Democratic Maracanã - Luke Kon 3

Luke Kon, Darwin College

Democratic Maracanã This essay examines the cultural value of the Maracanã stadium in Rio de Janeiro and argues that there is a more culturally empowering future for the stadium and residents of the city.

19.04.2016 4894 words (2015-2017) “An essay submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MPhil Examination in Architecture & Urban Design”

I would like to thank Dr. Felipe Hernรกndez for his continued support in developing my thesis. In addition I would like to thank Ingrid Schrรถder and Aram Mooradian for their input into my work.

Abstract Cover image: Figure 1 - ‘Inhabited Stadia’ Left image Figure 2 - Matrix image

This essay outlines the characteristics of the re-politicisation of the Maracanã stadium in Rio de Janeiro. In doing so this essay demonstrates how this has been tested and responded to through the design work that I have engaged with over the past two terms. The pilot thesis examines the interior, the exterior and the social-political context of the Maracanã stadium as three themes that form the discussion. This discussion draws upon the theoretical approaches of Manuel Castells, Gustav Le Bon, Guy Debord, Theodor Adorno and Zygmunt Bauman. I will establish the theoretical parameters on the notion of ‘Mass Culture’ the ‘culture industry’ and position the Maracanã as a cultural form within this spectrum. From this discussion, I am able to demonstrate the conclusions I have made so far that have informed my design work to test the Maracanã as a site for civic diversity.

Figure 3 - Timeline of stadia in Rio de Janeiro

The second republic Filho Juscelino Kubitschek Goulart Humberto Castelo Branco Silva

Estádio Célio de Barros

1960

sporte Clube

1950

Estádio Luso-Brasileiro

Estádio Ítalo del Cima

Vargas

utebol Clube

Ginásio do Maracanãzinho Estádio Godofredo Cruz

Gaspar Dutra

Parque Aquático VDG, Estádio Ademar Bebiano

Estádio Atílio Marotti

Estádio do Maracanã

Estádio Leônidas da Silva

Estádio Moça Bonita

Getulio Vargas

Estádio da Rua Bariri, Mourão Vieira Filho

Estádio Caio Martins

, Estádio Conselheiro Galvão,Estádio Mestre Ziza Estádio Conselheiro Galvão

argas era

lho da Rocha

tlético Clube

Estádio da Gávea, Ary de Oliveira e Souza

Estádio João Francisco dos Santos

Caiçaras Club

1940 1970

The military regime Emílio Médici Ernesto G

Mountain Bike Park, White Water Stadium Maria Lenk, BMX centre, Hockey Centre Future Arena

2010

Carioca Arena, Tennis Center, Training Center Copacabana Stadium, Deodoro Aquatics Centre

Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (Workers' Party (PT))

Deodoro Arena

2000

Deodoro Modern Pentathlon Park Estádio de los Larios

Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB)

HSBC Arena, National Equestrian Center Shooting Centre, Estádio João Havelange Velodrome

I. Franco (PMDB)

Estádio Giulite Coutinho

F. Collor (PRN)

Estádio Antunes

Miécimo da Silva Sports Complex

1990

co Sociedade

utebol Clube

José Sarney (PMDB)

Estádio do Trabalhadores

João Figueiredo

utebol Clube

Estádio Alair Corrêa

Geisel

Sambódromo

Estádio Eduardo Guinle,Riocentro Sports Complex P.A. Júlio Delamare

Autódromo Internacional Nelson Pique Estádio Wolney Braune, Estádio de los Larios

1980 2016

The new republic Dilma Rousseff (Workers' Party (PT))

High-Tech Stadia

Intellectuals see football as bringing together modern urban practices and traditional authenticity of Brazilian popular culture

began engaging in massive protests, h them came communist and anarchist ideas, Café com Leite" republic).

Raiz da Gá

Rodoviário

União Esportiva

Campo Gra Top Brazilian football is officially professional

Brazil lose 2-1 in the World Cup to Uruguay

Current league format for the Campeonato Brasileiro was established

The first post-war World Cup tournament was marked for 1949 and the only candidate was Brazil.

1950 1960

1940

1970

ernment.

argas era

Gaspar Dutra Vargas Filho Juscelino Goulart 1948 Kubitschek The World Cup stadium would be a Municipal Stadium.

The mayor reviewed Bastos and Carneiro’s winning project of 1942, but not that of Niemeyer

Humberto Castelo Branco

Silva

Emílio Médici

Ernesto G

1942 November 4, 1942, Mario de Carvalho proposes rejecting all the projects on the grounds of their “insurmountable defects”: the 40-metre high grandstand from the Estrella team, the excavated field of Niemeyer and the poor visibility from the stands of Bastos and Carneiro, 1942 The first stage was judged in January 1942. The projects selected were by Niemeyer, the partnership of Pedro Paulo Bernardes Bastos and Antônio Augusto Dias Carneiro and the team of Renato Mesquita dos Santos, Thomaz Estrella, Jorge Ferreira and Renato Soeiro.

All were former students from the ENBA (National School of Fine Arts)

1948 Works start

1950 The stadium was used for FIFA World Cup Final 199,850 in attendance

Estádio Luso-Brasileiro

1943 May 14 1943 President Getúlio Vargas agrees to draw up a new committee to examine the two projects voted on (Niemeyer’s and Bastos and Carneiro’s) and decide which of them “offers the most satisfactory conditions, in terms of technical problems, execution and costs

Estádio Ítalo del Cima

Ginásio do Maracanãzinho Estádio Godofredo Cruz

do Governador Parque Aquático VDG, Estádio Ademar Bebiano Salgueiro

Estádio Atílio Marotti

Estádio do Maracanã

Estádio Leônidas da Silva

Estádio Moça Bonita

Estádio da Rua Bariri, Mourão Vieira Filho

São Clemente

Leopoldinense

Mocidade

1945 No conclusions on location made after years of committees being paid to do so.

Beija Flor

Estádio Caio Martins

1947 Competition opened up

s de Vila Isabel

Figure 4 - Timeline of the Maracanã stadium

, Estádio Conselheiro Galvão,Estádio Mestre Ziza Estádio Conselheiro Galvão

Estádio da Gávea, Ary de Oliveira e Souza

1941 National Sports Council was created under the Ministry of Education

1965 Construction Finished

1969 Pelé scored the 1,000th goal of his career at Maracanã

1966 Name changed to Estadio Jornalista Mario Rodrigues Filho

Estádio Célio de Barros

1936 The designs for the University of Brazil campus developed by Le Corbusier and Lucio Costa date from that time, both involving the collaboration of Oscar Niemeyer.

Estádio João Francisco dos Santos

Caiçaras Club

Getulio Vargas

a Tijuca School

The military regime

The second republic

Centro de Fute

C

Jacarepa 1980

1990

President Lula announced the Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento(PAC) 2010 plan, which includes 2016 A four-year investment the promotion of urban development for the favelas.

503.9 billion reaisinvested in construction, sanitation, energy, transport and logistics

2000

The new republic

Geisel

João Figueiredo

José Sarney (PMDB)

F. Collor (PRN)

I. Franco (PMDB)

Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB)

Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (Workers' Party (PT))

Dilma Rousseff (Workers' Party (PT))

High-Tech Stadia

Deodoro Arena

2007 The stadium was used for the Pan American Games Deodoro Modern Pentathlon Park Estádio de los Larios

Estádio Giulite Coutinho

Estádio Antunes

2000 Capacity reduced to 103,000

HSBC Arena, National Equestrian Center Shooting Centre, Estádio João Havelange Velodrome

e Belford Roxo

Miécimo da Silva Sports Complex

Estádio do Trabalhadores Grande Rio

Estádio Alair Corrêa

Sambódromo

Estádio Eduardo Guinle,Riocentro Sports Complex P.A. Júlio Delamare

Autódromo Internacional Nelson Pique Estádio Wolney Braune, Estádio de los Larios

1992 An upper stand collapsed leading to the death of three spectators and injuring 50 others

The stadium was used for FIFA World Cup Final 78,838 in attendance

2013 Reopened The stadium was used for FIFA Confederations Cup Mountain Bike Park, White Water Stadium Maria Lenk, BMX centre, Hockey Centre Future Arena

2007 Capacity reduced to 87,000 All seated

1989 Maracanã used to host the Copa America

Carioca Arena, Tennis Center, Training Center Copacabana Stadium, Deodoro Aquatics Centre

1998 lassified as a national landmark, meaning that it could not be demolished.

2010 Closed for FIFA, IOC works Major structural changes

2005 9 months of works

Contents

Pages: 4-5

Pages: 14-19

Introduction

Chapter Exterior

Pages: 2-3

Pages: 6-13

Opening Story

Chapter Interior

01

02

Pages: 20-23

Chapter

03

Wider context

Pages: 24-25

Pages: 42-43

Conclusion

Bibliography

Pages: 26-41

Pages: 44-45

Project Drawings

Image References

Pages: 2-3 2

Opening Story

Top image: Figure 5 - Morumbi stadium Bottom image Figure 6 - Corinthians’ final match in 1983

3

To give context to the relationship between football and politics is the story of Sócrates and the Corinthians club: ‘It’s 1983, the Corinthians enter the Morumbi Stadium, where they are to play in the final of the local Championship against powerful rivals Sao Paulo. In the hands of the players, a huge banner says: “Win Or Lose, But Always With Democracy”, a reference to the dwindling strength of Brazil’s then military dictatorship.’(Pinto, 2012)

With a strong connection to its São Paulo fans, the Corinthians club is known as the people’s club. Rising out of the club was a democratic movement, Democracia Corintiana, spanning between 1982 and 1984; had a socialist democratic philosophy, and the movement opposed the military dictatorship.(Pinto, 2012) This movement was led by the politically minded player for club and country, Sócrates Brasileiro Sampaio de Souza Vieira de Oliveira, know more simply as Sócrates.(Jönsson, 2014, p.

120) Another character in this story is Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula), who by 1980 had established the São Paulo based political group, Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party or PT); Lula importantly a fan of the Corinthian team. In his early career Lula served as president for local São Paulo trade unions of steel and the car industry.

In 1984 PT and Lula joined the popular Diretas Já! (Direct [Elections] Now!) campaign, demanding a direct popular vote for the next Brazilian presidential election, alongside him in a national rally in Rio de Janeiro of 1984, was Sócrates.

(Goldblatt, 2014, p. 154) Sócrates reportedly has used his cult figure status as a muchadored captain of the Brazilian national team and his status in the São Paulo area to gain Corinthian support for Lula in his unsuccessful presidential campaigns of 1989 and 1994. Lula went on to win the campaign in 2002, and Brazil achieved direct elections in 1985 leading to a first civilian-led government since 1964. This sequence of events provides the grounds for the questioning of the cultural value of football for Brazilian people.

Pages: 4-5 4

Introduction

Figure 7 - Construction of the Maracan達 stadium

5

This pilot thesis outlines the characteristics of the de-politicisation of the Maracanã stadium in Rio de Janeiro. In doing so this essay demonstrates how this has been tested and responded to through the design work that I have engaged with over the past terms. The pilot thesis examines the interior, the exterior and the social-political context of the Maracanã stadium as three themes that form the discussion. This discussion draws upon the theoretical approaches of Manuel Castells, Gustav Le Bon, Guy Debord, Theodor Adorno and Zygmunt Bauman; I will establish the theoretical parameters on the notion of ‘Mass Culture’ the ‘culture industry’ and position the Maracanã as a cultural form within this spectrum. From this discussion, I am able to demonstrate the conclusions I have made so far that have informed my design work to test the Maracanã as a site for civic diversity.

Pages: 6-13 6

Chapter

Interior

01

Christopher Gaffney writes that Maracanã was once heterogeneous site: “Rich and poor, black and white and brown, could come together. Social distinctions were forgotten temporarily. That’s no longer true.”(Connors, 2014) In this section the discussion is based upon the interior of the stadium and the opportunity for diverse participation.

7

Two FIFA seating related reforms led to a dramatic reduction in seating within the Maracanã; 200,000 spectators were able to watch the 1950 World Cup final and only 74,000 were able to watch the final in 2014.

The first policy saw tickets being issued for a specific section within the stadium, for a particular seat and row, ‘making the individuals more readily identifiable and therefore controllable. ’(Gaffney, 2010, p. 114) The second policy that affected the stadium was the expansion of VIP areas. These renovations removed the populist areas, one in particular called the geral where people ‘once shared a common bench, danced and played the drums’. (Viana and Amaral, 2013) The ‘necessary architectural reforms intended to modernise the Maracanã’ have attacked the democratic sections of the stadium; the main contested space. “The geral was the populist heart of the Maracanã”; ‘the democratic heart of the Maracanã’ by Christopher Gaffney. (Gaffney, 2010, p. 111) Since architectural modifications in 2005, the attendance in the section that was the geral has been reduced to 750 and the ticket cost increased up to 20 times.

Because of the decreased capacity and reduced diversity, the atmosphere has become subdued; this follows the global trend of participants shifting into consumers. (Davis et al., 2016.) FIFA has ‘crushed the spirit of the lively football fans in Brazil.’ (Viana and Amaral, 2013) The ritual like samba rhythm, played on the drums by participators has been banned alongside the raising of colourful-vibrant flags; this adds to a sense of the games being taken away from the people of Brazil.

For club football, the importance of a home end, can be vital for the atmosphere to exist as ‘something that’s fiery’; the Maracanã is lacking in a designated ‘home end’ however the geral functioned as this role in the annulus. The stadium is running at a loss as the attendance is so low.(Douglas, 2015)

Writing in 2011, Bauman is able to comment on today’s society and make the point: ‘Sign of belonging to a cultural elite today is maximum tolerance and minimum choosiness’. Bauman continues the point that art (culture) of today lacks a verve that it once used to; there is a lack of self-confidence and a sense of disorientation in the cultural world. The lack of condemnatory or critical voices today is problematic for Bauman, this leads society into a blandness, a neutrality and a false sense of equilibrium. This blandness leaves one without a fixed identity, the metaphor he uses is one of a chameleon. The false equilibrium created by the extreme tolerance of today, forces the consumer to leave room open to be seduced by the continuous creation of new needs, with the intention that they remain permanently unfilled. (Bauman, 2011, p. 16)

Part of the spectators ahve covered seating

70m

8

Stadium hosts circa 100,000 spectators without seats

In the lower ring there were 30,000 seated places

28m Figure 8 - Diagram of the Maracan達 stadium in the 1950s

Distance to the field was 28m

The roof material uses photovoltaics to capture

The roof has more than doubled and now covers mroe than 95% of the seating

energy

70m

This top section of seating now closer to the field by 10m

Side section was completely

Vast space for bars,

restructured/redesigned for

restaurants and medical

seating for all

facilities

Lower section demolished and rebuilt with the same inclination as the section above

The original seating was retained for structural use

Distance to the field was

1950s structure

reduced, the canals were

14m Figure 9 - Diagram of the Maracan達 stadium in 2013

demolished

2013 inserted structure

9

10

The removal of the affordable standing section has excluded the voice of a certain group within the city of Rio de Janeiro; the result of increased order speaks of the neutrality and homogenisation of a cultural form that is spoken of by Bauman. As the diversity of economic and social groups is reduced by the removal of the geral and increased ticket costs, so is the racial representation.(Kon, 2015) The critical voices in support of the suppressed in the city is largely from the lower classes who been removed from the Maracan達. In similar fashion the issuing of tickets decreases anonymity and the self confidence that fans can behold in a stadium.

Figure 10 - Elevation of Oscar Niemeyer`s project for Maracan達.

11

For le Corbusier a stadium could be an important ‘civic room’, a setting for which modern mass culture appeared to itself ‘at one’. The Baghdad stadium was to be a permanent institution in the capital city, which marries with the Ancient Greek agon, which in the democratic polis spatially institutionalised conflict. (Carl and Murray, 2013, p. 58) ‘An athletic contest is like a dramatic performance (agon)’. The political occurrences today seen around the Maracanã are indeed dramatic, echoing the intent of agon. However, through the strict policing of tickets and increased prices those with a voice are not given the opportunity in the stadium to express their opinions on the running of the country.

The conflict in stadiums is falsification of the real conflicts that the public are attempting to engage in and is limited to the sport. A return of the geral allows for the heterogeneous environment as a cure for the blandness that concerned Bauman; the presence of a diverse representation of society will allow for political conversation.

Figure 11 - Section of Oscar Niemeyer`s project for Maracanã.

12

Le Corbusier’s aim to heighten the awareness of the ‘ultimate conditions of dwelling, the vertical meeting of the earth and sky’ was made manifest through his attention to the horizon in the design for the ‘Stadium of National Significance’. This echoes the common quality of ancient Greek stadia and theatres; the 1937 stadium was embedded into a hill. The area for conflict is therefore a clearing in the earth, open to the sky. Oscar Niemeyer proposed to lower the ground by thirteen metres in his design for the Maracanã in order to reduce the physical impact of the stadium’s bowl on the rest of the complex.

Interestingly, it would have served to aid the design principle that his contemporary Le Corbusier emulated from the ancient Greek.

This proposal for the stadium was lobbied against by an influential journalist who accused the regime of favouring Niemeyer’s proposal unfairly and the proposal was eventually rejected in favour of the 1950s design.

Figure 12 - Model of Oscar Niemeyer`s project for Maracanã.

13

Artificial landscaping could be a technique to recreate this existential moment of entering conflict in the meeting of earth and sky, I have begun to test this in my design work as a way to mirror the topographical conditions on which the favelas are located as this is the least desirable land. The tests seek to facilitate more of a wider representation of the city’s residents to attend the Maracanã and be able to the present their opinions, under the spotlight of media that Maracanã attracts. The discussion on the interior of the Maracanã shows that physical alterations to the seating of the stadium are necessary to re-enable different parts of society to come together and speak freely and engage in civic conflict; the next section explores the exterior of the stadium.

Figure 13 - Development model showing plastecine as landscping intervention

Pages: 14-19 14

Chapter

Exterior

02

Exterior In Temples of the Earthbound Gods, Gaffney continues in explaining that “the design of the Maracanã as a democratic space is reflected in its architecture. The public spaces outside the stadium encourage clustering and guide people towards the entrances in the low-lying bowl. The elliptical design and large approach ramps allow for the fluid commingling of the tens of thousands of people who could, until the 1990s, flow freely around the enormous bowl.”(Gaffney, 2010, p. 111) The use of physical exclusion is key to the FIFA and IOC in keeping potential protesters away from the Maracanã; these non elected agents see the protesting groups as tarnishing the images of peace and the beautiful game that is now a commercial product. (Viehoff and Poynter, 2015, p.

114) Every road around the Maracanã was blocked six hours before World Cup matches in 2014. Armed officers ‘blocked roads, side streets and all entry points to the stadium’, (Humphreys, 2014) enforcing a two-kilometre exclusion zone that traversed the entire perimeter. (Viana and Amaral, 2013) The parking lots which warranted the eviction and clearing of informal residents have not yet been built. (Viehoff and Poynter, 2015, p. 114)

Cup Brazil 2013).

National Supporters National Supporters are a maximum of 6 companies to which FIFA has granted or will grant a package of advertising, promotional and marketing rights in relation to the 2014 FIFA World Cup™ (and the FIFA Confederations Cup Brazil 2013) for the territory of Brazil. 15

Within the FIFA specified two-kilometre ‘exclusion zone’ around the stadium, FIFA controls the circulation of people, and forbids the sale of non-sponsored products. Throughout the country, ‘no store, bar or shop is allowed to use an image of the World Cup mascot unless it was sold

by FIFA’. Work done by NGO Streetnet shows that 100,000 street vendors lost their income during the 2010 World Cup Games in South Africa. Traders who have lost their livelihoods, due to restrictions around the Maracanã are not confident that they will able permitted to work again near the stadium; street vendors, who have suffered from similar impositions at the Pan-American games harbour a low expectation, for them the World Cup ‘is not for poor people’. (Wintour, 2013) These FIFA Public Guidelines will be updated periodically. Please check FIFA’s website www.FIFA.com for the latest version.

However for the 2014 World Cup, Brazilian popular committees have protected the sale of traditional foods, such as the Afro-Brazilian fried acarajés outside Belo Horizonte’s Mineirão stadium. (Lewis, 2014) The reasoning behind this is to protect the revenue generated from the rights holders, without which FIFA claims the World Cup would not operate. (FIFA, 2014, p. 3) Such technique is used to keep economic advantage between the global foods and drinks outlets, Budweiser, McDonalds and Coca-Cola.

Figure 14 - Sponsors for the FIFA World Cup 2014

FIFA Public Guidelines General Edition – Issue #9 © 2010 FIFA

24

16

This discussion introduces the 19th Century writer Gustave Le Bon as a counter point to the theoretical position of Zygmunt Bauman in the previous section this essay. Gustave Le Bon, a pro-Royalist in France, wrote on the violence that occurred during the first French revolution, judged the violence of the mobs as a result of the basic psychology of groups. (Sennett, 2016) Large crowds can “together commit crimes they would never do alone”, illustrates the point there is a collective spirit in sharing a moment. (Bauman, 2011) Anonymity harboured in mobs allows individuals to evade identification and accountability. As a group grows in numbers the individual’s identity is swallowed up by a collective identity, generating the energy and feeling of ‘us’. Within this homogenous body, lucid reasoning is replaced by an empowered feeling.

Activation of this crowd energy is intertwined with the forming of spectacle. The analysis of crowd psychology given by Le Bon has informed repressive laws across the world; in New York it is against the law for more than 13 persons spontaneously in public space to meet as if it were a posing a ‘danger to public order’. (Sennett, 2016) Le Bon has made a good observation about crowds, but his penchant for the Monarchy hindered himself from being able to see the emancipatory ‘crowd energy’ as a force for potential good, the violence of revolution did not inspire him for democracy, but it trouble him. (Nelson, 2014)

Figure 15 - Protestors fighting for the right to sell acarajes

17

The protesting for the acarajés outside Belo Horizonte’s Mineirão stadium in 2014,is action against the standardisation that Theodor Adorno writes about and a reflection of the potential power of a gathering of people. (Lewis, 2014) The description Gaffney gives of the Maracanã up until the 1990s harboured this possibility of crowd energy in the exterior of the stadium. Large ramps still exist as access routes to the upper tiers of the stadium; the ramps still exist but the physical efforts to control and neutralise the Maracanã is an attack on free speech. The Maracanã is in the media spotlight because of the cultural significance that it holds. Protests held away from these spaces are less effective in gathering momentum and public support; by denying the public access to the Maracanã, the stadium can not function as a significant site for conversation and civic conflict. The legacy of Le Bon’s research is still enacted in preventing the gathering of the public in the proximity of these contested sites.

The cultural goods such as food, drink and merchandise are standardised into the sponsors who are FIFA selected. Here lie the dangers of globalisation, of which the Olympics can be seen as a method of impregnating existing cultures with globalisation.

FIFA’s brand replaces the production and consumption processes of the local street vendors and blocks them from the economic market. This result of hegemony is achieved under the state of emergency to finish the projects for the deadlines of the games.

(Viehoff and Poynter, 2015, p. 114) The pressure to complete projects, allows the non elected agents of FIFA and the IOC to form part of the decision making process. (Agamben, 2005, p. 33) Another example of standardisation dressed up as progress can be seen with the transfer of players: a move to a Western European team from a Brazilian team is seen as an opportunity to ‘refine’ the ‘raw’ talent of Brazilian players. In the 1950s, Theodor Adorno sets out a description of the term, ‘Culture Industry’ Adorno utilises the metaphor of the industrial processes and extrapolates this meaning to the standardisation of cultural goods that are produced and consumed; an elite capitalist system is highlighted as the perpetrator and beneficiary of this homogenisation. Adorno paints the picture of a dystopian world that is standardised and disguises ‘eternal sameness’ as ‘progress’.

18

The exterior of the stadium for Corbusier is seen as a composition in which there is a continuation of the language of the voiles which held up the seating tiers. The transition of rhythmically placed structure married with the shift in scales is an interesting to way connect the rest of the site to the stadium. As stated previously, the intention Corbusier held is that theatrical spectacle of agon is limited to the stadium.

A celebration of approach to what can be a powerful civic space for the public is a key facet of the proposal I have for the stadium’s complex. Another key aspect to my proposal is the connection to the metro station, from here currently is the main access point to the stadium for the city; it does not conjure up the atmosphere of the spectacle that the spectator is about to witness. Conclusions of the research I have conducted show this route become part of the emancipation of the cultural experience that a democratic public can have at the stadium.

Figure 16 - Office of Le Corbusier, site plan of the 1961 scheme, drawn by José Oubrerie and Alain Taves © flc/adagp, Paris and dacs, London, 2013

19

Within the two kilometre exclusion zone of trade and circulation, lies a university, the Mangueira community (favela), a metro station, the national museum (used to be the imperial palace) and urban blocks to the south. This zone of exclusion includes the heterogeneous cultural forms and cultural groups. I propose that this zone of exclusion is lifted, the local goods produced by the street vendors can be retained to defy the powers of globalisation. The city’s residents can meet and use this space to approach the stadium in a celebratory manner the stadium and invoke the emancipatory ‘crowd energy’ that can be achieved in the powerful space. (Sennett, 1977, p. 38)

Figure 17 - Two kilometre exclusion zone

Pages: 20-23 20

Chapter

03

Chapter 3 will explore the wider context of the Maracana

The vague legislation on terror in Brazil and a draft law seeks to impose tough penalties on those who ‘promote generalised panic’. Many of the protestors seen at the FIFA Confederations Cup, FIFA World Cup and in recent events of the political corruption, could be labelled as terrorists; sentences range from 16-30 years. (Pluss 55, 2016) This is first attempt to establish anti-terror laws since 1988 and until the law, the ruling military dictatorship were able to use the pretence of ‘anti-terror’ to suppress opposition. The sponsor of the the current bill, Senator Aloysio Nunes Ferreira participated in the groups that opposed the authoritarian dictatorship that ran between 1964 and 1988. Nunes, because he was a protestor, was labelled a terrorist by the regime. (Pluss 55, 2016) A global array of NGOs oppose the current bill: Humans Rights Watch and Brazilian NGO Artigo 19 see this bill as an attack on free speech and public debate.

Another factor in the political control of the stadium is the security and perceived sense of danger that the law enforcement services generate, the presence of armed officers is in itself something that further inflames the existing aggression and tensions between officials and the discontent public. (Brooks, 2013) The heightened dramatic show that the display of military makes physical the warring tensions. Outside of Rio de Janeiro, in cities Belo Horizonte and Fortaleza, hundreds of policemen armed with “nonlethal” devices, fired rubber bullets and tear gas bombs at protesters who attempted to enter into ‘FIFA’s established “exclusion zones’ around the perimeter of stadiums that were hosting the Confederations’ Cup in 2013. (Viana and Amaral, 2013) The reasoning for the police opening fire was ‘only to protect FIFA’s strict rules about circulation in these areas.’ This point illustrates the forceful hostility towards public expression, in order to enforce FIFA guidelines. (Viana and Amaral, 2013)

21

One of the contemporary thinkers on mass participation in today’s society is Manuel Castells. Writing in 2012, Manuel Castells, gives a helpful analysis of society in the internet age. There is a rise in mass selfcommunication, a new social structure is emerging, in which contemporary social movements are being formed. These movements may begin in the anonymity offered by social networking systems (SNS), but ultimately ‘they become a movement by occupying the urban space’. (Castells, 2012, p. 222) This point made by Castells raises the interesting transition of an online social movement gaining momentum through anonymity, and then the tipping point into a spatial social movement.

Castells provides the link between the the previously mentioned 19th century ideas proposed by Le Bon about mobs, to the 21st Century examples. Castell’s methodical data and records of events from recent events in the world reinforce the notion that mass participation has the potential for emancipatory means; due to a political position, this can result in either desirable or ‘horizontal, multimodal networks, both on the Internet and in the urban space, create togetherness’. (Castells, 2012, p. 225)

Protesters have been ushered away from the spotlight of the stadium space, but their voice is still heard on the platforms of social networking systems. Because of the physical block, the protesters on SNS are suppressed. The effects of a multimodal network, as introduced by Castells are suppressed. The exclusion from the Maracanã that is highly covered by the media, distorts the picture shown in the social networking systems.

Figure 18 - Activists demonstrate in front of riot police outside the Mane Garrincha National Stadium in Brasilia June 15, 2013.

22

During the World Cup, FIFA implemented a control of the media to suppress fans’ representation of the non-sporting political events that happen in the stadium complex.

Journalist Neil Humphreys was stopped from recording some of the fans around the Maracanã from a non-official perspective. ‘A European woman in a FIFA blazer ordered me to stop recording phone videos… a fan’s video of the Maracanã. She threatened to take away my phone and cancel my media accreditation, in effect ending my World Cup on the spot.’(Humphreys, 2014) The control of the media and public perceptions of the stadium is synonymous with the architectural efforts to homogenise a cultural form, for the sake of ‘safety’ and protection of sponsorship.

Guy Debord, writes in 1967 about themes of deceitful representation and cultural homogenisation: ‘the spectacle is not a collection of images; it is a social relation between people that is mediated by images’ and ‘a world of autotomized images where even the deceivers are deceived’. (Debord, 1983, p. 7) Debord’s thesis summarises the phenomena of of the falsification of reality. In a polemical manner, Debord continues with ‘In a false world that is really upside down, the true is a moment in the false’. On the subject of homogenisation, Debord states in thesis 17 that ‘individual reality is allowed to appear only if it is not actually real’. (Debord, 1983, p. 10) Enforcing this point, is the notion that ‘all community and all critical awareness have been disintegrated’. Debord goes beyond Bauman’s labelling of the homogenisation of culture as unsatisfactory, he labels it unhealthy. (Debord, 1983, p. 7)

Figure 19 - Activists and students scuffle with riot police outside the Mane Garrincha National Stadium in Brasilia June 15, 2013. (REUTERS/Ueslei Marcelino)

23

Figure 20 - Drawing showing the cutting of the stadium to create processional space and market

As we have already seen in the section on the interior of the Maracanã, Le Corbusier attempted to design the Baghdad Olympic as the greek polis to host the agon.

In similar fashion, Le Corbusier’s 1937 proposal for a ‘Stadium of National Significance’ (100,000 people), was hoped to be a ‘receptacle of modern culture’. (Carl and Murray, 2013, p. 58) The architectural gesture from le Corbusier’s design of the Baghdad Olympic stadium that could return to the Maracanã, is the gap in the ground level seating; Corbusier meant this to allow festivals, and it isn’t too farfetched to see this working in similar fashion for the samba parades the caranavals and protests that occur in the city. Metaphorically, a cutting out, or opening up resembles the transparency or reality that is currently absent from the stadium’s running. Cutting out echoes the grand gestures of Mussolini in Rome to allow armoured vehicles to roam in the city in case of public unrest; the approach between suppression and freedom is a not quite clear cut. The social political context discussion leads us to see that a transparency or openness is essential to restore the Maracanã to its social capacity pre World Cup; this needs to be in the physical space of the stadium and the internet space.

Pages: 24-25 24

Conclusion

Having examined, the interior, the exterior and the social political context of the Maracanã stadium, we can outline the characteristics of re-politicisation. The characteristic of a politicised Maracanã is the capacity to bring a diverse representation of society together. Before the World Cup, the stadium enabled different parts of the society to come together and speak at once. But FIFA came in and disrupted this; the physical alteration of the stadium resulted in the stadium being home to a lack of free speech and homogenisation. Re-politicisation of the Maracanã would take the form of another physical transformation, but one that would increase cultural capacity.

By using Zygmunt Bauman, Theodor Adorno, Guy Debord and Manuel Castells as parameters for their positions on culture, I have been able to locate the Maracanã as cultural form that is under the effects of the ‘culture industry’ and ‘mass culture’.

The characteristics of the de-politicalised FIFA regulated Maracanã are closely related to the phenomena present in the texts of Adorno, Bauman and Debord. The study of the interior, exterior and social political context of the Maracanã highlights the wide spread impact of the stadium in society.

By then positioning the Maracanã in the question of culture, it became apparent to me that a politicisation through physical transformation will restore the cultural capacity of the stadium. Because the physical alterations made before the FIFA World Cup disrupted the cultural capacity of the stadium, we need to make further physical alterations to reposition the Maracanã as an important cultural object which gives voices to the people who have lost them.

Emancipatory

Faslification of reality

Connective

Lack of critical awareness

Anonymous

Homongeneous

Figure 21 - Diagram shows conceptual stratosphere of theoretic themes raised by Baumna, Debord, Castells, Le Bon and Adorno

25

The physical changes that I propose to the interior of the stadium will see reduced cost standing return to function as the geral, and therefore allowing for a heterogeneous attendance. Surveillance and policing in the stadium will be reduced to allow the potential positives of Le Bon’s notion of emancipatory ‘crowd energy’. A process of cutting is necessary to open the stadium for the processional carnavals and protests that occur in the city; by opening up the stadium the public will have an increased access to the media covered platform that the stadium offers.

The exterior of the stadium undergoes landscaping to shape the celebratory procession of fans attending the Maracanã to watch sport. The two kilometre zone of exclusion is to be replaced by a zone of inclusion to encourage the existing trade connections between the diverse people groups in close proximity to the stadium. A physical intervention could see market space provided to encourage the sale of local cultural foods and goods around game time. The spaces around the stadium that are given over to car parking are reclaimed as space for groups to meet and share ideas. A connection can be made to the local cultural spaces such as the Mangueira Samba School and favela. A broadcasting tower will secure the multimodal networks talked about

by Manuel Castells; the tower can be a place for the production and distribution of heterogeneous cultural forms such as funk, samba and evangelical music. The conflicting music reflect the civic conflict of agon, which is harboured in the stadium and allow for connections across internet networks and physical connections. As a result of these tests the architecture of the Maracanã will reflect a democratic space and foster the social diversity that it once did.

Pages: 26-41 26

Project Drawings

27

Existing Mangueria Community (favela) 1:500

Figure 22 - Long section from the favela to the stadium

28

Samba School

Commercial

Abandoned Building - Potenital demolition

D

Demolished site for redevelopment

29

Existing Street Elevation 1:250

Church

Commercial

Private Residential

Warehouse

Recently Built Social Housing

30

Existing Maracana Metro Station 1:250

31

Proposed Samba Route & multi-functional inhabited bridge to the Maracana Stadium 1:250

32

Existing Maracana Stadium 1:500

Funk Production Tower

Fourth Floor

Third Floor Second Floor First Floor

Ground Floor

Existing

Ramp

Existing

Stadium

33

Figure 23 - Model showing the inhabited threshold

34

Lighting Facility

Grand-Stand Typology 2 Elevated Highway

Kiosk

30.95m

90.7m

16.8m Grand-Stand Typology 1

12m

15.4m

Circulation Access

Judges

Private Box Temporary Seating Area

20.2m

5.9m

16.2m

9.9m

Audience Barrier

2m

Circulation

Private Box

Private Box

Private Box

Entrance

Private Box

Figure 24 - Drawing showing the sections through the Sambodromo. It is used as the main parade space for the caranaval in Rio de Janeiro.

The sections show the scales of space for formalised cultural procession.

1.7m

5.3m

15m

35 Left image: Figure 25 - Drawing showing the inhabitation of the stadium

36

37

Left image: Figure 26 - Drawing shows the entry to the metro station Right image: Figure 27 - Drawing showing the inhabitation of the connecting bridge

38 Left image: Figure 28 - Drawing shows the favela and connection to the metro

39 Proposed Funk Tower

Fifth Floor

Third Floor Second Floor First Floor Ground Floor

Proposed seating for secondary venue

Fifth Floor

Third Floor Figure 29 - Section showing proposed intervention of tower and multi-fucntional frame intersecting with the stadium Second Floor First Floor Ground Floor

Proposed walkways

Existing Stadium

Proposed seating for secondary venue

Proposed walkways

Existing Stadium

40

Fifth Floor

Third Floor Second Floor First Floor Ground Floor

Existing Stadium

Existing Walkway

Landscaping

Landscaping 1:1000 Sections of Maracan達

Figure 30 - Section showing proposed intervention of tower and multi-fucntional frame intersecting with the stadium

Section AA Section AA

41

01

Mangueira Favela Mangueira Favela

01

Cleared favela for development

02

Cleared favela for development

Proposed Inhabited Bridge

Temporary bridge Proposedto Inhabited be demolished bridge after Olympics

Proposed Inhabited Bridge

Proposed Inhabited bridge

03

Temporary bridge to be demolished after Olympics

Proposed Funk Tower Proposed Funk Tower

University University

Stadium

05

Stadium

Proposed Landscaping Proposed Landscaping

04

Figure 31 - Plan of the proposal with inserted contour, connecting bridges and opening in stadium annulus

N 50m

N Perspective no.

50m

Pages: 42-43 42

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Figure 22 - Long section from the favela to the stadium

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Figure 23 - Model showing the inhabited threshold

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Figure 24 - Drawing showing the sections through the Sambodromo. It is used as the main parade space for the caranaval in Rio de Janeiro.

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Produced by author

Figure 25 - Drawing showing the inhabitation of the stadium

Produced by author

Figure 26 - Drawing shows the entry to the metro station

Produced by author

Figure 27 - Drawing showing the inhabitation of the connecting bridge

Produced by author

Figure 28 - Drawing shows the favela and connection to the metro Produced by author Figure 29 - Section showing proposed intervention of tower and multi-fucntional frame intersecting with the stadium

Produced by author

Figure 30 - Section showing proposed intervention of tower and multi-fucntional frame intersecting with the stadium

Produced by author

Figure 31 - Plan of the proposal with inserted contour, connecting bridges and opening in stadium annulus

Produced by author