for positive growth?

• What construction material, techniques and local skills would be most appropriate to use in this particular scenario? How can these be used to reinforce programme and build capacity?

Acting as an architect –not as NGO, Local government official or a social scientist– I propose an integrated spatial approach. To this end, I speculate on the possibility to bring key players –as well as key factors; such as educational reform, public security, waste management and recreational wellbeing– together, in order to present a long-term responsive plan.

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Mashimoni is the case study ‘village’. WIth an estimated population of 3,500 residents, living in 1500 structures.

Most structures (6x6m) accommodate 4 households. Neighbouring Huruma has reached an estimated population density of 5000 per hectare in some areas.

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Mashimoni - a view over the site from the top of the quarry (2012)

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Mashimoni - a view over the site from the top of the staircase (2012)

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The multistory tenements, as documented by Hutchzermeyer (Tenement Cities, 2011), can be seen in the distance. This building typology is increasingly common throughout the city; replacing the single storey structures of Mathare Valley.

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In Kambi Moto, Huruma, Pamoja Trust are supporting Muungano’s saving group members in constructing their own incremental homes.

(Change by Design 2011).

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Research Methodology Alongside a literature review, first-hand information and data was collected over two separate fieldwork research periods in Nairobi.

The first was conducted in June-July 2011 and included participation in an intensive two-week action research workshop, Change by Design, with a focus on interactive community led participation slum-upgrading potentials, strategies and opportunities through participatory planning, with a particular focus on the methods of doing so. Organised by a UK-based charity; Architecture sans Frontieres, the workshop operated in collaboration with a local NGO; Pamoja Trust, and local residents of Mashimoni. The workshop also incorporated a symposium – hosted by UN-Habitat at their global headquarters in Nairobi which provided local housing sector stakeholders an opportunity for networking, and acted as a ‘theoretical’ precursor to the workshop, bringing international participants ‘up to speed’ with the context (French, Apsan Frediani, & Nunez Ferrera, 2011, p.

10). Preceding this workshop participants visited several slumupgrading projects across the city, illustrating examples of both top down and incremental bottom-up approaches1 (Ibid.).

Change by Design workshop report, 2011

Extensive first-hand interviews, informal conversations and focus group discussions conducted in Mashimoni (Change by Design Workshop, June-July 2011), revealed local priorities and opportunities in upgrading. This was fundamental to establish what the local residents deem to be their most urgent needs and requirements, and the extents to which these could be accommodated through integrated planning, as well as reasons why they have not yet been achieved. The workshop provided a comprehensive database of information, ranging from Institutional, Community and Dwelling scales of investigation.

The critical mass of participants; 25 international participants, 25 Kenyan University students, Pamoja Trust staff and 15 ‘key’ local residents, most of whom were associated with the Muungano savings group2 (French, Apsan Frediani, & Nunez Ferrera, 2011, p. 4), allowed for a wide-ranging survey of the neighbourhood’s concerns and aspirations. Transect mapping, drawing and modelling, as well as the creation of a site board game to aid focus group discussions, proved to be valuable participatory techniques, and generated insightful information.

Succeeding the workshop, interviews with local heads of two Mathare government schools were conducted while in Nairobi in July 2011. One of these schools, in Korogocho, is participating in a UN-Habitat Safer Cities-led Pilot project, where potentials 1

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Pamoja Trust showed two of their incremental building projects; Kambi Moto and Huruma, both in Mathare Valley. In Kibera; GOAL’s commu nity projects and the KENSUP ‘decanting’ site.

Please see Chapter 7 on procurement for more information on the Muungano Wa Wanavijiji savings group.

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for ‘school as wider community resource’ and the ‘Good school, Good neighbourhood’ framework are being applied and analysed.

Being located next to Nairobi’s main dumpsite, Dandora, and notorious for high crime rates, this project is highly complex and ambitious.

A second visit to Nairobi (February 2012) provided opportunities to attend two meetings at this school – Ngunyumu Primary.

Having received an initial $40,000 to ‘cement relationships’ between Nairobi City Council, University of Nairobi, the school and local community, these meetings involved discussing ‘quick win’ design improvements. The school committee had been asked to generate a School Development Plan and School Infrastructure Development Plan. The headmaster, Mr Rwigi, was developing a 5-year plan-of-action, during which time a fundraising scheme hopes to raise $2million, to complete the project by 2017. These meetings illustrated the inherent challenges in the process of mediating numerous stakeholders with converging priorities, pressures and prejudices.

Re-visiting Mashimoni enabled a photographic site survey and additional meetings with students and teachers of several non-formal primary schools; Hope, St. Michael and ‘Why Not’.

‘Why Not’ Primary had collaborated with an Italian NGO ‘Live in Slums’ during the autumn of 2011; improving their teaching spaces, cleaning up part of the riverside to implement a vegetable garden, constructing a stand-alone kitchen, reinforcing the sloping ground and installing a rainwater harvesting system.

Photographers Francesco Giusti and Fillipo Romano, have beautifully documented the Mathare area during this workshop3.

Interviews with Nairobi City Council planners provided insights into opportunities arising from the recently implemented new constitution, as well as the lack of urgency to address education in the informal settlements on a city scale.

Having investigated the context at a variety of scales and from various angles, a sequence of possible strategies and locations to respond to the established physical, social and economic needs of the neighbourhood was designed and developed. Each of these investigations has influenced the evolution of the project, which is described in detail in the following chapters.

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Some of these photographs are used in this thesis to illustrate the atmospheres and context, and referenced accordingly.

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This is the primary case study site for this project. It is located to the north of the main Juja road leading to central Nairobi. The settlement accommodates approximately 3500 residents, and occupies a former quarrying site. It has at least 8 non-formal schools currently in operation.

In Huruma residents have joined a federation and formed savingsgroups, enabling the construction of an incremental housing scheme. Nduruno Primary School -a government school and highlighted here- owns one of the few open plots of land in the area.

Dandora Primary is a government school that is located along the busy Juja road.

Accommodating approximately 2000 students (more than twice the capacity it was designed for), this site was investigated for the Pilot Study in Year4.

Ngunyumu Primary is also a government school and is currently collaborating with UN Habitat’s Safer Cities Programme [with the Israeli Embassy], as a pilot project for the wider region; the ‘Good School, Good Neighbourhood’ initiative.

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Limitations of the study Relying heavily on public participation, this project would require frequent discussions with local stakeholders and residents if it were to be implemented. This thesis examines one hypothetical approach, and, although first-hand interviews were conducted to identify local needs initially, residents have not had the opportunity to scrutinise the proposed strategy. This is both due to monetary and time constraints, as the site is located in Nairobi.

Strategic Ambition A series of layered constructions have been developed to guide the process of this project. Upon completing each ‘layer’, the proposal begins to contribute to improving the area, thus providing further incentive to continue and expand by implementing the next. This applies both to local residents and potential funding bodies or supportive organisations. This proposal aims to provide a holistic approach, which may begin to alleviate some of the social, environmental and economic pressures, and thereby incrementally upgrade the neighbourhood. Long term goals include providing employment (in construction, maintenance and operation), improved infrastructure to facilitate water flow across the site, which would improve access to, and perception of, public space. This in turn could lead to safer living and learning environments, through passive surveillance and accessibility. By integrating education into urban life, one has the opportunity to build community and ownership. A pleasant environment will attract better teachers and improve education in the area.

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Figure 4. Summarising table by author

Visible outcomes and associated Benefits Layer 1

Participatory Planning Strategy

Community mobilisation and capacity building.

Interactive modelling and discussion workshops with representatives of the community and stakeholders.

Layer 2

Retaining wall & Ground condition

Improved access and flood risk control.

Potential to improve safety.

Layer 3

Waste & Water Strategy

Methods of recycling and utilising waste for profit. Improved hygiene and perceptions of comfort. Employment opportunities.

Layer 4

Permanent structures

Social public ‘hubs’ provide shared space for wide-ranging activities. Employment opportunities.

Layer 5

Occupation – School

The proposal generates additional and linking space between existing school buildings.

Occupation – Ad-hoc

Appropriated as required.

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CHAPTER TWO Integrated Participatory Planning Strategy

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Mashimoni, 2011 Residents discussing ‘dwelling typologies’, determining a suitable strategy for achieving population density in the most desireable manner.

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Mashimoni, 2011 ‘Dreaming Exercise’

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Integrated Participatory Planning Strategy

Figure 5. Sharon, age 9 draws a new toilet, clean riverside

and herself reading a book in the shelter from the rain.

(Change by Design workshop, 2011)

Participation from local residents is essential before designing solutions. Pieterse writes that; Unless the complex, dynamic, highly improvising and generative actions of the urban poor are acknowledged and explored, it is foolish to come to conclusions about what is going on in a city, or what may or may not work, either from an insurrectionary perspective or from a ‘policy-fix’ approach. (Pieterse, 2008, p. 3). If mechanisms of integrating the proliferating slums into the city metabolism are simply ignored, replaced with an aspirational middle-class housing typology on plan, without highlighting (site specific) approaches of enabling slum residents to make this shift, these plans will merely reinforce the current status quo. As highlighted by Brillembourg, Feireiss & Klumpner, apart from the social and psychological importance of empowering individuals (and their own initiatives), participative collaborations make two important contributions to the process of upgrading; it initiates ‘a process of education through which ‘slum’ dwellers themselves identify and implement incremental solutions to the major problems of infrastructure’, which ‘supports the development of community organisations and gives them the necessary strength and legitimacy to undertake ongoing improvements in their neighbourhoods’, but also results in solutions that are ‘based on the logic of the ‘slum’, which is inherently individualistic’ (Brillembourg, Feireiss, & Klumpner, 2005).

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ilities was achieved by dividing the splitting into corresponding groups. s many residents as possible, and care unity groups -women, men, children, re owners, confident and shy.

Transect walks and informal interviews with residents provided a comprehensive database of current issues and concerns, as well as opportunities and priorities.

(Mashimoni, 2011)

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farmland Baraka medical center

Gospel Tabernacle Church

Mamawe

Giants Foundation

Git athur u River

Mabatini Video Show

Ngololo Supermarket

Why Not Academy

Gumba market

Mathare Polytechnic ST. MichaelChildren Education Center

A.D.C, Church

Excellent care center

Mathare Family Hope Center

Why Not Playground ru hu Git at

er Riv

Mashimoni

Gumba market

St. John's & St. Paul's Church

Under the bridge

dump site

Catholic Church

Gumba Masterplan video den AGAPE Church Mabatini Ward

Thayu

Outreach Fellowship Church

Juja Thayu kindergaten

AIC Zion Church

Mathare No10 Thayu petrol station

Faith Assembly and Nursery School

God's Time Miracle Center

Thayu Hotel

AIPCA Church

community transformers

Figure 6. ‘Map Mathare’ introduces local youth to interactive online

mapping, using ‘Open Street Map’ to document local facilities, institutions and phenomena.(Map Mathare, 2011)

Road

Initiatives such as the digital Map Mathare Project, in collaboration with the interactive Open Street Map (Map Mathare, 2010; Map Kibera, 2010), provide a rich source of information (their anonymity can help reveal local pressure points and reach a wider audience). They also have the potential to bridge divides ‘between the slum dweller’s self image and outsiders, whose experiences of the area are often second-hand and filtered through the media and by word of mouth’ (Endo & Fukuma, 2005). Communication technology has had a profound impact in Kenya. For example, 85% of the population use mobile phones, although it is known that only 44% of users own their handset –the rest uses phones through handset sharing, a popular modality, or rent handsets from street vendors who act as makeshift telecoms. Given the increasing use of mobile phone communication, another interesting modality that reflects the impact of technology in Kenya is M-PESA, a system that allows people to carry out credit transfers through SMS text messaging.

Similarly, the Internet is becoming more accessible in Kenya.

In Mathare, for example, multiple blogging platforms have emerged in recent years (Kokoyo, 2010). Another example of the impact of communication technology in contemporary Kenya is the use of Facebook in state schools, a fact discovered through interviewing teachers at various educational institutions. Though informal, these technologies offer great potential for community participation in spatial neighbourhood planning.

Whilst the value of ‘participation’ has been much advocated in literature on architecture, urban planning and slum upgrading in recent decades4, there still appears a lack of real involvement of urban ‘squatters’, and policy papers still stipulate ‘slum eradication’ (Ministry of Nairobi Metropolitan Development, 2008) as one of their primary objectives. Pieterse writes that; ‘whilst policymakers and academics struggle to come to terms with the pervasive nature of slums, slum dwellers of course get on with the business of living, loving, exploring, working, no matter how dangerous, precarious or erratic it may be’, and emphasises that ‘noble interventions by outside agencies to ‘improve’ the living conditions of slum dwellers or enhance their ‘livelihoods’ can easily be initiated at a complete disjuncture from how people hold their (precarious) lives and aspirations together, and potentially, inadvertently, undermine very delicate survival practices’ (Pieterse, 2008, p. 33), which is why the endusers should be integral to the planning, design and construction processes.

4

44

For a more detailed account of current theory on Participation in architecture, please refer to ‘What role does the user play in formulating a Design Brief in 2012?’ (Essay 5) submitted April 2012.

R i v e r s i d e Initiatives such as Map Mathare begin to inform the wider community and, hence, help to ameliorate misunderstandings amongst stakeholders. However, the context is continually adapting and, therefore, design interventions need to be embedded within this evolutionary landscape for them to be more effective. This topic will be addressed in further detail in Chapter Six.

3 2

4 1

Giancarlo de Carlo suggests that ‘the issue is to use language that people can understand, penetrate and eventually use.

Participation is something that you should start’ (Miessen & Basar, 2006, p. 18), implying that participation is not merely consultative (which it often tends to be), nor is it merely useful at planning stage. Public participation should emanate from the process of building and the resulting building fabric too, and require their user’s participation to make them better; use them to their full potential and hopefully in unexpected new ways.

This is not only necessary for the longevity and sustainability of the project, but also builds capacity and creates new employment opportunities, which are so high in demand in these areas of the city.

During the Change by Design workshop, lengthy focus group sessions revealed that there is a desire for higher density housing -with a diversity of typologies- to accommodate all residents and cater for open public space in Mashimoni. Public space is of high priority, with particular emphasisR on ishared v e (rentable) r s i d workshop spaces, a health clinic, and leisure activities. Hamdi, who participated in the workshop, emphasises how a ‘community centre’ alone is a missed opportunity; instead, one should be 4 designing for this ‘centre’ as community resource; and question how it can strategically enable3future adaptation in the area5.

1 2

5

1

Riverside

Nairobi River, which forms the northern boundary to Mashimoni, currently operates as its sewerage and waste disposal channel [4]. It’s banks are prone to flooding River, which the accommodate northern boundary of Mashimoni, and thereforeNairobi not occupied with determines housing; they a market [orange] and currently operates as its sewerage and waste disposal channel [4]. It’s urban agriculture sites [2+3]. Sewerage from the settlement above, runs into the banks -because the area is prone to flooding- are not occupied with river in open housing channelsand which create obstructions anda divisions along the can therefore accommodate market [yellow] andbank urban[1].

e

agriculture sites [2+3]. Sewerage from the settlement above, runs into the river in open channels which create obstructions and divisions along the bank [1].

3

1

2

3

4

Nairobi River, which determines the northern boundary of Mashimoni, currently operates as its sewerage and waste disposal channel [4]. It’s

Please refer to the Appendix for athe brief the Change occupied with banks -because areasummary, is prone toorfloodingare not

by Design report (French, & Nunez Ferrera, 2011) and urban housing Apsan and can Frediani, therefore accommodate a market [yellow] agriculture sites [2+3].participatory Sewerage fromslum the settlement above, for further information, on integrated upgrading runs into river in open channels which create obstructions and divisions along techniques. Similarthe intensive workshops would be organised during the bank [1]. each design stage as outlined in the following chapters.

45

S t r e e t s

3

au

uM Ma

E c o n o m i e s

Cliff

St

4

3

1

1

1 2 2

oad Juja R

Accessibility

Mashimoni is connected to wider Nairobi by the main Juja Road. About two years ago, the MauMau Street [4] was built, creating social space and improving security MashimoniMost is connected to widerisNairobi the main Juja[3] Road.

About in the neighbourhood. other access throughbysmall alleys which are only two years ago, the MauMau Street [4] was built, creating invaluable accessible by foot or cart, and usually double up as open sewerage. They also double social space and improving security of the neighbourhood. Most other up as workspace Theare cliffthrough [2] provides one of[3]thewhich few open spaces caccessible o fornfootball. o m access[1]. routes small alleys are E only by

e t s

4

1

2

foot or cart, and usually double up as open sewerage. They also double up as workspace [1]. The cliff [2] provides one of the few open spaces for football and other games.

Economies Mashimoni has a large number of small busninesses operating within it. The market Economies by the river [1] provides an income to many women, while some residents enjoy a Mashimoni has a large number of small busninesses operating within it. The market

profitable business on [1] theprovides main an Juja Roadto many [2]. MauMau road also provides by the river income women, while some residents enjoy good a profitable business on the main Juja [2]. MauMau road providesalley-ways good business opportunities for residents living onRoad it [3+4].

Within thealso smaller opportunities for residents living onhatches it [3+4].toWithin the smaller alleyone can also business find many houses fitted with similar sell groceries.

i e s

ways one can also find many houses fitted with similar hatches to sell groceries.

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3

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d

a Roa

Road. About g invaluable Most other ccessible by also double n spaces for

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Economies

Mashimoni has a large number of small busninesses operating within it. The market by the river [1] provides an income to many women, while some residents enjoy a profitable business on the main Juja Road [2]. MauMau road also provides good business opportunities for residents living on it [3+4]. Within the smaller alleyways one can also find many houses fitted with similar hatches to sell groceries.

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4 46

4

Playgrounds

S c h o o l s

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1

Schools

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There are at least 12 churches in Mashimoni, and most of these provide education to primary school children. There are no official government schools in the settlement are at least churches and- most of these provide and thereforeThere all parents pay12some forminofMashimoni, school fees despite the introduction of education to primary school children. There are no official government free primary education which came into practice in 2002. The fees normally range schools in the settlement and therefore all parents pay some form of between 150-400KSh monththe perfree student. school feesper - despite primary education law which came into

Many of the mothers in the community are concerned about their children playing near Many of the mothers in the community are concerned about their sewerage, open defecating dumpingand sites.

There are limited openare spaces children playing and neartoxic the sewerage toxic dumping sites. There dedicated to limited child’s play, and many of these are associated with a school/church. open spaces dedicated to child’s play, and many of these are associated with a school/church.

nds

S c h o o l s

practice in 2002. The fees normally range between 150-400KSh per month per student.

3 2 1 4 1

3

2

1

2

3

4

1

about their s. There are f these are

3

There are at least 12 churches in Mashimoni, and most of these provide education to primary school children. There are no official government schools in the settlement and therefore all parents pay some form of school fees - despite the free primary education law which came into practice in 2002. The fees normally range between 150-400KSh per month per student.

4

47

48

Figure 7. Table summarising Integrated Participatory Planning stage

Layer One INTEGRATED PARTICIPATORY PLANNING

Physical

Social

Economic

Change by Design Workshop in Mashimoni Literary and background research on informality in Kenya, and globally.

City Visits & Symposium Institutional Identifying local networks Uncovering stakeholders Policy analysis DIAGNOSING Finding room to manoeuvre The current Community Deconstructing realities context New imaginaries for my neighbourhood: Children are most vulnerable group.

DREAMING The riverside is a key space.

Of a better future Garbage and sanitation are key issues.

Sharing: revisiting and consolidating issues and dreams DEVELOPING Dwelling ‘Walking and talking’ Alternatives and Dreaming through drawing consensus Dreaming through modelling Dreaming through typologies: Prioritising values, searching for consensus, and making trade-offs.

Institutional Linking of findings through group collaboration Community Implementing ‘Portfolio of options’ board game through Dwelling focus group sessions in Mashimoni Institutional Analysis of ‘Portfolio of options’ board game exercise.

DEFINING Community A way forward First stages of action planning for Mashimoni Dwelling Reflection on the social production of space in this context Exhibition on MauMau road as a means to communicate workshop findings and outcomes locally.

Speculative further proposal Students

Workshops with students

Teachers

Workshops with teachers

Parents

Workshops with parents and wider community

Policy makers

Interviews/Workshops with Nairobi City Council

Diagnosis of existing Schools

Estimated Cost/ Comments

The three scales are investigated by separate groups, and combined in the Developing and Defining stages of the workshop

Findings lead into the following proposals.

49

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The calender (left) illustrate the school calender (yellow line = term) , flowering seasons, illustrates the constant 12hour days of sunlight, monthly rainfall precipitation, compared to annual total average (“http://www.meteo.go.ke/customer/climat/rain. html” accessed on 15th Feb 2011. Average of data collected over the most recent 50 years), and prevailing wind frequency (Hrs) and corresponding temperatures (EnergyPlus Energy Simulation Software, U.S. Department of Energy).

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51

SITE > 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 52

Football pitch Cliff Edge Mau Mau Road Pedestrian path to main Juja Road Informal bars Hope Primary School Hope Primary playground with perimeter fence St Michael Primary School Why Not Primary School

Why Not and St Michael shared playground

Riverside, used for urban agriculture, and also garbage disposal

Muungano wa Wanavijiji savings group headquarters

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53

CHAPTER THREE Retaining Walls & Ground Conditions

54

This image illustrates reinforcement sandbags which were installed around the Why Not Academy in Mashimoni in the autumn of 2011.

Figure 8.

55

Retaining walls & Ground conditions From transect walks and participatory mappings of Mashimoni, it became clear that residents are deeply concerned about the accumulation of rubbish, particularly during the rainy season when open sewers overflow. In addition, they voiced strong desires for a social space, a communal hub. This first construction stage of the project sets out to establish a footprint for the layers that are to follow, integrating small-scale social interventions that add value to the quality of everyday life in the neighbourhood.

Traditionally, infrastructural interventions are of macro scale and primarily pragmatic. Although their positive impact is not to be contested, they usually miss the opportunity to enhance multiple (social) benefits through design. An example of this is the social and economic space that was created by the construction of the Mau Mau road in Mashimoni. Implemented in 2007, in the run-up to the elections, it was initially met with anticipation (as it required removal of some structures), but the creation of the Mau Mau road is now unanimously referred to as a positive change to the area (Interviews by author, 2011). Residents claim that increased accessibility immediately improved security in the area, and provided new business opportunities. The project was undoubtedly efficient and profitable - however, the construction could have incorporated additional features, such as seating areas on a protected curb, or the planting and protection of trees for shading - which would have further enhanced this public space, at relatively low additional cost. The recent re-surfacing and extension of the Mau Mau road (February 2012) however, does signal commitment of public investment, or perhaps, more cynically, the imminent elections scheduled for spring 2013. As Agevi & Mbatha emphasise; ‘Availability and access to urban services and community facilities play an important role in the social development of its citizens […], enhancing youth talents and self-actualization’. However, ‘the availability of and access to these facilities remains a great obstacle in the slums and is often missed out in planning and development processes’ (Agevi and Mbatha 2011). This project proposes a more organic and incremental intervention, which nestles within the existing fabric through landscaped design, creating pockets for public engagement, but also for privacy - which is limited when each household (room) accommodates a whole family.­

56

Existing circumstances – unstable ground condition In contrast to the rest of the African continent, predictions are that the Horn of Africa will experience an increase in (intense) rainfall as a result of climate change (Toulmin, 2011) and during periods of rain, landslides are common in Mathare Valley. Because Mashimoni is a former quarrying site, and most available land is occupied, very few trees remain in the area.

With few tree roots (or alternative reinforcement) in place, heavy rainfall immediately transforms the pedestrian alleyways –which double up as open sewers- into small rivers, posing health and safety hazards to residents. This also increases soil erosion, which further exacerbates the precarious weak foundations that are in place.

NEW GROUND CONDITION > 1 2 3 4 5

Landscaped cliff edge provides better access

6 7 8 9 10 11

Missions of Hope Primary School

Pitch gains new prominence and less prone to flooding Mau Mau Road Pedestrian path to main Juja Road These structures are gradually replaced with groundscape; residents are moved to other dwellings within the settlement, and aided in constructing their new home.

Hope Primary playground with perimeter fence St Michael’s Why Not Junior Academy

Why Not and St Michael shared playground

Riverside, used for urban agriculture, and also garbage disposal

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ow<

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Reinforcing the ground condition This proposal responds to a variety of physical, social and economic needs through one combined strategy; a protective thread of robust ground scape - which can begin to improve accessibility, security and facilitates environmental management.

Creating a linked ‘necklace’ intervention, is visually less intrusive than one large building, and has the capacity to permeate a larger area of the neighbourhood. Reinforcing the cliff edge reduces soil erosion, while creating a new footpath between the top and base of the cliff through landscaping improves accessibility. This also provides the opportunity for a multifunctional amphitheatre to be created (p 62-65). As one approaches Mashimoni from the main Juja road the scheme will reveal a new landscape, which will expand incrementally over time. The proposal utilizes the existing gradient to create a series of ‘terraces’, which are beneficial for water management but also start to differentiate zones. Channels within this solid construction allow for controlled water drainage 58

and run-off, and establish a network for capturing grey water, which can be utilized in watering vegetation or flushing of toilets, before being released into the Nairobi river at the base of the site.

This strategy could be adopted and appropriated on a smaller scale to transform the wider neighbourhood, thereby saving water costs and alleviating health and property damage risks.

Underpinning existing access routes with reinforced terrace ‘edges’ (created by the new water runoff channels and planting), begin to secure public space upon and within. The construction of a series of retaining walls begins to designate areas for communal activity. This is particularly important along the MauMau road, as this is public and central space to the community, and will emphasise the intentions and opportunities the layered project offers.

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Mashimoni - a view over the site from the top of the quarry (2012). The rain season poses risk of flooding, and turns the open sewers that run through alley ways into small rivers (right).

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By providing natural planting and soak-away sumps, excess water can be absorbed and the public environment improved. By reinforcing and landscaping the cliff edge, one can mitigate flood risks, prevent landslides and flooding, harvest grey water, improve access between top and base of cliff, while creating a public amphitheater.

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On the lower slope of the site, the infrastructural framework and retaining walls, slope against the existing gradient, creating an infrastructural ‘wedge’ and thereby establish an accessible new verticality - creating more (public) space and opportunities for expansion, while protecting these elevated spaces from flashfloods (providing safe storage above flood-risk zones). This height also creates shade, and provides a degree of separation from the public ground-plane, without having to build a tall boundary for security, thereby allowing visual connections (Fig 3).

Agevi & Mbatha emphasise that, as the City Council struggles to meet demand for provision, maintenance and management of social amenities throughout the city - ‘attributed to rapid urbanisation, inability to raise enough funds and bad governance among other factors’ (Agevi and Mbatha 2011 p41) - any intervention must be low cost, durable (easily repairable technique and replaceable material) and preferably multifunctional. Accordingly, the infrasctructure defines and becomes public space, and this is why permanence is paired with flexible elements throughout this proposal. Adaptation is key to sustainability in this context. This intervention is not just about the physical treatment of the ground condition, which is important to address issues of drainage, erosion and access, but this also creates a protective ‘filter’ for the area, securing public space. It is important to emphasize that this strategy does not ‘eradicate’ the ‘slum’, but instead incrementally ‘upgrades’ the fringes and moves in, permeating the area with a more permanent fabric. Tree planting and maintenance would need to be encouraged in parallel with the solidifying of the ground condition, providing further soil stabilization while softening the perceived environment and providing soak-aways.

Parkland can provide and reinforce public space, landscaping can reinforce the soil, and absorb runoff, as well as ‘act as placeholder to stop the ‘slum’ from infiltrating’ (Brillembourg & Klumpner, 2011, p. 134). Urban agriculture is already being implemented in Mashimoni, where ‘grow bags’ (p.70, Img 6) provide opportunities for small-scale urban farming. This initiative could be expanded upon, thereby cultivating ownership, an appreciation for nature and pride of place. Although Mathare Valley does not benefit from the red fertile soil of west Nairobi, it does provide ample conditions for planting if the right conditions are nurtured. The visibility of these actions is of utmost importance at this initial stage of the project. By actively involving the local community in the planning and building works, the collective spirit and ownership of the area (where 65% of residents are tenants) can be improved, building local capacity to take action, and setting a precedent for consequent stages. Both adults and children will appreciate the amphitheatre, which improves drainage and water harvesting while generating a meaningful public arena. In doing so the proposal begins to respond and adapt to the dynamic of the settlements in a number of ways – physical, social and economic.

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Figure 9. The natural gradient provides a slope, which this new construction

uses to create a ‘wedge’, which eases accessibility.

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A

B

EXISTING SITE

TRANSECT - DENSE ROUTE Cutting through the site perpendicularly to the main road, creates a framework which will improve safety and access to all residents. The ground condition provides drainage and water catchment infrastructure, By reinforcing the cliff, drainage and access between top and base can be improved, as well as creating a key public arena.

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C

D

WATER CATCHMENT + TREATMENT

OPEN SQUARES

Large roofscape catchment area and channelling prevents erosion and landslides, while creating an additional water resource for communal use.. This will improve living conditions, particularly lower down on the site.

By forming a densely built up - courtyard punctured route - the primary schools by the river progress into secondary education and into the existing polytechnic on the upper slopes. By compacting the building along a spine, disciplines, subjects and age groups can easily mingle or spaces allocated according to requirements.

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Building resilience in the material fabric By reducing open sewerage run-off, basic health hazards can be mitigated. Limiting water-runoff speeds is important to reduce damage during rains. Sandbags are a cheap, efficient and potentially green means of achieving secondary reinforcements.

Rather than convey permanency, they encourage adaptation and flexibility from participants. The NGO ‘Live in slums’ used this technique to reinforce an eroded edge by one of the local schools (No. 5 to right). More permanent water channels will be constructed using local stone.

Excavation, for the construction of biogas/water tanks, will generate a limited amount of construction material for reinforcement. Stone blocks or compressed earth bricks can be used to build permanence. Nairobi stone -in combination with a concrete frame for taller buildings- is most commonly used for permanent construction in Nairobi. As Mashimoni is a former quarry site, there is an adequate stone supply available, albeit of low-grade quality. Stone resulting from cut-and-filling of the cliffedge can therefore be used in a variety of ways; in a gabion system, crushed for use as concrete aggregate, or used as irregular block work. These are labour intensive techniques, consisting of hard manual labour, but nevertheless provide employment and income to residents. Heringer stresses the architects’ responsibility in considering construction methods that are labour-intensive (Heringer, 2011), thereby providing employment and supporting local craftsmanship. By treating the same material in a variety of techniques (Eg, No. 2 & 3), a consolidated, but not homogenous, landscape –or a red thread if you will- is constructed through the neighbourhood, imposing permanence but not aggressively so.

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Figure 10. Summary of Ground Conditioning

Layer Two GROUND CONDITION

Physical

Social

Economic

Cut & Fill cliff edge, landscaping to provide path and amphitheatre

Reduces surface runoff, thereby preventing flooding of the base of the site.

Improved access into Mashimoni, reduces divide between top and base of cliff and creation of new public arena

Employment opportunities in construction & site management.

Terraced ground landscaping, using local stone

Designates grey water flow and thereby reduces flooding

Provides social platforms for a variety of activities; playground space, laundry, sports pitch, urban agriculture, etc.

These terraces also create opportunities for small scale ‘kiosks’ or occasional market stalls to emerge.

Improves public access and space

Grey water harvesting is economical.

[Sanitation & Hygiene]

[Collective Space & Education]

[Permanence & Education]

Water channels/ Covered ‘drains’

Improves access and reduces waterborne disease risks in young children

Biogas toilet Construction

Improves sanitation and reduces waste

Sandbag landscape reinforcements

Prevents flooding and can indicate areas of public use/ urban agriculture/ etc.

Easily implemented, does not require skilled labour, and can be used to express creativity.

Easily accessible and cheap construction method.

Planting

Green trees improve sense of wellbeing, but can also produce fruits, while stabilising the soil and reducing surface run-off in periods of rain.

Planting can be used within the school to promote a sense of ownership and awareness in students. Their shade creates sociable hubs.

Urban agriculture can produce some income. Gardening can also generate (limited) employment.

Improves amenities, and therefore improves privacy and associated safety risks

Produces energy as product.

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CHAPTER FOUR Water & Waste Management

The Nairobi river operates as waste disposal and sewer for the Mathare Valley.

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This urban agriculture plot was reinforced by the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Live in Slumsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; NGO in autumn 2011. It replaced the existing garbage dumpsite, as illustrated by Sharon in the previous chapter.

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Water & Waste Management Water is a precious commodity in Nairobi where current water supplies -from surface and groundwater sources-, is approximately a third of predicted demand in 2020 (Nairobi Metropolitan Development Planning Project, 2008). Water is distributed through the grid, but most informal settlements rely on unofficial connections, causing water distribution to be chaotic and often controlled by illicit groups, who sell water at relatively high unit cost to slum dwellers. Similarly waste management has proven to be problematic due to deteriorating municipal services, unable to respond to increasing demands of a growing population. It is estimated that 94% of residents in informal settlements do not have access to adequate sanitation (UN-Habitat, 2005; Nairobi Environment Outlook, 2007). This chapter examines these two situations focusing on localised designs that can alleviate some of these environmental stresses in Mashimoni.

Inevitably, the limitations of centralised infrastructures, exacerbated by limited access to water and land, raises questions about equal access, and introduces severe stress and competition between communities. Cities in the global south are under pressure to subject their institutional forms of service delivery to market forces (Pieterse, 2008, p. 38), and ‘this is creating a dualistic urban system: the globally connected infrastructural enclaves in the city versus the informal, almost disconnected and abandoned city, where the urban poor are subjected to inhumane living conditions’ (Pieterse, 2008, p. 38). There is an urgent need to explore new approaches that will mitigate further depravation for a growing population. In the segregated colonial city infrastructure provided a ‘marker of inclusion and exclusion; the emblem of colonizer/civilised and colonized/ savage’ (Ibid, p. 25). These socio-economic divisions still remain, and with the ‘movement towards the privatization or corporization of infrastructure for services, the potential for cross-subsidization to afford a better quality of life for the urban poor diminishes further’ (Ibid, p. 26). However, the informal city has the advantage of its expansive population, which it should mobilise for public gain. Swilling argues for a more ambitious macro-framework for urban infrastructure, where ‘from a citywide systems level, down to the design of neighbourhoods and households, a number of transitions need to be pursued in order to make cities simultaneously more environmentally sustainable, socially inclusive and economically resilient’ (Swilling, 2006).

This project proposes a supported ‘bottom-up’ approach, which enables communities to implement and test a variety of localised techniques of harvesting energy from waste independently.

There is of course, concern with this methodology too, as ‘the erosion of comprehensive urban planning in favour of projectbased infrastructure investment, has resulted in the predictable 74

consequence that the urban territory is further Balkanised between those areas where infrastructure is profitably provided and those areas without’ (Graham & Marvin, 2002). However, Brillembourg & Klumpner suggest that ‘strategies for the implementation of decentralised sustainable infrastructure - built on the slum’s existing resourcefulness and alternative supply models’ - should be promoted, rather than trusting in the ‘traditional solution in cities – to insert new infrastructure on a large scale- which is immensely costly [therefore routinely deferred], and provide limited efficiency and capacity for expansion’ (Brillembourg & Klumpner, 2011, p. 129). This applies to Nairobi, where the ‘slums’ suffer from extensive infrastructural deficit and developing localised infrastructures to improve livelihoods and cater for its growing population would be appropriate. Naturally, this would require funding, support and coordination with the existing centralised systems, to avoid the emergence of an even more pronounced divide. However, this approach offers a unique opportunity to generate a more efficient and environmentally sensitive metabolism, which could serve as examplar to the rest of the city –formal and non-formal- in the future.

WATER/WASTE TREATMENT > 1

Four large biogas tanks are constructed, one on each corner, thereby setting out the framework but also aiding access to all residents.

2 3 4

Rainwater is captured from the roofs

5 6 7

This grey water is used for irrigation or flushing toilets.

Additional grey water is captured and stored as surface run-off

Trees help to aborb excess runoff, and tree roots prevent soil erosion

8

The biogas tank sludge, can be treated to produce compost, and runof released into the river once it has lost its toxicity.

9

In addittion, biogas is produced, which can be used for cooking, or to power a small generator which can subsidise local lighting, for example.

Stored in tanks for community use A new laundry faciltiy enables social activity, while improving physical working conditions and enabling large-scale water recycling on site

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Collecting water for household use can take considerable time, particularly if the water pressure is low (Mashimoni, 2011)

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Water Management Existing Water Condition In northwest Nairobi, numerous streams and rivers dissect the city; once sources of pure and abundant water, today these have become open sewers (Medard, 2006), particularly where they flow through low-income neighbourhoods. The local authority manages Nairobi’s piped water. While visiting Mashimoni in June 2011, the council was installing piped water and connecting residents to the grid. Prior to this residents obtained water through illegal connections, either directly, or purchasing from local vending kiosks, whose vendors ‘own’ connections to the grid.

An estimated 50% of Nairobi’s total water production capacity (420,000 cubic meters per day) is unaccounted for; attributed to technical (leakages) and commercial (unbilled use and theft) losses (Gulyani, Talukdar, & Mukami , 2005, p. 5). The informal ‘spaghetti’ networks are believed to contribute significantly to these losses, as leaks are common and uncontrolled (Nairobi City Water and Sewerage Company & Athi Water Services Board, 2009, p. 17).

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Need / Consumption Collecting water for domestic use can take between 15 and 50 minutes per day in this type of neighbourhood (Gulyani, Talukdar and Mukami 2005), depending on location and access to shared yard taps, and local water pressure, for example. The buckets are heavy and impose a financial burden on households, as they ‘often pay vendors several times the unit price paid by connected non-poor households to the utility, and they use only a fraction of the amount of water used by the connected’ (Gulyani, Talukdar, & Mukami , 2005, p. 4). Although this proposal does not directly alleviate this burden, it provides shared facilities (such as laundry and showers), and through a strategy of rainwater harvesting and recycling of water, the collective footprint and profitability of water-use can be optimized, while also instigating social conditions conducive to collective action and capacity building.

Providing opportunities for shared responsibilities -such as washing laundry or looking after smaller children - opens up new working relationships.

Combined pressures of an increasing population, inadequate infrastructure and city-wide water scarcity, amplify the need for efficient water treatment and re-use schemes. Of course, residents in Mashimoni –and slums globally- already optimise on personal water use for economic reasons. Nairobi residents use an average of 40 Litres per capita per day, which is almost 70% lower than average use in neighbouring Tanzania and most Latin American and Asian countries of similar economic status (Gulyani, Talukdar, & Mukami , 2005, p. 9). Nairobi’s slum residents only use an average of 35 Lcd (Ibid). Most residents have access to potable running water – albeit at considerable expense - in this neighbourhood, although toxic river water is also used.

Transitions to sustainable water use and reuse of treated sewage are advocated by Swilling; ‘Grey water reuse systems are viable at household and neighbourhood levels, and neighbourhoodlevel sewage treatment systems are also viable, with the treated effluent feeding into nurseries, orchards or back into houses to flush toilets’ (Swilling, 2006, p. 48). By constructing rainwater harvesting networks, which support and rely on the new reinforced ground plane, can help define public space. Used water is drained into a grey-water system, which contributes to thermal mass, and is used to irrigate plants and flush toilets.

A steep gradient is a feature characteristic of many ‘slums’, and should be embraced as a positive design parameter, the strategy for which could be applied to similar scenarios throughout Nairobi, using. The gradient of the site is utilized to optimise water pressure across the site. Current building technology in Mathare does not optimize on rainwater catchment. Although Nairobi experiences periods of drought, the rain tends to be forceful when it does fall. Therefore, by channelling rainfall before it gains momentum - subsequently turning the ground 78

Figure 11. This plan illustrates water point in Mathare Valley,

with Mashimoni recorded as having 5 piped taps and 6 unknown; probably â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;spagetti connectionsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; to the grid (Map Mathare, 2011).

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into a series of fast flowing rivers - damage could be controlled and benefits of water harvesting gained.

The material properties of water are used to their full potential -as thermal mass and acoustic absorbers- to provide protected, quiet and cool spaces for working and learning. Water storage tanks also function as structural support. Catering for excessive rainfall and preparing for drought, overflow and storage tanks are incorporated, and can double up as equipment storage or small meeting rooms when they are not required for use.

Figure 12. An average of 45 Litres

per Capita per day is reommended, although Nairobi’s slum dwellers use an average of 35L per day.

Using precipitation data, monthly harvested water would cater for 1,200 persons during peak rainy season, but only a maximum of 90 during a dry month. This means that the scheme will require a backup system through connection to the council’s watermains.

Considering an approximate price of water in this area, at 10Ksh per 20L jerrycan, then this rainwater catchment would save the community approximately 3,870,000 Kenyan Shillings per year (almost £30,000), which alongside additional benefits of flood management, provides an incentive.

Precedents Himanshu Parikh’s work in Krishnapura, in Indore, India, introduced new government-built sewer, storm drainage, and fresh water services to follow the natural courses of Indore’s two small rivers near the heart of the city. All of these slums face a riverbank, which is also characteristic of the Mathare Valley.

As an incentive, a state government ordinance provided slum dwellers with long-term land leases, after which the residents upgraded and built their own private toilets and washrooms.

Proving very successful, the strategy resulted in a clean river, paved streets, street lighting, and construction of community halls and upgraded housing (Parikh, 1989). The project is unique in that it integrates the slum into the surrounding urban fabric, transforming the ‘slum’ into an environmental asset. Parikh describes the project as ‘a community driven approach, which sees slums, not as resource draining liabilities but, instead, as opportunities for sustainable change for the city as a whole’ (Parikh, 1998). The Mashimoni project seeks to build on this concept but challenges stakeholders to start with shared public facilities and space, providing social infrastructure to the area.

This proposal lays foundations for future upgrading, through mechanisms of building capacity in the local community.

Figure 13. One 5000L storage tank can

therefore cater for 111 peope per day.

5000Litres water per TANK

[2000mm diameter, 2000mm tall]

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Figure 14. With 3500 local residents,

Mashimoni requires 157500 L of water per day. That is equivalent to 30 water tanks.

Potential pitfalls The Why Not School in collaboration with the ‘Live in slums’ NGO, has installed a rainwater harvesting system. When enquiring why this technology wasn’t more widely applied, the response was that the city council did not allow for obstruction of the water’s natural path, and fined individuals who harvested rainwater (Why Not School, 2012). This illustrates the importance of local government involvement and the collaboration of all stakeholders – as only through discussion the multiple opportunities and gains become tangible.

What this mono strategy overlooks

Figure 15. With a catchment area of

8600 msq, only one tank is filled in the dry season, while during the rainy season there is potential for 11.

Provision, preservation and disposal of water are inextricably linked, and a more holistic approach, of recycling water as it passes through the site, would provide benefits to the community.

However, this also requires a change in collective attitude – a sense of shared responsibility. This will only be successful if individuals feel they are gaining through this process, and these gains should therefore be expressed visually. This is also why permanent interventions benefit from being coupled with smaller scale – shorter term – flexible constructions, which allow for discussion and mobilization of the residents. By addressing infrastructural deficits at a local level, the proposal enables a more autonomous position in the city; ‘much more can be achieved if our linear pipe systems were replaced by closed loop recycling-based systems, including reuse of grey water to flush toilets, systematic capturing of rainwater from roofs, and treating sewerage on-site for irrigation and food production’ (Crane, Thompson-Smeddle, de Wit, & Swilling, 2010, p87). The collective nature of the proposition makes it viable, as a critical mass is necessary to yield profitable outcomes such as recycling water, generating compost and energy, while also of social benefit the residents.

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The local Hope school has their own water storage tank.

Laundry is mostly done on the street, with more space and as a communal activity.

(Mashimoni, 2012)

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Indicating proposed water points and storage tanks. Dark blue signifies existing grid-connection, while lighter blue resemble new taps, which will be supplied by a combination of local and grid.

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Waste Management Existing condition Mathare’s infrastructure was never developed or intended to cater for dense residential housing, and is heavily overburdened.

Mathare Valley occupies the land surrounding the Nairobi River as it flows towards the east, where Nairobi’s main sewerage and waste disposal sites are currently located, and this river now operates as disposal channel for Mathare’s waste, as it flows towards Dandora.

This is the only means for ‘transferring garbage away’, as one of the local residents explained – apart from combusting (which is precarious in these locations of high density), dwellers have few alternatives for disposing of their waste. The municipal garbage collection services have severely deteriorated over recent years; the number of operational municipal garbage trucks has shrunk from 83 in 1977 to 21 in 2003 (Merino, 2006). Since the 1970s, Nairobi’s population has increased from approximately 700,000 to 3,100,000 – that is multiplied 4.5 times- aggravating this obvious problem. Moreover, these trucks are unsuitable to collect garbage from many dumping sites when these are inaccessible by road, which includes most informal settlements.

Figure 16. Elizabeth (urban agriculturist) and her son draw

gardens and ‘community’, with terraced landscape and a garbage collection service (Change by Design workshop, 2011)

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Clockwise from top left: Open sewer through an alley, Waterpipes being installed to connect residents to the water grid, Open sewer as it emerges at the base of the site, just before depositing contents into the river.

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Figure 17. This plan illustrates the number of public toilets

in Mathare Valley, as well as an approximate number of customers. It is not uncommon for 200 people to share one toilet. Mashimoni has 6 recorded toilets, ranging between 10250 users (Map Mathare, 2011).

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Specific Needs The Map Mathare project indicates locations of public toilets, open defecating sites and garbage dumps, amongst other environmental factors. Several youth groups have formed to address local waste collection, and manage to earn a small income from doing so. Unfortunately, the lack of municipal collection means they deposit this waste on self-designated local dumpsites, usually next to or in the river.

Figure 18. These maps, produced by UNEP’s Environmental Management

Information System, illustrate how pollution ‘hot spots’, and abundance of organic and solid waste are particularly noticeable as it moves through the informal settlements of Kibera in the west, and Mathare Valley in the east.

In Nairobi, at least 64.4% of households share a toilet with other households (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2004). Within informal settlements, 10% have access to sewers, 20% to septic tanks, and ‘70% use latrines that must be manually cleaned’ (Colombia University, 2010, p. 45; Nairobi City Water and Sewerage Company & Athi Water Services Board, 2009). Latrines pollute groundwater and need to be relocated once full. Map Mathare records 9 toilets in Mashimoni (Map Mathare, 2011), although it does not differentiate types. Two of these have between 100-250 customers each, four of them between 26-100, and one appears to be ‘private’ with 1-10 users (Fig 10). Even at maximum capacity, this only accounts for less than a third of occupants.

Open defecating areas have also been identified on the Open Street Map, and ‘flying toilets’6 are commonly used. As most waste runs down open sewers through access alleyways, and the river is used as garbage dump, periods of rain exacerbate health risks to the community, as toxic water floods over the riverbanks and down the slope of the site.

By introducing a more localized process of sewerage treatment, the problem of local waste accumulation may be reduced, as well as providing the neighbourhood with some autonomy while the surrounding city continues to grow. Biogas technology processes organic waste, with the opportunity to create energy and produce fertiliser. Producing energy from waste has several social, environmental and economic benefits; ‘it reduces the need for firewood, therefore also reducing health risks due to in-house airpollution’. More visibly, it ‘reduces the volume of untreated waste, while providing an energy source at close proximity’ (Grodzinski, 2010). Because of the high population density, this source of fuel is also relatively reliable.

6

Flying toilets are ordinary plastic bags or newspapers that people defecate into, which are then thrown into alleys, roads, or simply out the door as far away as possible. They land on roofs, in walkways, clog drainage systems, and the contents leak into houses during the rainy season, thus presenting considerable health risk.

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Figure 19. At least one toilet per 20

students is advocated in Building Bulletin 98 for secondary schools.

}

Projects in India have revealed that ‘30 Cubic m of biogas is equivalent to 17 Cubic m of natural gas or 20 litres of gasoline’ (Sulabh International Social Service Organisation, 2012). A public convenience used by about 2000 persons per day would ‘produce approximately 60 Cubic m of biogas which can run a 10 KVA generator for 8 hours a day, producing 65 units of power’ (Ibid.). With approximately 3500 local residents, this could be considered, although using biogas burners for cooking might be more suitable; ‘available in a wide-ranging capacity from 225L to 2500 L biogas consumption per hour. It burns with a blue flame and without soot and odour’ (Ibid.). These tanks can be supplemented with organic waste or animal excrement, which would increase the yield.

2000 customers per day can produce approximately 60 Cubic metres of biogas.

x100

}

Grey water

} 60 Cubic m per day

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Building resilience in the material fabric Biogas tanks will need to be partially buried underground to minimize construction costs. Their construction requires robust material, as the pressures exerted by the fluid inside are considerable, thus, local stone and/or concrete would be appropriate (Fig 14).

Reed beds can be used for small-scale domestic waste disposal, as they filter the sewerage through extracting nutrients. Introducing a green filtration network within the neighbourhood can provide a constant and reliable ‘soft’ treatment of surface run-off, a source of biomass fuel (to add into the biogas tank) and contribute to ‘greening’ the area. Papyrus and bamboo plants are native to Kenya, and produce a quick-growing source of fuel.

Precedents

Figure 20. Diagrammatic section through a biogas digester.

In the long-term, this technology may encourage new links into a larger network, if biogas becomes more widely used in Nairobi.

Several citywide initiatives are developing biogas waste treatment schemes, some of which work together to generate electricity at larger treatment plants. Umande Trust, in collaboration with GOAL, has initiated a biogas installation programme, where community halls are constructed above a biogas tank with toilet facilities (Umande Trust, 2009). PeePoople, a Swedish NGO, have developed a system of distributing compostable bags that residents can use in the privacy of their own home. A refund upon return of filled bags (a third of the total price) ensures the viability of the scheme, although to be truly viable, it requires 20,000 users (PeePoople, 2010), and would therefore need to coordinate with surrounding neighbourhoods. This technology, or similar, could be implemented in Mashimoni, in collaboration with the new biogas toilet facilities.

Potential problems Biogas tanks need careful monitoring of pH levels, temperatures and solid to liquid ratio, which requires trained attendants to maintain the tank. The cleaning and general maintenance of the facility creates employment. Promoting awareness of the benefits of this new technique, and illustrating its income generating capacity should avoid the stigma attached to such jobs. This technology relies on a cooperative public to utilize the system appropriately. Non-compostable waste should not be deposited, and this may be difficult to control, particularly as other means of waste disposal are so sparse.

Figure 21. Construction of one of the GOAL sponsored biogas tanks in

Nairobi.

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What this mono strategy overlooks Public investment by the local authority is a strong gesture on their behalf, as it legitimizes the area as residential, and forms a precedent for surrounding neighbourhoods. Some suggest that upgrading facilities in urban slums will only increase the rate of urbanisation, advocating investment in rural areas instead. Although Mashimoni is home to approximately 3,500 people, and has been residential for almost 40 years, the neighbourhood still officially belongs to the Department of Defence. However, recent public investment by the council -such as the Mau Mau road and implementation of piped water connections- suggests determination to maintain the residential nature of the settlement, at least for the foreseeable future.

Because most residents are tenants- there is a possibility that upgrading infrastructure results in gentrifying the area, which could mean wealthier residents force out the most vulnerable.

Etherton predicted a ‘prosperous future’ for Mathare Valley, with its proximity to the city centre -5km- and given the housing demand (Etherton, 1971 cited by Huchzermeyer, 2011, p.180).

‘Authorities had planned a trunk sewer along the Mathare river at that time’ (Ibid.), but this never materialised. Etherton may prove to be right, as this neighbourhood formalises in future years. In the short term, the indeterminate nature of land ownership could be viewed positively, as without existing land property regulations the ‘slums’ provide ‘an open laboratory for research’, which is already evident in new tenement typologies that have developed in response to rising densities, providing ‘a unique opportunity for experimentation that allows for the introduction of leapfrogging alternative concepts of spatial organization, environmental qualities, and strategies for sustainable decentralized infrastructure’ (Brillembourg, 2011).

Again, it is important to stress the importance of community participation in this process, as Satterthaite highlights; ‘if the urban poor get any infrastructure or service provided with donor support, it is very rare for them to have been consulted about what their needs and priorities are and their preferred means to address these’ (Satterthwaite, 2011, p. 379), which is crucial to the longevity of a new approach. These new infrastructures could secure the neighbourhood as a more permanent home for current residents.

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Illustrating the personally noted toilets (stars), open sewerage through alleys and garbage dumping sites in Mashimoni.

10m 91

CHAPTER FIVE Permanent Structures & Enclosures

Permanent Structures & Enclosures In its resourcefulness and efficiency, the informal city dynamic provides many clues to achieving sustainable urban systems.

The vibrancy and ‘interconnected web of activities’ that is characteristic of informal settlements, where housing, childcare, hairdresser and urban farming overlap, are the foundations for ‘dense, economically self-sustaining hub for a healthy community’ (Brillembourg & Klumpner, 2011, p. 134). It is by learning from this interconnected and efficient context, that this project proposes a series of strategically positioned public buildings, which will form the framework for consecutive construction.

While delivering public services, their spacing defines the areas in between, and suggests (future) appropriation. Their locations also develop security, by improving visual sightlines and lighting in-between buildings. Pieterse writes: 6

‘The existential core of urbanism is the desire for radical change to bring all the good implied in the original utopian association of ‘the city’. This radical impulse stands in contrast to the necessary prudence and constraints of incremental change, which is the only way of intervening in conditions of profound complexity and entrenched power dynamics embedded in capitalist modernities’ (Pieterse, 2008, p. 6).

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The challenge is then; where is it most crucial – and strategically useful - to intervene in this process? The main priority resulting from the ‘Portfolio of Opportunities’ exercise (Change by Design, 2011)7, was the desire for a public community space, where various activities could be organized collectively and where residents could rent a space for sewing, for example. Mashimoni has several ‘community halls’ but most of these are church-led with their own associated costs and agendas. Although this scheme builds on education, and the existing schools are used to define the layout for the project, the initial spaces become key social hubs. By building across an infrastructural strategy, multiple gains can be achieved; improved sanitation, access to new social spaces, indirect protection from imminent tenement development, and capacity building within the community.

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PUBLIC PROGRAMME > 1 2

The laundry site is expanded to overlook a playground.

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A new library and IT facility sits across the road, also occupying a prime location

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A community room - operating as mobile Health Clinic when necessary - will sit next to the laundry space, thereby encourag ing women’s involvement.

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A graded multi-putpose sports pitch caters for mutliple age- groups and activities simultaneously.

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Workshops occupy the reconstructed cliff edge.

A cafeteria is constructed as pivotal ppint between the football pitch and the rest of the settlement

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Please see Appendix for a summary on the Change by Design Work shop, 2011. Alternatively access the full report online at; http://www. scribd.com/doc/75033019/Change-by-Design-Building-Communities- Through-Participatory-Design.

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Classroom / Stepped Lecture theatre Shade under trees and overhangs and bridges provide cool ourdoor space.

3 Bridges above provide quick transition between classes 4 Double height studio/workshop spaces 5 Access to street from workshop space 6 Outdoor learning / teaching spaces between enclosed classrooms

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More than half of Mashimoni’s residents live in single storey structures that are located on a grid formation (with access alleys running along the site gradient), which is unusual for informally occupied land. Most likely these houses have been adapted from early barracks or quarry-staff housing. The buildings are predominantly wattle & daub, with corrugated tin roofs. Many of these alleys have inserted doors or fences to create privateaccess corridors. Although emerging out of a desire for improved security, this structure paradoxically creates ‘ghettos’ which ultimately threaten public safety. Security is a major concern to local residents, leading aspirations for a better future towards the desire for walled and secured compounds. The effects of globalisation are evidenced in the increased segregation and polarisation of Nairobi, where tall perimeter walls and private security companies are standardly employed to create the ‘gated communities of the middle- and higher-income neighbourhoods of Nairobi’ (Owuor & Mbatia, 2011, p. 128). The nature of this residential grain reinforces the necessity for creating and protecting public space accessible to all.

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Sennet suggests ‘edges come in two forms, as borders and as boundaries’ (Sennett, 2011, p. 324). Whereas boundaries prevent interaction, borders provide space for collaboration and unexpected discovery; it is in these fringes that creativity thrives.

Sennet also writes that ‘water plays a particular role in defining the difference between boundaries and borders’. Although referring to larger water bodies, such as rivers (which do indeed play a crucial role in determining Mashimoni’s boundaries), this can also be applied to this project on a smaller scale; by utilising water-capture and treatment constructions as key markers for social interaction, new civic space is created, and ownership can be fostered.

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Incremental and sequenced build of components These new civic hubs have overlapping programmes, to maximize on their use by the community and stimulus for the area. In their inter-connectedness they form the contemporary equivalent of a town square. Simone highlights why these initiatives are important; ‘Cities are densities of stories, passions, hurts, revenge, aspiration, avoidance, deflection, and complicity. As such, residents must be able to conceive of a space sufficiently bounded so as to consolidate disparate energies and make things of scale happen’. However, ‘they must conceive of a fractured space sufficiently large enough through which dangerous feelings can dissipate or be steered away. Urban residents are thus concerned about what kinds of games, instruments, languages, sight lines, constructions, and objects can be put in play in order to anticipate new alignments of social initiatives and resources, and thus capacity’ (Simone, 2004).

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This stage continues to builds on the Laundry space with a shading framework for hanging washing, overlooking a playground, and introduces a new ‘docking point’ for a Mobile Health clinic (which can also be used a meeting room). This building sits on the northern edge of the Mau Mau road, occupying part of the current Hope School playground (p 95). Young children can also be looked after at a nursery with incorporated laundry facility – allowing parents to share workload. Most women currently do their laundry in the street, which is uncomfortable (kneeling) but sociable, and allows them to look after their children who play on the road. Along the southern side of the Mau Mau road, a new Community Hall doubles up as Canteen. The rooftop overlooks the proposed sports court, and will also include an administration office from which to manage and timetable the emerging spaces.

Opposite - planting itself firmly into the community, always in view and therefore protected by community surveillance - a new

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Library and IT lab is located next to the Health clinic, making it easily accessible for women who come to use the laundry space, and providing a barrier between children’s playground and the road. It is important to reinforce the Mau Mau road, as it is the current ‘Town Square’ and the shops on in provide income to their owners. The new amphitheatre, which was created by reinforcing the cliff edge, is added to by constructing a combination of workshop and smaller retail spaces. Secondary school students and residents can use these, promoting a multifunctional use of the amphitheatre ‘stage’. Currently a (badly maintained) football pitch, it will retain this function, but also occasionally used as ‘spill out workshop space’.

These four new public buildings protect the surrounding space from imminent residential development, and orchestrate further appropriation. Their program is integral to the infrastructural water strategy, with their heavy structure accommodating rain and grey water storage tanks. In addition, new teacher’s accommodation will be constructed, which can attract better teaching staff, while also improving passive surveillance around the site. These also offer an opportunity for testing a new residential typology, as well as for new building techniques and materials, which could be appropriated to surrounding residential structures during upgrading, if deemed successful.

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Section through the lower terraces, shwoing how different activities emerge in each â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;zoneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and how the landscape creates a gravitational force for water to flow down the site.

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This view looks between St. Michaelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and Missions of Hope schools, during a visit in February 2012.

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This view looks between St. Michaelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and Missions of Hope schools, with the proposal visible behind.The structure connects and enhances existing space for public gain.

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Material strategy Building offers an opportunity to build local skills and reinforce traditional ones. Crafting and workmanship, not only increase employment opportunities, but also add value to the building and reinforce ownership. Harris writes; ‘the process of development and the process of building are seamlessly intertwined. The opportunity to use a building as a catalyst for lasting change is not to be missed in the design and construction phases. Project design is imbedded not only in building design but also in how the whole construction process is coordinated. This is where architects become not only relevant, but vital’ (Harris, 2011, p.

17). Current constructions with corrugated tin roofs radiate solar gains into the spaces below and generate hot and uncomfortable environments inside. Because of security risks, most of these buildings have limited openings for ventilation or light. This strategy can encourage residents to open up to other possibilities, such as introducing thermal mass underneath the tin roof, while improving chances of future employment by obtaining a trade.

For reasons of identification and establishing a collective architecture, the main civic buildings will be expressed through a similar material strategy – they will be visibly permanent and thermally massive, so as to perform environmentally, but also express their positioning as anchors within the community. This is beneficial as it provides structural support for the landscaped gardens (and future construction) built above, and can incorporate safe storage spaces for equipment. Drawing upon the existing material palette -assuming that these materials are easily accessible and within budget- corrugated tin sheets will be used as concrete formwork for smaller vaults and expressed surfaces (No 4-5).

Local block work stone will also be used. The heavy construction, in combination with water storage, will provide considerable thermal mass, which delivers cool and sheltered spaces for learning, meeting and working in, regardless of the weather.

During the ‘winter’ months, temperatures can drop to 15degrees, and therefore the building caters for closing up and bringing northerly sun into the building to warm it up. These materials give the space status and permanence. These solid structural materials are combined with a more adaptable material palette of clear corrugated sheets for light, tin corrugated sheet used for reflecting light, (blackboard) paint creating drawing walls and absorbing heat in ‘winter’, while shaded in ‘summer’. Materials should be cheap, adaptable to a small footprint and not easily removable, as ‘slum construction is subject to intense salvaging, and a kit that can be disassembled and sold for scrap will meet a premature end’ (Brillembourg & Klumpner, 2011, p. 135), which is particularly relevant to metal components.

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Figure 22. Common materials currently used for construction in

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Precedents As well as the introduction of the Mau Mau road, the ‘Adopt a light’ scheme, which saw stadium lights erected in areas such as Mathare and Kibera have improved security at night considerably.

Despite their intrusive nature, local residents are generally pleased with their implementation (Author, interviews 2012). More sensitive means of improving security are explored during the next phase of improving urban safety in these neighbourhoods.

Closer to the city centre, the Sarakasi Dome on Ngara Road, ‘a magnificent building that the Trust acquired and renovated to meet its office and rehearsal space needs and which doubles up as a performance venue’, transforming the surrounding slum into a much more accessible and safer place (Sarakasi Trust, 2011).

Despite the importance of approaching urban poverty and slum upgrading with very site-specific analysis and interventions, and acknowledgement that applying standardised interventions can disturb ‘informal settlers’ delicate survival mechanisms, there is much to be learned from international precedent, and successful approaches of achieving slum upgrading in other cities, particularly for encouraging public investment. In Caracas, crime dropped by 30% after the opening of Urban Think Tank’s vertical gym, illustrating the status and effect a new public building can have on the surrounding neighbourhood (Brillembourg & Klumpner, 2011, p. 134). Similarly, various projects in Colombia, South Africa and Chile have introduced state-of-the-art public building into the ‘slums’ with positive effect. Their majors, with municipal funding, supported all these projects, which is not yet a forthcoming condition in Nairobi.

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This drawing illustrates the laundry space with connecting playground. The water framework merges into playframe, allowing parents (often mothers) to socialise while they wash, as well as keep an eye over their children.

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CHAPTER SIX Occupation & Transformation

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Figure 23. Mathare at nightfall is extremely vibrant

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Occupation & Transformation School and neighbourhood resource, and vice versa Having established a framework, and provided basic public facilities to the neighbourhood, this next layer is about expansion and upgrading of the local school(s), as well as other community based projects, such as an urban agriculture vegetable store, or additional work(shop) space. This is envisaged as an on-going project; involving and reinforcing the community, questioning the traditional role of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the schoolâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, and how it may be integrated into the neighbourhood, to become a resource for the wider community. Traditionally, schools have been designed as private entities; for child safety, but also for reasons of concentration and sense of place. However, there is a general consensus that current pedagogy is not preparing children for their adult working lives (Agevi, 2012; Daily Nation, 2012), and this suggests the need for bringing the neighbourhood back into the school environment.

The location and permeable nature of the building(s) dictate that residents will be walking through it on a regular basis, and therefore inclined to use it. Many of the ground floor spaces are public and easily accessible from the street. They provide larger meeting spaces -than currently available- and offer shelter from hot sun or heavy rains. Naturally, most activities will require enclosed and acoustically protected spaces, but the construction, as a whole, becomes a transparent beacon for the community.

This stage is about the way in which the framework becomes inhabited, and as is typical of schools, this element of the building will adapt, as it needs to, over time.

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Occupation & Transformation: Schools

Diagnosis and Dreaming Exersise. Local children are drawing their dream house, or their dream neighbourhood.

(Change by Design workshop, 2011)

Schools Kenyan education Prior to independence, community schools -known as Harambee (self-help) schools- operated all over the country (Mujidi et Al, 2004). Financially supported by church groups, NGOs, and local communities, they provided primary and secondary education.

In 1964, the Kenyan government initiated a new curriculum, although the British concept of boarding schools still resonates in Kenyan society today. Since 1985, state schools follow the ‘8-4-4 Curriculum’ –so termed because it provides 8 years in primary; 4 in secondary; and another 4 in further education (Akolo, 2012). Although it was intended to focus on vocational training, the curriculum does not appear to have met these criteria, perhaps due to limited funding for practical application or training opportunities. Instead, much of the school day is still focused on exams and rote learning (Interviews and observations by author, 2011-2012). In 2009, only 52% of children (age 6-13) were attending school and ‘only 47% of those who were attending completed their primary education’ (Mathooko, 2009, p. 153). These are staggering statistics, considering the introduction of free primary education in all state schools in 20028. In contemporary Kenya, children either go to state schools, or private schools, where the scale of cost and quality vary enormously. Current plans for education reform stipulate more ‘streams’ in secondary education, emphasising the value of ‘talent’ and vocational subjects.

Education in Mathare Valley Government schools in Mathare are easily located on an aerial photograph. They own most of the rare unoccupied open spaces, only competing with occasional wealthy churches. There are three public government primary schools in Mathare, although ‘nearly 85% of children enrolled in schools attend private, community-based schools due to lack of seats and parental preferences’ (Dignitas Project, 2010). With the introduction of free state school education, the few institutions that do exist are heavily oversubscribed, resulting in 50-70 students per classroom (with one teacher), without improved facilities or assistance (Mathooko, 2009, p. 152). Furthermore, as Mathooko emphasises; ‘education facilities in slum areas have been given low priority [by the City Council]’ which has resulted in a lack of funds and transfers the financial responsibility to impoverished parents. Because of concerns for personal safety, as well as the challenging working conditions with so many students, ‘teachers often refuse to take up posts in slum areas’ (Mathooko, 2009).

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Although parents are still expected to purchase school uniforms and materials, etc., which for many contributes to a vast sum.

Primary School Secondary School Adult / Vocational Training Centre Health Clinic

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These locations are a combination of observed and referenced from the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Map Mathareâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; online resource. In reality, there are many more informal schools in the area, of which student numbers are in continuous flux.

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The extreme deficit in government schools in this area can be attributed to the fact that the region’s population has expanded so rapidly, although generally the government does not recognize most of this region as residential, and has therefore not invested (sufficiently) in education (Mujidi et al, 2004); ‘Informal settlements fall outside the formal planning framework of the State authorities, and therefore lack legal standing. The City Council and all other utilities rarely plan the provision of services to these areas’ (NCWSC et al, 2009). In addition, most state schools require parents to provide proof of legitimate address, thereby excluding most informal residents from registering their children at a local state school, even if they had the opportunity to do so (Satterthwaite, 2011). As a result, countless independent private schools have emerged, many of which have private agendas. Dierkx observes that; ‘schools established as an informal business opportunity often do not meet basic hygienic and safety standards for nursery and primary educational facilities’ (Dierkx, 2002; Mathooko, 2009). Parents in Mathare highly value the education of their children, and pay large percentages of their income towards it. Unfortunately these small private schools are not officially recognised or assessed, and the quality of education provided varies enormously; frequently poor, with small dark rooms and a deficit in teachers (Kavuli, 2012)9. Primary school students from non-formal schools, tend to be discriminated against in their selection for public secondary school education (Mujidi et al, 2004; Isenya, 2012; Dierkx, 2002), and thus lose out on opportunities for further study, thereby trapping informal residents into a vicious cycle. For these reasons, there is an urgency to improve access to education in these low-income neighbourhoods.

Why is this a suitable vehicle for growth?

By consolidating three existing non-formal primary schools as a vehicle for infrastructural development, this design proposal creates an opportunity for providing better access and quality of teaching and learning spaces, while also actively engaging the community in its operation, thus introducing more stakeholders to the discussion. This strategy also requires active engagement from local government, but provides CBO’s with a platform for negotiations.

Spatially, the schools could provide a better learning environment, if they consolidated their current resources. Located at close proximity, but all offering small partitioned classrooms, each year group could claim a larger space with a better teacher-tostudent ratio. Support from the city council would improve access 9

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Independent organizations, such as the Dignitas Project, which the author met on site visits in Mashimoni, do review the local schools performance and facilities, as well as provide teacher-training schemes for non-formal schools in the area. They distribute this information to local parents, advising them on the best schools.

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Why Not Junior Academy St Michael’s Children Educational Centre Lower Primary St Michael’s Children Educational Centre Upper Primary Missions of Hope School

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The three private non-formal primary schools by the Mashimoni riverside.

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to opportunities, both for staff and students. The additional advantage of this approach is that there is an opportunity to question the definition of a school. By opening this institution up to the neighbourhood, it becomes a community resource, and, if fostered and taken ownership of, will develop its students into pro-active citizens. In the UK there is an increasing interest into means of integrating education into the city; â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;to see in the school the centre of the educational and recreational life not only of children but also, transcending its present boundaries set by age and type of work, of the community it servesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Crowley, 2008; Cooper, 2012). In this sense, it is pertinent to explore such scenarios here; where a high percentage of adults may not have received a basic education would make it particularly beneficial.

Collectively, these new spaces can cater both for student and adult learning, both academic, and talent or vocational skills.

Considering that more than 60% of Nairobiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population live here, it is precisely where the government should invests in education, as the next generation relies on it.

Expansion of classrooms & a larger variety in types of spaces By providing a variety of classroom types and sizes, the school can respond to the fluctuating number of users. As year groups are often large, external use of space adjacent to classrooms should be explored. The proposal begins to do this by using the terraces (created to manage water on the site) as spill-out space and extensions of the classroom. By planting these with trees and urban agriculture, this also integrates an agricultural awareness.

Natural light can be optimised in teaching spaces. Current classrooms are frequently dark, as threats of security and privacy are minimised. By opening the classrooms onto internal courtyards, this allows for better light and ventilation. The equatorial sun is almost always overhead, which means that the existing flat tin roofs should be avoided, but this material is suitable to use on vertical faces, providing these is enough shading and ventilation.

The large and adaptable roofscape generates ample play-space, as well as providing for future expansion. Interspersing classrooms with urban agriculture can encourage local biodiversity of plants and associated animals, while improving the urban fabric and creating employment opportunities, and allows children to have ownership of their environment. This is also a means of indicating zoning without appearing hostile.

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Clockwise from top left: Two of the total of 3 ‘Standard 8’ students at ‘Why Not’ Primary School, Margaret - the ‘Why Not’ cook with some of Why Not’s students in one of their classrooms, St. Michael upper Primary school hall - which is located opposite Why Not across their current playground.

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Three existing non-formal schools in context Plan 1:1000 @ A3

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Why Not Junior Academy

St Michaelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Children Educational Centre

Missions of Hope School

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300 students

11 teachers

baby class, nursery, pu, class 1-8

nursery, pu, class 1-3

100-300 ksh/month

minimum 100 ksh/month

These diagrams are constructed using data from the Dignitas Project, who evaluate non-formal schools and distribute flyers to parents.

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Precedents Korogocho’s ‘Good School, Good Neighbourhood’ project provides valuable precedent, particularly in terms of procurement, to which I will return in the following chapter. Reporting on initial ‘Good School kit’ workshops with the community, the architect wrote that ‘through a discussion conducted with participants, it was collectively agreed that a conducive learning environment constitutes of both physical and psychological factors. While classroom blocks play an important role in a good school, it is important to also pay attention to how the school makes children feel’ (Shehayeb & Al-Helo , 2011). University of Nairobi architecture students also conducted sociological analysis of the school and surrounding community and developed concept and schematic design proposals10. Kilimanjaro Initiative, a Geneva-based NGO, will invest $10,000 in Ngunyumu’s new multi-purpose sports field. At the first meeting attended, there was lengthy discussion concerning priorities for the school’s development. The City Council architect and planner firmly believed that the construction of a tall, stone block perimeter wall ought to be a first priority. The school committee was split on this issue, with some commenting that this stood in opposition to the ‘Good school, Good neighbourhood’ concept. Korogocho is notorious for crime, but committee members eventually agreed that ‘a computer could be stolen with or without a perimeter wall in place’. Ultimately, reparation of existing buildings, and the construction of the multi-purpose sports field were agreed upon as first priority, this is reinforced by a World Bank study, which ‘showed that simply improving the physical quality of school buildings – mending leaky roofs, for example-improved math and literacy scores by more than 97%. This improvement is greater than what was achieved by providing basic teaching equipment such as blackboards’ (Glewwe & Jacoby, 1994 cited in Harris, 2011, p. 21). However, this discussion highlights the inherent prejudices (in this case voiced by city council representatives), reluctant to explore new design strategies that might alleviate some tensions without completely (visually) disconnecting the site from its surroundings. Admittedly, some of the reasons given -of risk of drug use or prostitution- are real dangers to young children living in this neighbourhood, but regrettably they are already exposed to those dangers out of school hours, which is why this project aims to address the root of the problem, and foster a collective responsibility from the community.

The Italian NGO ‘Live in Slums’ upgraded the ‘Why Not Primary’ school by constructing a shaded veranda and new kitchen facility, as well as reinforcing surrounding land and vegetable garden. All these constructions are temporary in nature, and explicitly so, in order to avoid confrontation with the authorities. This lack of permanence is therefore paradoxically their security, and provides an improved environment in the immediate term, but 10 128

Please refer to the Appendix for these proposals.

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–perhaps symptomatic of such projects- does not instil a sense of longevity in the community, and is of too small a scale to benefit the whole neighbourhood.

Harris emphasises that ‘School construction programs are irreplaceable opportunities to improve the skills of the informal sector, if they are given the opportunity to compete for local small contracts and receive adequate site supervision’ (Theunynck, 2009 cited in Harris, 2011, p. 18). Therefore, this local approach -employing sensitivity towards material, site and context, and regulating existing private schools- could potentially be applied across Mathare. Research suggests that placing public interventions every 500m, improves security by passive surveillance (African Centre for Cities, 2011), and, if this pilot project proved successful, could become a strategy for consolidating non-formal schools across the valley into formal education institutions, while simultaneously improving public space and infrastructure.

Inkwenkwezi Secondary School This school was designed by Noerro Wolff Accommodates 1120 learners

38%

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Circulation Sports / green space

Current regulations stipulate a minimum area requirement for formal school registrations. This in itself is no problem, but necessitating five acres of land to register a primary school as formal, (ten acres for a secondary) (Gatimu, 2012), seems a complex conundrum in slums where free space is so scarce. By redistributing the school facilities along a new ‘infrastructural necklace’, and constructing spaces over multiple levels, thus allows for a good quality learning environment, and sufficient open space for sports and recreation, but does not benefit from abiding to these existing guidelines as they are intended.

Toilet facilities

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Secondary School Brief Location: Mathare, Nairobi The Thesis will be the design for a Secondary school with ancillary community facilities [taking Noero Wolff ’s Inkwenkwezi school -commissioned by the Provincial Government in South Africa- as an example] The school serves approximately 1500 pupils on 2600m squared.

There should be a clear strategy for expansion as the school develops.

The first buildings onsite will be a creche, a communal hall and then the classrooms, offices and workshops.

The school should cater for wider community events and encourage students to use the school facilities out of school hours.

SECONDARY SCHOOL elements 37 classrooms, a library, computer room, hall, administration section, canteen teacher’s staff room playground / greenspace / vegetable allotments [outdoor] auditorium projection cinema space for school+community Further Education and Training (FET) facilities and workshops Youth centre Water storage with laundry facility (pamoja trust project) Daycare centre/creche

Theatre / Hall / Cinema / Community weekend market space

This is the most important space in the building. It accommodates a large group of people: allowing for exchange of ideas and meetings - whatever the weather.

It is also a status symbol in that most poor neighborhoods don’t tend to have one.

Library / computer + internet access

Community resource providing connections and opportunities outside of the region.

Accessible throughout the day and evening. Also has community access on certain days and in the evenings/weekends.

Needs to be secure but also welcome all those keen.

Indoor/outdoor flexible teaching spaces

Important to allow for adaptation of function, capacity and various age-groups. The moderate climate would support outdoor teaching spaces where fresh air and light would benefit the students.

Flexible workshop spaces Further Education and Training Allowing for new skills training, enterpreneurships and material crafting./production for the expansions of the school itself.

Daycare space

A facility allowing the women of the community to work during the day (while providing employment for others).

Safe indoor and outdoor play spaces.

Light and planting important Natural ventilation through building..

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Occupation & Transformation: Ad-Hoc

Occupation & shared use Naturally local residents have diverging interests, priorities, livelihoods and dreams, depending on their age, gender, interests and income, for example. However, it is possible to distil certain routines that are common to certain groups. In an attempt to categorise some of these routines, three persona were identified; an 8 year old, a 16 year old, and an adult parent. By overlaying these daily routines, one begins to see correlations of spatial need and establish when functions might overlap and what opportunities that could provide spatially.

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Primary School Student Daily Routine for Primary School Student. Timetable reflects information from a Report by UN-HABITAT’s Safer Cities Program. Shehayeb, Dina K. and Al-Helo, Ahmad. (March 2011) ‘Thinking & Participatory Design: Training and Implementation Workshop Report’ Kenya: UN-HABITAT Education Partners in Nairobi.

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Secondary School Student

Adult Parent

Daily Routine for Teenager Timetable based on conversations and observations in Mashimoni.

The Daily Routine for Adult Parent Timetable based on conversations and observations in Mashimoni.

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Adhoc use With this framework in place, additional public programme can move in, providing storage for vegetables from the urban agriculture initiates by the river, for example, or temporary market stalls. This provides a test-bed for building techniques, both traditional and innovative, and is adaptive as required by the community. Roofscapes in Mashimoni are particularly underused, presumably because of structural limitations. However, this new construction provides an opportunity to promote larger scale gardens â&#x20AC;&#x201C; away from preying goats - which could set precedent for the surrounding neighbourhood. Existing NGO, Solidariee, who support urban agriculture, could initiate this.

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CHAPTER SEVEN Procurement

(Top) St Johnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Primary School opposite Ngunyumu (Bottom) Kibera community project in construction, June 2011.

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Procurement As mentioned in Chapter One; ‘it is essential that communities be engaged and involved from the start of any planning effort and that they be considered the client. Alliances among governmental entities, the World Bank, experienced NGOs and the communities would create synergistic networks for funding, knowledge and implementation’ (Brillembourg, Feireiss, & Klumpner, 2005, p.

110). The four main stakeholder groups currently operating in slum improvement and prevention are the organisations of the poor, the private sector, Government and NGOs. Pieterse argues that these tend to be treated too homogenously, resulting in insufficient emphasis on both the broader environment-shaping role of the private sector, ‘that shapes discursive boundaries about how the slums question is defined in societal terms’ and, ‘what everyone in the city can do to intervene’ (Pieterse, 2008, p.

56). ‘Many of the reasons for the perpetuation of the challenge of informal settlements stem from an inadequate understanding, in policy and programmes, of the reality of informal settlements and of the capacity for implementation’ (Huchzermeyer & Karam, 2006). This requires an integrated approach, where all stakeholders gain a clear understanding of each other’s priorities and requirements. As Cross highlights; ‘the community must be at the centre of the decision making process, not merely an audience to it… No one understands the most pressing needs of a community better than the community itself’ (Cross & Handa Williams, 2011, p. 270). Of course, this poses challenging questions; who is the community? Where are its boundaries? In a growing city with increasing population density these are never clear. Morgan writes that; ‘community is often represented as an entity in itself and neglected as being a part of a much broader social process that is occurring in our cities’ (Morgan, 1999 cited in Hamdi, 2004, p. 71), which is important to bear in mind.

Muungano wa Wanavijiji, Mashimoni’s ‘organisation of the poor’ In Mashimoni, most ‘key’ local residents (Change by Design 2011) were associated with a federation of slum dwellers called Muungano wa Wanavijiji, who model their approach on that promoted by the donor funded NGO Slum/Shack Dwellers International (SDI) (Weru, 2004). Satterthwaite suggests there is ‘potential of another form of urban development in which the urban poor and their homes and livelihoods are recognised as critical parts of a city and national economy and society’, where these federations exist, and thereby ‘the public institutions and regulatory frameworks are changed to serve them, not criminalise them’ (Satterthwaite, 2011, p. 378). This is how Pamoja Trust operates, and is increasingly proving successful in various Nairobi neighbourhoods in providing incremental housing. However, this method may exclude the most vulnerable in society, who are unable to join a savings group. Federations form a good basis for creating Community Based Organisations (CBOs), which gain the neighbourhood more leverage in planning discussions, as well as providing a platform for the wider local population.

The Private Sector Unusually, the private sector in this particular project also involves the three local schools. By formalising they can provide a better service; gain municipal support, deliver education, which is quality-assessed and of the national standard, and receive (more) reliable training and salaries. Their religious views need not be threatened, but can instead assume separate classes or out-ofschool activities.

Local Government The city council provides a wide range of services through the various departments, and its efforts are augmented by a number of government ministries and agencies, private-sector organisations and multi-stakeholder partnerships. ‘For proper coordination of services to urban residents and implementation of national policies, local authorities work closely with relevant ministries and government departments’ (Owuor et al. 2006).

The newly created Ministry of Nairobi Metropolitan Development is supposed to be coordinating its activities with the Ministry of Local Government and Nairobi City Council. Devolution, as a result of the 2010 constitution provides optimism in Nairobi’s citizens, as it will open new opportunitis for influencing 143

Construction site in Huruma (February, 2012).

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public policy from a grass-roots level, and should ease project implementation, providing the residents of Mashimoni organise themselves into a Community Based Organisation, or other recognised group.

NGOs Harris advocates the necessity for involving architects in slum upgrading, as they are adept at involving the community in participatory spatial planning –which can be a powerful engine for change- and can aid NGOs in bringing ‘informal markets and local labour forces into a project’ which ‘leads to reduced vulnerability by increasing future capacity, providing a more cohesive and coherent project, and affording the community a greater sense of ownership’ (Harris, 2011, p. 15). NGOs are adept at assembling local informaltion and implementing solutions, however, architects can offer ‘a spatial approach that is also designrich which ‘affords innovative opportunities to create democratic deliberation processes among local residents, and between them and the state, about what physical expression can be given to the identities and aspirations of a particular community’ (Pieterse, 2008, p. 53), which is why projects would benefit from introducing designers and architects into their teams.

Precedent and process At the ‘Good School, Good Neighbourhood’ meeting in Korogocho, the Nairobi University Architecture consultants were unable to bring drawings of proposals to the meeting. This was regrettable, as it revealed the necessity for visualising and sharing ideas for a consolidated spatial response to the previous design conversations and existing physical, social and economic pressures on the site. Without the drawings, the conversation focused on these existing pressures rather than potential design solutions.

Hamdi suggests the following sequence of steps for procurement; ‘asses risk, decide interventions, evaluate constraints, decide partners, anticipate harm, evaluate livelihood security, agree obligations’ (Hamdi, 2004, p. 54). Ideally, these steps include all stakeholders, with a clear statement of intent agreed on in the initial stage of the project, which defines roles and responsibilities.

Agency and Arc­­hitects In this process, the architect acts as mediator and facilitator.

Schneider writes that ‘architecture as agency is about effecting change through the empowerment of others: allowing others to ‘take control’ of their environment‘ (Schneider, 2009, p. 2).

‘Practice and research in this process are interrelated; one doesn’t exist without the other’, where ‘the work done with people in informal settlements to help them to build their own homes (and neighbourhood) happens in conjunction with the organisation of seminars and workshops around the same issue’ (Ibid, p3).

‘Only a broad coalition can initiate meaningful urban change which departs from neoliberal solutions and defies the demands of the market for the general benefit of society’, (Kaminer, RoblesDuran, & Sohn, 2011, p. 19) and by engaging with residents, politicians, funding organisations, advocacy groups and social movements, designers can ‘re-assume’ agency and responsibility for the city. Schneider and Till advocate ‘architecture as a socially and politically aware form of agency, situ­ated firmly in the context of the world beyond, and critical of the social and economic formations of that context in order to engage better with them in a transformative and emancipatory manner’ (Schneider & Till, 2009). It is in this framework that architects can collaborate to visualise, imagine and plan spatial interventions that can augment the everyday experience and metabolism of the city.

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CHAPTER EIGHT Conclusions

146

147

Conclusions Social resilience and further potentials By responding to the numerous and inter-related environmental challenges that residents of Mashimoni face on a daily basis, this design proposes an integrated and incremental approach for augmenting and protecting public amenities in the area. Mitchell emphasises the role of public space ‘in realising the right to the city. It is not only the space where the right to the city is struggled over; it is where it is implemented and represented’ (Mitchell, 2003, p. 235 cited by Huchzermeyer, 2011, p. 245). This is why the provision of civic space is of crucial importance, and can provide a platform for enhancement of the existing building fabric. Amin & Graham also emphasise the importance of public space; ‘as shared spaces can play an important role in helping to develop a civic culture that combines self-belief and autonomy rooted in widespread practice of citizenship rights with the potential for tolerance and cultural exchange offered by mingling with strangers’ (Amin & Graham, 1997). Admittedly, much of the existing slum could be described as ‘public space’; due to limited privacy, all actions are in public view, but the existing built fabric does not encourage new collaborations, and is territorial.

Appropriate interventions are urgently required, with ‘Africa’s urban population set to increase from 294 million to 742 million between 2000 and 2030’ (Pieterse, 2008, p. 18). The projected continuation of ‘inequality in access to services, housing, land, education, healthcare and employment opportunities within cities (has) socio-economic, environmental and political repercussions, including rising violence, urban unrest, environmental degradation and underemployment’ (Moreno & Warah, 2006). Inserting strategic public interventions, performing ‘urban acupuncture’, can significantly change perception of place and wellbeing in the city. Education is key in building capacity and skills to move out of the poverty cycle, and for this reason, integrating the formalisation of existing non-formal schools enables widespread participation from residents and external stakeholders alike.

It also provides a mechanism for learning from the informal dynamic – which has proved very resilient and adaptable – but with support and quality assurance from external specialists, can reconnect with the ‘formal’ Nairobi, thereby proving mutually beneficial. Writing about the importance of integrating design into this process, both on local but also on an urban scale; Pieterse questions ‘the quality of the built environment that characterises informal settlements, but also strategic arteries in the city that connect slums to each other and the larger urban system’ (Pieterse, 2008, p. 53). The architectural, urban design and planning criteria that inform slum upgrading programmes seldom recognise ‘the centrality of design-based criteria (beyond the functional issues of cheapest material per monetary unit) to 148

100m

A similar strategy could be implemented accross Mathare Valley, to consolidate non-formal schools into recognised institutions that also cater for wider community infrastructure and amenity. This plan is diagramatic; suggested locations are based on information found on â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Map Mathareâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

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the calculus about how to improve living conditions in a slum’ (Ibid.).

Huchzermeyer observes that ‘the state’s approach to ‘slums’ in Nairobi remains one of government and donor-funded redevelopment through middle class (housing) units, with few gains made in improving access to very basic services for the majority of ‘slum’ dwellers whom these projects have not yet displaced’ (Huchzermeyer, 2011, p. 224). This project addresses this issue directly, by implementing incremental public services as driver for further upgrading. These proposals have been developed as a direct response to urgent environmental and spatial issues encountered first-hand in Mashimoni. Topography, and local dynamics have been used as drivers for the design, and an attempt has been made to transform current pressures into positive attributes. Therefore, the cliff, which currently imposes negative social division and environmental risks, can be sculpted into an element that connects residents across the neighbourhood, and controls water flow. Similarly, the sloping site is used as a positive design parameter to improve accessibility (once the ground has been landscaped to provide a durable surface), rather than impose restrictions of access to multiple levels. Incremental construction, apart from allowing for experimentation in material use and employment generation, also encourages saving mechanisms to emerge, enhancing social and economic networks. The positive treatment of human waste into resource reduces health risks and improves the external environment, while providing employment in maintenance; providing sufficient toilets are constructed, this also alleviates associated privacy risks. Additionally, by addressing the phenomenon of prolific private school development (for business gain), and re-appropriating these into governmentsubsidised bodies, the growing population can gain access to quality education as well as additional facilities.

low-income neighbourhoods such as Mashimoni, can develop new and localised strategies which - due to their extreme space and cost constraints - could provide invaluable precedent for the city at large. Kantai describes today’s Nairobi as ‘a city sizzling with the enterprise and ingenuity of four million restless souls who, despite it all, turn negative space into thousands of small enterprises, hustles and trinket traders that are now the face of the city. Nairobi is shaped daily by jua kali enterprise – and the belief that a man and his mobile phone will survive another day’ (Kantai, 2011, p. 19). The challenge of this proposal is how to enhance and appropriate this informal ‘negative space’ into a more collective and civic space, connecting back into the Nairobi metropolis.

Admittedly, as Satterthwaite comments; ‘it is not rapid urban change but the lack of attention given to developing urban governance structures that underpins most urban problems’ (Satterthwaite, 2005, p. 20), but good design incentives developed at grass-roots level - can begin to improve local livelihoods and metabolisms, as well as perceived comfort.

However, this will require collaboration and cooperation on the city council’s part to be truly sustainable and inclusive. This in turn is an urgent priority ‘given the fact that cities worldwide are the main driving force in the global, national and local economy’ (Owuor & Mbatia, 2011, p. 138), and is beginning to emerge as a result of the new constitution. On a global scale, the current economic crisis has emphasised the urgent need for an alternative to contemporary urban policies and practices; ‘Interventionist strategies could delineate a very different trajectory for society and the city, a trajectory which is driven by the general wellbeing of society rather than the narrow interests of economic elites’ (Kaminer, Robles-Duran, & Sohn, 2011, p. 20). In this sense, 151

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UNEVOC. (2005). Vocationalisation of Secondary Education Revisited. (J. Laugo, & R. Maclean, Eds.) Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer.

UNEP. (2009). Atlas of our changing environment: Chapter 5 Nairobi . Nairobi: UN Environment Programme.

UN-Habitat Safer Cities Programme. (2011). Safer Cities 158

Weru, J. (2004). Community federations and city upgrading: the work of Pamoja Trust and Muungano in Kenya. Environment and Urbanization , 16 (1), 47-62.

White , L., Silberman , L., & Anderson, P. (1948). Nairobi: Master Plan for a Colonial Capital. A Report Prepared for the Municipality of Nairobi. London: HMSO.

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Figure 24. The

Change by Design workshop involved a symposium, hosted at the UN-Habitat Headquarters in Nairobi.

This is the workshop team; â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;keyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Mashimoni residents, Pamoja Trust staff, Nairobi University students and international AsF participants.

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List of Interviews Mr. Elijah Agevi (31st January, 2012. Nairobi City Council) CEO, Research Triangle Africa ‘Planning for education in Nairobi’s informal settlements’.

Mr. Juma Assiago (July 2011, UN-Habitat Offices, Nairobi) Urban safety and youth expert.

Mr. David Gatimu (6th February, 2012. Nairobi City Council) Assistant Director of Development Control, Department of City Planning, City Council of Nairobi Mr. David Isenya (26th January, 2012) Chairman of Muungano wa Wanavijiji in Mashimoni.

Ms. Rose Kavuli (5th February, 2012. Why Not School).

Dignitas Project.

Mrs Agnes Kuria (April 2011).

Deputy Chief Economist of Education at Nairobi City Council.

Nairobi, Kenya.

Mrs. Ruth A. Owuor (7th February, 2012. Nairobi City Council) Assistant Director at City Council of Nairobi, Education Management

Meetings attended: Korogocho, Ngunyumu Primary School ‘Good School, Good Neighbourhood’ Programme Education across Borders presentation, Cambridge Climate Futures lecture series, Cambridge

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Figure 25. In Korogocho next to Nairobiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main garbage dump

site, Dandora, all salvageable objects are sold along the street.

Ngunyumu Primary Schoolâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sports field can be seen in the background.

List of Figures Fig 1 Image by author, compiled from various sources (fig taken from Essay One) Fig 2 Population densities in Nairobi (Columbia University, 2009) Fig 3 Population sizes and densities in a select number of areas in Nairobi (Mittulah, 2003) Fig 4 Table summarizing proposed layers Fig 5 Drawing by Sharon, Change by Design workshop 2011 Fig 6 ëOpen Street Mapí to document local facilities, institutions and phenomena.(Map Mathare, 2011) Fig 7 Table summarizing Integrated Participatory Planning stage, (Change by Design, 2011) and author Fig 8 Photograph by Francesco Giusti and Fillipo Romano (Giusti & Romano, 2011) Fig 9 Image by author Fig 10 Table summarizing ground condition by author Fig 11 Map Mathare water points (Map Mathare, 2011) Fig 12-15 By author Fig 16 Drawing by Elizabeth, Change by Design workshop 2011 Fig 17 Map Mathare toilets (Map Mathare, 2011) Fig 18 River pollution maps, (UNEPís Environmental Management Information System) Fig 19 Diagram by author Fig 20 Section through biogas digester Fig 21 Biogas toilet construction by Umande Trust(GOAL, 2010) Fig 22 Common construction materials in Mashimoni, images by author Fig 23 Photograph by Francesco Giusti and Fillipo Romano (Giusti & Romano, 2011)

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As Nairobiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population continues to grow at a rate of 4% per annum, informally occupied neighbourhoods, which accommodate over 60% of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s residents, are densifying rapidly, with some areas now housing 5,000 people per hectare. The importance of securing public facilities and space becomes increasingly apparent, as such high densities exacerbate problems of inadequate urban infrastructure, and as this informal city fabric gains permanency.

The thesis explores how a staged infrastructural development can provide a basis for positive future growth, and through a combined and localized water/waste strategy can begin to designate, suggest and protect public space, upon which people can continue to build. Using the expansion and formalization formalisation of three existing non-formal schools as an opportunity for improving sanitation, access and educational space, it also encourages collaboration between local government and community-based organisations. The thesis strives to embody and build on the vibrant, efficient and adaptive context of Mathare Valley, with the potential to act as social and environmental infrastructure for wider community use.