Page 1

kim liên city

bùi quý sơn

kim liĂŞn city volume 1 program


i introduction

016 018

ii background 1 rapid urbanisation and locality in question 2 critical vernacularism and inside-out tranformativity

024 036 044 060

iii context 1 hanoi, heritage and realities 2 an urban agglomeration in the making 3 the post-war subsidy-era collective housing network 4 the site: kim liĂŞn city

072 078 082 086

iv vision 1 scales of analysis and intervention 2 challenges and potentials 3 the ground, the roof, the tiger cage and the water tank 4 project statement / state of the art

092 094 098

v methodology 1 time schedule 2 design process 3 deliverables

102 104

vi references 1 bibliography 2 image sources

i introduction “kim liên city” transformations of a post-war subsidy-era collective housing area in hanoi


Hanoi, the Vietnamese capital, epitomises a dynamic growing Asian organism of the XXI century. Since the late 1980s, the city’s economic and urban growth represent great potentials to exploit, but challenges also rise as population increase requires better education, healthcare, infrastructure and urban planning. Indeed, Hanoi has been witnessing a highspeed urbanisation process which puts at risk its locality. This means culture, traditions, habits and customs are sometimes overlooked for the benefit of instant efficiency and shortterm vision. In other words, quantity often outweighs quality and persistence, and a reasoned sustainable development strategy is somewhat missing. 008

The first effort of the independent Vietnamese government in urban planning and architectural renewal dates back to the late 1950s, when the Communist Party launched the construction of several collective housing areas modeled after ex-Soviet social housing examples. This form of architecture continued shaping the urbanscape of Hanoi until the 1990s, and has become the symbol of the postwar industrialisation era of the city. However, during the last 30 years, these complexes have severely degraded, and are now considered irreverent, substandard or even hazardous environments to inhabit. Since the early 2000s, studies have been conducted on the situation, lots of questions discussed, and some official plans enforced. Nonetheless, the redevelopment proposals seem to lack of a focus on the core of habitation: the indigenous residents, their practices and ways of living.



This brings me to participate in the discussion on the future of these constructions by executing a case study on the Kim LiĂŞn area, which is one of the first projects to be erected and still remains emblematic of the whole spectrum. As a matter of fact, I feel the urge to research and thoroughly understand the local realities and potentials in order to project into its future. I then intend to propose a redevelopment plan for the area with a focus on multiple scales, from urban connections to inside the dwelling units. The aim is to develop room for understanding of the city from Hanoian standpoints, especially acknowledging how Hanoians observe, interpret, understand and create space in their city. I will therefore be using the “inside outâ€? approach (Nihal Perera, 2013): basing architectural and urbanistic choices on a truthful analysis of existing resources and needs. I look forward to combining, during the process, my own empirical knowledge of the site with the radical knowledge I have gained from Western education.

Throughout this program, I wish to depict the context, the issues to take into account, and my vision for the possible improvements. In the first instance, I will start by providing a theoretical background related to the subject. Thereafter, I will present the physical context as a tangible framework for the project, i.e. data on the city of Hanoi, the post-war Subsidy-era social housing network, and finally the site of Kim LiĂŞn City. Then, I will elaborate my architectural concepts and intentions, before detailing my design process, methods and mediums in the next part. The last parts consist of a repertoire of the references mentioned in the program. 011



Kim LiĂŞn collective housing area (view from above), Hanoi, 2016

ii background


rapid urbanisation and locality in question


ii 1

I intend to cite here the work of Nihal Perera, Professor of Urban Planning at Ball State University and Director of the CapAsia field study program. His researches focus on understanding contemporary Asian urbanisms in order to find, acknowledge, make visible, enable, and critically investigate placespecific, translocal, local perceptions and spatial practices in these cities. The mentioned quotes are extracted from his contributions to “Transforming Asian cities. Intellectual impasse, Asianizing space, and emerging translocalities” (2013, see Bibliography VI–1), unless specified otherwise. Since the beginning of European expansion, five centuries of Westernisation have erased much of the difference in the built environment that existed across the world. This homogenising effect on the built environment was caused by the successive, largescale, long-distance processes of colonisation, industrialisation, and modernisation, first emanating from Western Europe and then the West at large, including North America, Australia and proxy states like Japan. In addition, the voluntary emulation of select Western built forms and styles by local elites, authorities and architects in the name of modernisation, formalised this trend. This is most noticeable in “Western” buildings in Japan, Thailand, Nepal and China that were not subjected to direct

European domination. The process has escalated in the recent round of West-centered globalisation, making most central business districts look similar. This type of developments promote and privilege marketdominant minorities in the West, appropriating, suppressing and marginalizing Asia’s own creations and characteristics, in other words its “locality”. Perera then suggests to view Asian cities and their spaces as ‘translocaties’, places that are locally produced but connected to, influenced by, and influencing localities across national boundaries. He also urges researchers to find a different narrative of the Asian city than the one present in mainstream literature, to pay more attention to theorizing and interpretation instead of adding more empirical material within extant paradigms; and to do so from vantage points that are more empathic to Asian citizens, displacing Western, national and corporate narratives. There is no cognition without concepts, no recognition without preconception, and comprehension depends on assumptions. It is the limited visibility and lack of thorough understanding of Asian urbanisms which pushes me to embark on this project, to give insights on the issues and hopefully launch interesting discussions.


critical vernacularism and inside-out transformativity

The concept of “critical vernacularism” was developed by Nihal Perera as an attempt to understand architecture emerging from Asia that is neither authentic, nor national, without looking from a predetermined, totalising view of the global built environment.


ii 2

Vernacular architecture –on one hand– is created based on local needs, availability of construction materials and reflecting local traditions. Colonial architecture –on the other hand– is imported from outside and imposed on the existing physical and sociocultural context. However, culture is not static, hence indigenous cultures cannot be destroyed by colonialism or other Western forms of dominance. Colonised cultures proved to be “so resilient and transformative that they have changed the character of imperial culture itself”. Upon the arrival of foreign inputs, the local community –equipped with tradition, intuition and empirical knowledge– start to resist, adapt and transform from inside out. Resistance always operates to contest and disturb the dominant and is fully effective only when it utilises the capacity of culture, change and adaptation, when it fullfills its own potential to transform. (B. Ashcroft, 2001) The familiarisation of space involves both the adaptation of subjects to assigned social and spatial positions

and the modification of abstract spatial structures to accommodate their daily activities and cultural practices, creating new spaces. For this reason, we can observe today in Asian urban spaces and architectures the intersections of various ideas from a multiple of sources: foreign, local, traditional, vernacular, conservative, radical, mimicked, and contested. Asians do have their schisms which are intermediate in many senses. [...] Yet Asians, for the most part, do not think of non-native spatial ideas and knowledge as threatening, nor even as coming from specific places or peoples. Rather, they largely draw on other knowledges and use whatever works for them, economically, politically, and culturally. This draws a strong parallel to Tanizaki’s narrative on how the Japanese work with the existing rather than trying to eradicate it. Perera criticises the idea of “critical regionalism” as a late XX-century “diversification of architecture” –developed by Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre and globally expanded and popularised by Kenneth Frampton. Indeed, he sees it as West-centered understanding, transforming the non-West into knowable and controllable categories and quantities. He then defines critical vernacular architecture as a local-modern architecture capable of supporting contemporary functions through culturally compatible spaces with locally familiar or easily “familiarisable” aesthetics. He sees critical vernacular architecture as simultaneously modern (both in a Western and local sense), culturally accommodating, and place-specific.

Perera cites Ulrik Plesner and Geoffrey Bawa as architects who have adopted a “critical vernacular approach to architecture in Sri Lanka. Their buildings do not overpower the context but sit softly on the ground. As a matter of fact, this is how Bawa responded to regionalism: Regionalism happens automatically, coming out from the needs of the place. If you take tocal materials and the general feel of the place into account, the resultant building automatically becomes regional. I do not make it regional and I do not take regionalism as a creed. I just build what I am asked to build. Philip Johnson’s house in Connecticut is as regional as a mud hut. (Lim 1990) During the last decade in Vietnam, a new generation of architects have been developing a form of critical vernacularism which is highly appreciated by the indigenous. It goes back to the roots of local ways of livings and focuses on the use of locally available materials and construction techniques, while being in line with modern standards. It then creates a familiarisable environment and at the same time new spatial experiences for the residents. As much as it depends on the selection of elements and their development, the efficacy of an eclectic language like critical vernacular architecture depends on its composition.


iii context


Vietnam 1:10,000,000

Asia 1:50,000,000

Red River Delta 1:1,000,000

21°01’42.5”N, 105°51’15.0”E


hanoi, heritage and realities


iii 1

Hanoi is the capital of Vietnam and its second largest city. Though placed after Ho Chi Minh City in terms of geographic size and economic power, Hanoi remains the historical, cultural and —most importantly— political centre of the country.



3,328.9 km2 (municipality) 233.6 km2 of (urban)

Population: (2015)

7,587,800 (municipality) 3,435,394 (urban)

Density: (2015)

2,300/km2 (municipality) 14,708.8/km2 (urban)

GDP: (2015)

25.6 billion USD (3,500 USD per capita) Strong economic sectors: industrial production, trade, tourism, finance, banking


Gradually lower from N to S and from W to E Average height: 5 - 20 m above the sea level 3 basic kinds of terrain: delta area, midland area, mountainous area


Köppen Cwa (warm humid subtropical climate with plentiful precipitation) Average annual temperature: 23.6 °C Average relative humidity: 79% Average annual rainfall: 1,680 mm

and in the winter season (from November to April) is northeast. Hanoi —like most of Vietnam— is also under the influence of the dry, warm Föhn wind arriving from the southwest, between April and September.

Climate Hanoi has a subtropical monsoon climate. Two main seasons can be distinguished: the dry season from October to April, which is cold and dry, and the rainy season from May to September, which is hot and rainy. Overall, the city experiences a relatively warm and humid weather, with an average number of sunshine hours over the year around 1,250 hours. Monsoon direction in the summer season (from May to October) is southeast

For the reasons above, south-facing openings are highly appreciated in Vietnamese building culture. Constructions are in fact often oriented to the south to avoid influences of monsoons and winds, as well as direct sunlight.


Climate data Source MVA Asia 2006




35 318


288.2 265.4 239.9








130.7 90.1




5 18.6



0.5 23.4 0

0 1








Rainfall mm





Wind velocity m/s

Temperature ºC


10 km

Kim Liên City

10 km


Geography 1:500,000

Urban planning


Among other heavy ongoing changes, the development of infrastructure takes an important and pioneer position in that of the city. It is redefining not only the boundaries but also the organisation and functioning of Hanoi. The first “inhabited” Hanoi dated back to more or less 3000 years ago when craft and fishing villages were forming on the two banks of the Red River. However, the turning point in the construction of Hanoi city must be the creation of the Imperial Citadel of THĂNG LONG complex at the southern end of the West Lake in 1010 during the LÝ Dynasty, making Hanoi —for the first time— officially the capital of Vietnam. Up until 1831 when the name HÀ NỘI was born, the citadel complex had developed a political/ administrative centre within itself, then progressively generated around it craft communes, a merchant quarter (now called the Old Quarter) and an agglomeration of rural villages surrounded by a dike.

When the country entered the French colonisation period at the end of the XIXth century, massive modifications were made in order to urbanise Hanoi following models of European cities with a focus on infrastructure and transport. In 1902, Hanoi was made the capital of French Indochina; the colonial goverment gradually destroyed the citadel, set up instead a grid street plan and built villas (in the Colonial Quarter) as well as major infrastructures (bridges crossing the Red River) and facilities (post office, treasury, opera house, train station, hospitals, universities, churches, etc.). The traces of this urban masterplan are still very present until now, as well as the architectures which resulted from it. The two Indochina Wars (19451954 and 1955-1975) completely shook up the country and Hanoi in particular, lead to an after-war Subsidy period (THỜI KỲ BAO CẤP) of continued control on rural to urban migration and economic hardship between 1976 and 1986. From the end of the 1980s, after the launch of a set of economic reform policies (KẾ HOẠCH ĐỔI MỚI), the urban population of Hanoi increased substantially, followed by an urban development boom in the capital.

Plan of Hanoi, 1885

029 Plan of Hanoi, 1936

Plan of Hanoi, 2014



Formation of fishing and craft villages by the Red River (SÔNG HỒNG)


Foundation of the Imperial City of THĂNG LONG as the capital of ĐẠI VIỆT by LÝ THÁI TỔ


Named HÀ NỘI


Named the capital of French Indochina (ĐÔNG DƯƠNG)


Proclamation of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam by HỒ CHÍ MINH at BA ĐÌNH Square


End of the First Indochina War (French War)


Fall of SÀI GÒN, end of the Second Indochina War (Vietnam War/ American War) and national reunification


Launch of economic reform “ĐỔI MỚI” policies

Rural villages by the river

The citadel as centre, a main trade/ craft area (Old Quarter) to its east, and remained scattered villages

French colonialisation: grid plan urbanisation (French/Colonial Quarter)


Subsidy era: erection of a modernist, rational form of collective housing (KTT)

Rapidly growing urban population and demands for proper developments 2008


Approval of new urban development plan


Construction boom and discussions on the degrading postwar collective housing areas

Milestones in the history of Hanoi and its urban planning

Architecture Hanoi also has a historically charged heritage in architecture. The long periods of colonisation –mainly from Chinese and French authorities– brought to Hanoi an eclectic range of architectural styles. Among them, the Indochinese style –invented by Ernest Hébrard in the 1920s, a derivative of French architecture adapted to the local climate– stands out as the most successful model. It can in a way be considered as a form of critical vernacularism. Most of the remaining original buildings are located in the old centre (HOÀN KIẾM and BA ĐÌNH districts). However, their architecture has had a very strong influence on vernacular architecture all over the country. It can easily be seen in the different types of private townhouses, the most popular form of habitation in Vietnam. 032

Primitive tube house (1884-1900)

033 Adapted tube house (1900-1945)

Contemporary tube house (after 1945)

Evolution of Hanoi’s private housing forms – the “tube house”

Sino-Vietnamese Pavilion of Constellation of Literature in the Temple of Confucius - Imperial Academy Complex, 1070

Indigenous residential Old Quarter, XX century

Pre-colonial Vietnam’s Military History Museum, formerly French Army Headquarters, 1877 (A. Dupommier)

Neoclassical Hanoi Opera House, 1911 (Broyer, Harley & Lagisquet)

French regional Villa on Dien Bien Phu Str., early XX century

Sino-French Golden Bell Theater, formerly China Cinema, early XX century

Art Deco Headquarters of State Bank of Vietnam, formerly Branch of Banque de l’Indochine, 1930 (F. Dumail)

Indochinese Hanoi University of Pharmacy, formerly Indochinese University, 1927 (E. Hébrard)


Hanoi’s architectural heritage

Neogothic St. Joseph’s Cathedral, 1886

Subsidy-Era Modern Giang Vo Collective Housing Area, ca. 1970

Neomodern Vietnam-Soviet Friendship Cultural Palace, 1985 (G. G. Isakovich)

Neomodern Apartment tower block in Dinh Cong New Urban Area, ca. 2000


Eclectic contemporary Tube houses on Kim Ma Str., ca. 2005

Eclectic contemporary Hanoi Museum, 2010 (gmp Architekten)

Eclectic contemporary Apartment towers in Royal City New Urban Area, 2013

Eclectic contemporary Roc Von restaurant, 2015 (Vo Trong Nghia Architects)

an urban agglomeration in the making


iii 2

Old and new forms of urban housing juxtaposed in Thanh Xuân District

After the 2008-approved Urban Development Plan, one neighbouring province along with one district and four communes of two other provinces were merged into Hanoi, making its size grow by 3.6 times. Its population of now 7.6 million is perpetually growing, demanding a considerable improvement in social services such as healthcare or education, as well as in housing and urban planning, organisation and management. The city has, since then, experienced a rapid construction boom: existing inhabited zones are getting infrastructure enhancements; new urbanised areas are being created; skyscrapers are popping up everywhere, offering dwellings, offices, hospitals, schools, supermarkets, sport centres and shopping facilities.

Indeed, parts of the not-so-longago vast area of agricultural fields and wastelands of LONG BIÊN to the East of Hanoi have now become home for new luxury gated communities. The neighbourhood of TRUNG HÒA - NHÂN CHÍNH, once specifically used for resettlement housing, is now the model — and the heart— of the urban development to the West of the city, hence becomes one of the most expensively desirable areas for “modern living” in Hanoi. The landscape and cityscape of Hanoi are constantly and rapidly evolving, making any projection into its future possible and possibly very impactful.


Nature and urban nature Water (rivers, lakes)

Old quarters

Recreational green areas

Colonial quarter

Green ring, green corridor (project)

Current urban residential areas

Protective green areas

New residential areas


Urbanised villages



Green tourism


Urban area

Rural area

Healthcare - Commerce Sports and fitness Religious heritage

Agriculture Improved rural villages



Highways and national highways

Industry and high technology

Main roads


Bridges over Red River Infrastructure terminals and depots National railway system Metro system

10 km

10 km

2008 Urban Development Plan for 2030, Vision for 2050 1:500,000


In 1993, the Vietnamese government identified the triangle Hanoi-Haiphong Port City-Halong Bay to be the centre of development of the North of Vietnam, and has since put efforts in improving infrastructure between these cities. Alongside the decision of expanding the capital (especially to the West and the South), the need of an efficient transport network for the inner Hanoi and its metropolitan area —connecting it all together— becomes more primordial than ever. Cars are more and more favoured —by inhabitants and government— hence existing roads are revamped and new ones are built with new standards suitable for vehicles (as the example of the route pattern LÊ TRỌNG TẤN in 2016). Buses are getting renovated and a metro system project was proposed. Since the last Hanoian tramway line closed in 1991, the city has undergone enormous changes. Therefore, a rail network is considered an adequate solution to ‘modernise’ Hanoi in many aspects, amongst others architecture- and landscape-wise. The introduction to a more efficient and environmentally friendly transport mean is also considered the key to changes in the vision and appropriation of public space in Hanoi, where most of it is now for motorbike parkings and street food commerce.

Hanoi Metropolitan Rail Transport Project (Hanoi Metro) was approved as part of the overall transport development plan for the city of Hanoi by Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung in July 2008. It is financed by foreign forces such as the Japanese, Chinese, French governments and Asian Development Bank. The city expects to fully have the 8 planned metro lines by 2030, hence to raise the share of public transport from a current low figure of 9% of trips all the way up to 60%. However, delays, disruption and accidents due to the lack of an overarching authority to streamline efforts and a well-oiled coordination between contractors, along with resettlement and compensation issues, have sparked criticism on the project. The deadlines have been then pushed back to a more uncertain end.

Outline of routes for metro and urban railway network


Traffic in Hanoi during rush hours

Predicted growth on transport network by mode Source SYSTRA 2005

% 100 9.5 90


18.3 38.6


46.6 15.8

70 60 65.0



28.3 50.4



30 25.6

20 10



1.7 0 2003

13.7 1.7

5.9 1.7



3.9 1.7 2030

2003: 424,270 trips/day Average annual increase: 37% 2030: 4,677,708 trips/day

Rail + Bus


2003: 80,388 trips/day Average annual increase: 146% 2030: 3,242,274 trips/day


2003: 2,902,900 trips/day Average annual increase: -2% 2030: 1,155,890 trips/day


2003: 982,520 trips/day Average annual increase: -2% 2030: 391,482 trips/day



2003: 66,990 trips/day Average annual increase: 5% 2030: 150,570 trips/day

Transport modes

the post-war subsidy-era collective housing network

Kim LiĂŞn collective housing complex, 1960


iii 3

Social housing in Leningrad, Russia, 1967

The rise of an experimental form of collective housing After the victory of the Communist Party in northern Vietnam in 1954, the nation was divided into two states: the North and the South. While the North government started participating in the Vietnam War (or called the American War in Vietnam) against the South’s Republic of Vietnam and the American army until 1975, the North itself –and its inhabitants– started rebuilding their independent living from heavy damages of the war. Despite the country entering a long period of economic hardship (which will last until the end of the 1980s), important projects of planning, construction and development of big cities like HÀ NỘI, THÁI NGUYÊN or VIỆT TRÌ could not be neglected. Housing was undeniably one of the top issues and demands, hence the implementation of a new model of social housing with the help from the ex-Soviet Union. It is called in Vietnamese KHU TẬP THỂ (KTT), which literally translates into “area of collective housing”. From 1956 to 1990, approximately 40 KTTs were built, occupying a ground surface of about 5 million square meters (sqm), representing 7.5% of national housing capacity and 50% of that of the capital. The first KTTs to be erected were KIM LIÊN’s and NGUYỄN CÔNG TRỨ’s amongst others.

During this Subsidy Era after war, the economic system was entirely managed and controlled by the government. Therefore, the majority of Hanoi’s inhabitants at the time worked exclusively for state-owned companies. The new development of experimental housing was in fact a quite efficient response to the settlement of these state-owned workers and their families. The concept of KTT was based on urban planning knowledge and experience from the ex-USSR and other socialist countries, then grossly adapted to local climate and way of living. The main goals were to quickly fulfill the great amount of housing demands within the possibly smallest budget. Consequently, the primary structure was made of lowquality prefabricated reinforced concrete panels, which is an important reason responsible for the serious premature deterioration of these constructions nowadays.


Evolution throughout three decades The first design scheme is still present in the precursory experiments of KIM LIÊN and NGUYỄN CÔNG TRỨ KTTs. The exploited areas are relatively small (3-15 ha), with buildings of 1 to 4 storeys, placed at the city’s Ring Roads 1 and 2. Their organisation was not well determined, with no distinct groups of housing blocks nor a centre to the whole area.


From 1970, the KTTs were built with an average scale of 3 to 25 ha to accommodate 7,500 to 10,000 people inside 4 to 6-storey blocks, situated at Ring Roads 2 and 3, for example: TRUNG TỰ, GIẢNG VÕ, THÀNH CÔNG, BÁCH KHOA, NGỌC KHÁNH, KHƯƠNG THƯỢNG. The core idea of their design is to create well-rounded living areas completed with a mix of facilities –“cities within the city”– to support the lives of its inhabitants, such as nurseries, schools, cultural houses and shops. These areas are

structured around a centre within a reasonable radius to everything, and are rather centripetal towards themselves than open to their peripheral environments. An effort was made in introducing green areas to the more and more compact urban fabric, as well as enhancing social interaction and services. After 1980, the former scheme continued being applied to new developments of 25 to 50 ha, including extensions of KTTs from the late 1970s and new constructions like THANH XUÂN, NGHĨA ĐÔ, KIM GIANG. The latters have a lower construction density (25%), and an improved internal circulation system (e.g. wider roads) which is better connected to the infrastructure network of the city outside.

19 50


s ey tor


60 s 3

5 -1



s -4

19 70 s

s ey tor



2 3-

19 80



s -6


s ey tor

19 90





5 5-


s -6

and standardisation in design – from overall to details– allowed everything to be mounted in situ and shortened the construction period down to an average of 2 months for a 5-storey block.

Architecturally, the KTTs adopted the universally expanding model of rationalist/functionalist architecture (as discussed previously). Simple, symmetrical, repetitive geometry and volumetry reflect the interior functions, so do the details such as apertures on the facade or visible stairways. The typical plan is composed of a longitudinal hallway separating the dwelling units and the facade. The blocks are placed parallel to each other, oriented north-south to avoid the heat from the east and the west (according to influences of the sun and monsoons). The distance between two blocks usually is 1.5 or 2 times their height to ensure natural lighting and ventilation. Furthermore, the modularisation

In the past, the modern expression of the KTTs was highly appreciated as it metaphorised industrialisation and brought a new, stimulating appearance to the city. Nonetheless, the systematic application of this architectural style for massive constructions results in the lack of diversity and flexibility in the uses of those collective housing areas. There are indeed only no more than 20 spatial organisation models among a myriad of buildings in the 40 built KTTs.


N M ort on he so as on t






t as he n ut soo So on M

A fte r

F W Ăśhn in d


ht M

ng orni

S Typical orientation of housing blocks in the KTTs

li g













“Tiger cages” on the facade of a housing block in KIM LIÊN KTT

Deterioration and emergencies 60 years after the inauguration of the first KTT, the entire network is now in a highly critical condition, as the initial urban planning and architectural intentions and criteria are badly disfigured. The reasons are –amongst others– demographic pressure, economic and social shifts, changes in living standards and new urban developments in the city.


Internal infrastructure is overloaded, and external connections are poorly adapted to the far-evolved infrastructure of the city hors-les-murs. Indeed, the complexes were located at the outskirts of the old Hanoi (around ring roads 1, 2 and 3), where there was a great amount of open fields and an average traffic density. Today, the KTTs find themselves in the heart of the extended capital. The once exclusively internal roads have become common paths, even main axes of circulation of the city’s new infrastructure network. The housing blocks are now partly occupied by dense commercial activities, adding pressure to the small old streets.

Housing capacities are overloaded. As a matter of fact, families and their need for space and facilities keep on expanding, while the architecture itself remains static. In 2009, there were reportedly 9,300 people living in the complex of NGUYỄN CÔNG TRỨ compared to the aimed public of only 4,000 at the design stage. There could be 8 dwellers in a 24-sqm apartment (BÁCH KHOA) or 10 in 28 sqm (THÀNH CÔNG); the lowest livingspace-to-inhabitant ratio is only 1.5 sqm for each person.

VĂN CHƯƠNG KTT: As the family grows, the living room adopts new functions and often becomes a bedroom


KIM LIĂŠN KTT: Streets and squares are occupied by shops, street food stands and parkings for motorbikes

Architectural design is drastically modified, and structure degraded. As a result of inevitably vital needs for space, most households illegally transgressed shared and public space meant for urban nature and sport activities, turning them into permanent living areas. In consequence of the lack of efficient management and control from the authorities, people kept on building out of their legal limits, transforming the once rational design of space into an unstoppably growing organism. In fact, the primitive late 1950s designs provided the inhabitants with only one or two common areas of kitchen, bathrooms and toilets on each floor. People then went on to redivide all the floors to have separate spaces for each family.


Another typical solution is to extend the facades using iron or steel cage-like plug-ins. These facade extensions are nicknamed the “tiger cages” (CHUỒNG CỌP) –an architectural feature which even later became an iconic characteristic of Hanoi (found elsewhere in Hong Kong or China).

They are usually used as a space for stocking goods, gardening or drying clothes, and have made the facades of many buildings totally unrecognisable from the originals. More importantly, those not previously envisioned structures add a significant physical weight to the low-cost prefabricated primary structure, making the latter quickly deteriorate before ‘expiration’. Walls have been cracking, facades tilting, foundations sinking –among many dangerous changes. Along with that, as a result of the Subsidy policies, the KTTs lack of a decent budget for maintenance and renovation. Technical facilities are therefore severely damaged. It causes freshwater and electricity scarcity, flooding during heavy rains, and –above all– serious hygiene issues for the inhabitants. Besides, the intense use of economical fuels like firewood or beehive briquettes leads to heavy air pollution in such dense inhabited zones.

NAM ĐỒNG KTT: A typical “tiger cage” extension, heavily loaded with plants, air conditioning units or even motorbikes

THÀNH CÔNG KTT: The primary structure has been tilting and sinking due to additional weights ; even the later added-on X-bracing rods in steel are now in a critical condition


THÀNH CÔNG KTT: Walls and ceilings are damp and technical equipments harmed

TRUNG TỰ KTT: The smoke from beehive briquettes pollutes the air

Past solutions, obstacles and paths of (re)development Hanoi’s Department of Environment and Natural Resources claimed in 2009 the danger of 23 deteriorated KTTs including 450 buildings of 4 to 5 storeys, representing a total area of 1.5 million sqm, 27,000 households and more than 130,000 people. The municipality of Hanoi has been warned of the urgency to renovate some of the KTTs since the 1990s, but only until the early 2000s did the city promulgate an official plan for concrete solutions.


The first one is to ‘officialise’ the “tiger cages”, i.e. re-organising and regulating the ‘chaotic’ extensions. This answer came from the absence of a solid budget for complete renovation, and was applied to the D6 block in TRUNG TỰ, K2 block in THÀNH CÔNG, etc. Nevertheless, it did not resolve the problem at the core, resulting in impoverished interiors due to light and air scarcity, as well as in overoccupied common space and nearly suppressed green areas on the ground. This model, then, stopped being reproduced on a larger scale.

The second choice is to rehabilitate the blocks in question, and transform their functions, e.g. into office spaces (THÀNH CÔNG) or hotels (the 11-storey residential tower in GIẢNG VÕ KTT later became part of the infamous 4-star Hanoi Hotel). However, to receive this treatment, the buildings need to fulfill criteria such as having central locations well served by public transport or attractive surrounding landscapes. Another solution is to reconstruct the most endangered buildings into higher blocks providing a greater capacity of dwellers as well as more space for each dwelling unit. As a pioneer experiment, the former 5-storey A6 block in GIẢNG VÕ KTT with 80 apartments was demolished and turned into a 9-storey building with double the number of apartments. This project was at first well received by inhabitants and investors. Although, on account of the inadequate resettlement’s regulations, dwellers recommenced building unorganised extensions, bringing the concern back to its start. Height restrictions in some areas can be an obstacle for this type of development as well.

TRUNG TỰ KTT: Officialised “tiger cage”


GIẢNG VÕ KTT: The former residential tower turned into a part of Hanoi Hotel


LONG BIÊN KTT: Part of the residential block transformed into Lang Son Hotel

GIẢNG VÕ KTT: A new, higher block constructed on the plot of a demolished building


This last option also sparked criticism on the subject of considering the collective housing areas as historical, social and architectural heritage which reflects an important part of the country’s history that needs to be preserved. We should have learned lessons from the modernisation process with high velocity which can marginalise various characteristics and potentials of the existing locality. Therefore, the real discussion lies in the following question: Should these complexes be dismantled then rebuilt with new standards of contemporary universal rationalist architecture (as the one we are seeing rising up everyday in China), or should we put more effort in renovating, rehabilitating and reintegrating them into the urbanscape of today? Local architects have suggested the conservation of at least one of the old buildings in spite of the whole area being reconstructed, as a memento and a tribute to history. This space can be remodeled into offices for the KTT’s management board and/or a collective space for cultural events.

Another issue is the contradiction between the urge to augment the capacity and quality of the KTTs, and the aim of the sustainable urban development strategy to reduce the amount of dwellers in the city centre. Indeed, the improvement of the social housing sections would engender higher urban density and negative effects on infrastructure. The problematic traffic of inner Hanoi can worsen due to these redevelopments. An answer to this problem resides in the programming of the renewed “cities”. If the new integrated functions replace the former illegal activities but still benefit from the human resources of the KTT itself, this can be a model of urban ecology which centralises flows of goods and people, and resolves traffic overloads. Last but not least, land clearance and temporary relocation of the affected populations are also real challenges during the process. It deals with societal issues to a quite delicate extent, increases considerably the costs and demands more time for investment findings. Moreover, material waste from demolition (mostly steel and concrete) needs to be recycled (as pavements or median strips for instance) in prevention of pollution.


NGUYỄN CÔNG TRỨ KTT: The project of total demolition and reconstruction started in 2002 and approved in 2009

NGUYỄN CÔNG TRỨ KTT: The new constructions began in 2013 and the first two blocks were delivered in 2016

the site: kim liĂŞn city


iii 4

The collective housing area of KIM LIÊN –or as I would like to call it Kim Liên City (KLC)– is one of the first collective housing areas to be built in Hanoi in the late 1950s. It is located right outside the southern edge of Ring Road 2, with its east side facing GIẢI PHÓNG road –a major north-south axis of the city, and a segment of the country’s former National Route 1A. It is part of ĐỐNG ĐA district, the most densely populated district of Hanoi. In terms of surface area, KLC gradually grows throughout the years and currently counts no less than 41 hectares. It is not simply a space for social housing as it was initially designed, but has developed into an integral complex containing a complete range of socio-economic activities. In fact, it encompasses –besides housing– educational institutions (all levels from kindergarten to high school),

healthcare centres (hospitals and cliniques), offices (public and private), all commercial services from supermarkets to restaurants to clothing shops, and facilities for leisure activities. Many of the local residents also work in the area, which strengthens its social fabric even more. Therefore, Kim Liên is somewhat self-sufficient and can be considered a city within the city of Hanoi. Nevertheless, it remains strongly connected to the rest, and plays an important role in generating the energy of the capital. For the reasons above, I decided to choose KLC as the site for this project. Kim Liên embodies the common typical features of a KTT, but at the same time stands out as a distinctive part of the urban fabric and symbolises the “inside out” dynamism of growing Asian cities. 061

















SỞ STATION 2 Mapping of Hanoi: ring roads, metro lines, district divisions, landmarks and main KTTs 1:20,000

500 m


















Kim LiĂŞn City

Aerial image of Hanoi 1:10,000

In addition to a large number of private townhouses, there are now 60 housing blocks in Kim Liên City. 56 of them were built between the late 1950s and the early 1990s, and have similar architectural expressions: 3 to 6 storeys, symmetrical plans and rationally repetitive facades. The other four are higher blocks, constructed in the late 2000s / early 2010s, when Hanoi started erecting its urban skyline. They occupy the northwest facade of the KTT, facing PHẠM NGỌC THẠCH street –a highly frequented fragment linking Ring Roads 2 and 3, filled with popular boutiques. The high-rises mix dwelling units with convenience stores and clothing shops, which defines a new era of housing typology with higher density and less contact with the ground.


As a pioneer experience, KLC quickly showed defaults in creating living spaces for the dwellers. Most of it has become even unlivable, let alone comfortable (further reasons are previously explained in III–3). However, in February 2016, when the People’s Committee of Hanoi announced the 42 endangered housing blocks –among all KTTs– which should be urgently ‘treated’, none of the buildings in KLC was

listed. Yet in the following May, the municipality revealed that a project of demolishing and rebuilding all 41 hectares of Kim Liên had been approved. Its 43,000 billion Vietnam dongs –1.8 billion euros– of investment aims to address different 2015 UN Goals (e.g. goals 3, 6, 7, 9, 11) and to create a better living for the residents. The plan includes: tearing down the existing buildings and constructing new tower blocks ; enhancing traffic network ; adding technical equipments, public facilities, green areas, and especially a 3-storey underground parking. At this point arise questions such as: Is Kim Liên City worth such a substantial rational change? Where in this massive eradication stand the users and practices which have built up the area to what it is and what it is known for today? Does this change equal the loss of locality and specificity? Or would it encourage, once more, adaptation and reappropriation from the local residents, hence strengthen the transformative character of Hanoi? The answer might lie in the making of this project, or at least, the latter shall open up insights and shed light on the subject.

Kim LiĂŞn KTT shortly after construction, 1960s

Man repairing his motorbike in the common courtyard

Newer and higher blocks, built in the 2000s

Man preparing lunch in between two toilets


Latest tower blocks, built in the 2010s

Elderly women sitting and chatting in the courtyard

An extended facade and internal road, 2010s

A street food stand on the edge of a courtyard


The everyday life of KLC’s locals in their soon-to-be-demolished residence


One of the proposals for rebuilding Kim LiĂŞn City

iv vision


scales of analysis and intervention


iv 1

I am approaching the project with an “inside out” perspective, starting from the site’s realities to develop a critical thinking on relevant urbanistic and architectural interventions. This process of analysis and projection will be conducted following 3 scales: First, the Large scale {L} first defines the integration and connections between Kim Liên City and the city of Hanoi, then examines the functioning of Kim Liên within itself, i.e. the physical, visual and functional balance between its different components. {L} identifies spaces and explores the relation among them: public – collective – private, built environment – open space, housing – schools – offices – services, etc. For this stage, I will concentrate on a selected area of 60,000 square meters to develop strategies based on the directions mentioned above.


The Medium scale {M} consists of a case study of one housing block in particular. Combining the urban strategies developed previously, tectonic studies of the current building situation, and its generous transformativity over the years, {M} searches for a coherent adaptation of the building to conform to the updated living standards whilst strengthening its own potential and capacity of further evolution.


Last but not least, the Small scale {S} focuses on the core purpose of the whole project: the dwellings and its inhabitants. It seeks to understand the essence of this urban living organism: how the local residents and their everyday life practices occupy and transform the space. This investigation will then lead to a discussion on the limits of adaptability that comes between flexible design and actual appropriation. Back and forth exchanges between the 3 scales will be maintained throughout the whole process.





“Space is socially produced and it affects social processes.” Nihal Perera and Wing-Shing Tang, 2013, p.3 (see VI–1)

100 m

100 m

Land use Housing Housing and service Education Office Commerce

Building function Housing Housing and service Education Office Commerce

{L} Land use and building function 1:5,000


100 m

100 m

Circulation axes External circulation Primary internal circulation Secondary internal circulation Metro line 2 (project) Metro station (project)


{L} Main traffic axes 1:5,000

challenges and potentials


iv 2

In this chapter, I wish to draw out, in duo, the present challenges in Kim LiĂŞn City, and the potentials for enhancements and developments which reside within it. In other words, the following paragraphs will weave links between the topics elaborated in Part II and III. Challenge 01: Incoherent infrastructure network with regard to updated urban codes As Hanoi develops its infrastructure, KLC shall take the opportunity to improve and open itself to the outer environment. In particular, the under-construction metropolitan railway system should be taken in consideration for this project, as will connect central Hanoi with its satellites, bringing new uses and users to the community. Challenge 02: Insufficient housing capacities The existing volumes have exceeded their limits to house inhabitants ; the spaces are borderline between livable and not. Therefore, my objectives are first to provide more physical space for each dweller, then to reflect upon new standards of comfort and imagine new ways of inhabiting that space while remaining culturally appropriate.


Challenge 03: Deformed functions and organisation Like most of public space in Hanoi, common areas of KLC have lost their initial function to motorbike parkings and commercial services (especially street food). I aim to find a new balance between public (L), collective (M) and private (S) environments, while preserving and redistributing the local activities that bring life to the area (e.g. street food, as it is part of the reasons which Kim Liên is well known for).


Challenge 04: Endangered structure The illegally self-generated evolution of KLC’s architecture is a proof of its dynamism and the somewhat inevitable vernacularism in Vietnam. It is also part of the city’s architectural heritage, which we shall respect and protect. For this reason, instead of totally dismantle the existing, I wish to ‘cope with the shadows’, i.e. to review the situation and rebuild the area from itself while bringing my own vision for its future. During the process, I shall take into account specific climate conditions and local resources. But above all, the place of the individual and the collective, as well as the indigenous ways of living, should not be overlooked in such a time of international expansion of urban development.

Challenge 05: Endurance in time Overall, the notions of time and temporality should be the reference point of the project. My idea for the latter is to imagine a nonstatic, transformative architecture, which I believe would be coherent to the perpetual transformations of Hanoi itself.



the ground, the roof, the tiger cage and the water tank


iv 3

In this section, I wish to present my attempt at theorising my personal knowledge of Hanoi into an architectural concept which can be used for observation and design. This has resulted in the following scheme constituted of 4 elements suggesting different scales and aspects of domestic architecture in Hanoi which I need to pay attention to during the process. The ground is the frame of reference for Hanoians. Indeed, the city did not have any building exceeding the height of 6 to 8 storeys up until the late 1990s, and still maintains a relatively horizontal living. The ground is the frame for all activities, from eating to sleeping to moving around. It also represents the collectivity and the community-based aspect of living in Hanoi. Therefore, the relation between inhabitants and the ground is inseparable from the development of a housing project. The roof symbolises protection and security –vital criteria for any human habitat. In Hanoi, people use the roof to create physical shadows and protect themselves from the rather aggressive sunlight during most of the year. However, their relation with the roof is contradictory. In fact, despite being in constant need of the latter, Hanoians avoid or even reject direct interactions with it. The last floor (right under the roof) is rarely meant to be a


living area, and usually used for drying clothes or gardening in multi-storey townhouses. As opposed to the highly praised concept of rooftop terraces in Western cultures, the roof is purely functional in Vietnamese architecture.


The tiger cage (as explained in III–3) stands for the general idea of in-between spaces which create dialogs and a certain balance between the private residence and the city. It is a distinct trait of the KTTs but illustrates a wide range of similar interpretations such as balconies, loggias or verandas. Most importantly, it embodies the dynamic growth of Hanoi and the intuitiveness of its inhabitants. The water tank represents the core of Hanoian domestic architecture. It is a functional element which has become an integral part of the building, and can be seen on the roof of any houses or housing blocks. It depicts the symbolic shadow within the house, its depth, its vulnerable side to be hidden –something abstract, profound, and least accessible. This is a facet to explore and preserve as well.




tiger cage

water tank

project statement / state of the art


iv 4

Kim Liên City –like other Subsidy-era collective housing projects– is a living example of the vernacular force in Vietnamese architecture. Indeed, during the last decades, the KTTs have transformed from a rational Modernist form of architecture into locally appropriated constructions, due to a process of non-controlled indigenisation. Hanoians, similarly to other Asian peoples, “produce their contemporary urban practices, identities and spaces as part of resisting, responding to, and avoiding larger global and national processes”. The search of a relevant and sustainable architecture and living should, consequently, counteract the Westernbased universal standards which are today imposed in plenty of new urban developments throughout Asia and the world.



For this reason, I aim to develop an architecture that is context-specific, transformative and transtemporal –in other words, to imagine more of a dynamic process that leaves room for change and evolution than a stagnant project. I wish to follow the steps of Geoffrey Bawa (Sri Lanka), Charles Correa, Studio Mumbai (India) and the current generation of Vietnamese architects to reinterpret and reimagine Kim Liên’s architecture with a “critical vernacular” approach. The decision of whether to demolish and rebuild, to renovate, to extend, to rehabilitate or to transform the buildings and the living environment they create, resides within Kim Liên City itself. I shall discover it after conducting a thorough “inside out” study of the existing realities and potentials.

Charles Correa, Kanchanjunga Apartments, Mumbai, 1983

Geoffrey Bawa, Hotel Blue Water Wadduwa, 1998

089 Studio Mumbai, Copper House II, Chondi, 2012

Tropical Space, Termitary House, Da Nang, 2014

“Bawa and Plesner do not simply borrow spatial elements or ideas, but derive inspiration from them and develop locally grounded designs. This is evident in the displacement of various opposites susch as inside-outside, natural-built, and local-Western by expanding the in-between spaces and infusing flexible thresholds between them.” Nihal Perera, 2013, p.250 (see VI–1)

v methodology


time schedule

February 05 30

06 04 06


Registration Mapping Analysis Programming


Strategic design {L;M}

Detailed design {S}

Visual presentation

Model 1:500 Models 1:200 Model 1:50

Program’s submission Group tutorials Field trip to Hanoi Critiques

v 1

Project’s submission


07 11 13

08 18 20

09 25 27

10 04 06

11 11 13

12 18 20

25 27

April 13

14 01 03

15 08 10

May 16

15 17

17 22 24

18 29 01

19 06 08

20 13 15

21 20 22

22 27 29



design process


v 2

Phase I In situ registration, mapping, analysis and programming 3 weeks Goals: The first phase is a precise study of the existing situation. As I am approaching the subject from “inside out” (Perera, 2013), it is only natural to start the design process with a total immersion in the site and a truthful representation of it. Therefore, a field trip to Hanoi is planned between February 21 and March 10, 2017. During my time in situ, I will first start by collecting as many information as possible, on different topics and from different angles. I will then proceed to graphically map all these information on plan and section drawings which I will later analyse in order to define the architectural program of the project. As a proof of the importance to the “inside out” approach, the registration phase stands as a main element of the project, and will be included in the final presentation. The two main themes of registration are: 1– the architectonics and the spatial qualities, and 2– the life of the KTT, i.e. the lives of its inhabitants and their ways of appropriating the space. The goal of this field work is to preserve a high degree of objectivity while collecting information, and then to merge it with my own empirical knowledge (to be theorised) of Hanoi (its rythms, habits and customs) to come up with a relevant program of intervention.

Tools: For registration: – Visual support: hand drawing, phographs and videos – Interaction: interviews with inhabitants to understand their points of view, their needs and expectations (to record the conversations if permitted) – Physical support: to collect ‘artifacts’ from the site if needed For mapping: – Annoted plans and sections – Categorised compilation of photos – 3D model I am also planning on contacting people who can provide good help on the subject, such as: Hanoi’s Department of Planning and Architecture, for further information on the history of social housing projects as well as support in drawings ; Hanoi’s University of Architecture and architect BÙI QUANG VŨ (who proposed a project of replanning KIM LIÊN KTT), to see the scope of the contemporary approaches to these issues from local architects. Expected results: (for Crit 01 on March 13) – 01 plan of the project area – 01 transversal section showing the relation between one building and its surrounding spaces – 01 longitudinal section of one building with detailed spatial registration – 01 booklet of photos (structure, materials, ambiances, uses) – 01 diagram of architectural programming



Example of registration in a section drawing: Kowloon Walled City (Hong Kong) by Hitomi Terasawa, 2014

Phase II Strategic design 2 weeks Goals: The second phase focuses on the Large and Medium scales (as specified in IV–3). The objective is to envision a set of strategies for the urban integration of the selected area, as well as the organisation of private, collective and public sections within it. In other words, I will define a global vision for the surroundings the chosen building. Tools: – Hand sketching – Diagrams, schematic plans and sections – 3D model – Physical model in 1:500 (see V–3) Expected results: (for Crit 02 on April 19) – Final strategic design explained through diagrams, schematic plans and sections in 1:1000 – Final model 1:500 Phase III Detailed design 4 weeks Goals: The third phase is about the Small scale and centres on ‘redesigning’ one building of choice and –most importantly– the users. I will deal with issues like structure, spatial organisation, circulation, functions according to local practices, lighting and materiality, all in close relation to the notions of temporality and transformativity. Tools: – Hand sketching – Study models of the volumetry in 1:200 – Detailed plan and section

drawings – 3D model and rendering softwares – Physical model in 1:50 (see V–3) Expected results: (for Crit 02 on April 19) – Study models 1:200 – Development in process expressed through plans and sections 1:100 – Visualisation tests Phase IV Further developments and representation 5 weeks Goals: The last phase is for finishing the design to the details, and representing the project using visual supports. The final visual presentation needs to be comprehensive, coherent, communicative of the project and the story behind it, and also representative of my own personality. Tools: – CAD drawings – 3D model and rendering softwares – Physical models – Booklets, to sum up the process and to provide complementary information which is not included in the main presentation Expected results: (for final submission on May 29) See V–3




v 3



{L} 01 – Plan 1:5000 : situation of Kim Liên City within Hanoi and connections with the outer environments

– Model 1:500 (150 x 150 cm) of the redeveloped area – Study models 1:200 (35 x 5 cm) of the volumetry – Sectional model 1:50 (150 x 30 cm) of the selected building

{M} 02 – Plan + strategic sections 1:1000 : re-planning the selected area 03 + 04 – “Cropped” axonometrics 1:500 or 1:200 : more detailed examples of the strategies with a focus on the relation between buildings and public spaces {S} 05 – Plans 1:100 : all levels of the redeveloped building of choice 06 – (Perspective) Longitudinal section 1:50 : one building as a timeline of development from past to present with a vision for the future (including the registration drawing from phase I to manifest the idea of transtemporality and transformativity) 07 – 2 portions of plan + 2 transversal sections 1:50 : interiors 08 + 09 – Axonometrics or sections 1: 20 : details and materials 10 + 11 – Visualisations


Booklets: – Program – Mapping of data on Hanoi and Kim Liên City – Photographs of ambiences, materials and practices – Interviews – Design process – References – Sketchbook The presentation plan and list of deliverables are subject to change. 099









Presentation plan 1:50



vi references




vi 1

Main reference:


Perera Nihal, Tang Wing-Shing (ed.), Transforming Asian cities. Intellectual impasse, Asianizing space, and emerging translocalities, Routledge, Abingdon, 2013.

Gardner Edward, Fruneaux Christiaan (ed.), Tokyo Totem. A guide to Tokyo, Flick Studio, Tokyo, 2015.

including the following articles: Perera Nihal, Tang Wing-Shing, “Introduction: in search of Asian urbanisms: limited visibility and intellectual impasse”, pp.1-19. Perera Nihal, “Critical vernacularism: multiple roots, cascades of thought, and the local production of architecture”, pp.7893. Zhao Yeqin, “Housing and citizenship rights of rural migrants in urban China: the case of Yuanhenong, Shanghai”, pp.94-111. Leung Hon-Chu, “Contests over community: a community organisation in Hong Kong”, pp.164176. Perera Nihal, “Conclusions: Asianizing Asian cities: spatial stories, local voices, and emerging translocalities”, pp.243-261.

Gerard Greg, Lambot Ian, City of Darkness. Life in Kowloon Walled City, Watermark Publications (UK), Hong Kong, 1993 (first edition). Gerard Greg, Lambot Ian (ed.), City of Darkness. Revisited, Watermark Publications (UK), China, 2014. Knapp G. Ronald (ed.), Chinese landscapes. The village as place, University of Hawaii Press, USA, 1992. Mahabubhani Kishore, Can Asians think?, Marshall Cavendish Editions, Singapore, 2009 (fourth edition). Nguyen Phu Duc, “Điều tiết quy hoạch xây dựng trên đất khu tập thể cũ ở Hà Nội” in Vietnam Urban Journal, Hanoi, 05-2011, pp.38-43. Tanizaki Jun’ichiro, In praise of shadows, Leete’s Island Books, Sedgwick, 1977. Websites:


image sources


vi 2

p. 013 – p. 027 – Aerial image from EarthExplorer p. 029 – From above to below: ; ; p. 034 – From left to right, above to below: ; ashui. com ; ; ; ashui. com ; Harrison Forman, ngoquyen. org ; ;

p. 051 – François Carlet-Soulages, ; p. 052 – p. 053 – François Carlet-Soulages, p. 055 – From above to below: ; ; ; p. 057 – All from p. 059 – All from

p. 035 – From left to right, above to below: ; ashui. com ; ; Constance Leurent ; ; Marcus Bredt, ; ; Le Anh Duc, p. 036 – François Carlet-Soulages,

p. 062 to p. 065 – Aerial image from Google p. 067 – From left to right, above to below: ; reds. vn ; ; ; ; ; François Carlet-Soulages, noipictures. ;

p. 040 – p. 068 – p. 041 – Kham/Reuters, p. 044 – From above to below: ; p. 049 – From left to right, above to below: ; ashui. com ; ; François CarletSoulages, noipictures.photoshelter. com ; ; ; ;

p. 069 – p. 081 – All from p. 089 – From above to below, left to right: ; ; ; p. 096 –


“kim liên city” transformations of a post-war subsidy-era collective housing area in hanoi bui quy son master’s thesis, spring 2017 under the supervision of tom mose the royal danish academy of fine arts schools of architecture, design and conservation institute of architecture and design spatial design, perception and detail

Kim Liên City / Volume 1  

Bùi Quý Sơn - Master's Thesis in Architecture at The Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts, Copenhagen, Summer 2017.

Kim Liên City / Volume 1  

Bùi Quý Sơn - Master's Thesis in Architecture at The Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts, Copenhagen, Summer 2017.