S&D Group Conference on the Middle East Peace Process
Well, the settlers in the West Bank are divided into four groups. One: those who would remain in Israel, under Israeli sovereignty, due to land swaps. Two: those who would gladly return to the other side of the 1967 borders, as their presence in the West Bank is a result of economic considerations (the West Bank offers cheaper housing than Jerusalem). Three: the hardcore ideologists, who are also split into two groups – those who, despite their hardcore ideologies, will respect the government’s decision and return to Israel, and those who will use violence to remain there. However, as our ambassador said, we know how to take care of the latter. Four: a minority of Jewish people who would choose to remain under the sovereignty of an independent Palestinian state, a group that deserves more attention. For just as we are happy to have and live with a 20% Palestinian minority, there is no reason why this should not be the case for the 5%, 6%, or 10% of the Jewish minority living in the (future) Palestinian state. This could contribute to the economy of the newly created Palestine; it will solve a lot of political problems for Prime Minister Netanyahu, and it will pull the carpet from under the rightists’ feet, who are claiming that a two-state solution will fail because some people (settlers) would really want to stay in the Palestinian state. The Palestinian state would be effectively based on the 1967 borders, preserving its space, contiguity, and natural resources, all the while offering Jews the right to remain either on an individual or a communal basis, based on a mutual agreement, of course. For we often talk about the right to return but never about the right to remain. In that case, all settlement structures remaining within the borders of the new Palestinian state would be converted into civil communities under the Palestinian sovereignty. We should also speak about whether they (the Jewish settlers) should become full citizens or residents (of the future Palestinian state) at the primary stages. Another suggestion would be that all existing physical and economic settlement infrastructures be preserved, including industries, industrial zones, and cultural establishments. They should be part of the Palestinian economy rather than thrown to the garbage. Lastly, by adopting this option, we will achieve equitable outcomes to meet the key national aspiration of both people, despite challenging geographical strains and while preserving the distinct national character of both states. Thus, we need to propose the establishment of two, independent sovereign nation states, principally along the 1967 borders, all the while granting and
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