A Calais Reincarnate - Kieran Tam

MAUD

Essay 3 • Pilot Thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the MPhil in Architecture and Urban Design

A CALAIS REINCARNATE An alternative vision for the condition of displacement in Calais.

Kieran Tam • kkmt2

Cambridge Design Research Studio1

A CALAIS REINCARNATE

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Table of Contents

TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 5 Literature Review 8 Design and Precedents 29 Research Questions and Methodology 42 Conclusion 44 Bibliography 46 Table of Figures 50

Word Count Main Text: Bibliography and Table of Figures:

4944 2640

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4 Figure 2: Deforestation of woodlands

Figure 1: Shelter under bridges

Introduction

INTRODUCTION It is January 2021, temperatures in northern France have plunged to -7°C and the region has been blanketed by snow. Between 800-1000 migrants waiting to cross the English Channel have found shelter around Calais’ peripheral woodlands, carparks and bridges (Figure 3)(MacGregor, 2021; Posner, 2021). Shelter has been reduced to a bare minimum: a tent and sleeping bag at best (Figure 1). A ban on food distribution in the city centre has forced them into the shadows and bulldozers raze the very woodlands in which they now hide (Figure 2)(Louarn, 2021; Oberti, 2021). Meanwhile, the police continue to harass them by confiscating or destroying their few possessions, including their shelter (Figure 4)(MacGregor, 2021).

The ground is shrinking beneath their feet. Precarity is entrenched in their situations and the spaces they inhabit, subject to the whims of a supranational politics that sees them as a problem to eradicate (Posner, 2021; Ibrahim & Howarth, 2018).

However, the migrant situation in Calais must be contextualised by the city’s broader history of crossChannel geopolitics, human movement, hospitality and industry. Following many incarnations over the centuries, in its current iteration, the outlook is bleak.

Once home to thriving textiles, coal and steel industries, rapid deindustrialisation due to globalisation has seen the entire region suffer (European Commission, 2017).

And although the development of the nearby Port and Channel Tunnel has served the region well (Figure 5), Calais has struggled to reap the benefits (Kelemen, 2021). In reality, much of the trade, investment and tourism they carry bypasses the city, en route to

Figure 3: Plan of Calais, makeshift camp sites highlighted in turqoise

Figure 4: Eviction

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A CALAIS REINCARNATE UNITED KINGDOM Dover •

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Figure 5: Satellite Image of Calais

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Introduction

other destinations (Heddebaut, 2001). Furthermore, violence on the border and sensationalised media coverage of the migrant situation depicting a war zone has further alienated tourism and investment (Berry, et al., 2015; Willsher, 2016).

The mayor of Calais, Natacha Bouchart, has a vision of a Calais reincarnate, one which sees the migrants as incompatible with the city’s success, ignoring the city’s historic position as a point of transit for those forcibly displaced. As the humanitarian crisis continues to be made invisible, funding is being pumped into urban regeneration in a desperate bid to reattract tourists and reactivate the local community.

This essay tells the story of Calais as an ever-shifting borderland moulded by the forces of cross-Channel conflict and cooperation. Throughout its history, the city has become a place of many conflicting dualities: defence and reception, hospitality and hostility, industry and decline. Today, the city is at a ‘crossroads’ (Ibrahim & Howarth, 2018) confronting two contested issues: the management of the migrant situation, and the needs of its local population.

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LITERATURE REVIEW Positioning my research Calais has become a departure lounge where regular and irregular travellers alike wait to cross the Channel.

People with the right paperwork experience this as a ‘quotidian waiting event’, with a predictable duration and outcome (Bissell, 2007). However, those without, such as the undocumented migrants, experience this waiting as ‘chronic’, precarious and uncertain (Bourdieu, 2000; Rotter, 2016). Whilst swathes of infrastructure have been built near Calais to allow regular travellers to wait in relative dignity, irregular migrants are not afforded this luxury.

This project builds on the dichotomy between refugee rights and an ‘ethic of hospitality’ (Derrida, 2005).

The forced migrant and tourist both exist in states of transience and exception, one ‘irregular’ and one ‘legitimate’. An Agambenian reading of refugee spaces sees its inhabitants suspended in exception by a sovereign power (Agamben, 1998). Bauman asserts that with their curated experience of the city, tourists are also suspended in exception, albeit of a different kind (Franklin, 2003). As we shift from the refugee camp towards urban forms of refuge (Katz, et al., 2018), there is a growing irony in the disparity in treatment of these two transient groups. Whilst refugee spaces are often borne out of transience and never intended to be permanent (Ramadan, 2013), tourist spaces such as hotels are permanent but porous to their transient populations (Ramadan & Fregonese, 2015).

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Literature Review

However, seeing these purely as spaces of exception risks neglecting the interdependencies between these transient populations and the local host community.

In addressing the tensions in Calais, I seek to dignify migrants’ waiting whilst also empowering their hosts, employing the so-called ‘humanitarian-development nexus’ (Zetter, 2014), where migrant humanitarian aid and host development assistance overlap (Strand, 2020, p. 104). Although, usually employed in ‘fragile states’ in practice (Strand, 2020, p. 104), often with neo-colonial undertones, the theory could be applied to Europe, where the responsibility of hosting refugees has largely fallen upon already marginalised communities.

Existing literature on displacement in Calais also seems to be limited to the past three decades, resulting in a potentially siloed understanding of these border events. Isayev (2017) emphasises the importance of ‘positioning […] the displaced within the long durée’ challenging the conception that contemporary migration flows are unique to our time. In her own work, she ‘[uses] the ancient world as a starting point’ shifting her perspectival time frame of analysis. Whilst Bensimon (2016) and Tombs (2016) briefly begin to situate the crisis in Calais within a broader history of movement through the city, I expand on their work by positioning the current condition of displacement within the long-term, reading movement through Calais as a natural phenomenon that has occurred for millennia due to its geopolitical position as the space where England and France collide.

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6: Wartime Devastation AFigure CALAIS REINCARNATE

Where two nations collide

Figure 7: Post-War Reconstruction

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In 1944, eighty percent of Calais’ historical centre had been obliterated by bombing during the Second World War (Figure 6). The reconstruction that followed eschewed a faithful restoration of city’s historic fabric in favour of 20th Century modernism (Figure 7) (Buchard & Coppin, 2017). Largely erased, the ghost of Calais’ history lingers in its geography. Once a medieval fortified town (now Calais-Nord) (Figure 8) it has been engulfed by previously separate towns such as Saint-Pierre (Figure 9). Its dual nature of repulsion and reception is clear in the grooves drawn by its basins and canals, once defensive moats.

Meanwhile the industrialisation of the city’s periphery has resulted in a distinct divergence in scale from

Literature Review

Figure 8: Medieval Plan of Calais

Calais-Nord

Calais Saint-Pierre

Figure 9: Satellite Image

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the small rows of buildings at the centre. The result is a city that seems fragmented and at unease with itself, overshadowed by the successes of its adjacent transport infrastructures. As it reinvents itself once again, it risks further alienating its past, one in which its position on the cusp of the European continent and its geographical proximity to England has seen it facilitate the cross-Channel movement of goods, people and ideas throughout.

Recent events such as Brexit (Morris & Barnes, 2021) and the migrant Channel crossings (Figure 10)(Wallis, 2021) have characterised the narrow sliver of sea

Figure 10: Channel Crossing

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as dark and perilous, a contested space of tension where England and France collide. Historically, these characterisations are reinforced by Dickens in his novel A Tale of Two Cities (1859), a story about the air of distrust cast on Anglo-French relations at the time of the French Revolution. The book depicts a Channel crossing clouded by a culture of ‘secrecy and suspicion’ (Heitzman, 2014, p. 276). However, this differs from Dickens’ journalistic work, where the Channel becomes a space where England and France not only collide, but ‘overlap’, ‘collapse’ and ‘mirror one another’ (Heitzman, 2014, p. 277). The notion of the Channel as a ‘shared space’ is substantiated by Morieux, who rejects the stereotype of a Britain separated from the Continent by ‘eternal hostility’ (2016, p. 325) and splendid isolation (Maccaferri, 2019). The mirroring of the white cliffs either side of the Channel are representative of a long history throughout which two landmasses, Great Britain and Continental Europe have been intimately intertwined (Figure 11). Having found itself on either side of the Anglo-French border, Calais has long been at the heart of this fluctuating border-scape (Rose, 2008). As such, readings of Calais’ migrant situation should be contextualised by its historical relationship to Britain.

Figure 11: White Cliffs of Dover (left), Cap Blanc-Nez (right)

Literature Review

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The importance of Calais to the English goes far beyond its position as the ‘the gateway to Europe’, ‘a cheap place to buy alcohol’, or ‘the last border’ between migrants and Great Britain, as described in the film, Calais: The Last Border (2003). For over two hundred years, Calais was a part of the Kingdom of England, whose rule in the region was established as early as 1346. Under the new regime, much of the town’s residents were replaced by English immigrants and it quickly became a ‘little piece of England in France’ (Rose, 2008, p. 24), a thriving commercial hub with parliamentary representation selling English wool to continental merchants (Tombs, 2016). The English

Figure 12: A French attempt to recapture Calais in 1350

crown became highly dependent on towns such as Calais as they provided a steady income through the taxation of goods (Rose, 2008) as well as considerable strategic defensive and offensive advantages over France (Grummitt, 2008). As such, the loss of Calais to the French in 1558 dealt a severe blow to the Kingdom and nostalgic longing has permeated throughout the English imaginary ever since. Almost three-hundred years later, Englishmen such as Albany (1889) continued to lament the ‘painful’ loss. Another century after that, Conservative MP Edward Leigh (2020) tweeted the following: “Problem with cross-Channel migrants?

We should never have lost Calais in 1558. Why not take it back? On second thoughts, cheaper to pay the French a few million to stop them on the beaches.”

Figure 13: Tweet by Edward Leigh MP, 10 August 2020

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Leigh’s tweet (Figure 13), though perhaps facetious, is indicative of the importance still ascribed to Calais by the British as ‘the last border’. Even academics have gone so far as to describe one of the Calais camps as ‘a slum of London’s making’ (Mould, 2017, p. 388),

Literature Review

referencing the externalisation of the UK’s border practices beyond the Channel. This is no less reinforced by the cooperative Anglo-French efforts to securitise the region, with British border officials operating within defined zones on French soil and vice versa, a result of so-called ‘juxtaposed controls’ (Figure 14). In these little pieces of England, everything is British, including time-zone, telephone numbers, signage, paperwork and staff (Bosworth, 2020).

Calais is a manifestation of the complex nature of borders, even those drawn across geographical boundaries. The next section highlights how Calais relationship to Britain has cemented the city as a point of departure for refugees for centuries.

Figure 14: UK Border Control in Calais

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Figure 15: Huguenots at sea

Figure 16: French police patrolling the beaches

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Literature Review

En route to asylum In the 17th Century, the word refugee entered into the English language, carried over from the French réfugié, which at the time referred specifically to the Protestant Huguenots fleeing religious persecution in France (Merriam-Webster, 2017). Many of them fled to England, where religious tolerance had recently been proclaimed (Figure 15) (Gwynn, 1985). Morieux (2016) describes the experiences of Isaac, a Huguenot who fled through Calais in 1686, from which easy comparison can be drawn to the reports of intensified coastal securitisation today (Figure 16) (Tyerman & Van Isacker, 2020).

“To do so he had to slip past coastal surveillance. Isaac mentions the presence, on the eve of his departure, of a detachment of ‘25 soldiers and an officer patrolling the coast to prevent the escape of Protestants’, as well as a cruiser from Dunkirk that was detailed to board and inspect vessels carrying runaways.”

(Morieux, 2016, p. 291) Britain’s impassioned defence of political and religious freedoms throughout the 18th and 19th Centuries drew many asylum seekers to its shores (Panayi, 2021), and Calais’ geographical position made it a natural point of departure from the Continent (Tombs, 2016). When the French Revolution in 1792 and the ensuing Reign of Terror led to the mass movement of aristocrats and monarchists escaping persecution in France (Morieux, 2016, p. 296), they too likely passed through Calais en route to Great Britain (Tombs, 2016). Heitzman (2014) purports that Dickens’ writing of A Tale of

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Figure 17: The Orsini affair

Two Cities (1859), although set during the French Revolution, was in fact a reflection on the attempted assassination of Napoleon III in 1858 by Felice Orsini, an Italian revolutionary who used political asylum in Britain to hide and plan his attack (Figure 17) (Meyer, 2009). This incident escalated into an Anglo-French diplomatic crisis where intense nationalism saw both countries denounce each other’s complicity (Heitzman, 2014). Britain had effectively harboured a terrorist and France had failed to detect him once he had crossed the Channel, which they claimed was ‘too easy to cross for refugees’ (Heitzman, 2014, p. 285).

This rhetoric perhaps sounds familiar today and as the following two quotes highlight, almost two-hundred years apart, the culture of suspicion still runs high.

“This odious and cowardly attempt has filled our hearts with indignation and rage against those who, by giving an asylum to these sanguinary anarchists, have made themselves their accomplices.”

General Barazine, 1 February 1858 (Heitzman, 2014) “If the migrants want to cross [the Channel], it is because the British themselves put out the call. They have done so by failing to touch their legislation for 20 years,” Natacha Bouchart, 13 August 2020 (Agence France-Presse, 2020) Today the British attitude to asylum is one of hostility (Griffifths & Yeo, 2021), characterised by a poor approval rate of claims, dismal housing conditions, and

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Literature Review

a lack of access to the labour market (Thöne, et al., 2017). Nonetheless, despite the ‘hostile environment’, migrants continue to be drawn to Britain by family ties, a common language and existing settled communities (Posner, 2021), reinforced by the illusion of a culture of welcome, stability and new beginnings, cultivated over centuries.

The turn of the millennium brought new refugees to Calais, fleeing a range of different places including Kosovo, Afghanistan and Sudan having endured long journeys through Europe (Schwenken, 2014; UNHCR, 2002). Since then, France’s response to the situation in Calais has fluctuated between the confinement of migrants to a total denial of shelter. Accordingly, the spatialities of migrant spaces have fluctuated between the ‘institutional’ and the ‘makeshift’ (Martin, et al., 2019).

Figure 18: The UK’s ‘hostile environment’

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19: Sangatte Centre exterior AFigure CALAIS REINCARNATE

Figure 20: Sangatte Centre interior

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Literature Review

“[The Sangatte Camp] was an inhumane place. Imagine, if you will, a steel warehouse. In the winter, you couldn›t heat it, in the summer, it was like a furnace […] It was an emergency housing center in a building that had been built for machines. Imagine the noise, the echo in that space.”

Jean-Pierre Alaux (Bouchaud, 2014) The Sangatte camp, opened in 1999 near the entrance of new Channel tunnel, was a large warehouse requisitioned by the State and operated by the Red Cross (Figure 19), inside of which migrants were sheltered in trailers accommodating eight people each (Figure 20)(Bouchaud, 2014; Schwenken, 2014). Under pressure from the UK government, the centre was demolished after three years and followed by fourteen years of makeshift camps before the French state intervened again with the provision of institutional accommodation in 2016 (Refugee Rights Europe, 2018).

“This facility stripped the lives of the migrants of their particular identity and reduced them to nothing more than biological bodies stored in a rigid, minimal, sterile and alienating space.”

(Martin, et al., 2019) A new facility of over one hundred white containers, housing twelve people each, was erected in the middle of an already established makeshift camp: the socalled ‘new’ Jungle, which in turn, had formed around the state-opened Jules Ferry day centre (Figure 21) (Chrisafis, 2015). This highlights the complex lateral relationships between the ‘institutional’ and the

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Figure 21: The ‘New’ Jungle

Figure 22: A restaurant in the Jungle

Figure 23: Poor conditions in the Jungle

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‘makeshift’ (Martin, et al., 2019). ‘Constantly under threat’ (Volk, 2017, p. 323), the spatial formation of the Calais Jungle was one of continual ‘un-making’ and ‘re-making’ (Mould, 2018, p. 393), in a way a microcosm of its host city. Described as a space of ‘cultural and social richness’ (Mould, 2018, p. 393), much attention was given to the formation of its high street, shops and restaurants (Figure 22) (Volk, 2017).

And with the increased humanitarian involvement of architects, it became known as an example of ‘participatory architecture’ in practice (Katz, 2017).

However, it was still a space of exclusion (Agier, 2018), disconnected from its urban surroundings (Katz, et al., 2018), a place where state negligence forced a wave of grassroots action (McGee & Pelham, 2018; Sandri, 2018). Its precarity and the lack of services resulted in extremely poor living conditions and by the time it was demolished in 2016, the camp’s population had ballooned to over 10,000 (Figure 23) (Refugee Rights Europe, 2018).

Literature Review

Today, migrants are once again dispersed throughout makeshift ‘contingent’ camps across Calais’ periphery (Hagan, 2020). Pop-up spaces of shelter and aid are made, destroyed or packed up, then remade in a seemingly endless cycle of reactive placemaking (Hagan, 2018; Van Isacker, 2019). Through evictions, the French state has enforced a zero-tolerance policy on migrant ‘fixation points’ (Human Rights Observers, 2019). Whilst migrants have passed through Calais for centuries, the 19th Century establishment of the nationstate and its associated apparatuses of control and violence have altered the very nature of this borderscape. Despite ever-worsening conditions, people continue to come, directly challenging the order of the nation-state and its geographies (Katz, et al., 2018).

This is a natural phenomenon intricately intertwined with Calais’ nature as a borderland and its relationship to Britain, one which also brought industry and tourism to Calais before leading it to its decline.

Figure 24: Distribution of aid from vans

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Figure 25: Lacemakers in Calais

Figure 26: The English being driven out of France

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Literature Review

Industry and tourism Cross-Channel movement has existed for some three thousand years (Clark, 2004). But, in 1821, the first regular cross-Channel steam service between Calais and Dover added a new dimension to this movement, democratising international travel for both work and tourism (Armstrong & Williams, 2018, p. 121). As a result of this, Calais briefly became a popular manufacturing hub and seaside resort.

The 19th Century saw many Britons emigrate to France for work. Many of them set up businesses such as lace factories in Saint-Pierre (now part of Calais) and by 1847, these factories had attracted roughly a thousand British workers (Figure 25) (Bensimon, 2011; Bensimon, 2016). However, despite claims of a ‘prosperous’ and ‘cosmopolitan’ society (Cité de la Dentelle et de la Mode, 2016), British integration in Calais did not last long. A surge in French nationalism and xenophobia following the 1848 Revolution made ‘critical’ their situations and they were soon forced to flee (Bensimon, 2016; Tombs, 2016). Following this, the manufacturing industry fell into decline and was given its death knell by globalisation in 20th. Industry was soon replaced by tourism as a source of employment throughout the late 20th Century (European Commission, 2017), but even this has seen gradual decline.

The democratisation of travel following the Industrial Revolution also led to the rise of the seaside resort in Britain, places of health restoration and cultural exchange which spread to the continent via Calais (Armstrong & Williams, 2018; Walton, 2015). By 2000, Calais had become a popular seaside destination for majoritively British tourists. Prior to the Channel Tunnel, car ferries, hovercrafts and catamarans enabled quick

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Figure 27: Passengers disembark a hovercraft A CALAIS REINCARNATE

Figure 28: The Channel Tunnel breaks through

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excursions to Calais for duty-free shopping, French cuisine or sightseeing (Figure 27) (Heddebaut, 2001, p.

69). The opening of the Channel Tunnel in 1994 (Figure 28) and the creation of the European Single Market brought the UK closer to France, but inadvertently accelerated Calais decline and the collapse of its tourism industry. Direct passenger catamaran and hovercraft services to Calais were forced to compete with the Tunnel and eventually ceased operating, exasperated by a decrease in foot passenger traffic as duty-free shopping ended. Meanwhile, enhanced links connecting the Port and Tunnel services to the rest of Europe whisked passengers away from Calais (Heddebaut, 2001). Quick and affordable travel to more attractive destinations in the UK and Europe means that tourists no longer see a need to visit the city. Like many of its seaside counterparts in Britain, Calais has been forsaken, and the presence of the migrants has placed an additional strain on the city’s already marginalised community.

Literature Review

Calaisiens have been forced to confront three difficult, but interconnected realities: the city’s complex relationship with Britain, its natural position as a point of departure and its abandonment as a destination. Fortunately, the radical restructuring of Anglo-European relations due to Brexit has presented Calais with yet another chance at reinvention. In the absence of open borders, some activists believe that processing British asylum claims in Calais is the best way to ensure ‘safe passage’ across the Channel (Posner, 2021), and Britain has shown, in considering offshore asylum centres in distant lands such as Gibraltar, that nothing is impossible (BBC, 2021).

These uncertain times present a clear opportunity for speculative intervention.

Figure 29: The lead-up to Brexit

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Figure 30: Dovais

Figure 31: The Transmanche Republic

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Design and Precedents

DESIGN AND PRECEDENTS Much work has been done in destination cities, where refugees will generally have applied for asylum and are preparing to settle. However, as a transit city, Calais’ migrants remain undocumented and long-term integration is less of a possibility (Posner, 2021). In light of this transience, this project instead explores the provision of dignified support and shelter, and facilitating a co-existence between the transient and host communities. The migrant presence needs, not just legitimising and formalising, but celebrating.

At the scale of the nation-state, the core cause for the build-up of migrants at Calais is the existence of a national border along the Channel. I began to explore how the erasure of this border might manifest through the creation of a third state, a Transmanche Republic, encompassing the county of Kent, the region of Pasde-Calais and the sea in between (Figure 31). Inspired by the idea of the ‘binational city’ (Heddebaut, 2001) I sought to challenge the issue of Dover and Calais’ peripheral and transitory statuses by positioning them as two banks of a new destination city, Dovais, at the heart of the Transmanche Republic (Figure 30). This third state would become a buffer zone between the UK and France in which refugees could find respite, and sanctuary.

At the scale of the city and the building, I focused on the idea of Calais as a place of sanctuary’. Cities across Europe have been compelled to approach forced

Figure 32: New road and rail links connecting Dover and Calais

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Figure 33: Proposed Maison des Réfugiés, Atelier Phillippe Madec

Figure 34: Maison des Réfugiés performance space

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displacement by adopting ‘sanctuary’ as a political stance taking measures to mitigate the precarity experienced by migrants under state violence (Bagelman, 2013; Bazurli, 2019; Darling, 2010; Fischer & Jørgensen, 2020; Oomen, 2019). Paris is one such self-proclaimed city (Ville de Paris, 2019). Under the ‘Refuge City’ programme, the city has collaborated with NGOs and architects on projects such as the Maisons des Refugiés (Refugee Houses) retrofitting buildings such as an automobile factory (Figure 35) and school (Figure 33) to become refugee information and education hubs coupled with services open to the public, such as a cafés, exhibition/performance spaces and libraries (Maison des Refugiés, 2021; Atelier Phillippe Madec, 2018). These precedents are examples of the humanitarian-development nexus being implemented in Europe challenging our notion of the refugee space as one that must be excluded and securitised.

Design and Precedents

Figure 35: Maison des Réfugiés

Figure 36: Maison des Réfugiés cafe

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Figure 37: Internal studies

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Design and Precedents

Figure 38: Repurposing the 19th Century warehouse

In Calais, by positioning the tourist and refugee as two transient user-groups with similar needs: shortterm accommodation, food provision, communal areas and reception spaces, I proposed an intervention in which tourism could be built around an economy of care (Figure 37). A disused 19th Century warehouse along the canal would be converted into a mixeduse development where short-term accommodation would be available to both tourist and refugee and other facilities would be open to the public (Figure 38).

Profits from rooms, restaurants, shops and let space would subsidise the support of refugees. This model has been explored elsewhere with projects such as Sharehaus Refugio (Figure 39) (Berliner Stadtmission, 2018) and Grandhotel Cosmopolis (Figure 40) (2015) in Germany, and Morris+Company’s (2018) speculative homeless shelter for London.

Figure 39: Sharehaus Refugio café

Figure 40: Grandhotel Cosmopolis

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Figure 41: Seafront redevelopment

Figure 42: Eco-quartier housing

Figure 43: Dragon of Calais

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Unfortunately, Calais is not a ‘sanctuary’ and migrants remain excluded from its urban redevelopment programme, which includes a masterplan to redevelop the entire seafront and beach (Figure 41) (BASE, 2020), and a scheme converting unused industrial land into new ‘socially diverse’ housing, public spaces and services (Figure 42) (Terre D’Opale Habitat, 2018; Ville de Calais, 2010). However, most notable is the Dragon of Calais (Figure 43), a street theatre project with a large animatronic dragon as its centre-piece. For three days, the dragon toured the city in an inaugural celebration telling a story of hospitality, in which the local residents of Calais overcame their fear of the beast and invited it to make the city its own (François Delaroziere & La Machine Company, 2019). This is ironic, perhaps, given that the migrants already there had just been banished from the city centre (Oberti, 2019). Nevertheless, the dragon is soon to be given a permanent home at the Fort Risban, a derelict heritage site under redevelopment (Figure 45) (Kelemen, 2021).

Design and Precedents

Figure 44: Temporary shelter for the Dragon of Calais, Nicolas Kelemen Architects

Figure 45: Visitor centre for the Dragon of Calais, Nicolas Kelemen Architects

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A CALAIS REINCARNATE Figure 46: Fort Risban proposed section

Figure 47: Fort Risban proposed axonometric

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Design and Precedents

Figure 48: Fort Risban block plan

In response, I have proposed an alternative to Fort Risban’s regeneration, one which would house and support migrants instead, reflecting on the fort’s dual roles of defence and reception (Figure 47).

Accommodation and facilities for migrants would be connected to the heritage site by a shared public realm, creating a sense of place built on transience, movement and cultural exchange. However, the nature of the spatial relationship between the local, the tourist and the refugee will need to be further developed through design, with particular care to avoid the potential exploitation of groups of vulnerable people.

At the scale of the room, I conducted an analysis of the legislation governing spaces of institutional migrant detention in France, Article R553-3 of the Code of Entry and Residence of Foreigners and the Right to Asylum.

This revealed a distinct lack of quality enforcement, resulting in extremely poor conditions comparable to a prison (Figure 50). In applying a framework based on migrants mental health needs, I drafted an alternative document detailing qualitative requirements for the

Figure 49: Fort Risban proposed plan

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accommodation of migrants, a toolkit which could inform my own design work, revolving around four pillars: safety, flexibility, wellbeing and community.

Flexible furniture arrangements, a range of social and private spaces and the provision for migrants to support each other and themselves were of extreme importance, enabling residents to be in control over their own surroundings (Figure 51).

Figure 50: Article R553-3 analysis

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Design and Precedents

Figure 51: Qualitative requirements for refugee accomodation

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I have begun to explore how research into new construction methods in France might impact the materiality of my work, such as local aggregate reuse

by Agence Joly Loiret (Figure 52) (2019) and the impacts of recent legislation mandating 50% timber construction in all French public buildings (La Dépêche, 2020). I intend for this project to challenge the common perception of the refugee space as temporary and makeshift. Through prioritising flexible, meanwhileuse through design for adaptation, proposals will need to expand and contract with the volatile, seasonal flux and transience of migration flows whilst also instilling a sense of permanence, belonging and inclusion.

Figure 52: Gymnasium at Villepreux, Agence Joly Loiret

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Design and Precedents

Figure 53: Materiality studies

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RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND METHODOLOGY This project will interrogate the future of the migration through Calais and the broader issues of hospitality and refuge by posing three core questions: 1. What are the future possibilities for Anglo-French relations and what role can Calais play in this relationship?

2. How can you facilitate engagement between the sedentary local population, and the transient tourist and migrant populations, and what role can industry play in this?

3. How do you design a sense of permanence whilst accepting the transient nature of movement, and why is this permanence necessary?

My investigation will rely principally on an assessment of Calais’ migrant humanitarian crisis, the demography and needs of the local residents, and recent efforts to reboot the city’s economy conducted through primary participatory observations from a period of fieldwork. I will volunteer in Calais with organisations engaged in the provision of aid such as Collective Aid, Refugee Community Kitchen and Mobile Refugee Support documenting the range of voluntary practices addressing migrants’ needs. Throughout, I will document the processes of space creation by aid workers and migrants, as well as their spatiality and materiality through diagramming, drawing, mapping and photography. I will also use this period to engage in other spheres, surveying local residents, interviewing actors involved in the city’s regeneration projects and accessing municipal and national archives.

The ethics of conducting research with and on the situations of people in precarious and vulnerable positions will need extensive appraisal, especially as I hope to use ‘participatory research’ as a potential method, engaging migrants, NGOs and residents in speculative discussions and design exercises about the future of the city. This method will attempt to position imagination and creativity as potential

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remedial processes. Participatory research has been used across a range of fields and its benefits and the ethical challenges it poses have been identified and documented by many (Bastida, et al., 2010; Bensimon, 2016; Cornwall & Jewkes, 1995). Meanwhile, in architectural practice, participatory research has been instrumental to the success of community-led development projects in countries such as the UK (Design Council, 2016).

I intend to supplement these primary observations with secondary observations through desk research and interviews and discussions with other activists, advocates and academics. Meanwhile, my admission to the Migration & Integration summer programme at the University of Amsterdam will also help give my project a legal and political grounding.

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CONCLUSION Calais has a rich history of strategic importance to both England and France, which has brought it both touristic and industrial success as well as war-time devastation and post-war decline. Today, it is known for a decades long humanitarian crisis in the management of refugees waiting to cross the Channel. In a city where refugees are treated with indignity, tourists no longer want to visit and the local community feels increasingly left behind, no-one wins. The French authorities seem unwilling to accept the responsibility that Calais’ geopolitical position has brought, one which has seen it as a transit point for migrants attempting to reach England for centuries. As a result, the migrants who will inevitably continue to pass through the city are nowhere to be seen in the city’s incomplete roadmap for regeneration. This project will detail an urban framework through which Calais’ humanitarian crisis, stagnating tourism and post-industrial decline can be addressed together. Supported by a historical reading of the city, I hope to present a vision of A Calais Reincarnate in which its migrants wait to cross the Channel in dignity and the local community feels comfortable with and empowered by its dual responsibility as a place of hospitality and refuge.

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Figure 54: Satellite im

mage of the Channel

Conclusion

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TABLE OF FIGURES Front and Back Cover: Google Earth, 2021. [Image capture by author] Satellite Image of Calais [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 1: Care4Calais, 2021. Shelter under bridges [Image] Available at: https://www.infomigrants. net/en/post/29769/france-snow-blanketsmigrant-tent-camps-in-calais-and-dunkirk [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 2: The Woodyard Calais, 2021. Deforestation of woodlands [Image] Available at: https:// www.instagram.com/p/CISqBUWDQtJ/ [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 3: Tam, K. 2020. [Illustration] Plan of Calais, makeshift camp sites highlighted in turqoise [Author’s own] Figure 4: Abbot, A., 2019. Eviction [Image] Available at:https://www.thenationalnews.com/world/ europe/the-french-government-pushed-usout-with-police-hostility-northern-frances-evicted-refugees-1.876565 [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 5: Google Earth, 2021. [Image capture by author] Satellite Image of Calais [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 6: La Voix du Nord, 2020. Wartime Devastation [Image] Available at: https://www. lavoixdunord.fr/858274/article/2020-09-04/ la-reconstruction-de-calais-nord-un-vastechantier [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 7: La Voix du Nord, 2019. Post-War Reconstruction [Image] Available at: https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/551638/ article/2019-03-13/face-l-eglise-notredame-un-quartier-encore-en-friche-en-1954 [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 8: Braun, G. & Hogenburg, F., 1598. Plan of Calais [Copper engraving] Available at: https:// sanderusmaps.com/our-catalogue/antiquemaps/europe/france/old-antique-map-ofcalais-by-braun-hogenberg-22075 [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 9: Google Earth, 2021. [Image capture by author] Satellite Image [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 10: Bonniere, P., 2020. Channel Crossing [Image] Available at: https://www.lavoixdunord. fr/874639/article/2020-10-05/migrants-

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londres-imagine-de-parquer-les-refugies-surdes-vieux-ferries-ou-de [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 11: Tam, K., 2021. [Collage] White Cliffs of Dover (left), Cap Blanc-Nez (right) [Author’s own] Figure 12: Froissart, J., 1410. A French attempt to recapture Calais in 1350 [Manuscript] Available at: https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier:The_ French_attempt_to_recapture_Calais_from_ England_(1350).jpg [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 13: Leigh, E., 2020. [Image capture by author] Tweet by Edward Leigh MP, 10 August 2020. Available at: https://twitter.com/ EdwardLeighMP/status/1292781286231289857 [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 14: PA Archive/PA Images, 2018. UK Border Control in Calais [Image] Available at: https:// www.standard.co.uk/news/uk/nodeal-brexitputs-uk-at-risk-of-disease-outbreak-saysport-watchdog-a3895656.html [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 15: Seville, J., 1587. Huguenots at sea [Engraving] Available at: https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Print_entitled_Horribles_ cruautes_des_Huguenot_en_France_16th_ century.jpg [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 16: Rossignol, P., 2020. French police patrolling the beaches [Image] Available at: https://www.infomigrants.net/ar/post/25969/ uk-and-france-step-up-action-to-stop-peoplesmuggling-in-the-channel [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 17: Romano, H.V., 1862. The Orsini affair [Oil painting] Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/File:Attempted_Assassination_of_Emperor_ Napoleon_III_Romano.jpg [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 18: Anon., n.d. The UK’s ‘hostile environment’ [Image] Available at: https://neweuropeans.net/ file/immigration-vanjpg [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 19: PA, n.d. Sangatte Centre exterior [Image] Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/ newsbeat-37750368 [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 20: Reuters, n.d. Sangatte Centre interior

Table of Figures

[Image] Available at: https://www.dailymail. co.uk/news/article-3012132/Calais-campsbulldozed-Migrants-given-ultimatum-removebelongings-end-March-forced-riot-police.html [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 21: Reuters, 2016. The ‘New’ Jungle [Image] Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/ newsbeat-37750368 [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 22: Dent, N., 2016 A restaurant in the Jungle [Image] Available at: https://www.huckmag. com/perspectives/activism-2/last-days-calaisjungles-refugee-restaurants/ [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 23: Getty Images, 2016. Poor conditions in the Jungle [Image] Available at: https://www. independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/calaisjungle-camp-2-000-refugees-living-makeshiftshelters-given-three-days-leave-bulldozersmove-a6807386.html [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 24: Mobile Refugee Support, 2021.

Distribution of aid from vans [Image] Available at: https://www.mobilerefugeesupport.org/ post/below-freezing-temperatures [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 25: Anon., n.d. Lacemakers in Calais [Image] Available at: https://www.cite-dentelle.fr/en/ home/the-museum/history/the-origins-of-lacein-Calais+ [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 26: Punch, 1848. The English being driven out of France [Cartoon] Available at: https:// www.historytoday.com/calais-1816-2016 [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 27: HMT/BNPS, n.d. Passengers disembark a hovercraft [Image] Available at: https:// www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3428490/ Campaign-save-surviving-cross-Channelhovercraft-dubbed-Concorde-Sea.html [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 28: Eurotunnel, 1990. The Channel Tunnel breaks through [Image] Available at: https:// www.kentonline.co.uk/folkestone/news/25years-of-the-channel-tunnel-204015/ [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 29: Getty Images, n.d. The lead-up to Brexit [Image] Available at: https://www.cityam. com/high-number-of-vehicles-from-ukrefused-entry-to-france-due-to-post-brexitpaperwork-issues/ [Accessed 26 March 2021]

Transmanche Republic [Author’s own] Figure 32: Tam, K., 2020. [Illustration] New road and rail links connecting Dover and Calais [Author’s own] Figure 33: Atelier Phillippe Madec, 2018. Proposed Maison des Réfugiés, Atelier Phillippe Madec [Image] Available at: https://www. atelierphilippemadec.com/architecture/cultural/ mediatheque-et-maison-des-refugies.html [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 34: Maison des Réfugiés, n.d. Maison des Réfugiés performance space [Image] Available at: https://www.maisondesrefugies.paris/lascene_a491.html [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 35: Google Maps, 2021. [Image capture by author] Maison des Réfugiés Available at: <> [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 36: Maison des Réfugiés, n.d. Maison des Réfugiés cafe [Image] Available at: https:// www.maisondesrefugies.paris/le-cafe-laverie_ a487.html [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 37: Tam, K., 2020. [Illustration] Internal studies [Author’s own] Figure 38: Tam, K., 2020. [Illustration] Repurposing the 19th Century warehouse [Author’s own] Figure 39: Sharehaus, n.d. Sharehaus Refugio café [Image] Available at: https://sharehaus.net/ refugio/#jp-carousel-1154 [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 40: Le Projet Glocal, 2018. Grandhotel Cosmopolis [Image] Available at: https:// leprojetglocal.blog/highlights-2018/grandhotelcosmopolis_-performance_-aussenansicht-cwolfgang_reiserer/ [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 41: BASE, 2019. Seafront redevelopment [Image] Available at: https://www.baseland.fr/ en/projets/calais-amenagement-du-front-demer/ [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 42: Anon. n.d. Eco-quartier housing [Image] Figure 43: Colossal, 2019. Dragon of Calais [Image] Available at: https://www.thisiscolossal. com/2019/11/la-machine-dragon-of-calais/ [Accessed 26 March 2021]

Figure 30: Tam, K., 2020. [Illustration] Dovais [Author’s own]

Figure 44: La Voix du Nord, 2020. Temporary shelter for the Dragon of Calais, Nicolas Kelemen Architects [Image] Available at: https://www. lavoixdunord.fr/886997/article/2020-11-02/ledragon-de-calais-un-apres-l-abri-provisoireen-quelques-etapes [Accessed 26 March 2021]

Figure 31: Tam, K., 2020. [Illustration] The

Figure 45: Nicolas Kelemen Architects, 2019.

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Visitor centre for the Dragon of Calais, Nicolas Kelemen Architects [Image] Available at: http:// nka.fr/portfolio/18101-en/ [Accessed 26 March 2021] Figure 46: Tam, K., 2021. [Section Drawing] Fort Risban proposed section [Author’s own] Figure 47: Tam, K., 2021. [Axonometric Drawing] Fort Risban proposed axonometric [Author’s own] Figure 48: Tam, K., 2021. [Plan Drawing] Fort Risban block plan [Author’s own] Figure 49: Tam, K., 2021. [Plan Drawing] Fort Risban proposed plan [Author’s own] Figure 50: Tam, K., 2021. [Image] Article R553-3 analysis [Author’s own] Figure 51: Tam, K., 2021. [Image] Qualitative requirements for refugee accomodation Figure 52: Agence Joly Loiret, 2019. Gymnasium at Villepreux, Agence Joly Loiret [Image] Available at: http://jolyloiret.com/projets/vil1/ [Accessed 26 March 2021]W Figure 53: Tam, K., 2021. [Image] Materiality studies [Author’s own] Figure 54: Google Earth, 2021. [Image capture by author] Satellite image of the Channel [Accessed 26 March 2021]

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54