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Méthode RehabiMed Architecture Traditionnelle Méditerranéenne I. Réhabilitation Ville et Territoire

RehabiMed Method Traditional Mediterranean Architecture

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Método RehabiMed Arquitectura Tradicional Mediterránea I. Rehabilitación Ciudad y Territorio

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I. Rehabilitation Town & Territory

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Méthode RehabiMed Architecture Traditionnelle Méditerranéenne I. Réhabilitation Ville et Territoire

RehabiMed Method Traditional Mediterranean Architecture

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Método RehabiMed Arquitectura Tradicional Mediterránea I. Rehabilitación Ciudad y Territorio

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I. Rehabilitation Town & Territory

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9 THIS PROGRAMME IS FINANCED BY THE EUROPEAN UNION

EUROMED

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EUROMED HERITAGE

12 AGENCIA ESPAÑOLA DE COOPERACIÓN INTERNACIONAL

COL·LEGI D’APARELLADORS I ARQUITECTES TÈCNICS DE BARCELONA

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Consortium RehabiMed: Project Manager: Xavier CASANOVAS Members: Ministry of Communications and Works Department of Antiquities of Cyprus Person in charge: Evi FIOURI Bureau Culturel de l'Ambassade de la République Arabe d'Egypte en France Supreme Council of Antiquities, Egypt Persons in charge: Mahmoud ISMAÏL and Wahid Mohamed EL-BARBARY Col·legi d’Aparelladors i Arquitectes Tècnics de Barcelona, Spain Persons in charge: Xavier CASANOVAS Ecole d’Avignon, France Persons in charge: Gilles NOURISSIER Centre Méditerranéen de l'Environnement Marrakech, Morocco Persons in charge: Moulay Abdeslam SAMRAKANDI Institut National du Patrimoine, Tunisia Persons in charge: Mourad RAMMAH

Director: Xavier CASANOVAS Coordination of the volumes: Oriol CUSIDÓ Ramon GRAUS Amèlia MARZAL Development and drafting of the method: Oriol CUSIDÓ Ramon GRAUS

Network of experts of the RehabiMed Consortium: Cyprus Persons in charge: Evi FIOURI and Irene HADJISAVVA Constantinos ALKIDES Athina ARISTOTELOUS-CLERIDOU Michael COSMAS Eliana GEORGIOU Kyriakos KOUNDOUROS Yiola KOUROU Athina PAPADOPOULOU Agni PETRIDOU Eleni PETROPOULOU Maria PHILOKYPROU Eleni PISSARIDOU Socrates STRATIS Egypt Persons in charge: Mahmoud ISMAÏL and Wahid EL-BARBARY Mahmoud ABD EL MAGEED Mahmoud EL-ALFY Mohamed ELARABY Philippe HEARINGER Hany HELAL Bernard MAURY Mohamed SIEF AL-YAZEL Spain Persons in charge: Oriol CUSIDÓ and Ramon GRAUS Martí ABELLA Josep ARMENGOL Santiago CANOSA

Cèsar DÍAZ GÓMEZ Albert FUSTER José Luis GARCÍA GRINDA Soledad GARCÍA MORALES José Luis GONZÁLEZ MORENO-NAVARRO María-José JIMÉNEZ José Manuel LÓPEZ OSORIO Carmen MARZO Irene MARZO Camilla MILETO Joaquín MONTÓN Josep MUNTAÑOLA Francisco POL Emilio RAMIRO Pere ROCA Cristina THIÓ Fernando VEGAS Antoni VILANOVA Montserrat VILLAVERDE France Persons in charge: René GUERIN and Patrice MOROT-SIR Xavier BENOIST Christophe GRAZ Maria LÓPEZ DÍAZ Michel POLGE Jean-Alexandre SIRI Christian THIRIOT Véronique WOOD Morocco Persons in charge: Abderrahim KASSOU and Quentin WILBAUX Karim ACHAK Mohamed BOUAZZAOUI Hicham ECHEFAA Jamal-Eddine EL-GHORAFI Ameziane HASSSANI Oum-Kaltoum KOBBITE Said LOQMANE Abdellatif MAROU Ahmed OUARZAZI Tunisia Persons in charge: Radhia BEN M’BAREK and Abdellatif GHILENE Mourad RAMMAH Mohamed KERROU Collaborating experts in other Mediterranean countries: Nur AKIN (Turkey) Nazmi AL-JUBEH (Palestine) Mustafa AL-NADDAF (Jordan) Ziad AL-SAAD (Jordan) Suad AMIRY (Palestine) Koksal ANADOL (Turkey) Carlo ATZENI (Italy) Abdelaziz BADJADJA (Algeria) Kurtel BELMA (Turkey) Demet BINAN (Turkey) Can BINAN (Turkey) Andrea BRUNO (Italy) Khaldun BSHARA (Palestine) Yotam CARMEL (Israel) Banu ÇELEBIO⁄LU (Turkey) Vito CENTRONE (Italy) Nathalie CHAHINE (Lebanon) Ofer COHEN (Israel) Michel DAOUD (Lebanon) Habib DEBS (Lebanon) Michelangelo DRAGONE (Italy) Reuven ELBERGER (Israel) Tal EYAL (Israel) Fabio FATIGUSO (Italy) Antoine FISCHFISCH (Lebanon) Yael FUHRMANN-NAAMAN (Israel) Giovanni FURIO (Italy) Sinan GENIM (Turkey) Feyhan INKAYA (Turkey)

Monther JAMHAWI (Jordanie) Oussama KALLAB (Lebanon) Nikolaos KALOGIROU (Greece) Vito LAUDADIO (Italy) Yasmine MAKAROUN BOU ASSAF (Lebanon) Moshe MAMON (Israel) Hilmi MARAQA (Palestine) Filipe MARIO LOPES (Portugal) Nikolaos MOUTSOPOULOS (Greece) Farhat MUHAWI (Palestine) Yael F. NA’AMAN (Israel) Yassine OUAGENI (Algeria) Alkmini PAKA (Greece) Rubi PELED (Israel) Avi PERETS (Israel) Simona PORCELLI (Italy) Bougnerira-Hadj QUENZA (Algeria) Cristina Scarpocchi (Italy) Sinan SENIL (Turkey) Haluk SEZGIN (Turkey) Mai SHAER (Jordan) Yaacov SHAFFER (Israel) Ram SHOEF (Israel) Giambattista DE TOMMASI (Italy) Shan TSAY (Jordan) Fandi WAKED (Jordan) Eyal ZIV (Israel)

Scientific Committee of the Rehabimed Project: Brigitte COLIN (UNESCO) Josep GIRALT (IEMed) Paul OLIVER (Oxford Brookes University)

English translation: Elaine FRADLEY ADDENDA Illustrations: Joan CUSIDÓ Photographic material: RehabiMed, CORPUS and CORPUS Levant teams. Other sources are indicated with the photo. Graphic design: LM,DG : Lluís MESTRES Website: www.rehabimed.net © 2007 Col·legi d’Aparelladors i Arquitectes Tècnics de Barcelona pour le consortium RehabiMed Bon Pastor, 5 – 08021 Barcelona, Espagne rehabimed@apabcn.cat ISBN : 84-87104-78-9

RehabiMed wish to encourage the reproduction of this work and the diffusion of its contents, with due mention of its source. This project is financed by the Euromed Heritage programme of the European Union and by the Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional (AECI). The opinions expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect the position of the European Union or its member states.


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Introduction The first Euromediterranean Conference of heads of state in 1995 saw the launch of the Barcelona process, an ambitious initiative ratified in 2005 at the Barcelona +10 Summit. The priority objectives are intended to seek sociopolitical, economic, cultural and environmental synergies from a regional and mutual development viewpoint. It was within this context that the Euromed Heritage Programme emerged in 1998, to contribute towards the improvement and protection of the diverse heritage shared by the different Mediterranean countries. Traditional architecture, as an essential part of the cultural legacy generated by the collective imagination of the Mediterranean, plays an important part in the actions carried out by Euromed Heritage. In their first years, CORPUS and CORPUS Levant carried out an enormous task cataloguing and analysing the characteristics and typologies of traditional Mediterranean architecture, identifying the problems presented and suggesting the best alternatives for preserving it. RehabiMed wanted to continue this stage of analytical study to develop the essential ideas arising from the needs and urgent requirements detected by these projects – promoting effective, respectful rehabilitation.

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Today, in a globalised world, where economic and cultural uniformity mark the development criteria to be followed based on standard patterns, RehabiMed's proposal is even more meaningful. Rehabilitation counteracts the idea of globalisation, and regional wealth, cultural diversity, different ways of life and particular local features become essential elements to be preserved.

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There are many public and private initiatives aimed at recovering constructed heritage; some are oriented towards singular, monumental heritage, which we call Restoration, and others, as is the case with RehabiMed, are directed towards more modest, more abundant heritage with a greater presence in the territory, such as traditional architecture in historic town centres, rural villages and dispersed throughout the territory. This is what we call Rehabilitation, always carried out to provide buildings – the majority of them without any kind of heritage protection – with a use. This activity involving action on what has been built presents a wide diversity of situations, if we look at the Mediterranean sphere. In European countries, rehabilitation activity represents almost 50% of total activity in the sector, while in the countries of the south and east of the Mediterranean basin, this activity does not amount even to 10% of activity in the sector, despite its importance concerning economic development and the social cohesion of the population.

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RehabiMed's aim is to reinforce rehabilitation activity and maintaining traditional Mediterranean architecture as a factor in sustainable (social, economic and environmental) development. Achieving this objective will allow us to move forward with two historical challenges that may appear contradictory but from our point of view are perfectly compatible and complementary: firstly, contributing towards improving the living conditions of residents, who are the people who give meaning and life to this heritage; and, secondly, contributing to preserving the historical and cultural identity of Mediterranean peoples. To achieve this aim, RehabiMed's approach has been to work in three directions. Firstly, we have developed some strategic and methodological tools orientated towards rehabilitation; alongside these, we have carried out various publicity actions and training for professionals in the spirit of the content of the tools developed; and, finally, we have launched four pilot operations with real rehabilitation work to test, experiment and demonstrate the importance, possibilities and positive effects represented by good rehabilitation policy.

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They have been three years of hard work, constructive debates and experiences shared with experts, with students and, above all, with the population directly linked to our actions, which has allowed us to meet the objective we initially set. We believe that the results are excellent and that we have created a good starting point for rehabilitation to get off on the right foot, giving meaning to the tools created, the training given and the experiments carried out. I am delighted to present the first volume of our methodological work, the result of the effort of more than 150 experts from different professional spheres in 15 countries. The texts in this publication contain the Guide for rehabilitation of traditional buildings, an essential complement to the RehabiMed Method, considered and drawn up at length to respond to the concerns of our collaborators and experts. In this case, a first procedural part has also been drawn up detailing the steps to be followed to rehabilitate buildings and offering a rich complement, with precise, clear, specific articles developing different aspects sketched out in the proposed procedure to facilitate their application and showing different situations sharing very similar forms of action in the rehabilitation of traditional buildings. All this will help the different professionals involved in the rehabilitation process to better apply their capabilities and knowledge based on tried and tested tools.

Xavier Casanovas RehabiMed Project Manager Barcelona, 30 June 2007


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RehabiMed Method Traditional Mediterranean Architecture Rehabilitation. Town and territory

Presentation 0. Introduction Traditional Mediterranean architecture A world in transformation. Architecture under threat Rehabilitating traditional Mediterranean architecture The RehabiMed method

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Part 1 Rehabimed method for rehabilitation of traditional mediterranean architecture An approach to the integrated renovation of traditional sites I / Rehabilitation as a process II / Objectives of the method III / Principles of the method IV / Phases of the method

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I. Political backing 1. Political will 2. Preliminary decisions

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II. Diagnosis 3. Analysis of the territory 4. Integrated diagnosis

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III. Strategy 5. Strategic reflection 6. Action plan

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IV. Action 7. Implementation of the plan

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V. Monitoring 8. Continual evaluation

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Part 2 RehabiMed tools An aid to renovating traditional sites I. Political backing Tool 1. concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Tackling renovation today. The case of historic centres. Josep Armengol 55 Housing: renovation issues in France and the Mediterranean. Michel Polge 59 Heritage and the need to renovate. The case of Greece. Nikos Kalogirou and Alkmini Pakka 63 The value of traditional urban models. The case of Nicosia. Michael Cosmas 67


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Tool 2. Concerning preliminary decisions The framework of governance and public participation. Xavier Benoist Public initiative and citizen commitment: The example of the process of transformation of the historic centre of Barcelona. Martí Abella The agents involved and the difficulties of consensus on the nature of the intervention: the case of Islamic Cairo. Cristina Scarpocchi Defining the framework of governance and the agents involved. The Palestinian experience. Kaldhun Bashra

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II. Diagnosis Tool 3. Putting the emphasis on knowledge of the area Rehabilitating traditional architecture as cultural dialogue: concepts and principles for discovering and renovating it. Josep Muntañola Tool 4. Town planning analysis and architectural values The view of the town planner: traditional sites and their territorial context. René Guerin Heritage values of traditional architecture. The example of Italy. Michelangelo Dragone Modern versus traditional typologies in Algerian medinas. Bougherira-Hadji Quenza

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Tool 5. Analysis of economic parameters and socio-cultural values Which socio-economic parameters must be considered? Xavier Benoist The people living in traditional architecture. The case of Nicosia. Irene Hadjisavva-Adam The anthropological values of traditional space. Albert Fuster The social and cultural values of traditional housing. Yassine Ouagueni

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Tool 6. Recognition of historic values The historical view of territory and traditional towns. Montse Villaverde History, space and society in Arab medinas. Mohamed Kerrou

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Tool 7. Biophysical reading of the territory The value of landscape. Emilio Ramiro

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Tool 8. Taking residents' expectations into consideration Diagnosis as a result of a participative process. Carmen Marzo

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III. Strategy Tool 9. Concerning scenarios of future The role of historic centres in today's cities. The case of Islamic Cairo. Mahmoud Ismail The role of historic centres in today's cities. The case of Algeria. Yassine Ouagueni Opportunities for traditional architecture in the rural world. Experiences in Cyprus. Irene Hadjisavva-Adam

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Tool 10. Reflection criteria for sustainable renovation Some essential points on strategic reflection. René Guerin Renovation understood as a multidimensional process. Agni Petridou

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Tool 11. Priority objectives of rehabilitation The commitment to sustainability: well beyond environmental variables. Kyriakos Koundouros and Irene Hadjisavva-Adam Social cohesion: objective and tool for renovation. Filipe Mario Lopes The evaluation of traditional heritage: the case of Greece Nikos Kalogirou and Alkmini Pakka Commitment to sustainable tourism. The experience of Turkey Demet Binan and Can Binan Tool 12. Concerning the integrated action plan Tools for action to renovate historic centres. Josep Armengol Evaluation and choice of interventions in traditional environments. The case of Nicosia. Eleni Petropoulou Tool 13. Defining legal and planning instruments Towards an urban plan of renovation. Strategies for intervention on traditional sites. Oriol Cusidó Draft by-law. Defining the central regulatory text of the Renovation Plan Renovation manuals. In Italy and the Mediterranean countries. Carlo Atzeni Cataloguing heritage. A methodological process. Antoni Vilanova Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the mediterranean 1. Cyprus. The necessary development of local plans Kyriakos Koundouros and Irene Hadjisavva-Adam 2. Lebanon. The lack of ad hoc legal tools. Habib Debs 3. Italy. A dense web of legislation. Michelangelo Dragone 4. Tunisia. The difficult of applying the law in practice. Rammah Mourad 5. Palestine. Protection as a priority. Farhat Muhawi 6. Turkey. Conservation plans. Nur Akin 7. France. A policy of planned interventions. Michel Polge 8. Greece. Traditional heritage is not a priority. Nikos Kalogirou and Alkmini Pakka Tool 14. Defining the operational framework The necessary financial instruments. Xavier Benoist Public participation strategy. Irene Marzo The organisation of the decision-making process in Palestinian communities. Kaldhun Bashra The bodies and agents involved: the Greek experience. Nikos Kalogirou and Alkmini Pakka

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IV. Action Tool 15. Models for the inclusion of new architecture The inclusion of new architecture: between the historic and the contemporary. Andrea Bruno Architecture and identity: the Tal es Safa project – learning from the past Kaldhun Bashra Tool 16. Recommendations for planning open space The "open space issue" in renovation culture and policies in spain premises for intervention in open space in historic mediterranean centres. Francisco Pol The role of open space: two projects on Crete and Cyprus. Socrates Stratis

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Tool 17. Renovation of buildings For the introduction of a Methodological Guide to control building renovation schemes. Ramon Graus

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Tool 18. Implementation of new infrastructures In the territory: new infrastructures, new landscapes? Emilio Ramiro

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V. Monitoring Tool 19. Tools for continual assessment Observatory and monitoring indicators. Oriol Cusid贸 The application of GIS in monitoring cultural heritage. Constantinos Alkides

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Introduction

Traditional Mediterranean Architecture

RehabiMed uses the term traditional architecture to refer to everyday architecture that is alive because it is inhabited, essentially civilian, domestic and of pre-industrial construction. It is a form of architecture built using local resources, which covers materials, techniques and the skills of its constructors, and it is the fundamental expression of the culture of the different communities and their relation with nature and the landscape. It is an architecture that covers different forms of grouping and the scattered habitat with all its auxiliary constructions, not forgetting the more modest elements (fountains, paths, etc.), which, altogether, form the traditional Mediterranean landscape. RehabiMed focuses broadly on this architecture, including both the rural habitat, fundamental to the humanization and structuring of the territory, and the city, the clear expression of life in community and the optimization of resources and human relations, going beyond the filters of highbrow architecture to incorporate all the values of more modest forms of architecture. Rural architecture is primarily linked to systems of agricultural and livestock production, which, beyond a simple presence in a bygone landscape, plays a vital role in understanding the processes that have produced today’s landscape, the result of a social and a natural history. Rural architecture has always played a salient role as an element that structures the landscape in which buildings, crops and nature are in perfect balance, the result of a continuous process of change and transformation, a socioenvironmental reality generated jointly by biophysical and socioeconomic factors throughout history. The traditional rural habitat takes the form of a heterogeneous variety of built typologies which may be scattered or form small settlements. It is also accompanied by a large variety of auxiliary elements and constructions that are vital to the domestication of the territory (cabins, dry-stone walls, ovens and kilns, caravanserais, fountains, wells, mills, stables, granaries, etc.), and infrastructures (canals, paths, irrigation channels, etc.) which are the result of the historical interaction between natural resources and human ways of appropriating them that bear witness to the coherent hybridization of the biophysical factors of a region and the socioeconomic factors of the community that inhabit it. Urban architecture, on the other hand, is built in the context of a city or urban settlement, being the expression of a more complex form of community dwelling, in which artisans and traders predominate over the land-related trades and where ‘the new needs and forms of society find their place’ (Mumford, 1961). The urban settlement, though also originally linked to the rural space and to the need to commercialize farming surplus, appeared as a structure to dominate the territory, defined by Braudel (1968)

Elmali, Turkey

‘more than by its walls or the number of its population, by the way in which it concentrates its activities on the most limited surface area possible’. The urban habitat covers a large typological range, derived to a large extent from geographical differentiation and from its origin and historical evolution. This historical and morphological diversity not only translates as buildings, construction procedures or materials used, it is also the configuration of the urban form, expressed in the way of structuring and considering collective space (streets, squares, etc.), of organizing constructions and uses which, in the rural world, are scattered (sanctuary, fountain, fortress, etc.), of relating private architecture and public space, developing a greater variety of residential typologies that reflects more complex social structures, in the uses of buildings, in the singularity of its infrastructures (market, school, etc.), and so on. These settlements, which in days gone by exclusively configured the city as a consequence of its growth and transformation, now form an integral part of the contemporary city, where they play the role of historical nucleuses. It is, then, the form of traditional architecture that humankind used to settle and construct its habitat in the territory around the Mediterranean Sea, a palimpsest permanently rewritten by the relations between people and their surroundings, and which has today become cultural landscape and collective imaginary.

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Introduction X

Qalaat al Manika, Syria

Hacienda Algarrobo, Malaga, Spain

Rovinj, Croatia

Lucca, Italia

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Introduction X

A changing world. Architecture under threat

The inventories drawn up as part of the CORPUS and CORPUS Levant (EUROMED Heritage I) projects showed in 2002 the farreaching transformations and pressures to which architecture, landscape and traditional territory are subject. Today, traditional surroundings are in a dramatic situation throughout the Mediterranean Basin, reduced to a continuing loss of their social and cultural character, threatened by intense degradation and constantly on the retreat. Likewise, the breakdown of the traditional world and the tendency to cultural homogenization as a result of globalization have brought about disregard for much of this architecture, often considered to be a symbol of poverty with values and qualities that are far removed from the mediatized concept of modernity. Pressure on the traditional habitat began with the process of industrialization, though it was much accentuated by the modern movement and urbanism in the early 20th century, seeking new models of dwelling and building cities that could overcome the deficiencies of traditional settlements; it went as far as denying all functional, social and even aesthetic values, and radically placed ‘the new’ before ‘the old’. This process emerged at different times according to the country in question and whether we refer to the urban or the rural space. Today, in the era of the ‘global village’, when the metropolitan industrial city is turning into a diffuse metapolis and the borders between country and city are becoming increasingly hazy, the pressure on this architecture and the population that it houses is even greater. In the rural environment, many villages are becoming depopulated due to the lack of alternatives for development, and others are subject to violent transformation under the pressures of property or tourism-related speculation without the necessary urban planning. This contemporary urbanism is upsetting the historical balance between humankind and nature, and converting the rural landscape into a landscape without activity, where traditional architecture loses its meaning and original function, and is reused and transformed. In urban environments, the ‘historical nucleuses’ are affected by different problems according to each historical and regional circumstance, which we could summarise according to four main vectors of pressure, sometimes complementary or simultaneous, and with differing degrees of influence: nucleuses in the process of overpopulation due to migration (south-north or country-city) with the subsequent physical (over-occupation and modification of dwelling), social (constitution of ghettos, insecurity, etc.) and

Arnavutkoy, Istanbul, Turkey

Mostar, Bosnia Herzegovina

environmental (insalubrity, lack of comfort, pollution) deterioration of the urban environment; nucleuses in the process of depopulation due to the abandonment of the historic fabric for the city, with the subsequent loss of social values and the deterioration of buildings and architectural heritage; nucleuses affected by heavy-handed urban renovation work (demolition of heritage, destruction of the historic fabric with the creation of new expressways, incoherent insertion of new architectures), and, finally, nucleuses affected by processes of urban reinvestment, in which we can distinguish three main processes: the development of tourism, tertiarization (especially in historic centres) with the possible loss of the residential function, and gentrification (the installation in a run-down neighbourhood of residents from a

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Introduction X

Tunis, Tunisia

Aleppo, Syria

high-income bracket), all processes that can have a counterproductive effect in social terms. Institutions such as the UNESCO and ICOMOS have issued repeated alerts about the loss of this heritage. In this respect, mention should be made of the recommendations of the International Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas (Washington Charter) of 1987 and the Charter on Built Vernacular Heritage (1999). Both charters, in addition to providing criteria for intervention, stress the need for long-term action in the form of education and sensitization measures, involving the promotion of training and specialization programmes in areas of preservation of traditional architecture, aimed at technical professionals and politicians, who should head policies for the assessment and rehabilitation of this heritage, and seeking the complicity of the population, an active protagonist and participant in this shared legacy. It is in this context that the RehabiMed project proposes a series of measures to encourage the rehabilitation of this architecture on the basis of sensitization and training.

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Rbat, Morocco


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Introduction X

Rehabilitating Traditional Mediterranean Architecture

In its global dimension, traditional habitat has a great deal to contribute to a context of sudden changes and urbanization that is neither sustainable nor environmentally friendly, and is marked by a need for the reorientation of urban policies in order to reduce conflicts between humankind and nature, improve quality of life, encourage basic values of community life and call for the recovery of the existing territory and recognition of cultural diversity. For RehabiMed, the concept of rehabilitation covers a broad range of action with a view to recovering and updating a lost or damaged function—in this case, dwelling. On the basis of present-day concerns, rehabilitation means improving the action of dwelling by seeking a point of balance between technical aspects, the preservation of heritage values and criteria of social justice, economic efficiency and preservation of the environment (the three mainstays of sustainability). RehabiMed continues the task begun by the European Charter of Architectural Heritage and the complementary Amsterdam Declaration, both dated 1975 and promoted by the European Council. These documents put forward the concept of ‘integrated conservation’ for the recovery of run-down historic centres, based not just on the restoration of monuments but also on the promotion of actions to rehabilitate the fabric of dwellings and social measures. RehabiMed therefore proposes a methodology that addresses the rehabilitation process on the basis of integrating traditional space into a wider territorial context; from the global viewpoint of a multisectorial, economic, social and environmental approach; that is driven by a desire for coordination and calls for consensus of action between the various agents; that is flexible, due to the need for continual adaptation to changing realities; and, essentially, non-dogmatic, not claiming to produce single solutions to the problems of the traditional habitat in the Mediterranean, seeking instead solutions that adapt to the conditioning factors and specificity of each local context.

Thessalonica, Greece

Beirut, Lebanon

Istanbul, Turkey

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Introduction X

The RehabiMed method and its tools

The proposed method of intervention, aimed at the local authorities and all the agents involved in the restoration processes, seeks to help and facilitate the promotion, planning and management of restoration work of traditional architecture in its territorial context (rural or urban). Together with the method, we present here a set of tools to aid in the implementation of the different stages of intervention. This publication comprises two complementary books: a first volume which covers the global intervention strategy, considering the scale of the village, the city and the territory, and a second volume, centred on the intervention at a smaller scale, presenting a method for the restoration of buildings. Both books are structured around two main sections: a first methodological section which explains the stages and phases of the intervention procedures, and a second practical section in which specific tools are discussed in order to facilitate the implementation of the stages considered in the first section. The methodological sections are fruit of the work done by a network of Mediterranean experts whom during the first year of the project drew up the basic principles and the structure of the method. The texts of the method were debated at length, and then presented at a symposium in Marseille in 2005 and used as a conceptual base in the series of training seminars held in 2006 and 2007 in Nicosia, El Cairo, Kairouan and Marrakech. In the second sections of the books, a set of articles and texts are presented which were written by specialists in different areas. These are structured in accordance with the stages and phases considered for the intervention, and seek to serve as useful tools in order to facilitate and enrich their development. The tools are built from a diversity of approaches and issues by a number of different authors, in an attempt to reflect the wide spectrum of sensitivities and realities nowadays present in the Mediterranean basin. It is true that the method presented involves a high degree of commitment and perhaps has some points which are difficult to deal with from the reality of each country and each place, but we are convinced that setting a high standard will encourage the quality of the restoration of our traditional architecture in the long term.

Dubrovnik, Croatia

Gjirokastra, Albania

Santorini, Greece

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First part RehabiMed Method for rehabilitation of traditional mediterranean architecture

An approach to the integrated renovation of traditional sites


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RehabiMed Method for rehabilitation of traditional mediterranean architecture

I. Rehabilitation as a process The rehabilitation of traditional architecture has to be set in the framework of a process of revitalization and regeneration of the territory of which it forms part, whether an urban or a rural environment. It has to be understood as an intervention on both the physical environment and on the population it hosts, and the series of cultural, social and economic activities that define the ‘social environment’, with the main objective of improving the living conditions of this population as well as the quality of the area and the ‘built’ environment, maintaining and promoting its cultural and heritage values, and at the same time guaranteeing its coherent adaptation to the needs of contemporary life. Rehabilitation has to be a slow, programmed process of transformation with mid- and long-term objectives and no fast or sudden interventions. It has to begin with a firm political decision that leads not to the carrying out of specific projects but calls instead for action and ongoing evaluation in accordance with the evolution of the area and its inhabitants.

The mosque and bazaar are important parts in the configuration of the Muslim city, Fez, Morocco. Benevolo

II. Objectives of the method The objectives of the method are to order and systematize the stages of the rehabilitation process (from political will to carrying out and evaluation of the action), identify the tools and instruments to be used (technical, administrative and legal) for optimum management and development, and define the criteria that will allow reflection on the problems and the strategies to be established in order to guarantee the success of the process. The method, aimed at all the agents involved in the rehabilitation process but particularly at the public authorities—who must set themselves up as promoters of the process—and the experts commissioned with coordinating and managing its application, aims to contribute to the construction of an optimum framework for the rehabilitation of the traditional enclave, and the definition of overall guidelines for action that are coherent with the specificities of each place, going beyond the usual isolated interventions. RehabiMed presents an ambitious method of intervention, with the intention of sensitizing the public authorities and experts to the complexity of this type of process, which is usually approached too schematically (an overly general analysis and unilateral reflection producing, in the short term, isolated, partial actions without subsequent evaluation), often seeking merely immediate results, with unforeseeable consequences, compromised social issues or irrecoverable losses of heritage. The RehabiMed method aims to help to improve the process, creating an ideal framework of reference that also accepts that its application will depend on the reality of each country, subject to

The church (cathedral), the square of the city hall and the market are their counterparts in the Christian city, Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain. Busquets

very different legal, socio-cultural, political and technical conditioning factors. The method can be developed partially or with differing intensities in each of its stages, but the starting point is always the need for an overall understanding of the process and the acceptance of its principles: exhaustive knowledge of the sphere of action, broad-based social consensus in drawing up the strategy, consideration of long-term objectives, etc.

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RehabiMed Method for rehabilitation of traditional mediterranean architecture

III. Principles of the method The method adopts five basic principles in order to guarantee the success of the rehabilitation/revitalization process. Integration, understanding the traditional space, the historic city and the rural territory to be part of a larger-scale territory in which they have to be set and organized in accordance with their historic singularity, and not regarded as isolated enclaves. Globalism, considering a multisectorial approach to the process in economic, social and environmental terms, not from an exclusively technical or urbanistic viewpoint, defining an integrated strategy that strikes a balance between enhancing collective heritage and improving the population’s quality of life. Coordination, aspiring, by calling for a definite context of public action, to a new framework of governability in which the agents involved in rehabilitation (politicians, experts, social agents, etc., as well as citizens) become involved in the process and seek consensus as a basis for action as the true guarantee of sustainability.

Flexibility, accepting that the long duration of rehabilitation processes requires ongoing evaluation of action and the possibility of redirecting the rehabilitation strategy, adapting it to the frequently unforeseeable social and economic changes that condition the evolution of the territory. Adaptability, defining merely a framework-guide that facilitates the management of rehabilitation and does not claim to find solutions that can be generalized to the problems of traditional habitat all over the Mediterranean basin, accepting rather that the definition of strategies and proposals of action will be conditioned by the specificities of each local context.

IV. Phases of the method The method is divided into five phases of action, according to which we can identify eight key stages or moments in the process. Political backing. The process begins with the political will to act (stage 1), which includes the making of the preliminary decisions (stage 2) required to appropriately organize and manage the rehabilitation process: delimitation of the area of intervention, decisions as to the nature of the actions to be carried out and the definition of the framework of governability—that is, the organization of the intervention of the various agents involved in rehabilitation, and the participation of inhabitants. Diagnosis. Before deciding on a strategy of intervention, it is necessary to recognise the prevailing legal conditions and establish the area of action in the form of an analysis of the territory (stage 3), with a programme of multisectorial studies that is keeping in with the place and the political orientation adopted, and with recognition of the inhabitants’ needs and expectations. During the analysis phase it is possible to identify problems that were not noticed in the political orientation phase, leading to the need to reconsider orientation (phase 1). The analysis is used as the basis for the integrated diagnosis (stage 4), a report on the current state of the area, agreed by social consensus and with the corresponding political backing, with a detailed breakdown of its potentials and dysfunctions.

Aerial view of a traditional Muslim urban fabric, the medina of Tripoli, and of a European historic centre, Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain

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Strategy. On the basis of the critical points of the field of action identified in the integrated diagnosis, and by means of strategic reflection (stage 5) that takes into consideration a series of strategic and sustainability-related premisses, a series of hypotheses of action will be defined to evaluate its viability. The reflection process may reveal that the phase of analysis was insufficient, necessitating a return to phase 2 in order to complete diagnosis of the area. Once the feasible target scenario has been decided on, an action plan (stage 6) will list all the actions to be carried out in order to achieve it. The plan


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RehabiMed Method for rehabilitation of traditional mediterranean architecture

will be agreed by social consensus and approved by the politicians; it will then, together with the proposed projects and policies, implement the appropriate legal and working instruments to undertake them.

Action. This phase includes carrying out all the actions (stage 7) foreseen in the action plan (both urban planning actions and specific projects for buildings, open space, etc.), and complementary measures of a social, economic or environmental nature. In the case of building rehabilitation projects, the RehabiMed Guide for the rehabilitation of traditional buildings will be applied. Monitoring. The phase of continual evaluation (stage 8) of the actions will begin alongside the actions that are carried out. Evaluation, which will take place while actions are under way but also continue once they are completed, has to monitor the degree of compliance with the objectives established in the reflection phase. In the event of evidence that the actions do not produce the desired results or that the conditions of evolution are not as originally expected, it will be necessary to return to the strategic reflection phase or even, if the conditions of the territory are seen to have evolved, to the diagnosis phase.

Village of San Vitorino Presso Roma, of medieval origin. Benevolo

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I. Political Backing

1

Political will

TOOL 1

The rehabilitation process begins with the political decision to take action. This decision must be taken by the administration on the basis of the perception of problems affecting a given area, but it may also come in response to the pressures of civil society or at the initiative of the private sector.

Identification of problems The speed of economic and socio-cultural changes in Mediterranean societies over the last century has led to the rapid obsolescence of traditional habitats which are unable to adapt to such sudden changes in such a short space of time and are affected by a whole range of economic, social, urbanistic and environmental problems. The extreme diversity of the origins and historical evolution of the different typologies of Mediterranean habitat, the heterogeneity of its geographical and social conditioning factors, its different

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I. Political Backing

artistic and construction cultures, and different present-day economic and social contexts produce a correspondingly diverse range of problems. It is on the basis of a perception of the overall problems and negative tendencies that affect a given area that the political need to solve them should be identified. Different problems call for different responses.

Deciding on the need to act Public initiative has to head an intervention that will adapt the structure and use of traditional habitat to the needs of a contemporary territory—that is, that will promote its redefinition as an environment that facilitates rather than hinders present-day life. This is a difficult challenge for an architecture that is often marked by characteristics that make this kind of adaptability very complicated. The success of the rehabilitation process will certainly depend on the decided involvement of the public administration, as both the initiators and backers of the entire process, in which the area’s body of social agents must also be involved.

Political approach and justification of intervention The need for rehabilitation is not justified by the desire to preserve and value traditional architecture alone; its principal objective has to be to improve the living conditions of the population it houses, as well as improving the quality of the physical territory in which it is set. It is in this respect that the political powers have to accept that the necessary improvement of the population’s living conditions precludes excessively conservationist strategies and inflexible historical ties. With this objective as a point of departure, the rehabilitation process may be politically approached and justified as a way of solving a broad range of problems that are almost always complementary:

The main objective of the process of rehabilitating traditional architecture has to be to improve the living conditions of the population it houses. Albara and Apamea, Syria

an environmental viewpoint, with a view to improving environmental quality (pollution, thermal and lighting comfort levels, etc.) or optimizing the management of energy and physical flows (waste management, water cycle, etc.); and a heritage viewpoint, with a view to conserving and valuing built heritage, preserving and valuing the cultural and natural landscape, or rehabilitating and coherently integrating heritage into the requirements of present-day life.

a social approach, with a view to combating poverty, encouraging social cohesion and avoiding social exclusion, curbing processes of demographic regression and meeting the social and cultural needs of residents and users; an urban planning viewpoint, with a view to upgrading a run-down or declining environment, revitalizing the residential fabric and improving its conditions of habitability, enhancing open space and renewing and improving existing infrastructures; an economic viewpoint, with a view to vitalizing and diversifying economic activities or improving the attractiveness and integration of the area into its city or region;

It is necessary to adapt historic urban fabrics to the challenges of the contemporary city and to valorize the role of rural architecture in an increasingly urbanized territory

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I. Political Backing

2

Preliminary decisions

TOOL 2

Delimitation of the physical area of intervention It is important to exactly define what the specific geographical scope of the intervention is to be, since the smooth development of the process depends on it, from the drawing up of an exhaustive analysis of the area to the coherent definition of the borders of the planning area or the geographical scope of financial aid. The delimitation of the physical area of intervention, though sometimes a complicated issue due to the continuity of fabrics within a city or territory, may respond to several criteria; these are not always administrative or geographical, and centre on unity, be it morphological, typological or landscape-related, economic, social or even in terms of the feeling of belonging of its inhabitants. We basically consider three typologies of area: the urban nucleus, be it a ‘historic centre’ around which a town has grown up or any other old area that has been absorbed by an urban system the rural nucleus, a village whose economic activity is mainly based on agricultural and stock-keeping systems and which retains its historic characteristics unaltered or only slightly modified, even if it contains low-profile new buildings, constructions and elements, or one-off transformation operations have taken place the scale of rural territory, by which we understand an area of traditional characteristics in which scattered buildings are situated along with other types of auxiliary constructions forming a unity of landscape. We should point out that although we focus our action on a specific geographical area, it is important not to forget the adjoining territories, both in the analysis and in the strategic decision-making phase, since action on a given territory will have repercussions on adjacent territories. It is also indispensable to consider the relation and the insertion of our area of action within larger territories (town, agglomeration, region), reconciling local and global interests. For the application of the rehabilitation programme to be effective, it is advisable to accord the area a specific legal form in order to facilitate decision-making, the efficient management of the process and the implementation of actions. Legal regulation of the rehabilitation area is non-existent in most Mediterranean countries, and in some of them this legal concept is limited exclusively to ‘areas of protection or conservation’. Likewise, the legal concept of ‘rehabilitation area’ is limited almost exclusively to urban areas and historic centres, and is practically non-existent in rural territories.

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Three typologies of areas of intervention: a rural village in inland Catalonia, the territory of the river Llobregat delta, near Barcelona and Ortigia, the historic centre of Siracusa.


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I. Political Backing

Definition of the framework of governance and participation Governance is the framework of formal and informal rules (regulations, procedures, customs, etc.) that lay down the guidelines of interaction between the actors involved in a process of public decision-making. This is also, then, the case of a rehabilitation process such as we envisage. Governance is also the body of mechanisms by means of which citizens and social groups organize their interests, exercise their rights and obligations, and act as mediators in disagreements. As explained above, the role of the public authorities is vital as agents to promote and back the rehabilitation process. However, if it is to be successful, the process has to be managed by trained experts with the involvement of the other actors present in the territory, both inhabitants and other social groups involved (private companies, shopkeepers’ associations, civil societies, etc.), since they all have to be identified and feel that they are participants in a collective project. The aim of these rules of play, which in our case must also extend to the phases of analysis and action, is to guarantee the efficient interchange of information and initiatives between the territory’s various actors. At local level, the disparity of perceptions is frequent. Governance that encourages the sharing of perceptions among all local actors will therefore be crucial in advancing towards sustainability. The different groups of actors involved in the process are the public authorities, the teams of experts, the body of social agents and the residents and users. The public authorities, as explained above, will promote and guarantee the entire rehabilitation process. Their role is vital and has to involve the sensitization and involvement of the different sectors of society. As representatives of the citizens as a whole, they will be responsible for backing the different phases of the process and recognising their viability, particularly the joint diagnosis and the action plan, as the result of technical work and popular expression. They will establish the most regular dialogue with the technical team, which will inform them of the evolution and results of the process’s various phases. In the first phase of the process, they will decide the orientation and nature of the actions to be carried out in accordance with the political approach and justification. This initial decision, agreed by consensus with the technical teams, may be modified after the completion of the analysis phase. The authorities play a vital role in undertaking the projects and policies laid out in the action plan and the evaluation phase. The technical team (or teams, depending on the phase of the process), made up of the administration’s or external technical professionals, will be commissioned with the management and coordination of the process. The entire rehabilitation process is a technically complex operation

requiring a high level of professionalism. The team may be made up of architects and planners, but it also has to include engineers, sociologists, economists, lawyers, geographers, etc., to ensure the necessary coordination and dialogue between the various viewpoints and competences in the different stages in which it decisively intervenes (carrying out of the diagnosis, drafting of the action plan, etc.). The team will be closely related to the public authorities and share its projects with social agents and citizens. The participation of the technical team is also vital in the follow-up and coordination phases. The social agents (private companies, societies and civil associations, NGOs, public and private education and cultural institutions, etc.) will participate in both the diagnosis phase and in strategic definition, presenting their expectations and needs, expressing their interests and agreeing on them by consensus with the other agents. Their participation is also important in the action phase (private initiative, universities, etc.) in producing and carrying out projects and actions, coordinating their own with public interests. The inhabitants and residents have an important role to play in the entire process. As explained above, a rehabilitation process involves a great deal of technical knowledge and management, but it also has to be constructed with the participation of the territory’s inhabitants, who ought to be the first concerned. The exchange of information and initiatives has to take place between civil society and technical professionals, taking the form of debates, surveys, meetings, etc., in the different phases of the process (diagnosis, strategy and action). Forms

The inhabitants play an important role in the entire process, as it is they who give life to traditional architecture. Baalbeck, Lebanon

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I. Political Backing

of participation may vary according to the context and the social, technical and legislative conditioning factors of each country. The most difficult challenge is how to ensure that this potential becomes efficient participation that represents the body of inhabitants and social groups in the territory, a very vital aspect to guaranteeing real success and sustainability. The participatory approach requires ongoing effort and political will on the part of the administration in the task of defining the procedures and methods that will guarantee its effectiveness—that is, making it truly representative of society as a whole, defining the level, the moment and the content of participation. Nature and scope of the intervention The process requires initial political and technical reflection as to the nature of the actions to be carried out. This initial, intuitive reflection prior to the analysis of the territory and the collection of objective data will be conditioned by the type of problems detected and the political approach expressed in the orientation phase. This reflection will to some extent condition the programme of multisectorial studies to be carried out, though these studies may identify aspects that lead to modification of initial intuitive reflection.

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II. Diagnosis

3

Analysis of the territory

Prior to decision-making, it is vital to command a thorough knowledge of the area in which intervention is to take place, detecting its strong points and deficiencies as a basis for subsequent discussion and the determination of priorities and objectives. This knowledge of the area will be gained by drawing up a series of multisectorial studies and exploring the needs and expectations of residents and users, and knowledge of the prevailing legal framework concerning rehabilitation. Beyond the eminently urbanistic approach on which rehabilitation operations are usually based, the aim is to achieve a holistic overview of the territory in which a sectorial interpretation on the part of each discipline produces an integrated overview of the situations and problems involved. The diagnosis phase is particularly important, since the suitability and coherence of future proposals for action will depend on it and its optimum coordination and approach. Insufficient knowledge of the area may lead to erroneous conclusions, conceptual ambiguities and contradictory results.

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II. Diagnosis

Planning the diagnosis process

TOOL 3

A technical team will be responsible for coordinating the diagnosis. Its first task will be to draw up a programme of sectorial studies, specifying the type of studies to be carried out and how they should be coordinated in order to optimize resources and ensure the coherence of the whole. The technical team’s objective is to guarantee a plural, overall interpretation of the territory, over and above the partial views of each study. The type of studies will be conditioned by the typology of the area of action and by the nature of the actions defined. The studies will be commissioned to technical professionals specializing in the various subjects; it is important for the technical professionals to be sensitized to and trained in heritage issues to be able to detect heritage values in the built environment (architectural, social, etc.) and direct discussion towards the possibilities of preservation and rehabilitation. Another function of the technical team is management of the contributions of civil society in the area (artisans, small industry, tertiary sector, residents and users, etc.) with a view to constructing a diagnosis in accordance with overall interests. The diagnosis development programme will specify the time, level and form of the participation of civil society, which also has to take place in the course of the different sectorial studies, as applicable (sociological, mobility, psychological studies, etc.) Finally, the technical team will be responsible for drafting the document summarising the diagnosis, which identifies the critical points (strong points and dysfunctions) of the intervention area. This document must be agreed on by the consensus of all agents and backed by the political powers.

Identification of the prevailing legal framework During the stage of analysis it is important to identify the existing legal instruments as a point of departure for their redefinition or adaptation to the needs of the strategy and rehabilitation work. It is necessary to identify the legal framework of action and urban planning management, both the general principles (competences and possibilities of public action, owners’ rights and obligations, etc.) and the possibilities of listing and regulation of the site, the distribution of competences between administrations (local, regional, etc.), the existing types of instruments and concepts (plans and regulations), management instruments (expropriation, cession, cooperation, etc.), and the mechanisms of discipline and regulation of urbanistic and building action (permits, infringements, etc.). It is important to analyse the possibilities and limits of public action that are envisaged by urban planning legislation, since the possibility of carrying out urban planning action that places the general above the individual interests is vital to success. We also have to bear in mind that the analysis cannot be limited solely to our specific area of intervention; it must cover a much broader

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context, since general or urban development plans on the scale of the city or strategic territorial plans, for example, may condition the development of specific plans for our area of action. The analysis of the legal framework must not be limited solely to urban planning legislation, however. It must also consider regulations regarding heritage on a local and general scale (listing, protection, possibilities of transformation and use, etc.) and all sectorial regulations which clearly affect rehabilitation policies and therefore condition their development, from the environmental (waste, energy, natural spaces, etc.) to social (housing, health, education, etc.) and economic (commercial, production activities, etc.), and the different forms of grants and the possibility of applying for them.

Programme of multisectorial studies Below, we describe the sectorial studies that may be carried out to produce a full understanding of the territory. The development of work will be divided into a first phase of data collection (field work, consultation of official statistics and/or existing indicators, reference to existing works and documentary sources, consultation of agents in the territory), a second phase of data analysis and a third and no less important phase of expression and visualization of the results of the studies, preferably using suitable graphic methods and maps. The urban planning and architectural approach

TOOL 4

Territorial context, integration and continuity of fabric The analysis of the relation and articulation of the target territory with its larger-scale bordering territories (district within a city, village within a region, etc.) is the starting point for a good urban planning approach, analysing the continuity of fabrics, systems, open space and infrastructures, and assessing its degree of articulation and integration into larger-scale territories. Structure of the territory Analysis of the area of intervention on the basis of its physical configuration, including both the morphological characteristics of the settlements and buildings, and of open space and infrastructures, as a basis for establishing coherent rules of intervention and transformation. The study has to identify the superposition of structures from different periods, different interventions and processes of transformation that have taken place (in coordination with historical and geographical studies), and current rates of growth and transformation. In an urban context it is necessary to analyse the structural data of the urban fabric in terms of an analysis of both the space occupied by buildings (building typologies and densities, grouping, heights, depths, etc.) and ‘empty space’ (private open space, public space comprising streets and squares, inner patios, gardens, etc.), its forms (squares, intersections, passages, porches, new streets, etc.) and the relation and articulation of the two. This analysis of the


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II. Diagnosis

territory must include a study of existing infrastructures and services (drainage, water supply, electrical installations, mobility and transport infrastructures, etc.). In the context of the rural territory, the analysis of the territory’s structure will centre on the typology and forms of settlements (grouped nucleuses, scattered building, auxiliary constructions, etc.), the forms and systems of open space (landscape typologies, diversity of farming models, forestry systems, hydrological system, etc.), the relation between the two, and existing infrastructures and their insertion into the territory, establishing a hierarchy of the different levels and uses of local paths and the different systems of water control (irrigation and drainage network, etc.). The results of the studies will be expressed graphically in the forms of maps drawn to show the different variables studied. Uses of the area / territory Description of the uses present in the territory as a basis for discussion about suitability and sufficiency. The analysis of the presence and intensity of uses will differentiate natural uses (forestry, hydraulic systems, etc.) previously identified in the analysis of the territory’s structure, human activities, which we classify under productive uses (trade, crafts, farming, etc.), facilities (schools, civil and religious institutions, markets, etc.) and residence. It will study the insertion and relation of the different uses within the different typologies and the spatial relation between all of them. It is important to identify spaces, buildings and/or dwellings that are unoccupied or unused. In relation to the use of space, it is also important to study the types of ownership of the different typologies (in the rural territory, the division of farmland) and its spatial distribution as a basis for considering viable mechanisms for the management of the rehabilitation operation. Studies of uses will be completed graphically by detailed maps of their implantation and density in the territory. Building and residential typologies Comprehensive study of the different typologies (building and residential) present in the area of action as a basis for precisely addressing their adaptability to new requirements of functionality and habitability, and drawing up norms for conservation and modification. Without specific knowledge of the values of the many typological outlines present in the area of action, proposals for transformation will merely be general hypotheses that may lead to the definition of erroneous or partial solutions. The study must graphically identify and reproduce the structural and formal characteristics of all the typologies and typological variations present in the area of intervention, on the scale of the building and the residential unit. Urban planning tensions and states of conservation Description of the age and state of conservation of the buildings in the area of intervention, and of any critical points of an urban planning nature.

An analysis of the rural territory has to take into account the four fundamental elements that have colonized the territory: the division of cropland, systems of water control, the construction of communicating tracks, and the implantation of dwellings. Plan for the Llobregat Delta, UPC, Sabaté

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II. Diagnosis

In both urban and rural contexts, we consider urbanistic critical points to be areas with a large number of dwellings with inadequate conditions of habitability, areas with excessive building or population levels, areas with a high presence of buildings in a poor state of repair, areas with a high level of vacancy or abandonment, etc. These conditions appear simultaneously (vacancy and degradation, inhabitability and degradation, etc.) and it is important to relate them to other urbanistic or socioeconomic variables (population income, diversity of functions, accessibility, etc.). The study must graphically identify and reproduce the areas of degradation and urbanistic tension, in the form of maps drawn to show different combinations of aspects. Heritage values Identification of heritage values, taking into account the heritage values characteristic of traditional architecture—that is, not from an exclusively historical and artistic viewpoint, but valuing this architecture as a testimony to the history of a society, ways of life and forms of community, and in relation to the environment. The identification of these values is important, as elements on which to base a policy to reclassify the area of intervention. The analysis will be approached from three viewpoints and their interrelation: the values of construction and residential typologies, of open space and of the traditional structure of the area, identifying the different periods. In an urban context, heritage analysis must include the values of public space (sequence of spaces, historical layouts, singular or monumental spaces, etc.), of buildings (singular complexes,

The analysis of structural data of the urban fabric allows us to define the conditions of transformation with greater respect for its singular historical characteristics. Study for the centre of Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain. Busquets

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systems and typological series, monuments, etc.) and of the organization of urban space for its value and significance throughout history. In the rural territory, the analysis has to focus on landscape values (natural environment, farming structure, etc.) and the value not just of buildings and settlements, but of all auxiliary buildings and infrastructures that humanize it, valuing their degree of ‘authenticity’, artificialization and possible reuse. Construction and formal values Identification of the construction systems, materials, and stylistic and composition resources of the buildings in the area of intervention (form of the roof, openings in the façades, projections, finishes, and doors and windows, etc.), as a basis for the definition of a good rehabilitation manual. The study can be organized by typologies and elements (roofs, façades, structural elements, etc.), systematizing and ordering the different types of solutions by periods, as applicable, which will then be explained graphically in detail (maps and photographs). Mobility and accessibility Analysis of mobility in the area of action, due to the close relation with its morphological structure and the definition of infrastructures, both of the necessary and non-obligatory mobility of its residents, and the movements of external users. The study must detect flows of mobility with the various means of transport and relate them to conditioning factors of accessibility and integration of the area into larger-scale bordering territories.

Comprehensive study of typologies prior to an evaluation of their adaptation to the new requirements of habitability. Special Plan for Toledo, Spain. Busquets


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II. Diagnosis

Socio-economic approach

TOOL 5

Integration and territorial polarity Analysis of the relation, ‘position’ and role of the area of action from a socioeconomic viewpoint, with regard to its neighbouring territories (city, region, etc.), valuing its degree of integration, segregation or specialization. Demography Analysis of the population structure of the area from different viewpoints, paying particular attention to age groups and the working capacity of the population and its level of education, and the distribution by socioeconomic profiles and cultural groups. It is also important to contemplate the effects of present-day and historical migratory flows, and seasonal variations in population due to factors such as tourism. The demographic analysis has to be carried out in relation to the territory, expressing in map form those areas with greater or lesser density, and identifying the spatial implantation of the different population groups, detecting cases of social segregation as a basis for the development of social cohesion measures and policies.

Maps are used to view the results of studies and refer them to the physical territory. Mapes above show commercial intensity and density of the working population. Study for the centre of Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain. Busquets

Sociology / social values Analysis of social habits and conduct with regard to forms of the territory and construction, the temporary or simultaneous nature of activities, the use of collective space, the existence of social conflicts and segregated groups or collectives, etc. Description of the structure of family units, the existence of neighbourhoods or districts, social and associative fabric, etc., all important aspects when drawing up a strategy for citizen participation. Anthropology / cultural values Study of the values of the built space (and specifically the value of public space in urban environments) from an anthropological viewpoint (spaces of social interaction, exchange, communication, transit, etc.) and its relation to the morphology of the territory, the evolution of customs, traditions and their repercussion on forms of habitat. Psychology / life-related values Study of the feeling of belonging and rootedness in the place, of feelings of insecurity, lack of communication, forms of social cohesion and their relation to the feeling of identity, etc..

The identification of heritage values of typological systems and public spaces allows us to discuss the mechanisms of conservation and modification. Study for the centre of Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain. Busquets

Economic parameters Analysis of parameters linked to economic activity, related both to the presence of production activities and structures (presence and importance by sectors, growth of economic activity, etc.) and to the classification of the population (active population, level of employment, type of employment by sectors, level of income compared to other territories, etc.).

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II. Diagnosis

Real-estate dynamics Analysis of building, residential typologies, plots, etc., from the viewpoint of real-estate activity (real-estate values, market and activity, etc.), relating it to other territories, mapping the results and relating them to variables such as state of conservation and age. Territorial and administrative organization Description of the territorial organization of the area and the functioning of the administrative management bodies and their coordination with other entities (state, regional, etc.). Historical and geographical approach

TOOL 6

Historical and territorial context Description of the historical context of the area of action and the territory in which it is set, with particular attention to the social and cultural (and artistic) processes that have determined the form of the architecture and the habitat. Historical evolution and conditions of structural evolution Description of the evolution of the urban form and an account of the geographical, historical, economic and social factors that have conditioned it. On a scale of the rural territory, identification of the conditions of evolution and modification of the natural landscape at the hands of man, of the evolution of elements of colonization: modification of the relief, introduction and modification of hydraulic systems (extraction and distribution), plot divisions and fragmentation of the landscape, development of infrastructures, implantation of building, etc.

The anthropological analysis has to identify relations between urban form and traditional forms of social relation, in this case trade. Aleppo bazaar in Syria. Benevolo

Archaeology Investigation of the archaeological heritage, an architectural or stratigraphic testimony of the area’s history. Archaeological heritage must be listed as far as possible in order to be considered under the regulations of urban intervention, as it may be an important conditioning factor in the construction of new works or infrastructures that involve radical transformation or the demolition of old buildings, or the extraction of stratigraphic deposits from the subsoil. Biophysical approach

TOOL 7

The physical environment Description of the physical aspects of the territory that have conditioned the forms of architecture and traditional habitat, including both the area’s climatic conditions and meteorological dynamics, the territory’s geological and geomorphologic characteristics (description of the soil, relief, etc.), surface and underground water. These physical conditioning factors have to be considered when drawing up rehabilitation projects on the scale of the building and of the structure of the territory, and in order to produce the optimum insertion of new architecture.

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The analysis of certain economic parameters (in this case, indicators of residential attraction and family income) in relation to the territory will allow us to draw conclusions about the conditions of the habitat. Plan for the centre of Toledo, Spain. Busquets


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Natural landscape Analysis of the territory’s landscape values, identifying different units, homogeneous areas (wood, irrigation crops, types of natural spaces, etc.) and their fragmentation, existing biodiversity (communities of fauna and flora), forms of protection of natural spaces and systems of farming management (production typology, degree of intensification, etc.), forestry and hydrography. Environmental parameters Analysis of environmental parameters and use of the territory’s natural resources, such as the management of the water cycle (consumption, supply and quality), cycles of matter (supplies, transport, etc.), waste management (production, composition, treatment, rubble, farming, industrial, etc.) and energy flows (networks and consumptions), and analysis of comfort parameters (noise pollution, air pollution and thermal and lighting comfort). Natural risks Analysis of the past and present natural risks that affect the territory (geological, flooding or seismic risk, erosion, desertification or forest fires), evaluation of the impacts on the natural environment of human activity (introduction of foreign activities, implantation of industrial activities, impact of infrastructures that fragment the territory, construction activity, presence of dumps, etc.) and identification of the existence of preventive measures.

Historical studies have to identify the evolution of urban form. This plan shows the superposition of the Hellenistic layout and the Muslim city in Damascus, Syria. Benevolo

A study of values of the different types of landscape is fundamental in any territorial analysis. / Irrigation channel in Manresa, UPC, Sabaté

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Identification of the needs and expectations of residents and users TOOL 8 Apart from the development of multisectorial studies, it is important for the technical team to include the contributions of the body of social agents and residents in the area of intervention to be able to address, with full knowledge and guaranties, reflection on the problems affecting the area (conditions of habitability, quality of life, comfort, accessibility, real-estate opportunities, need for services, heritage valorization, etc.) and complement the technical approach with the expression of its inhabitants’ experiences and expectations. The technical team has to plan the management of the inhabitants and social agents’ contributions in the form of consultations, public debates or sectorial meetings on specific issues (public space, mobility, services, housing, etc.), in coordination, for example, with the drafting of technical studies. The combination of the technical analysis and the viewpoints expressed by the inhabitants of the place should produce a shared interpretation of it, and make the body of agents aware of the plurality of the often unknown problems and aspects that affect their living context.

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Integrated Diagnosis

Summary of potentials and dysfunctions of the area The drafting of the document summarising the diagnosis, the integrated diagnosis, will fall to the technical team coordinating the diagnosis and be written on the basis of the different studies carried out and the contributions of the different actors in the territory, normally integrated into the various sectorial studies. The objective of the technical team, in view of its multidisciplinary make-up, is to guarantee a balance between the physical and socioeconomic aspects of rehabilitation, moving from multisectorial views to a single, integrated approach that aspires to a degree of globalization of the situations and the mechanisms that produce them. On the basis of the analysis of the various sectorial studies and contributions, the technical team will draw up a summary that identifies the critical points of the area, with both its potentials (aspects that can facilitate the rehabilitation process and help to enhance heritage) and its dysfunctions (aspects that are to be improved by the rehabilitation process and that currently prevent good ‘functioning’ and a valorization of the heritage). Due to the integrated approach of the summary, we believe that it should be ordered and referred not to sectorial aspects (economic, demographical, anthropological, etc.) but to elements of the territory that we could classify as: built environment, open space, infrastructures and social environment. The summary will be complemented by all the graphic and cartographic documentation that may serve as a basis for its comprehension and for the development of strategic reflection and proposals for action.

Social consensus and political backing The provisional diagnosis will be presented to civil society, which will be able to contribute its own viewpoint. The technical team will incorporate any opinions that are agreed on by consensus and proceed to the final approval of the diagnosis by the public authorities.

Attention to the needs and demands of the inhabitants and users of traditional space may contribute data that could go unnoticed by technical analysis

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Strategic Reflection

This stage of the process should lead, with reflection on the results expressed in the integrated diagnosis (identifying the critical points of the area of intervention), to the definition of a target scenario of action that is politically, socially and economically feasible. The limits of this reflection are established by a series of criteria. The definition of scenarios will be based on consideration of the strategic premisses and the primary objectives of rehabilitation, and their evaluation in terms of the requirements of viability (economic, juridical and social) in keeping with the objectives of sustainable rehabilitation. There is no single way of advancing, much less when we start out from very different territorial contexts that are conditioned by the most diverse physical, historical and socio-cultural realities. The action plan, the strategy for action, will incorporate the target scenario and define the series of projects and legal and administrative changes to be carried out in order to achieve it in an established timeframe.

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Planning the decision-making process

Criteria for reflection

A technical team, which may be the same one that worked on the diagnosis phase, made up of technical professionals and experts from different disciplines, all trained in and sensitised to heritage issues, will be responsible for directing and coordinating strategic reflection. Although decision-making has always been primarily a political and/or technical issue, today it is necessary to manage a new decision-making framework that is open to the contributions of civil society. Judicious management of this phase will guarantee that political, social and economic priorities are agreed by consensus by the majority of society.

Strategic premisses

Definition of scenarios of intervention

TOOL 9

The first phase of reflection, based on the results expressed in the integrated diagnosis (potentials and dysfunctions of the area) will lead to the establishing of target scenarios—that is, the definition of the final desired state of the area of intervention. This reflection will be conditioned by a series of criteria, which we divide into strategic premisses and priority objectives for sustainable rehabilitation. It is obvious that this reflection on the desired scenario is also a reflection on the type of actions to be carried out in order to achieve this particular scenario and, therefore, on the future action plan, which is simply the strategic framework that summarises the intervention and groups together all the actions. Technical reflection on the definition of scenarios will centre on the search for balance, always a difficult task, in complying with the strategic premisses (long term/short term, global/local and public/private) and satisfying the priority objectives of sustainable rehabilitation (quality of life, heritage issues, social cohesion, economic vitality and environmental efficiency).

The definition of a qualified public space, the support for various activities, is vital in order to achieve good quality of life in urban environments. Beit Jbli, Damascus, Syria

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TOOL 10

Reconciling the long and the short term The definition of scenarios has to take into consideration the longterm impact, without renouncing short-term actions that are often the most effective way of involving citizens. Reflection has to envisage the future impacts of the action (foreseeing reversibility, transmission of heritage value, resources running out, preservation of natural and cultural heritage, etc.). Consideration of subsidiarity of scale The actions to be carried out and, therefore, the target scenario, have to consider their impact on different territorial levels. This involves reflecting on the subsidiarity of decisions on more global scales and, conversely, of global actions on our area of action. Synergy between public and private interests The target scenario will involve the complicity of all agents; it is therefore important for its definition to combine the satisfaction of collective with private interests and, conversely, private and community concerns. One example of this is reconciling residential with tourism-related interests. Priority objectives of sustainable rehabilitation

TOOL 11

Improving residents’ quality of life Rehabilitation has to stress the issue of improvement of the quality of life of the area’s residents, improving accessibility to services (health, education, etc.) and guaranteeing access to a habitable dwelling (safe, comfortable and accessible) that is adapted to the needs of all residents thanks to its typological diversity. The objective of the strategy must be to reinforce and improve public

Attention to the urban landscape is an important part of the heritage approach to rehabilitation. La Vila Joiosa, Spain


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service infrastructures and define quality open space (public space) that is suitable for collective appropriation and sociability. Valorization of cultural and natural heritage The aim of rehabilitation must be to preserve the cultural and natural heritage of the area of intervention—that is, transmit society’s collective memory, taking into account its adaptation to new requirements and demands. The strategy has to opt for rehabilitating built space and constructions that can be adapted to new needs, readapting typologies and structures if necessary, and even according them a new and different function to the original, reconciling the heritage values to be preserved and new values of use. On the scale of the territory, this requires the definition of a model that reassesses the natural and heritage resources of each place, making it resistant to transformation processes and providing it with a structure that can accommodate new requirements. Improving social cohesion The main aim of rehabilitation has to be to combat poverty and social exclusion—that is, to valorize social heritage. The strategy must promote social cohesion and the idea of citizenship (promotion of diversity, civic awareness, etc.) and encourage intraand inter-generational solidarity. Promotion of economic vitality Another of the objectives of rehabilitation must be to promote the vitality and economic autonomy of the area of intervention, promoting a diversity of functions and activities, not just tourist or leisure activities, investing in knowledge and innovation and combining them harmoniously with residence and traditional production systems (artisans, farmers, etc.). Rehabilitation must advocate intrinsic traditional values, mobilizing their natural and heritage potential, and guarantee the integration of the area into

One of the major challenges facing historic enclaves is how to harmoniously combine the dynamics of tourism with their residential function. Sidi Bou Said, Tunisia

the larger-scale territory (encouraging attractiveness and polarity, increasing the exchange of resources and information, etc.). A well-managed tourist attraction generates investment in new activities and employment and, as a result, reinforces the identity and self-esteem of the people who live there. Environmental efficiency Rehabilitation cannot only consider environmental criteria in the rehabilitation of buildings; the latter bear a clear relation to the configuration and transformation of the urban form (management of flows and infrastructures, mobility, arrangement of typologies, etc.). It is important to bear in mind not just the durability of natural resources (use of materials, energy efficiency, management of the water cycle, etc.) but also the prevention of environmental dangers and the control of natural and technological risks.

Evaluation of scenarios of action The evaluation of scenarios is an important stage in the process, but one that is particularly difficult to manage. The scenarios defined will be evaluated in terms of both their degree of coherence and their viability. Firstly, the evaluation of coherence will take the form of an assessment of the degree of compliance of the strategic premisses and the priority objectives of sustainable rehabilitation by means of a study of the overall cost, compared and contrasted impacts and the sustainability of the scenario. It is of course practically impossible to meet all the objectives, since total compliance with some objectives means non-compliance with others. One example is the possible contradiction between the objectives of improving quality of life and heritage preservation, since urgent social demands call for short-term solutions (demolition, new

The orderly, integrated management of waste within the singularities of historical space is one of the key issues addressed by an environmental approach. Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain

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Choosing the target scenario

construction, etc.), which may endanger the continuing survival of heritage. It is therefore a question of assessing, on the basis of reflection about compared and contrasted impacts or overall cost (social, economic and environmental costs), which scenario allows us to optimize the balance between the different requirements, accepting that it is practically impossible to satisfy all of them. Secondly, evaluation of the viability of the scenario will consider economic and juridical viability and the possibilities of social acceptance. A better scenario, with greater coherence or likelihood of sustainability, may be discarded due to economic reasons or on the grounds of juridical unviability and be replaced by a scenario that provides partial, less coherent responses. It is, then, important to strike a balance between the different decisionmaking factors, choosing those scenarios that allow a greater degree of coherence and durability with the lowest financial cost and the highest level of social acceptance. This phase of evaluation has to involve all agents. Although both the definition of scenarios and the final decision will depend on technical factors and therefore fall to the technical team, the scenarios may provide the basis for discussion at meetings and public presentations. These meetings may be the opportunity, for example, to assess the degree of social acceptance of the proposals, one of the requisites for the evaluation of the scenarios.

Having chosen the most suitable scenario of action for the area, taking into account criteria of coherence and viability, the next step is to define the content of the rehabilitation strategy, the action plan, which will allow us to carry through the actions. The rehabilitation strategy will be defined by two conditions of action on the area: the physical transformation projects, which define the degree of intervention on the physical territory, and complementary sectorial policies, referring to the degree of complexity of the actions or policies about the population and the social environment. The actions and projects for the physical transformation of the territory may range from the smaller scope of environmental rehabilitation, based on actions and projects affecting the exterior image of the buildings and open space (what we might refer to, in an urban context, as urban landscape operations), to conditions of integrated rehabilitation, which develop projects that affect all aspects of the urban morphology (improvement of infrastructures, creation of new spaces, insertion of new architectures, etc.), or two intermediate conditions, typological or structural rehabilitation. The complementary sectorial policies may range from nonexistence—that is, total reliance on urban planning action (in some of the previous conditions)—to global policies that include all kinds of social, economic and environmental policies, including all the intermediate degrees between.

Traditional urban space has to be enhanced to promote sociability and encourage social/market cohesion in Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain

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6

Action Plan

TOOL 12

The action plan, which draws together the strategic orientations of the intervention, is merely the organization and working coordination of all projects (actions affecting the physical territory) and sectorial policies to be carried out (social, environmental and economic actions) at the service of an objective, which is to achieve the desired scenario. As well as defining the actions, the plan will define the framework of operations (agents in charge of implementation, models of public and private financing, etc.) and the modification or adaptation of the legal framework (urban planning instruments, specific ordinances, rehabilitation manuals, etc.) in order to implement rehabilitation work. The Urban Renovation Plan will be only one of the pieces of the Action plan, which is seen as a more ambitious, integrated strategy. Urban planning instruments have to specify the different systems of intervention in built space. Study for the centre of Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain. Busquets

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Drafting of the Rehabilitation Action Plan The action plan will be drafted by the technical team and, though it must be validated by political decision, which has to accept and implement it, it must also be backed by maximum social consensus. Specification and quantification of the actions to be carried out The actions to be carried out will be divided into three main areas: actions to transform the structure of the area (urban planning itself), the specific projects for buildings and open space, and the complementary sectorial policies or measures (the body of social, economic and environmental measures required to guarantee the true sustainability of the rehabilitation intervention). Actions to modify the structure of the territory The plan specifies which actions to modify the structure of the territory will be carried out (freeing up of space, adjustment and updating of functions, creation of new infrastructures, improvement of accessibility, etc.). The actions must address a gradual, ongoing modification rather than fast and sudden transformation. These actions will be implemented by urban planning instruments. The plan will: define suitable forms of protection for the structure of the territory and its built environment; specify appropriate uses and activities, assessing the relations

The action plan has to define a suitable mobility strategy (accessibility, car parks, hierarchy of streets, etc.) that respects the conditions of the historical environment. Plan for Toledo, Spain. Busquets

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that organize architecture, open space and their possible functions. In a rural context, the uses defined will not compromise the environmental and landscape quality of the natural setting (recreation, culture, etc.); list the criteria of modification of the territorial structure and built space (growth, creation of new open spaces, modification of heights and building levels, depths, alignments, etc.). On the territorial scale, it will define a model that, based on the specificity of each place, makes it resistant to transformation processes and provides it with a structure that can accommodate new requirements; define the criteria for the transformation of the form of open spaces. In an urban context, the influence of historic layouts, interrelation between morphology and typologies, etc., and in rural territories, modification of the landscape and the territory (paths, fields, potential vegetation, etc.); define the criteria of development and replacement of infrastructures and services. In the rural territory, it will establish criteria for the careful superposition of new infrastructures that do not compromise the functioning of existing paths and water control systems, adapting them to the demands of competitive agriculture; define the criteria of relation with bordering areas and territories (accessibility, degree of continuity and suture between the historic and the bordering territory) and insertion into larger-scale territories, be it city or region. Intervention projects based on architecture and open space The action plan will list which buildings are to be conserved and

Open space plays just an important role as building in the configuration of urban space. Plan for Toledo, Spain. Busquets


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which rehabilitated/transformed or demolished. It will also indicate projects for new constructions and for the urban planning or reclassification of open space. The criteria governing these projects will be taken from the corresponding bodies of legislation: specific ordinances and rehabilitation manuals. The action plan will:

rural contexts, according to different units of landscape (woods, fields, etc.) and in accordance with the specificities of each place (implantation of auxiliary buildings, construction of walls, embankments, etc.); define the formal and compositional criteria that are to govern projects in open space.

list the criteria for rehabilitation (and transformation) of buildings, their formal configuration (residential typological configuration, typological regulation of buildings—patios, stairs, structure, etc.) and their compositional and formal components (regulations for façade composition, types of openings, projections, form of roof, use of materials and finishes, etc.), and the conditions for partial demolition and the addition of new volumes; define the criteria for the insertion of new architectures (to replace buildings that are in an advanced state of deterioration, functionally unsuitable, etc., or in empty spaces produced by demolition). Regulations should not be too restrictive, allowing the construction of contemporary architectures on the basis of the particularities of the traditional context; define the criteria of mobility and accessibility (vehicle access, pedestrian areas, etc.) in keeping with the singular configuration of the historic layout or the landscape, optimizing different flows for residents and users, and with prospects of improved environmental quality of the area; define the degree of intervention in the different types of open spaces. In urban contexts, according to urban hierarchy (smaller, main, singular spaces, etc.), scale and interrelation. In

Complementary sectorial policies Complementary policies must be specified in order to guarantee judicious rehabilitation according to socioeconomic and environmental criteria. This involves listing the social policies to be carried out (social cohesion, combating poverty, promoting citizenship, literacy, health campaigns, etc.), economic initiatives (commercial reactivation, professional training, promotion of employment, management of tourism, etc.) and environmental proposals (waste management, water cycle management, efficient energy management, etc.). Experience has shown that interventions based solely or mainly on the rehabilitation of buildings or urban planning action without foreseeing complementary policies do not produce the expected results. Without this type of measures, stone takes priority over people.

Ordinances specifying modules and full-empty relations in new construction on the basis of existing architectural elements. Malo, Italy

Definition of appropriate legal instruments

TOOL 13

Urban planning instruments Good urban planning action calls for appropriate town planning tools for the specific features of each sphere of intervention. Initially, the urban planning legislation that affects our field (national, regional, etc., depending on the administrative structure

The ordinances must define the systems of transformation of the various built typologies in order to adapt them to new conditions of habitability. Study for the centre of Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain. Busquets

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and the distribution of competences of each state) has to include a suitable planning concept to define urban planning action in a historic context such as we are dealing with. Independently of whether or not this planning concept exists (special reform plan, urban improvement plan, etc.), high-level planning concepts (territorial, municipal plans, etc.) have to recognise the particularities of the historic area and not condition the correct implementation of the area’s specific rehabilitation plan, responding to the requirements tabled by the action plan. In addition to the suitability of planning concepts, it is necessary to review the validity of urban planning management mechanisms (ownership, rights, intervention-transformation mechanisms, etc.) for our traditional context since, in some cases, this legislation is not adapted to the reality of the intervention in a historic environment, and it will be necessary to create specific mechanisms. The town planning tools will cover all operations to be carried out for the coherent transformation of urban forms, so that this is done in a more appropriate way considering the specific nature of the area where the intervention is taking place. This method offers a template for drawing up an INTEGRATED URBAN REHABILITATION PLAN for the intervention area. Specific ordinances It will be necessary to draw up some specific by-laws to regulate actions on buildings in the area – renovation, construction, deconstruction, etc. – aimed above all at regulating private intervention. These by-laws must be developed in accordance with the objectives and criteria established by the urban plan, of which it will be the main document. A draft by-law is also attached as a tool. It is a good idea to draw up specific by-laws in each context linked to the planning drawn up for the area of intervention, regulating the possibilities of modifying buildings (modification of heights, depths, façades, typologies…), the limits of the inclusion of new architecture in the historic context (stylistic conditioning factures, materials, proportion of openings…), always in accordance with the characteristics of the buildings in the area of intervention. Rehabilitation manual A rehabilitation manual must be drafted to bring together all the technical characteristics, systems and construction solutions used in the traditional architecture present in our area of action and propose solutions for intervention in the different typologies, elements, etc. Just as urban planning instruments regulate the transformation of the structure of the territory and ordinances govern the form of buildings, the rehabilitation manual will summarise the criteria of intervention on the smaller scale, taking into account the heritage values of technical and construction aspects of the traditional architecture of a place.

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Rehabilitation manuals describe the intervention solutions for traditional construction elements. Manual of Rome, Italy

Rehabilitation has to combine the initiative of the public administration with the intervention of public and private social agents in the form of consortiums, collaboration agreements, etc. Nicosia, Cyprus


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Heritage legislation Legislation on traditional built heritage (open space, buildings and complexes, typologies, etc.) is required, beyond that which governs the protection of monuments, cultural objects and specific building catalogues. The legislation covering urban and architectural heritage has to allow the implementation of the proposed actions—that is, it should not be so protectionist that it hinders any modification or transformation of traditional urban form and its architecture, in accordance with the needs outlined in the action plan, nor be too permissive with regard to destruction and modification of the traditional habitat. In this case, specific urban planning should address heritage regulations governing traditional forms. Sectorial legislation It is also necessary to review the validity of prevailing sectorial regulations affecting our area of intervention and how to modify them in order to adapt them to the action’s aims, both those conditioning actions that are more social (habitability, accessibility, housing, etc.) or economic (commerce, tourism, etc.) and environmental (waste management, use of materials, etc.). The modification of this legislative framework almost always takes place alongside complementary sectorial policies.

Defining the working framework

TOOL 4

Financing instruments When envisaging actions, it is important to have a clear idea of the cost and how work is to be financed. The financing of rehabilitation work, conditioned by the mechanisms of site and building ownership, may be approached in various ways,

sometimes complementary and not exclusive, in a single process of intervention (co-financing, mixed economy, etc.). Indeed, it is practically impossible to approach rehabilitation work exclusively from the public sector, which has to be complemented by private initiative. In more global urban planning, particularly in interventions on collective open space (though sometimes also acting on private land), financing is, as a rule, public. In rehabilitation and replacement strategies, although the initiative is mainly public, in some cases financing is jointly public and private, and in others mainly private with incentives and public funding (grants, tax incentives, etc.). Management bodies, consortiums and agents involved Management bodies are essential in guaranteeing the efficient running of the rehabilitation process. They are usually public bodies though sometimes, depending on the regional context, they involve mixed public-private capital. These bodies may have a degree of independence of the administration, though still being linked to collective interests and political control. Normally they are responsible for managing the implementation of urban planning interventions, though it would be a major step to create a more complex body that manages all the actions included in the action plan, including social, economic and environmental aspects. In this way it would be possible to control the complementary nature or conflicts arising between different actions, improve follow-up and reconsider the strategy faster and more efficiently, a role now reserved solely for the administration. The management bodies may be complemented by another type of smaller entities and offices that reinforce specific aspects, such as the offices that promote private rehabilitation (advice, projects, procedures, etc.). These entities can and must establish agreements with universities, companies, and public and private institutions in order to involve them in rehabilitation actions, exchanging knowledge, techniques, etc. Training strategy All rehabilitation processes have to be accompanied by a series of complementary measures to guarantee their success. By complementary measures, we refer for example to the creation of policies to train professionals from different fields who are sensitized to traditional heritage and workers who are qualified in this type of architecture (materials, construction systems, etc.).

Training a specialized labour force is important in order to guarantee quality rehabilitation. Dar El Bacha, Marrakech, Morocco

Communication, public awareness and rehabilitation promotion strategy It is important to have a good communication strategy (to publicize objectives, the actions to be carried out, etc.) and develop a good public awareness campaign to sensitize and inform the population about the social and cultural values of this rich heritage and the need to preserve it as a common legacy. In addition to sensitizing the population to heritage issues, this campaign should also serve to promote citizen appreciation of

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traditional space as a specific space for life and as grounds for pride requiring everyone’s involvement for maintenance, enhancement and updating. This would be the framework for campaigns to promote private rehabilitation and the promotion of specific aspects of rehabilitation that are equally important (environmental improvements to buildings, façade restoration, promotion of maintenance, etc.). Mechanisms of participation The plan will define how information is to be presented about the design and definition of the proposed projects (particularly public projects) and how they might include contributions made by means of consultations or other participation strategies. Timeline and organization phases The various actions (urbanistic, social, etc.) will be coordinated and organized according to a timeline. It is important to estimate the starting date and duration of each of the actions, and its coordination with the other actions planned, and to establish partial goals and objectives.

Social consensus and political approval The action plan will be presented to civil society, who may then make its contributions. Once agreed by social consensus, the political powers will endorse its content and viability, and pass it for implementation.

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7

Implementation of the Plan

This phase corresponds to the implementation of the action plan—that is, to the carrying out of the actions contained in it, subject to the definition of the working instruments required to apply the plan and its necessary adaptation to the legislative framework. The action will be developed in accordance with the programmatic guidelines (order, duration, financing, etc.) established in the action plan. The implementation phase of the action plan is not just the carrying out of a series of projects and sectorial policies; in accordance with the stipulations of the operational framework, it also involves a series of campaigns to sensitize the public and promote rehabilitation, train technical professionals, etc. The plan’s development has to be accompanied by a favourable climate for the promotion of private rehabilitation, culture, and the values of rehabilitation and maintenance, in which all citizens should feel involved and be motivated by the enhancement and improvement of their living environment. Investment also means an improved image of the environment, which in turn is an

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incentive to the development of more investment and interventions, further reinforcing the feeling of identity and selfesteem of the population.

an obsolete construction, classification of new open spaces, etc.) may be public and private initiatives with the corresponding financing. When promoting the rehabilitation of private buildings, the public administration should foresee mechanisms for grants or subsidies.

Development of urban planning procedures This phase represents the carrying out of urban planning actions to modify the urban form and adapt it to present-day requirements. Urban planning procedures, normally effected alongside specific projects, will be public in initiative and financing. It involves actions to modify the structure of the territory and replace and modify buildings (vertical and horizontal demolition and bringing down of height, elimination of obsolete construction or superfluous volumes, freeing up of open space, ventilation of patios, etc.), actions to transform open space (creation of new streets, modification of alignments, etc.) and actions to improve infrastructures (electrical, drainage infrastructure, etc.). TOOL 18

Building rehabilitation projects TOOL 17 Rehabilitation projects for buildings to be conserved, whether maintaining the initial use or reusing them for other purposes, will follow the criteria established in the RehabiMed Guide for the rehabilitation of traditional buildings. The criteria defined in the guide are limited to planning guidelines and accompanying rehabilitation ordinances. Particular attention to the legal framework must be paid by rehabilitation work involving typological changes and modification of volumes (partial demolition, insertion of new volumes, etc.) and elements such as façades, roof, etc. Optimum rehabilitation also requires attention to the rehabilitation manual corresponding to the area, which will list the rehabilitation conditions of the rehabilitation area’s construction systems, and formal and stylistic elements of the typologies.

Development of specific projects Specific projects carried out alongside urban planning action (creation of new buildings on land freed up by the demolition of

In order to guarantee thoroughgoing revitalization of the built environment it is often necessary to demolish parts of obsolete fabric, thereby freeing up space or allowing new construction. Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain

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Projects for the insertion of new buildings TOOL 15 New architecture projects will mainly be carried out by private initiative, though the administration may also develop some (for example in the case of some social dwellings or new facilities). Projects for new buildings in traditional contexts have to respect the conditioning factors stipulated by the specific ordinances contained in planning (with regard to dimensions of openings, heights, type of roof, etc.). Within the limits established by these regulations, which should not be excessively restrictive, the projects designed must be contemporary, based on an

Building rehabilitation has to obey the guidelines marked out by the legal framework (ordinances, manuals, etc.). Cairo, Egypt


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understanding of the specificities of the place and its history and shunning approaches that involve excessive codification, absolute indifference, radical ‘imitation’ or historic distortion. Public buildings must be designed as good examples of this. Urban planning projects and treatment of open space TOOL 16

Rather than basing projects for new urban spaces on criteria of ‘imitation’ of the compositional and ornamental elements of the historic city, they will be designed from a contemporary viewpoint, on the basis of a ‘historic interpretation’. The definition of open spaces in rural contexts will pay particular attention to the landscape characteristics of the place.

Development of sectorial policies The complementary sectorial policies established in the action plan (social, economic and environmental) will be carried out. Social policies Social cohesion policies are normally a priority in rehabilitation interventions, since the simple transformation of the physical environment, though necessary, is not sufficient to guarantee the success of the process, as the population housed in traditional architecture tends to have greater problems of social segregation or poverty, being the sector of population that has been unable to

The insertion of new architectures not only has to respond to the specificities of the place; in the contemporary context, it has to make improvements to the urban form a priority. Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain

‘escape’ an environment that is often considered to be a symbol of poverty. Social policies, alongside actions to enhance and physically revalorize the space, have to focus on combating social exclusion, with special attention to the social processes produced by the reclassification of urban or territorial environments, such as processes of gentrification or expulsion of the native population. These processes are often inevitable but are counterproductive to guaranteeing the necessary cohesion and local identity unless they are addressed and remedied in time. Social policies may include policies centring on housing, training, employment, integration of excluded social groups, literacy, promotion of accessibility in buildings, etc. Economic policies The integrated rehabilitation of a traditional environment calls for the development of a series of economic policies that will give the area an economic vitality that allows it to play a specific role on a territorial scale. This role should make the most of the opportunities offered by its historic singularity. The economic revitalization of a traditional environment has to consider the diversification of functions and activities in order to guarantee a plural population with prospects for the future. The economic policies may include commercial revitalization, management of tourism, etc. Environmental policies These days, all rehabilitation interventions should be complemented by an ambitious environmental policy that guarantees the definition of an environmentally efficient territory. Though many environmental parameters are conditioned by the

The poster reads: ‘Renovating the street to make things better for you’. The creation of pedestrian precincts is very necessary to revitalizing commerce in historic centres. Cannes, France

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reconfiguration of the structure of the territory and building (efficient infrastructures, coherent definition of building in accordance with climatic conditioning factors, etc.) and the way in which the intervention is managed (use of materials, energy saving, waste production, elimination of toxic products, introduction of water saving mechanisms, etc.), it is necessary to implement a series of policies that enable sustainable management of the area. Environmental policies may include policies to encourage energy or water saving, urban waste management, the introduction of renewable energies, the definition of models of sustainable mobility, the promotion and use of collective transport, etc.

Development of complementary campaigns As explained above, as well as the specific actions (projects and policies) described in the action plan, the development of interventions will be accompanied by a series of strategies, also outlined in the strategic action plan (operational framework), with the aim of sensitizing the population to heritage, promoting different aspects of private rehabilitation, encouraging a culture of maintenance, and involving and encouraging all social agents and residents to improve the quality of their living environment. This improvement in the living environment will have a direct effect on feelings of collective welfare, identity and identification with the place for all the actors involved in the rehabilitation process, and in terms of progress and social cohesion.

Public space has to be recovered for citizens in keeping with the dynamization o f its use and the commercial and economic activities in the area of intervention. Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain

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Campaign to promote private rehabilitation by improving communal features of the building, Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain

The renovation and updating of urban infrastructures must be carried out alongside building rehabilitation, ensuring their integration into the place without detracting from the values of traditional space. Kairouan, Tunisia


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V. Monitoring

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Continual Evaluation

TOOL 19

It is important to implement a mechanism for the ongoing followup of the operations, since, bearing in mind the length of rehabilitation processes, there may be social and economic changes, etc., that call for the redirection of the original strategy and a reconsideration of the actions initially envisaged. The follow-up and evaluation mechanisms will have a two-fold objective: to control the implementation of the plan and specific actions, evaluating the degree of satisfaction of the initial objectives, and to continually evaluate the area once the planned operations are complete, with a view to monitoring their evolution and detecting unforeseen or unexpected changes in long-term forecasts or unforeseen changes in the social or economic structures.

The creation of a computerized plan of the physical intervention facilitates its modification and updating in keeping with the evolution of the territory. Toledo, Spain. Busquets

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V. Monitoring

Creation of an observatory to evaluate the application of the plan A technical follow-up team must be created to evaluate the plan, along with a series of mechanisms (indicators, population surveys, etc.) to control compliance with the planned objectives and partial goals. Monitoring and continuous assessment of the process The methodology has to envisage the possibility of making the process retroactive and even of reconsidering proposed action strategies in the event of unforeseen changes in the initially detected conditions for which the actions were defined.

The creation of a series of indicators is one possible mechanism for the evaluation of actions

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Second part RehabiMed tools An aid to renovating traditional sites


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I. Political backing


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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention


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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention


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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention

Tackling renovation today. The case of historic centres

The profound changes in our society have made town planning and urban development more and more complex: The increasing number of people involved with conflicting interests, the influx of new information and telecommunication technology, the importance attached to networks of all kind (communication, cultural, business, information, ...), the need for ecological measures to protect the environment, migration of inhabitants, globalisation, interdependence, the liberalisation of the economy and the integration of markets, the decrease in the role of the public sector, new methods of production, new social customs in business and in leisure activities, the greater importance of culture and nature, the modernisation of our transport infrastructure, new concepts of mobility and logistic changes in the way people and goods move,... These are only some of the new aspects which affect and shape our territory, and the incorporation of these aspects into urban areas which historically responded to the needs of other times is a difficult task. Limited areas, designed for other purposes, their purposes, the purposes of their historical period, purposes which in the past justified their existence. These aspects cannot suddenly be incorporated into neighbourhoods or urban areas which were created for other purposes and which were built using the logic of another system. These historic urban areas which have been unable to adapt to the dramatic social and structural changes of our time have suffered from a lack of interest and a lack of support from owners, residents, businessmen/women and authorities. These groups, often blinded by the prospect of offers of a very different kind, have failed to offer the constant support required to adapt this part of our architectural heritage to the times we live in and to stop the area from falling into decay. So, as a result of a gradual process of economic, structural and functional decline, we inherit these neighbourhoods today in a state of obsolescence but with the sensitivity to realise the need for action to make up for lost time. Our objective is to try to revitalise these urban areas so that they can cater for the aspects of our current society. In that way, these areas will once again play a major role within our urban system as a whole. We have the opportunity to rethink the way that we deal with the city. In facing this challenge we need to realise that there is no global or universal solution for all the areas which require revitalisation. Experience has shown us that no two situations are the same and for that reason there is no universal model which can be applied to meet each requirement for revitalisation. Each

I. Political Backing

Josep Armengol Architect and town planner Manager of FORUM S.A. Manresa, Spain

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Any urban rehabilitation intervention requires a huge effort of analysis in order to strike an even balance between the “use value” of the territory and the patrimonial and historic values of each traditional enclave.

neighbourhood has is own features and these will determine the unique strategy required when carrying out the revitalisation project. There are many factors. Some can be foreseen while others are imponderable: The idiosyncrasy of each place, the size of the city, the urban and territorial model which we wish to consolidate, historical factors (cultural heritage, economic and social situation,…) ways and possibilities of financing the necessary action in each place, administrative organisation, the leadership of the public bodies and their capacity to encourage the involvement of private organisations,... In every sense it is difficult to establish universal guidelines for urban revitalisation. Around the world we can see many different experiences in this area. In Europe, apart from the necessity for reconstruction of many cities after the Second World War, it was not until the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s, that people saw the need to intervene to protect historic urban areas. This was done firstly to protect the architectural heritage from depredatory groups, and also to revitalize the areas after they had been left to decay as a result of expansionist attitudes.

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I. Political Backing

Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Tackling renovation today. The case of historic centres

If we compare these experiences, we will not find two that are the same and therefore it is impossible to establish universal guidelines or a universal model for urban revitalisation. In spite of this fact, it is also true that we live in a world which is becoming more and more globalised, which tends to impose global knowledge on us and which enables us to discover and compare all types of experiences regarding urban renovation. Deriving from this process of globalisation, there are three aspects which unavoidably condition our way of thinking regarding the contemporary city, that is to say the city of the twenty-first century. These aspects are the so-called information society, the competitive model of the city and the changeable nature of the factors which affect urban development. Given that these three aspects also have implications for the processes of urban renovation, we should consider them first, before discussing in detail the processes themselves and how to make them viable. Firstly, we are immersed in the information society. As Lluís Foix said, one of the main conquests of capitalism has been to achieve the nationalization of information and knowledge. It is precisely this richness of universal knowledge that enables us to draw conclusions, identify strengths and weaknesses and in short, define general mechanisms for urban revitalisation which offer guidelines to guarantee the success of each individual operation in each place and in any place. Secondly, it should be pointed out that it is this global reality in which we are immersed which encourages the competitive model of the city in which a city’s capacity to survive is measured, above all, by its capacity to attract capital and investment, by how quickly and easily it can be reached and therefore by its transport and communication systems. But competitiveness, and therefore the capacity of a city to survive, also depends on different aspects, such as our capacity to take

into account the current concerns of our society such as concern about protection of the environment and concern about our heritage, our culture and the protection of nature. The growing interest in the revitalisation of our historical urban areas forms part of these concerns. Finally, this competitive model of the city promotes innovation and self criticism, it forces us to produce and exchange ideas and it encourages the flexibility needed to adapt our cities to a world

The great metropolis has swallowed up the historic city. Cairo (Egypt)

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The rehabilitation of historic centers often has the objective of destroying the “walls” which separate them economically, socially and functionally from the rest of the city.

View of Thessalonika


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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Tackling renovation today. The case of historic centres

I. Political Backing

which is becoming more and more variable. At the same time, this model forces us to constantly rethink our cities. It is precisely in this context of a current, ever-changing situation, that we feel the need to intervene as often as necessary to restore and modernize our historic buildings. The contradiction is that at the same time as the information society enables us to witness any experience around the world as it is happening, at that same moment the experience loses its

relevance or is no longer applicable. That is to say, that paradoxically it is the very current and ever-changing nature of such events that makes it difficult to establish universal guidelines and mechanisms, valid in any place and at any time, to enable us to revitalise our neighbourhoods and cities. In spite of everything said before, the solution to the problem is to be able to have global knowledge and think globally in order to act locally. This is the challenge for urban revitalisation which I will now deal with. As we can deduce from the aforementioned conclusions, globalising does not have to mean making everything uniform but instead it can mean dealing with thousands of different situations. In March 2000 the second conference on European local government was held in Manresa. It was entitled “The Renovation of Historic Areas in Medium-Sized Cities”. The conference, organised by the Catalonian College of Public Administration and the Bages University Foundation, was an opportunity to learn about and compare events taking place all over Europe with the same goals. At the final part of the conference in the session entitled “Methods and Strategies of Action”, the common elements of the events discussed were determined and can be summarised in three categories: Firstly, the objective in all the cases studied was the revitalisation of a neighbourhood or urban area in order to give it an active role within the urban system as a whole, while improving and taking advantage of the features that distinguished it from other urban areas: its proximity to the centre, ease of access, its historic value, its economic and social characteristics, the diversity of uses and previous activities carried out in it, etc. Secondly, in all the cases studied, it was considered essential to plan the action to be carried out according to a predetermined city model within a municipal or supra municipal urban context. That is to say, that all the cases studied had treated their urban

View of Jerusalem

View of Fes el Jedid (Morocco)

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I. Political Backing

Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Tackling renovation today. The case of historic centres

renovation projects as an integral part of the overall framework used to manage the urban development of each city. And in all the cases studied the activities for revitalisation opted for a change in the city model. They opted for a compact city model which takes into account the additional economic, social, cultural and environmental values, instead of the traditional model of an extensive city which had been used up to that moment and which opted for unlimited expansion. Despite the fact that everyone agreed on the former model, nobody had managed to create the mechanisms to construct this alternative city model. Last but not least, in all the cases studies it was agreed that urban revitalisation projects have to be integral and therefore at the same time have to deal with economic, social, environmental, functional and structural questions which means doing the following things:

“option value” is very low or almost zero. The third and final conclusion at the second conference on European local government was on the instruments necessary for action in historic urban areas and was divided into three different categories :

Creating adequate living conditions Supporting the inhabitants affected (training, jobs, housing, ...) Improving public areas to make them more easily accessible Improving the economic situation Creating mechanisms to involve in the project, the groups of people who are affected both directly and indirectly When considering method and strategy it was agreed that there are two urban situations which require our involvement. These two situations require specific processes and entail two different strategies: Rehabilitation and urban renovation. These two strategies are different and provoke the traditional debate on whether it is better to preserve a building or replace it with a new one. When deciding whether a part of our architectural heritage is worth preserving or not, we have to consider its value. Here we can divide this into two types of value: “option value”, which simply means weighing up its “value for use” based on the functions that it may directly or indirectly be used for and the “value of no use” which is the value that can be attached to architectural heritage as property in its own right or a part of our cultural identity. The concept of renovation involves both preserving and rebuilding our architectural heritage. This concept normally applies to historical areas with a rich heritage which have been put at risk due to the activity of those involved in the property market who acted without considering the “option value” and in the majority of cases the high “value of no use”. On the other hand, the concept of renovation involves the transformation and regeneration of historic areas (substitution renewal,…) normally deserted areas which have been left to decay as a result of gradual abandonment over a long period. In the majority of these cases there is a loss in functional value and lack of interest in the area from a heritage point of view and therefore the

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A plan which defines the objectives and justifies the action to be taken A system to manage the project which will ensure that the plan is carried out properly A system of participation and follow-up to guarantee that all the objectives are achieved Since the second conference on European local government in the year 2000, many sessions have been held to exchange information on the revitalisation projects in historic urban areas that have been carried out internationally. Many of these have been organised and financed by the European Commission and despite the fact that each project has been different, in the majority of cases, the three instruments above have proved to be valid. I will comment on this in more detail later on. Tool 12 .


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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention

Housing: renovation issues in France and the Mediterranean

I. Political Backing

Michel Polge Architect and town planner Technical director of the National Housing Improvement Agency (ANAH) France

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The issue is not a specifically Mediterranean one, it affects any country with a public policy on housing at national level. The issue can be considered in many ways, but it will always raise the problem of habitability and a qualitative trade-off between new and old: although the old does not offer a product that performs (operating cost, light, surfaces, facilities, parking, property value...) as well as the new, a group of residents who cannot choose their own destiny remains. The comparison and competition between housing solutions is fortunate for the old; it opens up for it the whole field of improvement to be grafted on to a mixed stock: negative/positive, unsuitable/historic, an architectural and cultural challenge which provides construction professionals with a nice opportunity. To quantitatively illustrate that it is impossible to ignore the old when talking about housing, let's take the French example, with 400,000 new homes built every year. There are 30,000,000 homes in total, of which 40% date from before 1949. That means any massive action to promote housing depends on rehabilitation in France, as it does elsewhere, because the Mediterranean countries are all countries with ancient cultures. For example, if one wants to considerably reduce domestic energy consumption it is certainly necessary to have strict rules for new homes but, if one really wants to act in a far-reaching way, action must be also taken on the existing stock. Here we will approach the issue of rehabilitation of existing homes from the angle of the exclusively technical issues that concern residential property, without covering social, urban or even economic issues, which are separate, although they must be considered at the same time in order to achieve a public housing rehabilitation policy.

Existing housing: from evidence of the plans for destruction to conviction of the need to rehabilitate the old stock. In the 19th century, following the line of Lumières, the issue of the living conditions of the population was raised throughout Europe. Doctors were in the front line: they strongly denounced serious public health problems, associating these problems with the housing issue and, more broadly, with the existing city. Notably, they made the link between problems of epidemics – cholera, tuberculosis... – and environmental issues. It became clear that public policy to promote the health of the population depended

Often, the urban rehabilitation processes requires operations of studied “dedensification” of obsolete and non-recoverable parts of the urban fabric in order to favor the improvement of the inhabitability of the habitat and of the environmental quality of the traditional urban space.

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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Housing: renovation issues in France and the Mediterranean

on the housing issue. It is interesting to note that this approach to urban issues first came from doctors, not from architects, town planners, political decision-makers or engineers. But these others took up the doctors' hygiene initiative on their own account and worked to transform towns and cities in this sense. They invented new architectural and urban forms with the idea of providing a response to serious problems in society. There were many consequences of this desire: the plan for the Eixample in Barcelona, Haussmann-style planning in Paris which was then diffused to the big French cities, garden cities, the Voisin plan, radial cities like Marseille, the Weissenhof Siedlung, the urban utopias of Proudhon or Fourier and Soria y Mata, which was first put into practice in Madrid, and others, as these are just examples. The common point of all these innovative town planning approaches is that the existing city – except for its historic monuments – was stigmatised and condemned to demolition or radical transformation. Until the 1970s, there was a very real consensus on the need to review the urban and housing issue with radical solutions, inventing a new city. For example, Victor Considérant, writing in the middle of the 19th century: "In this Paris there are a million men, women and unfortunate children, packed into a tight circle where the houses jostle and press one another, raising and superimposing their 6

cramped floors; 600,000 of these inhabitants live without air or light, above dark, deep, viscous courtyards, in damp cellars, with attics open to the rain and the wind, to rats and to insects. And from bottom to top, from cellar to rooftop, all is dilapidation, foul air, filth and misery." Throughout the 19th century and for a large part of the 20th, the general conviction concerning the existing city was that it must be condemned with no hope of appeal. The hygiene aspect of the issue was still largely to the fore when the "National Anti-Slum League" was set up in France in 1924. This organisation did not forget the rural world when it denounced housing conditions: "It is not only in the overcrowded districts of tentacular cities where one can find dark, dirty, lethal houses; villages, too, have their cottages with narrow windows that are never opened, with beaten earth floors foul with formidable germs; they have their decrepit, unhealthy hovels, nests of infection, where poverty is made still more poignant by the contrast with the serene splendour of nature." Strengthened by these principles, after the Second World War, reconstruction policies were applied on a large scale, with demolition, rebuilding or even construction of new districts from scratch, at last providing a response to this general wish for a new city, cleared of miasma and dilapidation. There was an evident opportunity – the destruction of the war, then 30 years of economic growth with rural exodus to support it, would generate

Without the necessary implication of the political powers at the moment of population-awareness-creating and the favoring of a favorable technical and economic context it is not possible to realize a successful rehabilitation.

Renovated houses opposite obsolete houses in Dar el Ahmar, in Islamic Cairo (Egypt)

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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Housing: renovation issues in France and the Mediterranean

enormous housing need. At this point, the solutions did not depend on rehabilitation: the existing city was preserved where there was nothing better. The reaction against this ideal of new cities provided at the cost of eradicating old ones - a dreamlike future where the horizon endlessly moved forward - appeared in the 1970s. There were several reasons for this: 1. the first oil crisis put an end to the constant economic growth following the war which had made it possible to imagine ever more ambitious and radical schemes to destroy the old city with the sole exception of its monuments 2. social disenchantment became clear in the new working class districts, built on a massive scale and remarkably quickly but to the detriment of the quality of the environment and services (we should not forget to point out that these new districts, in the very spirit of their designers, were meant to last 30 years before again being destroyed and rebuilt in a "throwaway" rather than "durable" replacement process 3. the existing city, abandoned to its own devices, gradually became a kind of ghetto where, once the working day was over, no-one but the poorest, the oldest and the most isolated remained – those who could not get out of the old districts with all their dilapidation and empty premises. 4. One might add that, before this, medicine had found its own remedies for many diseases, such as the invention of BCG, the vaccine against tuberculosis. Because of this, although the housing issue remained a central one for doctors, dealing with it was no longer the sole solution to public health issues.

Urban renovation operations in the centre of Barcelona / Foment de Ciutat Vella (Barcelona, Spain)

I. Political Backing

A cultural aspect was also present in this rediscovery of the old city: the notion of built heritage had come late, but urban heritage made its appearance in planning tools (in the 1960s in France), a long time after the "invention" of historic monuments. After this, without any general theory or "founding discourse", public intervention actions began to be launched on a pragmatic basis everywhere to reoccupy, repopulate and rehabilitate old districts. The result, 35 years later, is spectacular in a certain number of countries where new investment has been made in these old districts and where much – although far from everything – has been done to rehabilitate them. In addition, rehabilitation has become the economically dominant area of the construction industry in many countries, including France. The housing issue is a big one in public rehabilitation policy and, of course, it concerns private housing (which is in the huge majority compared to the public stock, but with a very variable proportion of private rented stock compared to private owner-occupied stock). The other 2 segments of this private stock are second homes, which can be important in the Mediterranean, and empty housing, whose quantity depends notably on the economic attractiveness of a sector but also on other factors (financial return on rented stock, legal problems concerning the status of property, etc.). Public policies concerning rehabilitation therefore have several targets: the private rented stock, the owner-occupied housing stock – the most important in terms of size (with a special focus on the poorest inhabitants) – and the treatment of vacant stock as a pool of homes to be put back on the market to meet local housing need. We might finally add "transformation of use" – that is, the transformation into housing of buildings not initially intended for this use and which are no longer practically useful.

Open space generated by the demolition of obsolete urban fabric in Palermo (Sicily, Italy)

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I. Political Backing

Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Housing: rehabilitation issues in france and the mediterranean

It should also be noted, although this issue goes beyond the objective of this article, that the rehabilitation of existing housing is often made difficult in Mediterranean cities because of town planning problems. A historical tendency to build very tightly packed cities with a network of very narrow roads can make "gutting" operations essential – unpicking the built-up fabric where any intervention on the building itself would be doomed to relative failure because really good habitability conditions would not be obtained due to lack of air and light. It is particularly notable that the Fez rehabilitation agency is called the "de-densification agency". A greater problem for rehabilitating old housing districts should also be noted – although it is not the subject of this article either – in that such rehabilitation only fully fulfils its promise if it can be achieved without detriment to the more modest inhabitants of these districts and their homes. The "return to the city" from 1975 onwards is often accompanied by "gentrification" of the restored districts; that is, a return of well-off people to the old cities. This is positive because it generates a social mix, provided that the more modest residents are not dislodged by such a movement. Action by the public authorities is still more necessary when the private owners are widely scattered: they are not construction professionals with an up-to-date knowledge of technical problems. In other words, there is very little presence by architectural professionals in the rehabilitation market, which is certainly very impressive in terms of spending, but which is divided into an infinite number of small sites. Of course, private owners would be able to identify their most immediate needs, such as installing facilities to provide a minimum of comfort or repairing dilapidated masonry. But they would not be able to identify more sophisticated technical problems – for example, when degraded paintwork is dangerous to the occupants and the technical solutions that must be applied. – and still less choose cutting-edge techniques: good insulation and heating, for example, with, at the same time, lasting, economical solutions adapted to the existing building. The issue for the public authorities, is, then, a three-fold one:

Another area is worth exploring in depth: "supervised" selfrehabilitation. Although this is a relatively minor issue in richer countries, support for people rehabilitating their own homes can play an essential role in less economically developed countries. This means being capable of producing the supervisory conditions: technical structures able to work with the residents to help them to define their needs and carry out the work. In order to conclude by saying what should happen to existing housing tomorrow, we will recall what we are looking for:

raising public awareness of technical issues through the mass media by suggestions solutions, using communications media appropriate for all kinds of targets depending on the priority technical issues promoting a technical framework that allows "enlightened decision-making" creating a favourable financial environment All public action therefore depends on the necessary mediators, who will "bring in" the technical problems from an extremely scattered audience and will be able to offer this audience appropriate technical solutions.

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healthy, appropriate housing (where issues of hygiene, comfort and access are resolved) safe housing (where issues of structural stability, safety and prevention of major risks are resolved) housing that is economical in terms of energy and resources (where issues of operating costs are resolved) housing designed to last. (where issues concerning the durability of the housing product are resolved) All these points require sometimes far-reaching technical transformations to improve the old housing and preserve its usage value. All these points also require technical mediation, public operational actions, aid properly calibrated for the benefit of private owners and the creation of a "technical rehabilitation culture" for the benefit of the major public issues involved.


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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention

Heritage and the need to renovate. The case of Greece

I. Political Backing

Nikos Kalogirou and Alkmini Pakka Architects Lecturers at Salonika Architecture College Greece

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1. A difficult equilibrium: improvement of living conditions versus the rehabilitation of built heritage The question of housing conditions and their relationship to the conservation of traditional urban housing is practically nonexistent in the majority of Greek city centres. Greece is a particular case in terms of urban scale conservation issues. Lack of a consistent conservation policy at a regional and urban scale, the impossibility of designating urban conservation areas through the existing legislation until recently, the lack of financing of urban projects and restoration works, the lack of a national registry of traditional architecture, are some of the reasons why there exist but few well conserved historic centres in modern Greek towns. The devastation of the country during the long war of independence against the ottomans that began in 1821 is also an important reason of this fact. There is a very small number of medieval settlements and approximately 600 villages and small towns all over the country dated to the last centuries of the Venetian – Ottoman occupation as well as some very fine examples of preserved settlements and modern towns founded after the Greek independence in 1830, mostly of vernacular neoclassical architecture. As mentioned above, right after the Second World War urban migration created a great demand for urban housing. This situation was resolved by the state, with the establishment of a legislative framework regulating construction, through which private initiative carried out the reconstruction of all urban centres, providing new housing, with practically no urban planning control from the part of the state, even though individual building permits were thoroughly controlled. This was made possible through the formulation of a uniform building code for the entire country. According to this code the volume of a building that was possible to be constructed on an urban plot was doubled or tripled in terms of the existing building, depending on the location of the site and the scale of the town. Consequently owners of urban land and structures were capable of exchanging their property with a certain number of new apartments of the building constructed after the demolition of the existing structure. This operation was carried out plot by plot and through private investments. No conservation policy existed capable of controlling this process that devastated almost all urban Greek centres (Fig. 1). The rise of land value resulting from these measures made impossible for the state to expropriate land and buildings even in latent conservation areas, making the

The traditional architecture has been forgotten in detriment of the significant monumental classical patrimony, without taking into account that it represented a still-alive and inhabited patrimony.

question of urban conservation synonym to restriction of ownership and definitely not popular. No regional or urban policy altered or compensated this situation. The housing stock of the country though, was principally renewed, leaving very few people living in insalubrious conditions. In some, very few cases where urban listed quarters have been conserved, initial residents, unwilling to undertake and finance the restoration of their houses, finally moved out, leaving marginal groups to inhabit their properties (i.e. Barbouta in Veria or the Upper Town of Thessaloniki). These quarters remain in a redundant state since the cost of their rehabilitation cannot be faced either by the state or by their present occupants. In the majority of cases though, where urban conservation projects have been carried out, they resulted in the transformation of the character of these areas, changing houses to leisure functions or displacing the initial population in favor of higher income users (Plaka in Athens, Ladadika in Thessaloniki) Outside the urban context in well conserved traditional

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I. Political Backing

Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Heritage and the need to renovate. The case of Greece

settlements the rehabilitation of the vernacular houses needs to be controlled. In settlements where pressure for tourist development exists, the traditional habitat is undergoing changes in order to accommodate new functions. In rural settlements still inhabited, upgrading traditional houses often means the loss of their original typology and architectural character. Sites of traditional urban or rural architecture were mainly preserved in cases where there was no pressure for demolition, reconstruction or redevelopment. Of course, as stated in the first chapter today there are still many sites and buildings in urgent need of intervention and protection.

2. The range cases where to act

1. The old centres are now barely recognisable in some Greek cities.

3. Lack of maintenance is one of the factors that damage heritage.

2. Example of traditional space recovered in Greece

4. Traditional Greek site.

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Due to its geographical position and configuration (large insular complexes and a hinterland fragmented by mountain ranges) as well as the different cultural influences resulting from its long tormented history, Greece has developed a wide range of building traditions. Rural and urban sites, well preserved until the end of Second World War, have been severely denatured as a result of intensive interior migration that then took place massively and resulted in the reconstruction of the majority of historic urban centers, while rural settlements were abandoned and neglected. The official state took time to realize the consequences of the total


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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Heritage and the need to renovate. The case of Greece

absence of a coherent regional and urban conservation policy that would prevent the rapid loss of a large number of traditional sites and monuments. Anyway traditional architecture was quite neglected in terms of conservation issues until recently being considered inferior to the important classical, Byzantine and postByzantine heritage of the country. A systematic study of the traditional heritage was not really carried out until a considerable part of it was already lost. Traditional architecture in Greece today comprises:

I. Political Backing

1. Few partially preserved urban sites and a very limited number of well conserved historic urban centers (fig. 2 ) 2. A large number of isolated buildings (not all of them listed) within the urban tissue of many cities, which are threatened by demolition or by incompatible interventions. State services are not capable of financing conservation projects and there is little public awareness and appreciation of traditional urban heritage (fig. 3) ; 3. A large number of well preserved traditional settlements throughout the country (fig. 4), Numerous agricultural structures and complexes, settings and landscapes around traditional nuclei also call for attention (fig.5) Among the well-conserved traditional settlements, there are distinctive categories in terms of their present state, so there are: 3.1. Settlements abandoned and threatened by deterioration and complete lack of maintenance (fig. 6) 3.2. Settlements under pressure for tourist development (fig. 7) 3.3. Settlements where the uncontrolled incompatible interventions result in the slow loss of their character. (fig. 8) Integrated diagnosis should provide policies for each particular category considering present state and perspectives.

5. Agricultural structures linked to the Greek landscape.

In the last 30 years there have been studies of traditional architecture in Greece. They can be considered neither exhaustive nor focusing on all aspects of the building traditions of the country.

6. Abandoned village in the Greek mountains.

7. Settlement under pressure for tourist development

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Tool 1 Concerning the perception of problems and justification of the intervention Heritage and the need to renovate. The case of Greece

Most of them do focus on the morphology of the isolated buildings and less on the construction materials and techniques. Even less attention is given to the typology of buildings, mainly considered in urban scale studies of traditional sites. The morphology of open spaces of settlements and the overall townscape values are less taken into consideration. There is little research and evaluation of the social, cultural and environmental aspects and values of the traditional heritage. The fact that these sites present a sustainable, self sufficient model that is ecologically profitable should also be a basic parameter to be pointed out and which is mostly not taken into consideration.

In these studies vernacular architecture is viewed as static building forms while an alternative dynamic and active approach should have as an objective the consideration of these environments as a source of architectural knowledge useful and applicable in contemporary design. It is important to note that there is no complete registry of the traditional heritage while many important structures are not yet listed. Minor complexes of rural and agricultural functions are not protected while the conservation of landscapes and settings critical for preserving the context of traditional architecture is not even discussed. (fig. 9).

8. Unfortunate transformations are another factor that damage heritage.

The necessity of the operations of an integral type is demonstrated in cases such as Athens and Thessalonica, where patrimonial conservation policies have been carried out, but have resulted in transformations towards tertiary specialization and leisuresociety economies

9. The landscape is also a traditional value to be protected in Greece.

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The value of traditional urban models. The case of Nicosia

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Michael Cosmas Architect Cyprus 1

Next Friday at 7pm, the head of the State planning authorities’ housing department will be presenting an award to the winner of the 8th Europan competition. This in itself might not be an extraordinary event, but in the context of Cyprus, it carries a particular significance for two reasons. Firstly the scale the competition engages. Europan is a European institution by now, having run for over fifteen years (Europan 1-8) producing numerous fascinating and innovative projects, while at the same time allowing younger architects the chance to materialize their ideas and take a step into the production of the built environment. Europan lies unique amongst other competitions in that while it is essentially an idea’s competition, it demands from competitors to attack their sites at levels that go beyond the architectural project and engage a scale that is primarily urban. This intermediary operational scale, which projects beyond the boundaries of the single plot-based project and lies before the strategic and planning scale, is completely absent from the mechanisms of production of urban space on the island, making the Europan 8 project a significant mark of new direction in thinking by the local authorities. The second reason is the choice of site for the competition. This is of significant importance not only because it carries a particular socio-political weight (it is one of a series of housing estates built in the late 70’s to house the 200,000 refugees of the Turkish invasion), but because even in its desperate state, the site carries the promise of a different kind of urban assembly1. The choice of site was indeed intended to be such, so as a discussion about models of urban assembly is opened, prompting a re-evaluation of the prevalent mono-cultural, anodyne, plot based development of the post-colonial era that makes up the suburban peripheries of the Cypriot city. This suburban sprawl and its socioeconomic as well as environmental impact has so far been little contested either by authorities or by the general public. The city of Nicosia post 1974: the Historic City After the 1974 war and the subsequent division of the island, cities in Cyprus experienced massive demographic changes. Sudden population growth was coupled by rapid urbanization of their periphery, while authorities, crippled by the state’s impoverishment and organizational inadequacy remained incapable to plan for these changes. Nicosia was affected more than any other city on the island. Dismembered by its division into north and south (a separation wall, runs east to west through its historical center), and disfigured

The political powers should promote the historic city as a place of privileged life-style, not only as a cultural entity and a picturesque backdrop for tourists.

As an alternative to the development of suburban urban models and the multiplication of no-places in the contemporary city, the traditional urban models can offer urbaneness nowadays in crisis.

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by its subsequent disproportional (suburban) sprawl towards the south, it has become the paradoxical city par-excellence. The historical city (marked by its 14th century fortification by the Venetians) and its immediate surroundings, has been up to and until the war the geographic as well as socio-economic center of the metropolitan region. The division has rendered this historic fabric into a marginal territory, while its social and economic importance has been dramatically reduced. Dramatic population reduction after the war was followed by a steady hemorrhage of inhabitants in the 1980’s, with numbers reaching an all time low in the mid 1990’s. With the historic center incapacitated, the parallel efforts that aimed to develop the periphery (the authorities have been trying for many years to alleviate circulatory problems in the center caused by the inadequate road network and the explosion in traffic), have resulted in a generous, sprawling poly-centric field, on which the historic center is only but one of the nodes. In fact, not only is it one of numerous of nodes of urban intensity, but it is one that is of rather secondary significance. The importance of an alternative urban assembly The universal appeal of the suburban model to contemporary city dwellers has been well discussed in recent years. A peaceful environment that offers little anxiety, as inhabitants are usually amongst their own kind, virtually (and sometimes physically) segregated from uses and users that might upset their living environments. Suburbia has stricken a chord with the middle class values of contemporary society. But it is also well known that the suburbs more often than not remain mono-cultural and poor in diversity, incapable to support activities that promote social and cultural exchange between population groups. With the suburban model ‘the city’ fails as a social and cultural exchange mechanism. It fails as a means for society to understand itself, understand others, grow and produce culture. It is beyond the scope of this text to try and analyze the (multivalent) problems associated with the suburban model. What is of importance here is that the historic centers of our cities (as is also the case of the housing estates we mentioned earlier), startlingly present themselves as available alternatives to the this prevalent model. Could it be that this age old city fabric, now defunct and in disarray, could foster a new kind of city of living, one not driven by romantic aestheticism, but by a social agenda while indeed being capable of meeting contemporary needs and desires? The urban tissue in the Historic city possesses many of the qualities that contemporary urbanists discuss as key characteristics of a model urbanity. Built on the premise of proximity, the fabric possesses a critical density that on one hand fosters community and social knitting, but also friction and social-tension. Proximity

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The car plays the leading role in the historic centre of Nicosia, Cyprus.

Street in the historic centre of Nicosia (Cyprus)


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fosters social transparency, and therefore understanding, acceptance. The tissue possesses an infinite variety of spaces for public activity, varying from the street to the urban square, and from the neighborhood park to the private yard. The car slows down and takes a secondary role, while the mostly pedestrianized network of streets becomes the stage for daily urban encounters. Efforts to rejuvenate the historic city The Nicosia historic city is currently lying stagnant. A substantial proportion of its built fabric is in complete disarray, while economic and social activity (bar one or two exceptions) is in decay. Despite numerous efforts over the years, the district has failed to generate a positive dynamic, and remains an area with an unsure future2. The efforts have all been well intended, with some exceptionally well thought out and executed, but the general feeling is that they have been rendered ineffective. There have been numerous reasons that have rendered some of these efforts ineffective, but we would argue that the most important factor has been a general misunderstanding of the potentials of the historic city as a whole3. Henry Lefebvre in his infamous text ‘the right to the city’ writes: “The city historically constructed is no longer lived and is no longer understood practically. It is only an object of cultural composition for tourists, for estheticism, avid for spectacles and the picturesque… Yet the urban remains in a state of dispersed and alienated actuality, as kernel and virtuality…”. The potential of the city lies in its urban qualities and not in its aesthetic appeal. While it is of course important to salvage and restore our architectural heritage, it is of most importance to rehabilitate and enlist it as an active player in contemporary urban life. It is important to disentangle the city from historicism and a romantic appreciation, in order to develop an intellectual and scientific armature that would guide interventions and policies towards an active, dynamic future for the area, one that would allow it once more to be “lived and understood practically”. Architecture So how would one go about changing the fortunes of this valuable piece of urban fabric? The restoration and habilitation of important architecture in the historic center is of course of primary importance. Encouraging private initiative (the various institutions that have set up their facilities in the historic city have done an excellent job of restoring and or rehabilitating buildings), facilitating and even financing projects through public policy is already happening, while a more aggressive policy by the municipality, in order to match owners to potential buyers/ users might re-invigorate things. But architectural interventions alone do not of course guarantee an infusion of urbanity, let alone of a healthy one. As Jane Jacobs writes to discuss the misunderstood association between

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architecture and social behavior in her infamous book ‘The Life and Death of Great American Cities’ “ ….there is no direct, simple relationship between good …[buildings] and good behavior …good shelter is a useful good in itself, as shelter”. Demographics After the 1974 war the historic city suffered a demographic shock, with resident population abandoning the city en-force, with a steady hemorrhage of inhabitants continuing until the mid 1990’s when numbers reached an all time low. Light industry, and commerce hang-on to the city a bit more, with cheap rents and flexible infrastructures proving tempting enough to stay, but ultimately (with the exception of small scale operations that cannot afford the relocation), this population sector is also abandoning the city. While inhabitants were fleeing, other population groups found room to move in. In recent years the city has witnessed the settlement of substantial numbers of economic immigrants, a phenomenon that has infused the city with some urbanity. Parallel to this, in the last decade the historic city has emerged as a popular host for the urban night-entertainment scene, with numerous bars and clubs choosing this area to set up, while tourism has once again re-emerged as a significant source of income for the area, with numbers suggesting a steady rise in visitors per year. Action These phenomena suggest that the historic city might no longer be stagnant and could hope for a positive outlook. This might indeed be true, but there are two important issues that arise, both suggesting directions and areas for immediate action, by all implicated parties. The population groups settling into the city have little if any interaction between them. The economic immigrants share no common space with the carpenters and the smelters in the light industry, let alone with the hordes of youngsters that populate the after-hours club scene. This suggests a fragmented, more vulnerable city. Furthermore, none of these population groups is indeed ‘resident’ (the economic immigrants are more often than not in transit status) which produces an environment that feels little cared for, while suggesting a city weak in terms of representation and ability to develop self-governance. Resident population matters, as it represents votes, a good measure of the capacity for a neighborhood or district to enforce change. The need to attract new population groups, primarily resident populations, is evident, while the existing population groups have to be further intertwined with the new groups. The challenge lies in how to entice these new settlements, and of course which groups to target first. A strategy which has worked in a number of similar cases abroad is to target population groups that are early adopters, and groups that can be attracted by a quality

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work-live environment. Such groups include artists and artisans, high-technology and services professionals and others. Schemes and policies to attract the new settlers have to be coupled with new projects that will equip the city with those facilities that are necessary to cater for contemporary needs and desires. Projects that range from parking infrastructures to sport and leisure facilities are required to lift the desirability of the historic city, while the guaranteeing of personal safety and security for young individuals should not be underestimated. Ultimately though, the qualities and potentials of the Historic city, as previously discussed, lie latent in its urban tissue. With the settling of new populations, this potential has to be further explored with the rehabilitation and creation of elements that intensify public activity and social knitting, while offering enough diversity to cater for a new more diverse population.

it is going to happen only through public adoption and participation. Society has to educate itself about the value of urban life, before all appreciation and understanding of urbanity is forever lost.

Footnote Finally it should be stressed that public adoption remains key. Lefebvre writes again “…Although necessary, policy is not enough….Only social force, capable of investing itself in the urban through a long political experience, can take charge of the realization of a program concerning urban society…” With the proliferation of non-places in contemporary life (as the anthropologist Marc Augé has termed contemporary airports, highways, theme-park shopping malls and similar nodes in contemporary life) and the global explosion of a sprawling suburbia, it is with particular importance that we should address the issue of the city as place. If alternative models of urban assembly are to be given a chance to demonstrate their potential,

Traditional buildings in the centre of Nicosia, Cyprus

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1

The site is typical of the refugee housing projects built in the 70’s, and follows an organizational logic that draws heavily on housing and urbanism ideas prevalent at the time. Car access and parking is organized in a series of cul-de-sacs that feed off an arterial peripheral road, while the buildings are organized in linear patterns running E-W. Open space and public facilities take a primary role, while the buildings are relatively small scale, mostly two and three story multi-family apartment blocks.

2

It important not to discard the positive changes brought to the historic city by the recent settlements of significant numbers of economic immigrants, primarily from ex-Soviet block countries. But these effects were mostly market driven and were not organized or planned, while they remain largely unstable.

3

Various projects have been successful in their own right over the years. We would include the restoration and re-habilitation of numerous historical buildings, the construction of model housing units for young families in the Hrisaliniotissa area, the Nicosia Contemporary Arts Center amongst others. But in terms of transgressing their scope to become a factor that would change the dynamics of the area, these projects have been less than effective.


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The framework of governance and public participation

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Xavier Benoist Economist and town planner General Director of PACT ARIM France

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The driving role of public authorities Rehabilitation operations bring together private initiatives (owner occupiers, landlords, property developers) and public authorities very closely. It is appropriate here to review the different levels of political engagement and the nature of the interventions to be made by the public authorities during the three big stages of the rehabilitation process, which are: diagnosis, strategy and specific interventions.

Clear, firm political commitment both before and after the project. The first success factor for any rehabilitation programme is clear, firm, unswerving political commitment, regardless of the constraints and difficulties that may occur. Political commitment has a direct effect on the way the project is received by the people, as well as on the motivation of the operational teams. It must be constantly renewed by the responsible authorities, both before and after projects. Political responsibility beforehand is expressed in participation in setting up projects in order to ensure feasibility. Projects then appear as contributions to the expression of a political ideal. They are negotiated in such as way as to respond to the essential issues for the future of the urban territory and the population. Political responsibility afterwards is expressed in terms of capacity to exploit the good practices springing from pilot projects in other districts or other larger-scale projects. The lessons drawn from these experiences must make it possible to improve existing policies, regulations and institutions in order to respond better to future rehabilitation requirements.

Popular participation A rehabilitation project certainly requires strong technical skills and political commitment, but this is not the only dimension. It must be constructed and undertaken with the residents who are, in the first place, the main group concerned by the project. This involves a project initiative that is organised based on regular exchanges and debates with the population, with civil society.

The implication of the residents, as well as the users of the conjunct of economic and social agents, in order to reach consensus in the taking of decisions, will be key in the guaranteeing of long-term success of the operations to be realized..

Depending on the city and the country, this attitude can lead to forms of organisation that differ to a certain degree according to the participation habits of the local population. They can run from the establishment of public workshops to the organisation of regular meetings to obtain agreement. Whatever the formula used, participation by all components of the population must be organised at each stage of the rehabilitation process (diagnosis, strategy and specific operations).

Participation of all the population Recent urban history is marked by the development of residents' initiatives to protect their living space. District residents' associations are, then, often excellent (or even unique) interlocutors for the public authorities when it comes to rehabilitation. However, care must be taken not to limit mechanisms to participation by residents. Instead they should be extended to users, traders, NGOs and other economic agents capable of becoming involved in investing and adding value to old districts. Care must also be taken to integrate all residents, with all the ethnic, social, cultural and religious components involved, following the principle of non-discrimination.

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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions The framework of governance and public participation

Participation at the strategic level

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The formation of strategic choices is incontrovertibly one of the strongest moments for public debate. It comes at the point where several lines of argument and territorial scales converge. It is at this stage that the impact on the district of the relevant choice of a strategy defined at city level (public facilities policy, housing policy, mobility policy, etc.) is measured. It is also at this stage when the set of conceivable actions at district level in response to the problems identified and the expectations expressed by the population is spelt out. For the population, this is the chance to have a look at the transformation envisaged by the project at district level and to express proposals to enrich, amend or even redirect it. This makes it possible to measure the level of acceptance of the project by the population and its capacity to share and participate in it. It is during this stage, and at the same time as the exchanges, when the big trade-offs are expressed by the local representatives concerning the different proposals, clearly pointing out what is conceivable or negotiable and what is not. All these debates must ultimately make it possible to finalise the configuration of the project, its positioning in the municipal agenda and the establishment of the technical and financial means necessary to carry it out.

Meeting of experts in Kairouan, Tunisia)

The establishment of democratic participation mechanisms Urban rehabilitation concerns all aspects of the population's daily life: housing, mobility, public spaces, facilities, economic activities... etc. It cannot go against the objectives of the surrounding area. This is why democratic mechanisms must be established from the state, so that the project becomes a successful collective one. These participation mechanisms must make it possible to exchange information, hold public debates and consultation and obtain the agreement of the population. The implementation of such mechanisms, associating civil society with the different stages of the project, requires respect for the rules of the game in order to obtain fruitful results. First of all, it is advisable to formalise a framework for the debates in which each partner has its role: local authority officers research and propose; the population informs, amends and confirms; the elected representatives decide and show commitment. The operational team must then be installed on the site in order for the project to put down roots and to confirm their capacity to listen to the population. This team must demonstrate a certain level of availability to take into account suggestions and provide responses to the many questions from residents. This approach must be accompanied by a certain number of specific actions, such as regularly holding public meetings or communicating information to the public as the project progresses in the form of easily accessible

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Residents of Al-Mazra'a Al-Qibliya Ramallah, PNA / Jamil Daragmeh, RIWAQ archive

YorĂźk (Turkey)


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documents (permanent exhibition, leaflets, awareness-raising brochure, periodic newsletter, radio or television broadcast, posters...). 2 The project partnership The development of public and private policies is constructed around a project partnership formed by, as a minimum: Local communities The inter-council structure in charge of town planning and transport Other mobilised territorial groups The State Finance institutions Residents' representatives A steering committee presided over by the local authorities brings together the different public agents involved and decides the objectives, urban strategy and action programmes, as well as the means each partner can bring to the project. These commitments are enacted in the partnership agreement. The running of the project is ensured by a project head who coordinates actions and all operations, accounts for the implementation of the programme and prepares decisions to be taken while the project is being carried out. The running of the project must be organised so that it can be guided by the partners in a single direction. The project executive (project head), assisted by the partners' technical decision-making bodies, is accountable to the steering committee. The many actions and, in particular the many direct contractors working for the communities, mean that strong liaison between the project management and city services is required. When certain missions are subcontracted to operators, agreements on the respective missions of the contractor and subcontractor and the role of the project director with regard to the operators and to the community must be explicit. The mission to run the project may also be delegated to an operator who will ensure the entire running of the operation under the aegis of the steering committee. Moreover, decisions over contributions from the marketplace and from aid to owners and investors must be delegated to ad hoc committees in order to separate the mission of the awarding authorities from operational missions, whether or not these are contracted out. Guaranteed transparency in decision-making and equality of opportunity for applicants must be ensured in the whole process of the operation.

Visit at Sant Pere Rodes, Catalonia (Spain)

Technicians in Cairo (Egypt)

Consultation on the rehabilitation of the historical center of Embrun (France)

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Public initiative and citizen commitment: the example of the process of transformation of the historical centre of Barcelona

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Martí Abella Director of the Communication Department Foment de Ciutat Vella (Barcelona, Spain)

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Barcelona/Ciutat Vella until 1980 Ciutat Vella is an urban centre whose origins go back more than 2000 years. Even today one can see well conserved ancient remains of the Roman wall built in the early 4th century AD. The original extent of the city was expanded by the building of successive walls built during the 11th and 14th centuries. The central area marked out by the final medieval defences was where life in the Catalan capital was played out for more than 500 years. In the mid-19th century (1854) the city was authorised to tear down its defences, by then a huge barrier to urban growth. A new period of general prosperity then began for the city, but the old Barcelona entered into a new dynamic, in this case of decline and loss of importance, which over time led to physical, economic and social degradation. In the 1970s, Barcelona society was still under the effects of rigid control and Francoism, which among other methods of social control, would not allow the development of normal political life. In this period powerful social movements sprang up which, under the protective umbrella of a (politically) aseptic civic and citizen participation, took on a real representation of political options opposed to the permanence of the dictatorial regime. When the dictator died in 1975, the country gradually underwent a costly process leading to political normality. This process involved many old “civic” militants assuming direct political militancy and beginning to lead activities in the area of political representation. Nevertheless, the residents’ associations continued to show considerable vitality, and this period coincides with the introduction of municipal democracy and, at the same time, the development of many of the plans for renovating and revitalising neighbourhoods, which for so many years had been called for by residents’ movement. The municipal district which encompasses the city marked out by the medieval walls, Ciutat Vella, began this process of renovation in 1980, by commissioning a teams of leading urban experts (architects, engineers, lawyer, economists), to draw up a number of Special Redevelopment Plans (PERI), one for each neighbourhood of the historical centre. This first step resulted in an impressive process of renovation of the degraded historical centre and represented a determined political bid which led to the start of the firm social commitment of the municipal government with the residents of the district which could not be fulfilled until resolving the multiple problems converging in time and the original ageing centre of the city of Barcelona.

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In the historic center of Barcelona, the declaration of Integral Rehabilitation Area, under the state legislation which destined economic resources to degraded areas, supposed the definitive step toward concentrating technical and financial efforts in their rehabilitation.

With this process, the direct participation of the residents’ associations began with the transformation of their own urban environment. In first place the plans were based on two premises defended by the residents in Ciutat Vella: The need for a radical action plan giving the neighbourhoods those elements which define the quality of life, that is: 1. Sufficient public space to carry out any type of activities of residents and, at the same time, to reduce the density of urban areas marked by the disorderly occupation of all available land. 2. Sufficient social, cultural, educational and sports facilities to meet the needs of residents. 3. Renovation or creation of new networks of services and infrastructures. In addition, the social and residents’ movements defended the need for the urban transformation and improvement programme to be concentrated in the plans of old projects which involved the opening-up of large urban through roads. As these had yet to be developed they had become important axis of social and urban degradation.


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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions Public initiative and citizen commitment: the example of the process of transformation of the historic centre of Barcelona

The renovation of the historical centre of Barcelona -the then recently created district of Ciutat Vella- was planned under these premises within a process of decentralisation of municipal power which has been immensely positive in guaranteeing that the project has been properly developed, despite being, a priori, very socially conflictive. The social axes of development of the plan responded above all to the visions and pressures of residents, not to the free and distant exercising of power, on the part of the representatives of a new and promising political stage.

1980. The Special Redevelopment Plans (PERI) In 1980, the City Council commissioned the drawing-up of urban reform plans to several distinguished teams of professionals. The first action of these professionals was to bring the public participation process into operation. Residents were invited to an explanation of the setting-up of the process and an announcement was made on the collection and selection of the proposals from residents’ organizations. In many cases, the initial technical proposals were modified in accordance with the opinions and arguments presented, both in meetings prior to the first administrative approval and during the legal process which stipulated that the project must have two different periods of public exhibition, and that the project could be modified through the presentation of declarations. Finally the urban plans were approved in a plenary municipal session. It is the maximum urban authority of the Autonomous Community which must approve or not the project in function of whether it strictly meets the law and urban planning procedures currently in force in Catalonia. The reform plans include studies on the situation of origin of the points to be modified from a sociological, town-planning and architectural point of view. These are the bases upon which the intervention proposals will be established. In the 1980-1985 period, the main PERI for Ciutat Vella were carried out and approved. These affected the neighbourhoods of El Raval, El Sector Oriental and La Barceloneta. At a later date, the plan which only affected a part of the Gothic neighbourhood was added.

1984-1986. Integrated Restoration Area (ARI) Once the urban plans had overcome the first administrative approval stage, the City Council had now made an important commitment to Ciutat Vella: by intervening and managing a project of great importance for its residents, subject to an expected investment which exceeded the real capacity of the municipal corporation at the time: This situation prevented it from scheduling the start of the renovation work. This problem

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demanded the start of a difficult search for resources to finance a project as costly as it was ambitious. The financial difficulty was the first situation which put to the test the degree of municipal commitment to the project. The solution was found in the recently approved Spanish Law, RD 2329/83, passed in order to support the restoration of privatelyowned buildings and homes. The decree considered the creation of territorial limits, the Integrated Restoration Areas (ARI), that is, urban areas in which the administrations would concentrate technical and economic efforts in order to promote the revitalisation of degraded historical centres or neighbourhoods. The city government understood that the declaration of the district of Ciutat Vella as an Integral Restoration Area (ARI) would entail the possibility of receiving grants from state funds in order to finance, at least in part, the urban renovation considered in the recently approved PERI. Barcelona placed its hopes in the possibility of obtaining this channel of financing and it made great strides towards achieving this aim, but the decision also represented a decisive advance in the consolidation and channelling of the permanent participation of the representatives of residents in the process of renovation, as the areas which obtained the ARI declaration had to be backed by a managing commission, that is, a body in charge of analysing, arguing, coordinating and making co-responsible the administrations and the social representatives around the strategic decisions for the development of the renovation plans which made up the ARI. The declaration of the ARI of Ciutat Vella, was an excellent demonstration of the municipal commitment to the project and to the participation of citizens. It moreover resulted in the same involvement of the Autonomous Region Authority in the project. The managing commission of the ARI was founded at the end of 1986, and since then it has evaluated the most substantial aspects of the renovation process of the old historical centre of Barcelona. Representatives at the highest level of the autonomous region government (Generalitat of Catalonia), Barcelona City Council, neighbourhood associations and the Chamber of Urban Property met every three months and took a large number of decisions which although not legally binding, in reality meant their coresponsibility in the development of a potentially explosive project at a social level and one which was very difficult to carry out without continual coordination between the administrations involved. It is important to highlight the degree of responsibility and commitment made by the administrations by accepting their forming part of a joint committee with the residents’ representatives, whom on a regular and steady basis could put forward their demands and points of view to the public authorities in charge of developing the project.

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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions Public initiative and citizen commitment: the example of the process of transformation of the historic centre of Barcelona

Development bodies: Promoció Ciutat Vella (1988); Foment de Ciutat Vella (2000)

in the hypothetical case of their being developed in depth but without guarantees of success, they could have even increased the processes of degradation and the abandonment of residents and activities - if they failed in their choice of operations or in the management formula. Because of this, it was seen as essential to previously build up an extensive network of political, social and economic levels of complicity which would channel the coresponsibility and participation of the social sectors affected. With the participation in the municipal mixed company, some of the principal economic administrators of Ciutat Vella were present during the taking of decisions on the urban renovation and improvement project. Companies which generate or distribute urban services, financial entities and above all the body, Promoció Ciutat Nova/Iniciatives per a la Recuperació de Ciutat Vella, made up of companies located in the district, were the main guarantors from the business world of the municipal strategy designed to replace degradation with revitalisation. This participation of the economic world was seen by the municipality as an important backing, both in terms of the management model of the intervention, and in terms of urban role which Ciutat Vella should play. These two lines (ARI and PCV/FCV) made up the most significant formulas used to channel the participation of the social representatives and the economic world in the taking of the decisions around the process.

In 1988, Barcelona City Council fulfilled its acceptance of its responsibility with the process by creating the holding company which was to deal with the development of the actions considered in the urban plans which formed the municipal powers of the project. The selection and assessment of the operations which were to form the basic core of the transformation of Ciutat Vella took place within the managing commission of the ARI, and it was through this instrument for participation and co-responsibility where the management guidelines were agreed which would directly affect the daily life of many resident families in the district. Without the realisation and acceptance by all those involved of a series of general conditions of the project’s development, it would have been impossible to successfully carry it out, especially because of the considerable social impact which the management of a project entailed, which ended with the expropriation, emptying and demolishing of some 500 buildings, the elimination of more than 4,500 homes and the rehousing of some 3,200 families. It should be noted that the rehousing of the families who lived in homes which had to be demolished was done using new homes built using public money and located in the same neighbourhood where they lived before. The management instrument took on the form of a principally mixed-stock public limited company. This formula has enabled gains in terms of greater flexibility and capacity for action characteristic of a private company, compared to the typical inflexibility and slowness of the public sector. Also essential in the choice of this management model was the desire to promote the maximum involvement of civil society in a complex project with a high economic and social cost. The forecasts for the improvement plan were so wide-ranging that

View of Santa Caterina market, a new focus for the improvement of the historic district

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Decentralisation. Participating Commissions The municipal decentralisation approved in 1984 represented very significant changes in the relations between the municipal administration and citizens. The creation of new municipal districts led to an administrative reorganisation which endowed the new bodies with wide-ranging powers of decision-making in questions which affected the district itself, reserving for the central areas the control over matters which go beyond the scope of a single district or which corresponded to general policies of the city. Decentralisation entailed the creation of 10 municipal districts which since 1984 have governed daily life in each their areas. These districts have channelled the most direct participation of residents in the political life of the community. The district hosts and develops the participating commissions, including Urbanism, Trade and Environment, Public Safety and Crime and Personal Services (education, youth, the elderly, etc.). Through the Urbanism Commission, the municipal administration has presented the projects for the reform and renovation of Ciutat Vella to civil society. Thus, representatives of bodies, citizens and people who on a personal level wish to participate in the transformation processes can influence the definition of these projects before they are officially approved. The commission


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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions Public initiative and citizen commitment: the example of the process of transformation of the historic centre of Barcelona

I. Political Backing

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New square generated by the demolition of obsolete buildings. Adrià Goula

The construction of new homes has served to complement the typological range existing in the historic fabric. Adrià Goula

Public aid has served to generate an important dynamic of private renovation. Adrià Goula

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analyses and assesses both the urban projects with the most wideranging impact, and the design of buildings of municipal facilities or the projects for the remodelling of streets and squares. When the reaction of residents is unfavourable, the administration must modify the original project, although this is not a legal obligation. The latest and interesting process of adaptation of a municipal project to the opinions of affected citizens, is recent and corresponds to the final urbanisation of a large public space (Jardins de Metges-Jaume Giralt, 200x 40 m. l.), practically the last great operation of the PERI governing the Sector Oriental neighbourhood. The importance of this action has also required the development of a participative process open to all citizens for a period of two months which was led by an architect who was especially employed to develop this process.

Support for civil society Since the start of the renovation process, the municipal administration has seen the existence of social partners for the different aspects of the process as something fundamental. To this end, it has devoted considerable efforts and resources to the maintenance or expansion of the network of civic bodies and organisations that can channel the vision of citizens into urban policies which can be implemented. Public premises have been made available to the neighbourhood associations so they can carry out their work; joint campaigns have been carried out on environmental awareness with specialized organisations; permanent spaces have been offered to cultural and social bodies (choral societies, activities with young people with problems, etc.); and there has even been collaboration in the creation of bodies which work in the promotion and coordination of all the bodies and organisations existing in a given neighbourhood (Tot Raval). The process of transformation and improvement in Ciutat Vella has taken into special consideration the civil society which through multiple forms of co-responsibility and participation has always been present in the different stages of the project.

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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions Public initiative and citizen commitment: the example of the process of transformation of the historic centre of Barcelona


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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions

The agents involved and the difficulties of consensus on the nature of the intervention: the case of Islamic Cairo

I. Political Backing

Cristina Scarpocchi University of the Val d’Aoste Italy

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The study presented here concerns the part of Cairo identified as “Islamic Cairo”, which UNESCO added to the World Heritage List in 1979 and subsequently dubbed by the UNDP “Historic Cairo”. This is the area with the highest concentration of medieval Islamic monuments in the world and has been exposed to a number of threats mainly caused by population pressure and urban transformation as well as natural and environmental causes. It is also a space where different and not always evident and identifiable practices and discourses overlap, given the large number of players which carry out their symbolic and/or concrete action on it. This multiplicity of meanings is the result of complex interactions between actors in defining what is Historic Cairo heritage and how to preserve it which experiences the convergence of cultural, religious and leisure practices, restoration, conservation and urban rehabilitation projects, real estate strategies, and plans for improving tourism development. This process has involved many different actors at various levels and scales: UNESCO and UNDP, Egyptian ministries, local government, religious institutions, foundations for the promotion of Islamic culture, NGOs, foreign cultural institutes and finally scholars and experts.

1. The patrimonialization process The official acknowledgement of Historic Cairo as World Heritage site is the result of a process formally started in 1881 with the institution of the Comité pour la Conservation des Monuments de l’Art Arabe, but which can be traced back to earlier periods. The Comité’s intervention focused on single monuments enhancing their separation from the surrounding contemporary environment, destroying those building which could interfere with the view of the monument. The action of the Comité did not lead to any structured rehabilitation policy and the interest in Historic Cairo continued to be further shown through a series of publications on Islamic architecture by eminent scholars, culminating in the foundation in 1973 of the Egyptian Society of Friends of Antiquities, under the chairmanship of the first lady, Jihan Sadat. The Society received wide political support, based on the new cultural perspective (also a product of international pressure) that embraced the preservation and restoration of historic town centres. Although President Sadat’s assassination brought an end to the Society’s activity, the issue of the decay in Islamic quarters had been brought to the attention of the international community, with Jihan

It is necessary to create an organism that has authority over the process of rehabilitation and that it be capable of reconciling the interests of residents and public institutions. In the case of Islamic Cairo, the value of use demanded by the residents runs up against the demanded symbolic and economic values of the state powers.

Sadat’s call to UNESCO to add Islamic Cairo to the World Heritage List in 1979, which led to the UN body drawing up a plan for the area in which, beside the aim of accelerating the physical and functional restoration and rehabilitation of the historic built environment, much of the thrust of the project and its recommendations addressed the need to set up suitably specialized bodies and to reinforce an organization capable of supporting and implementing a rehabilitation project as complex as that required for the old quarters. However, action was undertaken only by individual foreign cultural institutes and cooperation offices, concerning some form of intervention on single outstanding monuments. It was not until the end of the 1980s and the early ‘90s that interest was once again turned to wide-scale projects, projects that concerned whole districts or particularly significant streets, rather than individual monuments. The early 1990s saw the start of what was and still remains the single most important project designed, given its scope,

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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions The agents involved and the difficulties of consensus on the nature of the intervention: the case of Islamic Cairo

complexity, thoroughness, and accuracy, namely, the project carried out by the UNDP’s experts. The guiding principle was to develop a comprehensive project for Historic Cairo while in parallel defining a protocol that would have served as a single overall framework for all future interventions. A few months later, the UNDP team began the background work by analysing every aspect relevant to the area’s rehabilitation, from the physical and environmental to the socio-economic and architectural. Despite its innovative proposals and the consensus among experts, especially in the international community, the UNDP’s view of the project never produced an overall and coordinated working plan capable of giving direction to and unifying the range of occasional interventions. This led to a period of immobility which was broken in 1998 when, upon direct initiative from the Minister of Culture the Historic Cairo Restoration Project was launched by the highest governmental authority, President Mubarak, as one of the most expensive Egyptian plans (with a total budget of one billion of Egyptian pounds). In order to overcome one of the main problems which has delayed the rehabilitation Historic Cairo, the lack of coordination and of a shared view of this specific heritage among he different agents, presidential Decree n. 1352 was Issued, aiming at creating an inter-ministerial Institutional framework involving seven ministries and Cairo Governorate and put under the auspices of the first lady, Suzanne Mubarak. In order to prepare and implement the restoration project, the Centre for the Administration of Historic Cairo was formed within the Ministry for Culture, marking this a radical shift in Egyptian heritage policy in that it provided ground for the establishment of a consistent group of only Egyptian experts to be involved in the hundreds of restorations to be set up in the area.

During the '90s two other bodies were created with the aim of ensuring coordination between the various stakeholders and players involved, to a certain stage heirs of Society's attempt to forge a single authority. The Executive Agency for the Renovation and Development of Fatimid Cairo was set up in 1990, with the task of overseeing large projects financed principally by loans and donations from France and Saudi Arabia. The Permanent Committee for the Preservation of Cairo Monuments was set up in 1994, its remit limited to the oversight of occasional interventions made necessary for the most part because of abuse perpetrated by inhabitants. In theory, the two new bodies should have acted as bridges between the various players, unanimously considered as an essential premise to the effective rehabilitation of the area’s urban fabric as a whole. Both agencies were composed of members who belonged to almost all the institutional bodies - the Governorate of Cairo, the Supreme Council of Antiquities, and the Ministries of the Awqaf, Tourism, Housing and New Settlements - as well as individual experts in architecture, restoration and conservation. Nevertheless, these agencies' competences too often overlapped, rather than substituting, existing players' strategies and policies. With regard to external actors, from the 70s onwards, interest in Islamic architecture, and in that of Cairo in particular, has involved cultural bodies both from Europe and from the United States. Historically, the first foreign intervention in Egypt was undertaken by Poland, followed by national missions from other, mainly European, countries. From the 90s onwards, the USA also became involved. Within the field of our investigation, these interventions may be considered both fundamental and marginal. Focusing rehabilitation efforts on a defined and limited number of representative monuments corresponds to a strategy which does not consider, or does so in very limited terms, the symbolic, social and economic dimensions of the patrimonialization and urban rehabilitation processes. In addition to this, the role played by individual cultural institutes in the systematic and overall process of conserving the old quarters is both a constraint and a resource, in that such institutes often bring expertise, skills and technical resources that comply with internationally recognized standards for restoration and rehabilitation works, but in many cases do not extensively involve local expertise. It should be also noted that UNESCO and UNDP have played a fundamental role in the patrimonialization process. These bodies have made a significant contribution to the institutionalization of the “issue”: prior to the studies carried out by UNESCO and UNDP, interest in and awareness of the fate of the “historic city” was limited to an elite of Egyptian and foreign scholars on Islamic architecture. In the case of Cairo, the involvement of the international bodies was de facto a source of legitimacy that has supported the whole patrimonialization process and has ensured that the fate of Islamic Cairo was brought to the attention of Egypt’s political leaders.

2. The actors involved In identifying the different actors involved in the patrimonialization process, the first important aspect to note is the predominance of institutional actors, among which the Ministry for Culture, together with the Supreme Council for Antiquities (SCA), is the most important one. The protagonism of the Ministry of Culture has raised significantly since Faruk Hosni has been appointed as Minister, in that, in his standpoint, Historic Cairo rehabilitation should be a central point in Egypt's new cultural policy, also as part of a wider cultural objective which sees Egypt becoming part of the Mediterranean programme Museums without Frontiers. The second player whose role is fundamental if we are to understand the dynamics of heritage preservation processes in the old quarters of Cairo, the Ministry of the Awqaf, responsible for religious property and affairs. The Ministry is the owner of about 97 per cent of the lots (empty and built) in Islamic Cairo. The Governorate of Cairo is the third actor, being itself the local government in charge of the buildings and infrastructure within the area of Cairo.

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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions The agents involved and the difficulties of consensus on the nature of the intervention: the case of Islamic Cairo

3. Conflicts in Historic Cairo rehabilitation In order to shortly synthesize the conflictual situation that the turn from purely declarative and rhetorical good-willing statement to an effective rehabilitation policy entails, we can distinguish three kinds of controversies, concerning competence, popular participation and restoration technical standards. The major institutional conflict sees the Ministry of Culture clashing with the Ministry of the Awqaf. While in the majority of institutional clashes, the cause can be ascribed to the Ministry of Culture’s efforts to obtain an exclusive hold over the management of Cairo’s Islamic architectural heritage and the associated rehabilitation and safeguard projects, the friction between the Ministry of the Awqaf would seem to arise from a radical difference in perspective and rationale which has often placed the Ministry for Religious Affairs at the heart of disputes on the rehabilitation of Historic Cairo. Here the conflict is cultural rather than a question of scale, in that the historical and symbolic values that underpin the definition of World Heritage are challenged, on the one hand, by the Ministry of Culture’s understanding of their economic and tourist value, and on the other by the Ministry of the Awqaf’s understanding of the concept of heritage use which shapes its heritage policies. Historical buildings owned by the Awqaf have been managed like any other real estate also because it is on its revenue that Ministry's budget is based. This policy of parcelling out lots and renting properties was tacitly accepted, another reason being that the public funds allocated for the safeguard of the Islamic heritage were simply insufficient to guarantee their maintenance. Legislation does not provide any rigid indications but does permit for room for manoeuvre, allowing the Ministry for Religious Affairs to rent parts of properties and giving the SCA the supervisory role of preventing abuse, with the right of veto, depending on the monuments’ physical condition. In order to mitigate accusations of property speculation, the Ministry of the Awqaf has frequently expressed its readiness to sell its property at less than the market prices, if the buyers are local NGOs and the property is used for the benefit of the community, but no follow-up was given to this proposal. Another important source of conflict is that with the residents. Local participation disputes are centred on clashing visions about the meaning of Historic Cairo, i.e. about inhabitants' use-value (Islamic heritage is where they live and where they unfold their network of business, acquaintances, family relationships etc.) versus institutions' symbolic and economic value (Islamic heritage is something to be preserved in itself and, possibly, to be exploited as a resource for tourism and real estate development). To this purpose, it should be noted that the majority of owners do not live in the buildings, rented under low-rent contracts which do not cover even the burden of maintenance. The area has also been subject to many cases of squatting, which is estimated to involve

I. Political Backing

up to 30,000 people, about ten percent of residents, who have taken possession of vacant buildings, or ruined properties, or have built on abandoned lots. Neglect on the part of owners and occupiers has given the authorities, in different circumstances, the opportunity to justify the area’s decay, laying the blame on the inhabitants’ neglect and ignorance, given that urban sprawl no longer provides a plausible excuse. More dramatically, the relationship between rehabilitation projects and the commercial and manufacturing activities traditionally established in the area constitutes a site of even greater conflict, in that the process usually leads to the forced relocation of all non-tourism activities, such as workshops manufacturing aluminium, other metal manufacturing, carpenters, jewellery ateliers and various other workshops, outside Islamic Cairo. However, also the actions taken against polluting activities by Cairo Governorate have been fragmentary and pendulum like. With regard to community participation, institutional actors are left with two incompatible solutions. On the one hand, there is the option of a total relocation not only of the businesses and other activities, but also of the resident population, an option which has frequently been proposed and pursued by Cairo Governorate and by the Ministry of Culture. On the other hand, there is the option of involving the local population in development projects for the area, a solution UNESCO and UNDP have warmly proposed in a number of documents and which is being successfully pursued, for example, in the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) project at Darb al-Ahmar. This option would seek a compromise between the rationale supporting the safeguard of the environment and of the heritage, and that related to the local community use of heritage. Another institutional conflict stems from the definition of the safeguard of Historic Cairo as falling under purely national jurisdiction, which brings the Ministry of Culture into conflict with supra-local and external actors whose participation in the patrimonialization process had been constant since the 1970s. In this regard, the relationship between the Ministry and UNESCO and UNDP seems to be particularly difficult, although it takes the form of disinterest on the Ministry’s part rather than being an open conflict. With regard to UNESCO, the Ministry has been blamed of carrying out restoration works not in compliance with international standards, while with respect to UNDP, the Ministry has claimed its intention to follow its own line on total autonomy from a presumed foreign influence, bringing to the abandonment of the UNDP project’s founding principles. Finally, technical conflicts arise, principally, from profound divergences in the interpretation of heritage, and by extension of what constitutes restoration, conservation, and rehabilitation. Such conflicts fan out among both institutional and noninstitutional actors, the latter being represented by the many foreign agencies that, from the 1980s onwards, and more

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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions The agents involved and the difficulties of consensus on the nature of the intervention: the case of Islamic Cairo

significantly in the wake of the 1992 earthquake, have restored numerous historic buildings in Historic Cairo. The purely technical management of problems has also been marked by ambiguity and contradiction. Also, technical conflicts are often used to hide institutional conflict, like that between the Ministry of Culture and the SCA or between national and supranational actors. By way of example, the international agencies and donors have always preferred to rely on foreign, rather than local, experts and this choice has often been interpreted "politically" by Egyptian authorities. The multiplicity of conflicts is overlaid with the plurality of exceptional and occasional interventions, on individual buildings and monuments, which are not, however, sustained by a broader strategy. The impasse is exacerbated by substantial differences in the interpretation of the concepts of heritage and restoration which have led to a mere “renewal” that has little connection with the buildings’ original architecture.

importance of use that is, as we have seen, an essential prerequisite to popular participation. It is not a question here of defending, a posteriori, the Ministry of the Awqaf, as its responsibility in the decline of Historic Cairo is universally acknowledged. Rather it is a question of introducing into the decision-making process the understanding and acceptance of the notion of use which the residents attribute to the heritage in which they, literally, go about their lives. In this sense, local communities’ ability to form a representative front and forge effective leadership, on the one hand, and the position taken by the Egyptian elites and cross-scale actors such as the AKTC, on the other, will be decisive. In particular, cross-scale actors can play a fundamental role as intermediaries between the different interpretations of what the heritage is. Furthermore, the acceleration in restoration work imposed by the Ministry of Culture has provoked a great deal of criticism from both the international and the Egyptian community of experts. In summer 2001, a dispute regarding the quality of restoration work carried out on 31 monuments by the Ministry of Culture was officially formalized by a committee of around thirty experts from Western and Arab countries, called the Committee for the Preservation of Islamic Monuments in Cairo, which presented a petition to Suzanne Mubarak underlining that the Ministry of Culture’s rehabilitation project for Historic Cairo corresponded to a poorly articulated general plan and that it had been carried out in violation of the recommendations of the 1964 Venice Charter. More generally, the CPIMC also voiced the experts’ concerns over “the falsification of the monuments’ historic and artistic values”, the use of forbidden materials, such as Portland cement, and the failure to resolve one of the main problems afflicting historic Islamic buildings, the rising level of the underground water table

4. Conclusions: heritage, rationale and interconnections In such a complex situation it is clear that the creation of an oversight authority or other agency would guarantee neither the resolution nor the prevention of controveries. The position of supranational players towards the local community is also ambiguous. On the one hand a great deal of importance is accorded to participation by the local community; while on the other, the proposal, put forward on many occasions by UNESCO and UNDP, to transfer ownership of the monuments from the Ministry of the Awqaf to the Ministry of Culture, would, in the definition of patrimonialization policy, risk marginalizing the

View of Islamic Cairo (Egypt)

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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions The agents involved and the difficulties of consensus on the nature of the intervention: the case of Islamic Cairo

I. Political Backing

due to the inadequacy of the sewage system with respect to population pressure. The most significant aspect of the institutional response is the declaration made by some ministers that the petition was merely an attempt to propose “a return to the era of colonial protection”, claiming the right to independently take care of Cairo’s Islamic heritage A conference was organized by the SCA and by UNESCO in 2002, where the Ministry of Culture received official endorsement of the project by UNESCO and the many experts participating, but this marked a shift in the focus of institutional interventions from the main issues, that is residents' involvement and participation, together with a shared view of what Historic Cairo heritage means.

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Operation of rehabilitation in Cairo (Egypt)

Street on Islamic Cairo (Egypt)

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Defining the framework of governance and the agents involved. The Palestinian experience

Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions

Kaldhun Bashra Architect Head of the Conservation Department of RIWAQ Palestine

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Uncertainty is the term that may describe the status of Palestine in general and the situation of Built Cultural Heritage in specific. The Built Cultural Heritage suffers from different problems on different levels, such as: the lack of National Agenda for the protection of heritage, the lack of public awareness, the absence of appropriate laws for the protection, the neglect or disregard of historic towns and buildings, the urbanization which causes tremendous pressure on historic centers, the looting and illegal digging of archaeological sites (as a result of the absence of monitoring and guarding systems) and the lack of human resources in the area of conservation and cultural heritage management. There is a vague framework of governance in Palestine which is part of the vague political situation that Palestine passes through. The Built Heritage in Palestine could be divided into two distinct categories in terms of material culture found: Antiquity and historic buildings (single or grouped). In terms of governance there are two main players: the GOs (governmental organizations) and the NGOs (non-governmental organizations). Antiquity (Archaeological) sites1 are the most obvious, and fell under the jurisdictions of the Palestinian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquity MOTA, if it happens to exist in (A or B Areas)2. The majority of archaeological sites located in (C Areas) are under the Israeli jurisdictions. The historic towns and buildings (being single or grouped) have more complicated status. Being under Palestinian Authority jurisdictions, there has been tremendous efforts to clarify which body is responsible for these sites. Still there are at least three ministries claiming the responsibility over these sites. MOTA, the godfather of historicity, claims that these historic buildings are the archaeological sites of the future, thus fell under their jurisdictions. Any change or alterations may only pass through MOTA. Legally speaking, a historic building or a site may be declared as archaeological site or as a classified monument protected by the law if and only if the site in question was declared by the head of Antiquity Department, passed the legal processes and then published in the official newspaper. This procedure was not used by the competent authority (MOTA) since its establishment (1993). The Ministry of Culture is another Ministry that claims control over these historic "sites". Since its establishment, the Ministry noted the lack or absence of proper framework to protect or enhance the Cultural Heritage. And as a Ministry of Culture, the Ministry sought to have the Built Cultural Heritage under its umbrella as the Ministry's name suggest. The Ministry found a department named "The Doctrine of Cultural Heritage" that works profoundly

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In contrast to the archeological patrimony, it is not always clear that the agents can legislate on the historic patrimony. In Palestine, up to three ministries dispute its jurisdiction.

on the management and revitalization of historic towns and buildings through the activation of these sites and the revival of historic, festive, cultural events related to these sites. After the year 2000, the Doctrine of Cultural Heritage was relocated within Bethlehem 2000 Committee, and later was displaced within MOTA. The Ministry of Local Governance is the by-defacto responsible of the historic towns and buildings since they are mostly located inside urban fabric (rural or urban), and thus fell under the jurisdictions of the Village and Municipal Councils affiliated to this Ministry, and follow their by-laws entrusted by the Higher Council of Planning. According to the law any area or building could be designated as protected zone or a special zone if and only if it has been provided with a detailed master plan that passes through the ratification processes (Village or Municipal Council? the Higher Council of Planning? The Ministry of Local Governance? the Council of Ministries). The Ministry of Local Governance has been working on by-laws that protect the historic sites within delineated areas. It is worth mentioning that Moslem and Christian AWQAF (Endowments) functioned under all circumstances developing and improving the Living Heritage conditions through day-to-day follow up and maintenance of mosques, churches, fountains, shrines‌


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Tool 2 Concerning preliminary decisions Defining the framework of governance and the agents involved. The Palestinian experience

As to the NGOs, there are several agencies, which work in the field of architectural heritage rehabilitation or restoration without claiming control or governance responsibility. Right after the Oslo Agreement (1993), Palestine witnessed substantial efforts to protect and conserve both the tangible and the intangible Cultural Heritage. These efforts were manifested in the establishment of many motivated agencies as well as in the execution of large-scale cultural heritage projects. As it stands today, there exist a number of cultural heritage agencies in Palestine; RIWAQ: Centre of Architectural Conservation (established in 1991 being the only agency that performed before Oslo Agreement), the Old City of Jerusalem Revitalization Program OCJRP (1995), Hebron Rehabilitation Committee (1996), Nablus Old Town Conservation Committee and Bethlehem 2000 Committee (later known as the Bethlehem Centre for Cultural Heritage Preservation). These heritage agencies deal mostly with secular public buildings as well as private residential areas. As their names indicate, most of these agencies work on a specific town. RIWAQ: Centre of Architectural Conservation Unlike other agencies Riwaq Centre works on a national level; the majority of Riwaq’s projects are located in rural areas as opposed to major towns. The activities of Riwaq’s different units reveal its approach and philosophy “the Bottom-up as well as Up-Bottom approach”. Riwaq has been involved in rehabilitating tens of historical buildings. The main objectives of these projects are to set up technically and professionally good example or models of restoration and adaptation. They are meant as show cases for the local communities to imitate or follow. Riwaq has also been organizing a number of workshops for architecture students, engineers and workers in the field of conservation transferring to them the know-how and traditional techniques. In 2002, Riwaq initiated the Job Creation through Restoration Project. This project aims at contributing to poverty alleviation through providing jobs to the unemployed. It is worthwhile mentioning that Riwaq’s work also includes: the compilation of Riwaq’s Registry of Historic Buildings which include some 50,000 historic buildings, community awareness campaigns and community participation, facilitating a draft for a National Law for the protection of cultural and natural heritage in Palestine associated with protection plans for major historic centers and publishing a Monograph Series on the Architectural History of Palestine. The Welfare Association / Old City of Jerusalem Revitalization Program OCJRP Restoration activities of the OCJRP have been restricted to the Old City of Jerusalem. This (Aga Khan winning Award for The Ninth Award Cycle, 2002-2004) agency has since 1996 concentrated its work on the rehabilitation of residential areas and public buildings

I. Political Backing

in the Old City of Jerusalem. The OCJRP role has been very challenging due to the fact that they work on a World Heritage Listed site3 whose jurisdiction lies within the Israeli Municipality of West Jerusalem never mentioning the poor and almost slummy conditions of many residential areas in the Old City. In Jerusalem, the Palestinian conservation activities aim among other objectives to strengthen the Palestinian presence in the City creating a defacto (opposing the Israeli de-facto) which on the one hand protects the Old City from settlers, and on the other hand constitutes an Arab de facto in any future peace negotiations. The Hebron Rehabilitation Committee HRC Due to the restless political situation, the HRC was established by a Presidential Decree in 1996, clearly a response to the Israeli settlers attempts to conquer (coming to live in the midst of) Arab neighborhoods4. The HRC's work has been one of the largest in scope and perhaps the most impressive. This agency (also an Aga Khan winning Award, The Seventh Award Cycle, 1996-1998) works in the Old Town of Hebron, the most politically, socially and economically problematic areas in Palestine. In spite of the deteriorated situation the HRC managed to rehabilitate major parts of the Old Town of Hebron. Perhaps one of the most impressive of the HRC's achievements was the way it handled the delicate and extremely complicated issue of fragmented ownerships. Bethlehem 2000 Committee / Bethlehem Centre for Cultural Heritage Preservation The rehabilitation of Bethlehem Prime Zone was a World Community commitment towards Christ Birth Place, but was also a political commitment towards the Peace Process. One of the important initiatives of the Bethlehem 2000 Committee was the establishment of the Bethlehem Centre for Cultural Heritage

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Preservation whose main activity was to follow up and supervise conservation projects initiated by the Bethlehem 2000 Committee. Bethlehem Centre later became a semi government agency initiating and promoting cultural heritage, conservation and community outreach programs mainly in the area of Bethlehem, Beit Jala and Beit Sahur.

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Nablus Municipality / the Old City Committee The only city in the West Bank that witnessed conservation works for no apparent political or religious reasons was Nablus. Nablus Municipal Council was keen on upgrading the infrastructure in the Old City market “al-Qasaba� to attract local tourism to shop in the most viable commercial centre in the West Bank. Unfortunately, infrastructural works which were meant to improve the living standards of the Old City often resulted in the destruction of archaeological sites which are more than two thousand years old. to rehabilitate more than 600 units (apartments) and hundreds of stores along the commercial Casabas.

Renovated district in Hebron (Palestine)

Map of renovation areas in Hebron (Palestine). HRC

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1

The existing law of archaeology is a British Mandate law, adopted and revised by the Jordanians (1964), and adopted by the PNA after Oslo Agreement (1993). The Law only protects sites and building constructed before 1700 A.D.

2

According to Oslo Agreement (1993) West Bank and Gaza Strip were divided into A, B and C Areas. A areas under full PNA jurisdictions; B areas under Israeli security control whereas the civil responsibilities under the PNA jurisdictions. C areas are under full Israeli jurisdictions.

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Jerusalem has been listed on the WH List since 1981.

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In Hebron there are 250-400 Israeli settlers living amongst 150,000 Palestinians.

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Through the use of traditional roles of elders in the community, the Committee managed to convince owners of properties to give the Committee the rights to renovate and the right to sub-let properties out for tenants for a minimum of ten years after which the owners get back their renovated property back.


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Rehabilitating architecture as cultural dialogue: concepts and principals for discovering and renovating it

II. Diagnosis

Josep Muntañola PhD architect Lecturer at the Barcelona Higher Education College of Architecture (Technical University of Catalonia) Spain

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1. Introduction The essential thing in the act of restoration is making something habitable once again, and the sad thing about some postures in defence of modernity is the reduction of the importance of restoration, due to an incompatibility between projects and history, or between the innovation of a future and the preservation of a past. In previous studies I have looked at how this supposed incompatibility conceals in fact, not a defence of modernity, which is not incompatible with a reinterpretation of the past, but is, in fact, just the opposite. This means a support for speculation in order to make the greatest possible profits with architecture within the framework of a market economy totally open and unfettered by any rules. This free enterprise economy is selfregulating in cases such as cars or computers, as those who accumulate to speculate then see how the price of these goods quickly falls, making hoarding pointless. And in the case of “natural” consumer goods, such as coffee or petroleum, there are more or less efficient control mechanisms. However, with land and buildings precisely the opposite occurs. Here there is a refusal to penalise the ownership of empty flats or the accumulation of properties in order prevent the price from falling, when it would do so immediately if a fiscal policy of a variable scale were to be adopted - as has been used in Denmark for many years now. Thus, the market does not have the same freedom because, in this case, the same sanctions should be applied as are successfully applied in other sectors of economies. Modern architecture, with exceptions, has not fallen into this trap. Alvar Aalto is exemplary in this and his life is a constant testimony that an incompatibility between modernity and tradition is a grave error. He says thus: “Human life contains to the same degree tradition and new creation. We cannot throw tradition into the rubbish bin, claiming that it is something old which must be replaced by something new. Continuity is still essential to the life of man. Our old cities can be combined perfectly with new planning and with their interaction with nature …” (Schildt, Goran: Alvar Aalto de palabra y por escrito. Croquis Editorial, 2000) (Page 363). It is essential to understand that the analysis and preservation of the existing is not a brake on creativity and novelty, but rather, just the opposite, a condition and a stimulus for an innovative future. Alvar Aalto was not alone in defending this point of view which I

Rehabilitating a traditional enclave without having realized a previous phase of analysis to determine its problems and possibilities in all their dimensions can lead to the taking of decisions that derive in irreversible obligations in the sustainability of the traditional enclave.

define as “dialogical”1: other important architects such as Carlo Scarpa, Richard Neutra and Francesco Venezia have also defended it. The stance of F.L.Wright is also of great interest. He always defended the compatibility between tradition and modernity right from the outset, stating in 1895 that the technical and artistic advances should be placed in the hands of the best craftsmen and the best brains of the tradition. It would be they who would know how best to innovate.2 This is totally distinct to the European posture of the period.

2. Conditions so that knowledge of the existing can be a basis for innovation To ensure good restoration, in-depth knowledge of the existing situation is required. However, what conditions must this knowledge meet in order to be useful and to stimulate a good dialogical project? It is alarming that this question has today so few answers and is supported by so little research. The late Catalan architect, Enric Miralles was perhaps one of the architects who best looked at these issues.3 In effect, what is important is that this knowledge is placed in its socio-physical dynamic, or between social history and its geography.

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The nature of the territory to be analyzed will determine the composition of the multi-sector analytic studies to realize with the objective of knowing and understanding it completely.

Tool 3 Putting the emphasis on knowledge of the area Rehabilitating architecture as cultural dialogue: concepts and principals for discovering and renovating it

means and how to arrive at this meaning. Only later can the dialogical complementarity which Alvar Aalto referred to before be achieved. Knowledge of the “architecture” of a place is hence the necessary condition in order to restore it correctly. To demolish a place and build it anew, in contrast, does not demand this knowledge. Herein lies the difficulty which makes it more difficult to accept the restoration, as it necessitates this prior analysis. But, as we have said, by destroying the existing there is a loss forever of irreplaceable stimuli for the development of a culture, and whole cultures. The same occurs with translation: if there were no translations, the minority languages would be lost and we would end up with a single language and with a huge linguistic and cultural impoverishment based precisely on inter-language dialogue. Languages (and architectures) which are completely isolated die. 3. How the “Architecture” of a place is known

There exists here a surprising parallel with the question that knowledge must have a good translator. Knowing both languages and the cultural context of the original written piece, but, as the best theoreticians note,4 the translator must also submerge the new into the original language, seeking a dialogue between rhythms and tones. The aim is more than an identification of meanings than a literal word-for-word translation, which is impossible, particularly in the case of poetry, which equates translation with innovative poetry. Therefore, knowledge of the existing must be “synthetic”, it must be “architectural”. This is why Miralles says knowing an already existing city or a building is to understand its “changes” of form and use, and knowing its “why”. Or also when he indicates that the most specific and interesting functions of a place are discovered solely after many years of living in it.5 Developing a place, building, city or territory, demands, hence, knowing what it

As we have said, knowing the architecture of a place is knowing the raison d’être of its buildings, cities, landscapes, etc., not only “knowing” its image, its style, etc. Before restoring, one must thus first study and know what is to be restored. In this way we see the importance of scale and the delimitation of the field of knowledge required. One of the most common errors is to believe that a building ends in a building, and that a city ends in a city, etc. The first condition of knowing the “architecture” of something is to discover how the network of relations within a building is related to the network of relations between the building and its context: city, country, etc. Hence, an organization of spaces parallel to a facade in the 17th or 18th centuries, responds to a typology of a “palace” which sought to achieve a circulation with “views” over gardens, and

Rural landscape in Greece

Apamea region, Syria

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also connecting a chain of spaces in a “theatrical” fashion. This would have been meaningless without an “architecture” which connects a social “order” with an “order” of a geographical nature. This “architecture“ ends up being imitated by country homes very far from the palaces of the Court. Therefore, it is the relations between use of the territory and social history which indicates what is the scale of architectural knowledge. There are “passes” in an urban nucleus which have a meaning in the sense of access to water and connection to the river. In modern times, these “passes” are no longer necessary to drink or obtain water. However: why shouldn’t we maintain the connection with fountains and the river for reasons of sustainability and, as Alvar Aalto says, in order to facilitate the connections between the new and the old based on a correct use of nature? The raisons d’être of architecture are based, thus, on a “form of knowledge” which synthesises space and time, on the one hand, and physical and social reality, on the other. These “forms of knowledge” are those which in dialogical theory are defined by their “chronotopes”, that it by the connections between social and, historical persons, on the one side, and the physical spacetime, of the calendar and astronomy, on the other. Hence, finding the architecture of a place, in order to restore it means finding its “chronotopes”6. When there is a change of architecture in a city, its chronotopes are changed, and when there are several cities superimposed, taken together they are a sum of different chronotopes: Roman, medieval, etc. The sum or the superposition of different architectures with their specific form and function is precisely the architecture we are seeking. It is an error to only seek a single historical period as the sole reference used. There are more interesting periods than others from the perspective of knowledge of architecture, but it is from the place which is to be restored, where the overall situation should be

judged, and not -the other way round- to value it solely from a virtual history – what is sought is always and in any case valid. Let us look at an example: the Pyrenean region of the La Cerdanya, inhabited since prehistoric times has become a tourist area with “Cerdanya-rustic Pyrenean style” chalets, inexistent historically and today a pure post-modern, tourist invention. The highly complex and very specific “architecture” of this region went almost unnoticed. Despite the drawing up of numerous urban plans, the dialogical relationship with the past, which is not something of “style”, hardly exists. Why? Because everything in this valley, everything, was related and based on a gigantic game of vigilance, by being an area of passage, on the one hand, and a search for autonomy of subsistence, on the other, as it was an isolated region of passage of difficult access in winter dotted with small settlements. Consequently, there was a network of visual relations between all the windows and castles, towers and bastions and, in addition, the towns, or buildings of each settlement possessed a huge typological complexity in which there flourished a minimum level of services: bread oven, church, hostel, small shop, charcoal, etc. Without “knowing” this specific architecture of the valley, the pseudo-traditionalism interprets all of this medieval world as “disorder” or “spontaneous development”, without realising the profound chronotopical unit of its architecture, in no way, in the slightest way, spontaneous, but in fact necessary. And, I would like to add the idea of attention because this gigantic and kaleidoscopic architecture of La Cerdanya exists in three dimensions. The “architecture” of a building, territory, or city, is thus the result of a spatial-temporal network of relations between objects located geographically and subjects related historically. When we look an existing object to be restored, this object is like a magnifying glass, spyglass, or telescope from which we can understand the architecture which has made this possible.7

View of Casares, Andalusia, Spain

Urban landscape in Alexandria, Egypt

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4. The routes of recognition (Les Parcours de la Reconnaissance)8

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It is very difficult to translate this posthumous book by Paul Ricoeur, the French philosopher who in the last years of his long life left us excellent writings on architecture.9 Les Parcours de la Reconnaissance is an extremely beautiful text on the relations between actions and humans and their social value, that is, recognising oneself in the other from our “wandering around the world”. What has this to do with architecture? A great deal, as the relations between “routes” (the promenade of Le Corbusier) and the “recognising oneself” in the other human subjects is precisely “architecture” in its profoundest raison d’être. Therefore, moving around an existing building or city is an attempt to understand, or “recognising oneself” in those spaces from the action itself (parcour) “instead of” other possible subjects. Each chapter of the book could serve as a theoretical guide for our proposal to restore appropriately, but I shall solely highlight the intelligent symmetry between memory and promise (utopia) which Ricoeur completes with the two opposing ideas: forgetting and betrayal. That is, an excess of memory halts the promise of something new, but forgetting prevents us from “recognising ourselves” in existing buildings which could be preserved. Forgetting all is the death of the memory and the total destruction of the past, with a distressing and uncertain future. The promise (utopia) complements the past and innovates it, but: how many times must modernity betray the promise of a better quality of life, better levels of social security, etc. in order to control its excesses? For example, the pressure on old tenants for them to leave, instead of giving life tenancies, etc.10 In conclusion, in each restoration project the “routes of recognition” must be established for the architecture which is worth preserving and so be able to “dialogue” with it from a present modernity. In diagram I, one can see this same phenomenological reality: the space-time of architecture as a triple dimension organised both from geography, from history, and from the project.11

The mental/educational chronotope

The social use

The construction of space

The social and historical chronotope

The geographical and territorial chronotope

The project

Diagram I: The three dimensions of the architecture

sea-mountain connections, fishing-agriculture, etc. There are probably very few living examples left, but we must support the work in these remaining few in order to promote their reproduction, in a similar way as how animal and plant species have been successfully conserved from a very few living individuals. The complexity of these chronotopical relations present in conserved architectures must be incorporated into new settlements, or into the growth of old ones, without ever copying building styles or techniques, but rather imagining how to preserve the socio-physical and cultural relations in the interior of the new architectures, something which has almost never been done. Learning from the past never means copying it but rather understanding it: understanding its architecture, feeling that it is its own: cultivating it. It is therefore essential, in cases of preservation, to maintain the

5. Methodological principals for RehabiMed We could test a series of methodological principles for the area of the Mediterranean of RehabiMed, inspired by the above theoretical fundamentals. Put another way: how can we bring about the transformation of the Mediterranean coast by dialoguing with what exists, instead of destroying it? As a consequence, we must establish a spatial-temporal, sociophysical and chronotopical network of relations typical to the Mediterranean vernacular architecture: its relations with the activities in the sea, with the new tourist uses, with the necessary

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Abandoned courtyard-house in Birzeit, expression of community life, PNA


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quality of these relations between sea and mountain, between public spaces and the sea, between boats and traffic, between private and public, between natural and artificial, between night and day, between festivals and the non-festive, etc. There are anthropological and methodological studies which can help in this analysis of relations.12 Finally, it has to be decided how to invigorate these vernacular fabrics without destroying them, or in other words without destroying this network of relations, but rather, in contrast, invigorating them. It would seem to be something impossible, but it is not, as for many centuries it has been possible and so why not now? Because do we not accept modern life in previous architecture, before we bother to look at this possibility. Not all modern activities are possible in all existing architectures. The aim is to select in the comprehensive restoration plans which of these are possible and where they are possible. When a relation is broken and this rupture is accepted (for example, sea views), it is because it loses sense due to a profound cultural change, or because of other more important relations (for example, profits from land speculation). But, in no case, is it possible to build and restore without modifying, preserving or eliminating relations. Therefore, in any project of restoration, a prior analysis is essential of what relations need to be stimulated, which are to be eliminated and which are new and necessary. There is no doubt that this involves a “hierarchy” (an “architecture”) of values. This is not a mechanical decision or even a solely scientific one, but rather, in addition, it is an ethical and aesthetic judgment.13 There are hundreds of lists of factors to take into account in a place, in order to assess or to restore it. However, as I have demonstrated in numerous studies,14 value is increasingly placed on the factors related directly to the economy: the price of land,

Street market in Tunis, Tunisia

II. Diagnosis

possibility of work, proximity to shopping areas, etc. Although essential, these “relations” are not sufficient. Here below I have added several factors which are normally forgotten: a) Group of factors related to noise, air pollution or forms of radiation. Children and old people are particularly vulnerable. b) Group of physical-social factors and vandalism and social violence directly related to the appropriation of places and the presence of social and natural vigilance (not only the Police). c) Relations of the privacy–public sphere, with specific needs in each age, sex, culture, etc. d) Historical-cultural relations which stimulate and make relations intelligible which are essential in the past or, in contrast, their destruction turn the restoration into something unintelligible or, even, something anecdotal or absurd. e) Relations between form and transport, and their complex articulations at different scales, including connection extremely important- between visibility and spatial orientation, as their absence leads to all classes of accidents. And we could continue in this vein.

6. An example of rehabilitated landscape Together with the architect and historian Magda Saura I was able to carry out between 1990 and 1992 the rehabilitation of an exceptional seafront between the town of La Escala and the village of Sant Martí d’Empuries. This project was the result of a confluence of historical factors: the arrival of the Olympic Flame to La Escala on route to the Olympic Games in Barcelona; the intersection of several administrations; and the agreement between the Polytechnic University of Catalonia, the Town Council of La Escala and the Getty Foundation of Los Angeles which provided a grant for the project thanks to the work done by Magda Saura. The project began with a special plan of protection, continued with an exhaustive study of the highly degraded state of the seafront between the Greco-Roman city of Empúries and the sea, and ended with the construction of the seafront which was respectful towards the sea, towards the ruins, towards the vegetation, planted by the Catalan Government at the beginning of the 20th century, and towards the dunes, the result of a protection plan of the ruins carried out at the end of the 19th century. The work was worth it, although the process was not without its multiple problems, as is commonplace in these cases in which so many interests converge. The essential point is that the final form was not an “a priori” form, but rather a result driven by the essential intention that the exceptional cultural landscape of the place should not lose its

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character, wealth of relations (sea-mountain, ruins and tourist use, public space and lack of disturbance from road traffic, etc.). I believe the quality in the socio-physical interplay of relations was maintained and consolidated, as the cars were by then invading the green areas and the sand. Not everything we wanted to do was achieved, but what was achieved, was thanks to the strength of the historicalgeographical study carried out beforehand and the profound knowledge of the architecture of the place. (see figures on following pages). I believe that it would be a place which Alvar Aalto would enjoy visiting today.

This project was published in Quaderns d’Arquitectura magazine 1 1 See Muntañola, J. Topogénesis. Edicions UPC, Barcelona, 2000. Original in French in Anthropos, Paris, 1996. 2 M. Pollack, ed. The Education of the Architect. MIT Press, 1996. 3 Muntañola, J. Architecture 2000. Edicions UPC, 2004. (Texts in English and Spanish). 4 Messori, R. La Parola Itinerrante. Mucchi, Modena, 2001. 5 See opus cit. note 3. Supra. 6 Muntañola, J. Architecture as a Thinking Matter. International Congress of Semiotics. Lyons, 2004. 7 Saura, M. Pobles Catalans/Catalan Villages. Edicions UPC, Barcelona, 1999. 8 Ricoeur, P. Les Parcours de la Reconnaissance. Stock, Paris, 2005. 9 See Muntañola, J. ed. “Architecture et Hermeneutique”. (Original texts and unpublished in French and Spanish). Edicions UPC, Barcelona, 2002. 10 In Barcelona there have been cases of this. 11 Muntañola, J. Las Formas del Tiempo. (In press). 12 Rapoport, A. Architecture, Design and Culture. (Text in English and in Castilian. Edicions UPC,Barcelona, 2001. 13 Muntañola, J. Arquitectura, Modernidad y Conocimiento. Edicions UPC, Barcelona, 2002. 14 Summary in conclusions of the European programme COST C2 (1996-2000). Published by the European commission: Impact of Infrastructures on the Quality of Urban Form. Publication number: EUR 19207. Year 2000. ISBN: 92-828-8996-3

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The view of the town planner: traditional sites and their territorial context

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RenĂŠ Guerin Architect and town planner Vaucluse Council of Architecture, Town Planning and the Environment (CAUE) France

Despite a strong common identity, the Mediterranean space includes a great diversity of territories which, beyond the simple "coast - inland" or "town - rural area" dualities, establish a system of growing complexity. Before the diagnosis, the structural analysis of a project's territory should be backed by a dynamic approach making it possible to understand the mechanisms for continuously reorganising the space, whatever pace these move at. This analysis must be aimed at better closing in on the components and variables of the space under consideration, seeking a relevant definition of the setting for the urban rehabilitation project.

The origins of territorial analysis Territorial analysis has not always been present in the ethos of urban projects. Town planning, influenced for a long time by the thought of utopians like Thomas More1, was for a long time supported by independent models of place. The concept of urban analysis appeared with Baron Georges Haussmann2. It means that operations are accompanied by an in-depth knowledge of the local historical and geographical context. Patrick Geddes3 sought to relate the different branches of knowledge in the service of human life. In this spirit, he proposed that the town, which he understood as a living being, should be studied in all its aspects, putting forward the term "eutopia" (a good place) as against utopia (no place), which he criticised. Patrick Geddes thereby defined the concept of preliminary survey with its components of space and time.

Defining a territory for analysis, depending on the nature of each project. Firstly, it is a question of defining the spatial field for analysis. The area of study depends on the nature of each project: so the scale of the territory under consideration is defined depending on the issues raised and expected impacts of the project. While a programme to rehabilitate a whole district needs to take in the urban context on the scale of agglomeration, even the entire urban area, the rehabilitation of a block can content itself with a simple analysis of the district concerned. It is therefore first necessary to analyse the interactions of the project and its surrounding space, which is a question of rigorous limitation with a concern for saving on engineering.

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The urban analysis should analyze the accessibility of the historic enclave in relation with the territory in which it is located, not only from the physical point of view but also considering the mobility of its residents and users and the flows of materials and information.

Defining a territory for analysis, depending on the nature of each project. Depending on the place, the characteristics and impact of each urban rehabilitation project belong to a specific territorial logic. The Mediterranean and its hinterland show a great variety of situations. Some regions are extremely polarised around their administrative and economic capitals, thereby contributing to the desertification of surrounding rural territories. The big multi-polar urban regions are organised in networks around the complementariness of functions guaranteed respectively by the central agglomerations and the medium-sized and small towns located around them. Some regions are the subject of linear urban development, along valleys or the coastal fringe: the urban grid there is generally less hierarchically organised because of its rapid and spontaneous development. Many mountainous rural regions or those extending over plateaux, with low populations, have commercial centres represented by small towns or villages with a large impact, despite their limited size. It can initially be estimated that the project is rather more structuring if the urban grid is weak. However, reality is less categorical: for example, in a region provided with a powerful urban apparatus, a modestly sized rehabilitation project can have

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The analysis of the existent uses in the territory should allow the taking of decisions on its deficiencies with regard to expectations of the residents. .

a strong medium-term structuring impact, through the reproduction of the operation model at the level of the urban area. Conversely, quite a large urban rehabilitation and restructuring project at city level risks having only a limited social and economic impact if the urban grid and dynamic of the territory concerned are weak.

Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values The view of the town planner: traditional sites and their territorial context

communication axes. In the same way, population density and the level of urban development go along with the range of services, as well as the level of facilities and the road infrastructure. At district or block level, the urban morphology, characterised by the topography, the road network and the built-up fabric, certainly have an effect on accessibility; however, first of all it is useful to consider the presence or absence of basic facilities, as well as the proximity or distance of transport networks and polarising structures which contribute to urban centrality. Proximity or distance should preferably judged by comparing access time rather than distance. The accessibility of a place is also assessed with regard to the mobility of its population or the fluidity of tangible and intangible exchanges, such as access to information. This returns to the notion of virtual accessibility that can notably be measured through the level of facilities or through the use of communication systems.

Identifying the social and economic context through territorial dynamics

The accessibility of a project site is defined both at regional or agglomeration level and at the level of the district or block concerned. Clearly geography largely conditions the accessibility of a region: for example, insularity or relief are aggravating factors for territories established furthest from urban poles, ports or

The reading and interpretation of the components of a territory and its dynamics are established in a retrospective and prospective approach so that the urban rehabilitation project can form part of a logical process of urban development. As project has been, a priori, inspired by durability, it is a good idea to record the longterm context: beyond the confirmed trends underlining certain irreversible developments, it is a question of detecting different phenomena following variable trends and establishing different scenarios based on which the highest common denominator will be considered as a valuable, weakly random base considering the definition of the setting for the project.

The urban context must, as often as possible, be understood at the level of the agglomeration: view of Cairo (Egypt).

The almost deserted territory of Castille – La Mancha (Spain), which marks a strong contrast with the sustained urban growth of Madrid.

Determining the tangible and intangible accessibility of the site

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A small town on the plain of Lombardy (Italy): the dense urban grid is organised in a network around Milan, the regional capital.

The Costa del Sol (Spain), near Malaga, has been subject to extremely rapid urban development since the middle of the 20th century.

Territorial dynamics can generate pressures, even tensions, particularly when certain social or economic trends are accelerating or when these phenomena exceed critical thresholds, causing noticeable imbalances. Analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT analysis) for a territory can provide support for identifying recorded phenomena based on indicators of state, pressure and response.4. State indicators make it possible to characterise the space studied at a particular point in time based on significant data. The pressure indicators are designed to predict future situations by expressing dynamic trends or static situations. Finally, the purpose of response indicators is to assess the appropriateness of insufficiency of policies and measures undertaken to support or even extend positive trends or, conversely, halt or attenuate the effects of negative trends. The relevance of the choice of indicators is essential: the data to be included must be selected according to the characteristics of

each project and the analysis systems must be in phase with the objective of the planned rehabilitation. It is also a good idea to relativise the data provided by the indicators, depending on each territorial context. For example, the price of old flats in Marseille, France, increased by an average of 88% between 2001 and 20055, which constitutes an unprecedented phenomenon in this town; during the same period, the price of riads has, on average, increased five-fold in the medina of Marrakech, Morocco6, because of residential pressure and extreme tourism. Based on this comparative situation, it would be hasty to state that there is a state of moderate tension in the Marseille market in view of a property dynamic which is noticeably less sustained than in the medina in Marrakech. By contrast, comparing the income of the populations and property prices in a particular territory makes it possible to assess the level of pressure or tension experienced by the local population, as well as by the various political, economic and social agents.

The town of Chefchaouen (Morocco) and its medina exercises a very far-reaching influence on a large part of the Rif massif.

Accessibility to Chania (Greece), as with all towns on Crete, is penalised by insularity.

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Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values The view of the town planner: traditional sites and their territorial context

The question of the development of uses is particularly difficult to pick up: a certain degree of hindsight is needed for the pressure indicators. It is a question of knowing how to distinguish lasting and irreversible trends linked to the development of ways of life in response to the fundamental needs of populations from certain passing effects. Urban analysis must show usage links to the places studied to develop certain insufficiently represented functions or those responding to the necessary social demands of local life to strengthen certain complementary beneficial effects in order to resolve usage conflicts or to reduce the extent of uses damaging to the general interest.

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The old tramway in Lisbon (Portugal) considerably reduces the difficulty of access to districts perched on the slopes of the hills.

Territorial analysis does not exclusively resort to exact sciences; the art of this study also lies in its sensitive and intuitive dimensions, fed by the experience and culture of the place: this is really what makes this practice interesting.

1

Thomas More or Thomas Morus (1478 – 1535): Chancellor of England, author of Utopia.

2 Georges Haussmann (1809 – 1891): French administrator and Prefect of Paris, where he directed many town planning operations. 3

Patrick Geddes (1854 – 1932): British biologist, sociologist and town planner.

4 Culturalp project (European Interreg IIIB programme "Alpine Space"): SWOT Analysis 5 Source: Chamber of Notaries Public of Bouches-du-Rhône 6

Source: Estate agency Khalid Bounouis, Marrakech

A riad adapted as a tourist residence in the medina at Marrakech (Morocco), in a context of extreme property speculation.

This square in the historic centre of Cagliari (Italy) corresponds to an essential need of residents as a space for playing, meeting and relaxation.

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The city of Nice (France), subject to poorly contained property market pressure, to the detriment of the preservation of natural areas.


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Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values

Heritage values of traditional architecture. The example of Italy

Italy, that crowded peninsula surrounded by the Mediterranean Sea, is characterised by a very varied territory shared by lakes and marshes, plains, hills and mountains. This has led to the origin of a wide variety of types of building depending on the subsoil, the materials, the demands of the climate, the quality of the site and agricultural production – fundamental elements in the occupation of the territory and, consequently, in defining the architecture of buildings and landscapes. As everywhere, each territory expresses particular local building features, ranging, for example, from the hard, constant slates of the mountains of Dolomite origin to the soft, uncertain "chianche" of Karstic origin in the south; from the wooden loadbearing structures in the Alps and the Apennines to the fired or unfired brick ones of the plains of the north or the central hills or the rough dry stone masonry blocks of the arid lands of the south. Italy has also been a politically unified country only since the end of the 19th century. Where national identities have been confirmed earlier, the circulation of models of identity has constituted a kind of national, rather than local, "transversality", even "absorption" of models on one hand and, on the other hand, a facility through the "opening up" of these models and the circulation of a variety of local images unified under the same political and administrative culture, thereby favouring the possibility of adopting effective, unitary, protection policies at the right time. The lands of Italy were, for almost two millennia, politically divided, often dominated directly or indirectly, by other countries and other cultures. The result was the establishment of humanised spaces which, limited by nature, have absorbed the influence and integration of dominant foreign cultures more easily than others. That is evident in the most everyday aspects of life, from the language (the dialects are actually a mixture of local and foreign expressions...), cuisine and culture in general, to the definition, of course, of architectures and landscapes. So, while "noble" construction culture was at times exported throughout Europe as part of the process of conquest, "poor" architecture, everyday buildings and rural spaces lived and regenerated themselves between local identity and the influence of different foreign cultures. Although the first productive organisations in the country and the establishment of towns in the Roman period were defined on the "centuriatio" model so dear to the organisation of the military system of the Roman Empire, the fall of the Empire, followed by confused reorganisation, the organisation of "national States"

II. Diagnosis

Michelangelo Dragone Architect Italy

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Traditional architectural values, very diverse as in the cases of Italy, are the expression of the application of certain constructive techniques, product of given materials and the capacity of mankind to translate them into space and architecture as a response to the physical, social and economic needs of each place.

inside national territory, conquests multiplying in these states, wars and insecure territories, led to an urban decline in favour of the hinterland. On the inland hills, after the second half of the first millennium, an urban and rural system was organised that was protected against the outside, exploiting geographical conditions and new architectural models defined by the need for protection (town walls, farm walls, agglomerations characterised by very dense use of land and new forms and dynamics of links between built-up and public spaces). The countryside, for its part, was characterised by its natural tendency towards impenetrability (geographical protection), or was organised, on one hand, with a temporary occupation of space (the great majority of human activity was inside the towns) and, on the other, with real rural communities that were physically protected (fortified farms). The appearance of certain architectures on the southern coast of Italy (such as, for example, the coastal towers for spotting any danger coming from the sea) has, for more than a millennium, defined the character and outline of the land seen from the sea, underlining the closed elements of protection that have characterised this land for almost two millennia. Building techniques are the result of the use of local materials and of human capacity to translate the need for survival in physically,

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Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values Heritage values of traditional architecture. The example of Italy

economically and socially closed territories on to the spatial and architectural plane. It is the techniques themselves that often define the types of construction plan (for example, open or closed courtyard systems); otherwise it is the production system with the inevitable pyramid organisation of society that designs the landscape and determines the organisation of the architecture (big farms, spaces for the master, the foreman and the workers). Mainly in the south, alongside the architecture of the big estates and grand noble properties, poorer architectures have spread gradually, first consisting of shacks, then the houses of agricultural workers who aspired to own a plot of land. These are the architectures very specifically defined under the term "traditional architecture". It makes sense that rudimentary materials and techniques should appear on poor land that was difficult to exploit. This is where simplicity is best expressed, where lack of means and human ingenuity are closely linked. Appearing spontaneously without the presumption of being architecture, over a series of opportunities these rudimentary constructions could become so, helped by the remorseless collapse of the large landowners due to the economic disruption of the passing centuries, which gave them the chance to occupy even more of the space they came to characterise. The fragmentation of land ownership in the second half of the 19th century ended up by disrupting the image of the landscape

and definitively generalised the traditional existing models in the countryside of the regions of this southern peninsula; this phenomenon consecrated the adoption of models of building accompanied by a strong tendency towards specialisation in the traditional art of construction and the definition of ever more refined architectures in terms of techniques and use of materials. The possibility since then of living in the country without fear, as well as the development of an agricultural economy based on meeting needs at family and local level, determined considerable urbanisation of the countryside and, consequently, the development of traditional building techniques (where the farmer himself is often the builder). Simplicity of form, linear surfaces, dĂŠcor limited to the essential and extremely readable structures define the human value of this architecture. The function is defined by the simple classification of the interior spaces: simple shapes without exterior differentiation, distributed according to elementary schematic plans, generally over one or two floors. The essential unity of these architectures lies in the use of colour and material, and above all because of a particular arrangement of service volumes, which are rarely smaller than the others. The structure becomes expressive through the construction materials, often poor and simply cut and placed.

Florence (Italy)

Castellvechio di Roca (Italy)

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Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values Heritage values of traditional architecture. The example of Italy

II. Diagnosis

X oncern for defence conditions and explains the shapes of rural C and urban housing, expressed in the readability of the volumes as well as by psychological and non-technological reasons. The defensive elements are analogous, despite the multiplicity of buildings and sites: walls, defence of corners, rare, small openings to the outside. Both at the level of a territory and at the level of an architectural grouping, the symbol of religious belief takes the form of small chapels for peasant devotion. The distinction between residential and service buildings is usually underlined by the type of roofing, the rendering on the masonry or the length of the buildings. The classification of the architecture can be qualitative (according to its use) or typological (simply according to its architectural style). An attempt at classification cannot disregard the difficulties linked to the fact that it may refer to a single building or a grouping; that is, the fact that it may be established in a context where it must be possible to identify the different components using a dynamic approach. In differentiating between important isolated buildings and groups of small elements of rural architecture, it should be highlighted that, for the latter more strongly than for the former, a stylistic formulation can be identified that very particularly

integrates the environment, not only in establishing the physical size of the works and the particular technique using local materials, but also in expressing the particular nature of the defence ensured by man. The urban space reflects a situation and conditions that have already been mentioned. Until the industrial period, towns were closed in on themselves, surrounded by ramparts. The inhabited area within the walls is characterised by long, narrow Gothic blocks where simple architecture is established, running parallel to the streets and occupying volumes over two or three floors, with one given over to storing goods. The centres of the blocks are arranged into outdoor courtyards. The materials are always similar and the simple building techniques are analogous to those of the countryside, although adapted to a better protected site. The particular dynamics are not perceived in terms of the landscape, as in the countryside, but in terms of the use of private and public spaces. The importance of squares and communal spaces characterises the destiny of towns, determining spatial dynamics which, in the same way, provide a value of shared tradition between empty and built-up spaces and which, still today, characterise what is still called "the culture and art of living Italian style".

Naples (Italy)

Ozieri, Sardinia (Italy)

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II. Diagnosis

Modern versus traditional typologies in Algerian medinas

Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values

Bougherira-Hadji Quenza Architect and town planner Lecturer at the University of Blida Algeria

Modern architectural typolgies in the old centres of algerian medinas 4

The urban crisis our regions are experiencing in a morphological and urban landscape sense essentially concerns the problem of typological integration at a level that is as much architectural as urban. Perception of spaces makes it possible to determine whether the latter conform to the authenticity we expect from them, whether they are in harmony with their cultural territory or not; for this, perceptual observation is an important element of reading and analysis. It is, in a way, an index of a deeper structural situation. Perceived reality corresponds in fact, then, to the expression of a structural typology that can be accessed by a more in-depth study: it concerns the urban structure with what this involves in terms of typologies of materials, aggregates, nodes, hierarchies, etc. This structure generally conditions a certain type of space: organically structured types of housing based on hierarchical modular repetition in traditional architecture makes it possible to obtain a unified whole in a harmonious and coherent relationship. Meanwhile, so-called modern housing, making up big collective housing developments, disregarding the structural unity and modular coherence resulting from centuries of practice and changes and adaptations presents, in terms of experience and perception, alienated spaces, not recognised and not comprehended by the residents. It is an artificial solution breaking with the cultural reality of the place. One sees in the act of spontaneous building – that is, the natural practice of construction by populations who have a common code of type of building corresponding to their cultural surroundings – the transplantation of suburban architectural types as the "conceptual type" of the present time. In as far as this practice preserves the same building methods, adding the natural evolution due to everyday adaptations, the old centres preserve their coherence and their harmony. Today, the brutal change in building techniques and materials used without any care for the historic heritage creates situations of malaise concerning the experience of these spaces.This "transplantation" of new technologies with new materials and new forms, creates, then, a new urban landscape, sometimes respecting the old fabric, which is itself heritage (not merely the buildings making it up), but often, unfortunately, not respecting it at all. We sometimes even see the total demolition of old centres which are generally in an advanced state of dilapidation, and their replacement by so-called "modern" constructions.

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The study of the types existent in the territory should not only be centered in the analysis of the characteristics of the traditional types, but also in their diversity and transformation throughout history, as well as the presence of more modern types.

Is replacing them worthwhile? Do we have the right to carry out such actions, to introduce modernity so violently into the old centres, destroying heritage that represents an increasingly rare asset and which has less and less chance of being reproduced? As for transformation on an urban scale, this concerns the loss of urban fabric through the demolition of old structures and their replacement by new types, essentially made up of "rows" and large spaces, where the urban notion of the old districts is irredeemably lost. In order to contribute to an improvement of this state of affairs, it would be useful to establish capital in the form of knowledge of the historic centres and traditional architecture as a basis for future action to preserve and highlight heritage buildings. In this article, we want to highlight this practice of integrated new architectures into old sites, which is regularly adopted in spontaneous construction in old centres. First of all, we should note that reconstruction in old centres is carried out following the types of the periphery. This is quite a notable, common practice in unprotected old centres.


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Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values Modern versus traditional typologies in Algerian medinas

It is notable that the spontaneous consciousness of a population leads them to build according to the "taste of the day" and not to preserve old forms and techniques. The massive practice of ancestral know-how will never be seen; rather it will always appear in an evolved form, that is, as the know-how of the moment.

Notions of typological evolution The great typological variety in the same cultural surroundings is much more the product of adaptation to the residents' needs and means of meeting them, following a simple mechanism, than the product of the ex-nihilo creativity of builders and designers. The great mass of spontaneously constructed production bears witness to massive popular activity showing a great degree of analogy between its components. The differences between each of its elements would only be variations on the same theme. The great "collective work of art" making up the old centres (Saverio Muratori; Giulio Argan) is often only a composition of synchronous variants of a same type (Gianfranco Caniggia), leading to the harmony and unity of these manmade constructions. It is generally established that urban cores mostly come from the development of villages (apart from the urban centres founded as towns). They correspond to the same logic as that affecting architecture: that is, the fabric of the periphery is reproduced as far as possible in the renewal of the centre (that is, in as far as it is allowed by the sites that are clear at the same time, because it is difficult to obtain big spaces that are free at the same time in old centres).

Colonial building with traditional elements, Blida, Algeria

II. Diagnosis

Here we are talking about urban cores that have undergone gradual transformations since they came into existence as rural establishments. It is notable that the type of building moves from a "proto-urban" type state to an "urban" type state. This is morphologically translated by densification, which is first horizontal and then vertical depending on the spontaneous mechanisms for transforming housing over the centuries; first you will see a staircase in the courtyard allowing access to the upper floor, then a passageway to the rooms on the floor; the birth of the patio is the only remaining step. On a plot that has been built on, densification goes on gradually until it occupies all possible space on the surface of the plot. Superimposition of building modules will come next, to obtain successive floors. We can see the successive states in cities with variable development like Algiers, a dense city that had achieved a high level of urbanisation in the medieval period. There we see an evolved type of building sometimes going up to G+4, with an average of G+2 in the Casbah.

Map of the town of Blida, Algeria (1842)

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Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values Modern versus traditional typologies in Algerian medinas

A town like Dellys, on the other hand, although it was founded as long ago, shows a stagnation of typological development at a proto-urban stage when compared to Algiers; staircases in the courtyard, not integrated into the construction of the housing like a mature element of the typology, are present as an occasional architectural element for accessing a space on a floor newly introduced into the typology, without, however, constituting a typological constant of R+1 housing. The very interesting typology of the rest of this town, partially destroyed by the earthquake of 2003, shows, in a way, a typological "petrification" at a stage between the rural (Andalusian rural + mountain Berber from the region) and the urban, represented by the Ottoman buildings of the period, as shown by the typical Turkish kbous. The town of Blida, on the other hand, shows, on one hand, a proto-urban typology resulting from Andalusian rural occupation (El Djoun) with its masters' houses and outbuildings such as stables, servants' houses and gardens, as well as, on the other, an urban typology imported from Algiers by the Turkish people from the town in the Rue du Bey and Rue d'Alger district. The most recent constructions in the El Djoun district are identified with these urban typologies. So, all reconstructions will be made following the typology of the house with patio, gradually replacing the proto-urban house with courtyard (for example, Dar Ben Kouider). We therefore note, through these cases, which are quite representative as they were chosen considering different sizes of town and geographical positions, different points in the typological evolution of the Algerian town. In fact, these levels of evolution can be found in the same town, because a spontaneous fabric has the particular feature of

evolving at plot level and not as a whole. The time variation in the evolution of plots makes it possible to obtain the variety so much appreciated by the human eye as against the monotony of a development carried out in the same time period: (the case of housing estates or other medium- or large-scale urban operations). However, buildings are put up rarely and according to ancestral building methods only in cases of rehabilitation. The spontaneous consciousness of a population leads them to build according to the "taste of the day" and not to preserve old forms and techniques. This building logic can be observed at the level of the Bardo Museum in Algiers, the former villa of Fahç Algèrois in the Ottoman period, which has undergone multiple rehabilitations and extensions that illustrate this situation well. The massive practice of ancestral know-how will never be seen, rather it will always be in an evolved form, that is, know-how of the moment. This is also the case with El Djoun, the old quarter of Blida (if not nowadays the oldest that is partially preserved), where the new building procedures (reinforced concrete structures and walls of bricks and breeze blocks) have imposed this new type, which does not in any way fit into the local typologies. These practices could be avoided in a historic centre if it was classed as protected. Unfortunately, this not being the case, spontaneous awareness in building production has been happily applied. This spontaneous awareness that has allowed the enrichment of typologies during centuries of adjustments and adaptations of architecture to users' needs, to give the most beautiful examples of heritage buildings, such as Saharan ksours or medinas, has ended up becoming the instrument for the degradation of this very heritage, using foreign techniques and procedures in the surroundings where they are

Bastion 23, Algiers (Algeria)

Traditional typologies of the Algiers Kasbah, Algeria

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Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values Modern versus traditional typologies in Algerian medinas

applied. So, the old historic centres are progressively wiped out for the benefit of an architecture intended to be modern but far from achieving the authenticity it is meant to express.

Spontaneous evolution of fabrics in relation to typological evolution Having established that towns are born from villages, which themselves succeed more primary human establishments, that is isolated constructions or small groups of isolated settlements (Mumford, Caniggia), we can direct observation towards seeking human establishments corresponding to intermediary phases of producing the manmade space. This state of building generally corresponds to a semi-nomadic socio-economic system, or a seasonal one, as is the case with El Oued, where one can still observe these little houses or groups of houses – the summer settlements of town dwellers. The context of their establishment is that of sufficiently vast spaces (assured of the presence of water, of course) to allow first of all scattered housing, then sufficiently large plots given over to each home (in relation to the degree of advancement of the state of urban development) and with the surrounding land open between the houses, thereby allowing future evolution through densification of the housing. If this group of homes meets the necessary conditions (polarity, accessibility, proximity to an activity zone...), it will develop into an urban centre. A mutation phenomenon strangely analogous to biological behaviour is, then, going to be put in place and, from sparse housing, dense housing will be born, grouped by progressive infill of the interstitial spaces without buildings. Old towns as they have come down to us today, according to the land surveys generally carried out since the 19th century, give us little information on their actual birth and their first mutations. The ancient centres we know were already urban when they were designed or relaid out. With reading techniques developed by Professor Caniggia, we can go back to the establishment of the genesis of these centres, right to their very beginning. The hypotheses put forward are, of course, backed by historical texts or archaeological digs to obtain confirmation and verification. But what we can directly confirm is the development of this phenomenon of progressive densification of the fabric at the level of successive extensions to the town. In effect, since the first land registries of the 19th century, we have been offered land surveys in the towns and their territories, and in the countryside, about every decade, with the various surrounding agricultural plots, right up to mountain and forest areas. These successive land surveys make it easy for us to read the evolution of the fabric of the extensions to towns and from this to interpolate the results to interpret the probable evolution of the

II. Diagnosis

old centres according to this logic of settlement by human kind. What one can always see is that towns are gradually filled in, always densifying more in the centre and the nearest neighbouring parts, narrowing its road network and occupying every square centimetre offered by the space of the town before climbing upwards once the land is saturated. During this mutation, the architectural typology, meanwhile, also experiences this mutation phenomenon. In fact, because of this tightening of the fabric of the town, houses must also shed their skins and transform themselves, gradually passing through intermediary types, from a village house to a proto-urban house, then an urban one and finally varying to follow the cultural trend and the continual densification requirements. From this, then, we can deduce the essential relationship between architectural typology and urban typology. The results at the level of the urban landscape as it is perceived remain, however, varied and they are defined by the cultural atmosphere. In places where plot organisation is identical, we can see an aggregation that is very dense horizontally, going as far as attachments on the four sides of the house in the case of courtyard houses (the case with central plots in Blida, Alger, Miliana, Dellys‌). However, in the case of extrovert types, we cannot go beyond three sides with attachments. Architectural production today is mass production, based on serial production following a unique model with limited synchronous

Street in the kasbah in Algiers, Algeria

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variants, thereby leading to the loss of richness and typological variety of previous urban centres. The coming of the row, the result of this production in series (it must not be forgotten that the production of houses in series and in groups is as old as the houses of Egyptian workers at the time the pyramids were built), has led to the disappearance of the organic fabric of the town. It is because of this that those gigantic towns which project their tentacles into the surrounding territories are sometimes compared to cancers. So, with the help of new techniques and new construction materials, the power of intensive, rapid production has become consolidated and the direct relationship between man and his product, in the case of the house, has been wiped out, leading to the loss of the measurement of human scale in the production of the built-up environment, something which is the instrument of the harmonisation of all artificial things with nature, a sine qua non condition of the sustainability of the necessary resources and continued human occupation of the planet.

The arrival of recent types in old centres In the case of Blida, it is noticeable that the new buildings in the old quarter of El Djoundo not in any way correspond to the cultural richness of the site. The few old houses that still remain are dominated by the new buildings, which are generally higher (G+2, G+3) as against singlefloor buildings for most old buildings. They use new construction techniques – reinforced concrete structures, infill with hollow bricks – introduced into a site where all the constructions are at ground level in an area with strong seismic action. It is like saying the death warrant is being signed for these old buildings, considering the "hammer effect" relationships of concrete with

Colonial buildind in Algiers (Algeria)

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Tool 4 Town planning analysis and architectural values Modern versus traditional typologies in Algerian medinas

earth structures. So the neighbouring houses risk being demolished if there is an earthquake by these new buildings, rather than having houses that support one another in absorbing the forces transmitted by the earth tremors, soaking up the shock like a monolithic entity. It is the fabric that becomes anti-seismic, not the isolated house, another asset of the correspondence between urban fabric and architecture with traditional housing. As for the architectural elements and the typological details of local architecture, they have completely disappeared from the new buildings. These express a mixture of languages in the absence of a contemporary local typology meeting current needs. Some of these windows have loggia above the street, some Provençal windows, some neo-classical façades with regular openings. All these new constructions disregard traditional local typologies, whether deliberately or not, and show a total typological change based on diatopic types imported from colonial and universal sources. Even more serious is the destruction of whole districts of old centres to replace them with new buildings for mass housing. An operation of this kind was launched in Blida during the 1980s. Because it was impossible to confiscate the properties of the residents of the time, the project was blocked for years, but was relaunched in 2003-4, with mass destruction and the compulsory purchase from the residents of a district that is at least three hundred years old. The first part of this scheme to densify the town centre, which was developed in 1987 in the Remonte and Ducros military hospital districts, was implemented on land that had hardly been built on, as well as an old Turkish cemetery. The Remonte which had been used for horse breeding, had already lost its functions and the stables had already been empty for a long time. However, the magnificent avenues of plane trees and open spaces between the stables should have been able to offer an ideal leisure and relaxation site near the old centre. They are now built on with dense mass housing schemes that break with the pre-colonial centre and that of the 19th century. At the time of the excavations in order to build the residential buildings planned for the scheme, it was found that the site had been the Turkish cemetery. This did not stop the works. The new town council's scheme shows an urban appearance ripped to shreds, without coherence or apparent relationships with the town, causing an additional divide between urban spaces. The new schemes, unlike those established at the level of El Djoun, show another appearance of new typological action in an old centre, that of the mass building of collective housing in which the disappearance of fabric can be observed, with the loss of the dividing unit: the plot. In this case, the typology imported from the periphery is totally alien to the centre and, although sometimes an architectural


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element is picked up, it is only symbolic and decorative, not as an authentic element used for its original function. Conclusion One constant seems to emerge from these observations: spontaneous construction is carried out according to the most developed and most economical typology and not according to old typologies because of the will of the person or people carrying it out. The second important note is the fact that typological mutations traditionally operate within a well determined, well delimited urban and territorial setting. The transformation of urban fabric is carried out alongside transformations to buildings: when the plot reaches its limit, the town boundary constrains and retains the urban fabric. Far from these thousand-year-old laws, the common aspect of the new typologies is their denial of traditional limits. No more plot boundary for buildings, no more urban boundary for the town. This loss of limits is, perhaps, a redefinition of the notion of territory. The metropolis no longer recognises traditional territorial limits; the only limit it seems to recognise is that of the planet, as a market. In the face of this situation, how can we still talk about a traditional typology? The divide between metropolis and traditional typology seems frighteningly deep. However, residents of the towns of today still want a peaceful life in spaces produced on a human scale, in the image of the old fabric. In this case, typological architectural production, even producing replicas of the old fabric, cannot guarantee its authenticity. For example the new districts divided into plots in the suburbs seeking to reproduce building quality through the act of division into plots.

II. Diagnosis

This leads us to ask ourselves the question: is the plot the essential condition for reconstituting an authentic urban space? Lifeless European suburbs spreading out of sight disprove this. The idea of plots alone, without a return to the hierarchised integration of territorial culture, is not enough. This is why the integration of territorial, urban and architectural scales is increasingly essential in defining schemes. This integration is translated at urban level by the determination of a location that is suitable for the polarities and nodes of the town, as well as structuring the fabrics within a hierarchical system respecting these polarities and nodes. In summary, a more complete and operational reading of human settlement must involve the recognition of particular urban morphology in relation to the polarities and nodes structuring the town. Dense plots in the centre, plots presenting their narrow sides to the most important routes, big plots on the periphery‌ As well as the recognition of the territorial structure as an initial framework for all human establishment and as a directional indicator for all future evolution of the town and any new nearby urban centres. And the recognition of cultural territory as an essential typological resource in the production of basic buildings This will imply parsimony in occupation of the territory and resources on a human scale in order to structure it, such as limiting the exploitation of the territory to its own resources in a concern for sustainable development.

New buildings in the Algiers Kasbah, Algeria

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Tool 5 Analysis of economic parameters and socio-cultural values


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Tool 5 Analysis of economic parameters and socio-cultural values


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Tool 5 Analysis of economic parameters and socio-cultural values

Which socio-economic parameters must be considered?

The operation of property markets in the centres of historic towns has carved itself a place in the dynamic of local property markets, in the dynamic of the markets of the different towns that structure the territory of the country, and even in the urban dynamics of larger geographical areas corresponding to geopolitical regions subject to the same rules and influences or in specific tourist markets. Beyond these external dimensions, the evolution of historic districts is marked by socio-demographic evolution and urban development putting pressure on property markets and urban structures; the place and function of districts are displaced in history, and it is a very rare old centre where the morphology and structure do not have be modified to adapt to new uses. Property structures can therefore evolve rapidly, an accelerated evolution going along with the development of residential mobility, tourist attractiveness and the tertiarisation of employment. This evolution makes the maintenance of the traditional social and functional diversity of these districts more delicate, particularly when needs for urban rehabilitation mean that property restoration is required1 and the improvement of districts risks encouraging the exclusion of families and less welloff people from them. The increase in land and property values must therefore be controlled by land action policies and support for the production of social housing. Conversely, some historic districts become run down because of the gradual loss of their historic place in the urban network – the displacement of administrative, trading, economic or political functions to other towns or districts. This process of devaluation sometimes leads to them becoming insalubrious and to a loss of the economic attractiveness of territories, processes which marginalise the district into merely receiving disadvantaged populations. The fall in land and property values and their consequences for the deterioration of buildings (putting some properties in single ownership into joint ownership, division of mansions and historic buildings into several accommodation units) cannot be overcome without tough action to aid the conservation of the structures of buildings and to preserve the most important buildings in the sectors. These situations require actions to support owners, who are often financially incapable of bearing the cost of property restoration, and land and property actions to replace the failing private ownership of public or private operators. The approach to old centres and districts of towns will therefore, in all cases, require precise identification of the place and function of residential and urban property in property markets, of the

II. Diagnosis

Xavier Benoist Economist and town planner General Director of PACT ARIM France

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The economic analysis should not consider the enclave as an autonomous entity, but rather should analyze its interaction with the territory in which it is inserted: the economic role of the district in the city, of the town in the county...

district in the history and evolution of the town and of the town in the history of the territory. This approach will be carried out on many levels – from the district to the block and down to the individual property – and will call on various disciplines and analyses, giving rise to the drawing up of a scheme and of particular intervention programmes making it possible to act against the dysfunctions identified. 1. The place of the town in the urban hierarchy of its region and its place in its territory will be the first criterion to be taken into account in order to appreciate the place of the local property market in the territory's property price hierarchy. Various indicators make it possible to understand the cycle in which the local property market is evolving: the income level of the local population, the demographic development of the region, its economic dynamism, the structure of the ownership and quality of the housing, the housing costs and labour cost. Land and property prices in the sector and the volume of annual transactions, together with the vacancy rate for housing or the speed of transformation of shops will characterise the probable evolution of sectors and will give useful details for understanding the changes, the types of investors (or disinvestment) and the average amount of investment in the sector. This data will make it

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The economic type studies should analyze the structure of the property and the existing real estate dynamics, two important factors in relation to the possibilities of management of the rehabilitation operations.

Panel advertising traditional homes for rent, Marrakech, Morocco

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Tool 5 Analysis of economic parameters and socio-cultural values Which socio-economic parameters must be considered?

possible to characterise the price rise or devaluation cycle occurring in the districts and to specify the aid to be put in place to run the programme for rehabilitating the housing and commercial functions. All old historic sectors have been subject to price rise/devaluation cycles depending on the tensions in the markets and the place of property in the historic centre in the local housing market. Devaluation cycles generally accompany the impoverishment of a region, but they can develop in active property markets as a result of the rigidity of the land market or the absence of a range of housing available for the most disadvantaged people or for families – while price rise cycles can develop in not very dynamic regions, from the simple fact of tourist pressure. In effect, the rigidity of land markets, expressed by the resistance exercised by certain owners to transferring their property (or transforming it) in an attempt to boost land prices, accentuates the trend towards the deterioration of the old fabric. The agreed strategies of certain owners who prefer to wait for the opportunity to demolish and rebuild rather than undertaking considerable work to restore their assets, accentuate these phenomena, which block the development of the market. The absence of comfort and facilities in the housing, limiting the attractiveness of groups of properties to young people, families and the middle classes, will limit the development of populating the district and accentuate the degradation of certain parts of

Estate agent in Marrakech medina, Morocco


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Tool 5 Analysis of economic parameters and socio-cultural values Which socio-economic parameters must be considered?

historic centres, often affected by the aging of their populations. These factors will accelerate the process of property devaluation, even more so if the prevailing property rehabilitation or restoration rules do not allow poor owners to carry out work to bring their properties up to a level without considerable aid from the group. The means of public action will, therefore, be even more necessary, in proportion to the accommodation needs of the populations and the need to improve the housing. 2. It will be even more important to identify and specify the functions of historic town centres in town planning documents in as far as they strongly affect the rehabilitation policy to be carried out and its different categorisations of the different types of heritage and buildings to be protected or invested in. The constraints of the programme and the rehabilitation levers will be different depending on whether local urban planning allows the extension and development of tertiary functions to fill the gap in historic centres. Receiving new tertiary activities in other districts, receiving tertiary functions compatible with the identity of the district (cultural facilities, school facilities), the displacement of polluting economic activities and the maintenance of basic necessity commercial activities are the main objectives to be achieved in local planning. The purpose of the project will be to create new balances between the structure of the districts, their social composition and their place in the town, acting on the property structure and sometimes the land structure. 3 Commercial and economic activities, partly supported by the demand of resident populations and partly by tourist or leisure demand, can become incompatible with the desire to maintain residential uses in the districts. In certain extreme situations, these

Market in GardaĂŻa, Algeria

II. Diagnosis

displacements of commercial functions can amount to complete "destructuring" of certain sectors, accelerating the departure of traditional populations because of the nuisances created – nuisances linked to the development of car traffic, to the needs for parking or sometimes even night-time nuisance linked to the transformation of the ground floors of buildings (transformation into car parks, shops or restaurants and cafes). This phenomenon can only be controlled by police-enforced regulations and very precise, detailed rules for rights of occupation of land of the kind that can contain these developments within reasonable proportions. In fact, conflicts of use of public space very often spring from the proximity of competing activities (demand for local space for residents and demand for space for the development of shops). These phenomena will be even more accentuated as the profitability of economic activities is sometimes out of proportion with the profitability of residential activities. They sometimes prevent the reuse of floors of properties as housing or damage the residentialisation of districts. The ways shops are handled will be one of the important issues to be tackled, and the negotiations with the representatives of this economic sector will be particularly important. 4 Traffic and transport constraints, traffic regulation methods and the handling of public spaces will be thought out to control or supervise these developments. Public transport will therefore be given preference over individual transport. 5. The analysis of property structures will be essential for understanding the different strategies of owners, whether they are landlords or occupants, buyers or occupants, in the face of these various developments. The nature of ownership, the sizes of the assets held by the owners in the sector, the proportion of

Craft workshops in Jraba Square, Kairouan, Tunisia

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property that is public or subject to complex transmission regulations and the general state of buildings must be analysed. The transformation of the property structure will be that much faster if the transformation of the dominant function of the districts is not controlled or planned, or even supervised. But the transformation of heritage and its adaptation to modern housing standards requires the establishment of levers for particular interventions.

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6. The population of the districts is also a determining factor, depending particularly on their history and the range allowed by the housing in the sector: a range of locations characterised by the size of the accommodation, its degree of comfort, its location and its cost; a range of access possibilities where the accommodation attracts new populations seeking property opportunities corresponding to their needs; a range for investors seeking asset investments or tax investments when financial regulations favourable to investment are established on the districts; commercial range... The classification of the function of the districts (area receiving households looking for their first homes, area receiving families, refuge area for vulnerable and disadvantaged populations...etc) for the local populations will be one of the important points of the diagnosis preceding the drawing up of an intervention strategy for the district. Summaries of the development of the sectors and the choice of priority intervention targets may be drawn up depending on these analysis elements in order to specify the intervention levers making it possible to guide the programme for property rehabilitation and structuring the district. Three types of tools will be essential for use in the sectors:

New shop beside traditional commercial premises in Tunis medina

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the tools for improving housing, particularly aid and subsidies to owners for carrying out agreed works, the tools for property action necessary for restructuring certain blocks to dedensify them or to acquire property in order to define its use or to restructure it, the tools for producing social housing, essential for rehousing the population. They will be mobilised to a greater or lesser degree depending on the difficulties in dealing with the districts and the social, economic or urban issues involved.

1 The term "property restoration" is used here to characterise far-reaching intervention on the integral structure of old, run-down property: architecture, structure, distribution, sanitation. This is more than merely improvement and maintenance of the housing (comfort, safety). One might also say "heavy rehabilitation".


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The people living in traditional architecture. The case of Nicosia

Settlements develop as a result of human concentration in specific localities, favored for their physical characteristics (location, climate, topography, etc). People there, form communities and networks that support their living and well-being. Social, cultural and economic tights are developed between them, within the settlements but also to other localities outside the boundaries of the settlement. These relations provide the socio-economic framework as well as the means for development. As socioeconomic factors change in time due to external influences, settlements enter into cycles of deprivation and regeneration. These cycles have an inevitable impact on the population characteristics, as population and the built environment have a mutual relationship. Cities are more than buildings connected in an urban tissue. They embody the social, the economic and the cultural character of the past and contemporary networks of people that have called it their home. People move and settle into the settlement forming initially its core. As the town grows, new-comers tend to settle in specific patterns, developing a microcosm of their own. Thus, neighborhoods are formed as clusters of people of the same characteristics: ethnic, national, religious, according to their occupation, social status, etc. With the passing of time people move from one part of the city to the other according to their changing needs, means and status. Mainly families of upper and middle classes move into new residential areas in the suburbs. At the same time more people are moving into the settlement, occupying empty dwellings. A relative static demographic situation is maintained when people of a similar situation as of those living come to live in the area. In areas where continuing outward movement takes place without an equivalent inmigration, the population structure frequently becomes increasingly dominated by older people. The decline in the residential population is often accompanied by the increased concentration of commercial activities. The effects of in-migration are most clearly seen where the migrants belong to an ethnic group different from that of the majority of the city’s population. In the past adaptation was an inevitable process, since immigrants were usually permanent. In today’s globalized world, the movement of population due to the economic restructuring but also to the easier means of transport has been considerably increased, but also not so settled. People; tend to move easier from country to country following their work opportunities. On the same time the information technology allow them to be better connected to their country of origin. Thus,

II. Diagnosis

Irene Hadjisavva-Adam Architect and town planner Department of Town Planning and Housing, Ministry of the Interior, Cyprus

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The demographic analysis should establish the bases of the strategies for fomenting social cohesion: detection of pockets of poverty, of unemployment, of population “ghettos”, of gentrification processes and expulsion of the autochthonous population.

migrant communities are less or slower integrated in the recipient community, than before. Since they are more or less separated from the rest of the population because of their race, language, religion or customs, they are likely to form themselves into distinctive clusters, both for economic and social reasons. Moreover, as immigrants are entering a strange social environment, they are attracted by areas in which their compatriots are already living and where they can find a place to live (since discrimination often gives them a limited choice). In such areas it is easier for them to recreate something of the atmosphere of their old place or practice their religion. They might also be attracted by relatives or friends that already live there, the pioneers of their own society established in an alien environment. Usually the members of these distinctive ethnic groups are employed in more poorly paid jobs, and as a result their homes are concentrated in the historic cores or in older residential areas, where deteriorating properties of usually traditional architecture have declined in value and have in some cases been subdivided into smaller dwelling units. Often immigrants live at high densities in overcrowded conditions. The altered demography, the fear of the unknown and the alien, the usually unbalanced sex ratio between men and women but also the further degradation of the built environment, make the historic cores less favored by the locals. But, on the other side, the

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The urban geography of Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus, has developed over the centuries, reflecting the troubled history of the island. Its population, a mixture of local Orthodox with Muslim Turks, Armenians, Maronites and Latins, that have been arriving in the island since the Frankish period, found their place and formed their microcosm within the city. The basic element in the fabric of the city was the neighborhood. These were developed around the religious buildings of each community, the church or mosque, and became centers for citizens of like ethnicity, and religion. Moreover other areas were formed with the concentration of people according to their social class or occupation. The trust that developed between the two bigger communities in a later period led to the establishment of mixed town quarters. Modernization and the economic restructuring brought with it building redevelopment but also the first signs of population exodus. However, the process was interrupted by the brutal separation in two parts of the city following the intercommunal

troubles between Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots and the establishment of the ‘green line’ in 1963. The situation was made more permanent in 1974 following the Turkish invasion to the island. The impact on the physical fabric of the city and its physical and functional continuity was significant as it was for the population of the city. People from both communities moved to either side of the ¨line¨ altering the demography. The ¨green line¨ divided the city not only in physical terms but also in visual, psychological, political and emotional terms. The heart of the city, its main commercial area was devastated being in the buffer zone. In the years to follow, the total of the adjacent area was to be further abandoned as insecurity drove people away. In a number of empty dwellings refugees from the occupied area were housed forming a new displaced community. Moreover, new uses were added in the abandoned dwellings, workshops further deteriorated the buildings and their environment and shifted the predominant use from mixed residential-commercial to workshop. Further factors contributed to the decline of the walled city: traffic congestion, lack of parking space and the ageing of the building stock that could not respond to the new, improved, standard of living, led to the move of a substantial number of inhabitants (of the middle and upper class), enterprises and administrative offices to the periphery of the city and to the new, better served, suburbs. Today, the ageing of a considerable part of the building stock of the inner city makes it unable to meet the contemporary life

House with Asian immigrants in the centre of Nicosia (Cyprus)

House inhabitated by an American citizen in the centre of Nicosia (Cyprus)

area is revitalized, filled with life, customs and attitudes so different that they create a totally new environment. The cultural diversity of people that share the same urban space enriches the city and adds a totally new rhythm.

The example of Nicosia

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II. Diagnosis

standard. On the same time the increased property values of historic buildings and the high cost of their rehabilitation to meet the contemporary living standards, make it difficult for their owners to rehabilitate it. Furthermore, they are put off by the social change and deprivation in the historic core. Thus, the return in the city of the original inhabitants is a difficult aim. The poor condition of the building has resulted in low rents that attracted immigrants. In the opposite case, rehabilitated listed buildings, are used as high cost residences for mainly high class families or as bars, restaurants, offices or cultural centers. Currently the population of the city consists of mainly immigrants, refugees and few old local people. The low cost housing opportunities have attracted a considerable number of immigrants in the old city. These can be distinguished in two groups: circular migration of mainly Philippine, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and eastern European nationals and ‘permanent’ migration of Diaspora Greeks. The latter enjoy a special status both before and after the Cyprus accession to the European Community and migrate with their families for a permanent stay. Recent research has shown that 65% of the residents of the area are non Cypriots. In a process of adaptation, social networks of different ethnicities have created social structures that attract immigrants to a friendlier environment. For example, a new market orientated towards the everyday needs of these networks is currently developed: stores selling Russian products alongside with Indian

spices and sari, Call Centers with low prices and internet cafes, money transfer agencies, laundries, butchers that don’t sell pork, Sunday hairdressers in garages or halls, etc. With the concentration of a large number of immigrants living in the city, a new urban geography is being formed. Or, to be more precise, the long lost division of the city is being revitalized. Thus, the once Latin quarter is used by the catholic Philippine, Indian and Sri Lankan nationals that attend the Sunday Mass at the Catholic Cathedral. The old St Joseph school has been converted to a Community Center by the Catholic nuns, while the old Convent offers its gardens and sheltered areas for the Sunday tea. The Municipal garden as well as the Walls moat nearby, are used for the Sunday’s stroll, picnic, party or even as a small bazaar. A bigger open-air bazaar is organized in a parking lot on the Medieval Walls. Cypriot tradesmen offer their low-price, lowquality goods, adjusted to the taste of their immigrant customers. They often employ immigrants as salesmen to facilitate the sales. Rarely immigrants are the bosses, usually selling music tapes. The Muslim community is organized around the city’s Mosque, a former Gothic cathedral, converted into a Mosque during the Ottoman period. Hairdressers, butcher shops, convenient stores, money transfer or DVD clubs are situated in shops in the adjacent streets to serve the community. The Orthodox community of the Greek Diaspora, is located in the area around the Phaneromeni Orthodox church. They are actually

Asiatic inmigrants in the old town of Nicosia (Cyprus)

Main street in the old centre of Nicosia (Cyprus)

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settlers and since they share the same language (usually as second language) and religion they are better incorporated in the local community. Their network is more loosely connected than these of the previous mentioned groups. However, their impact on the city everyday life is significant since they use it in a round the clock basis. The once deserted area is now filled with children’s laughter, groups of women gossiping on the benches and companies of men staring the passersby at the square. Cypriots living in the area are usually either old people that remained in the area after their children have left, or professionals who mainly have their studios in the area but live outside the historic core. There is a small number of young families that have chosen the area for their permanent residence. These are either refugees, housed in the government’s refugee camp, in the rehabilitated by the Local Municipality Chrysaliniotissa area ir in other better preserved or rehabilitated buildings. The main street (Ledras street), however, is frequented by all kind of people. Families with small children choose the pedestrianised street for their walks, enjoying their coffee in the fancy cafeterias such as Starbucks or Flo (multinational chains). People of all ages and from both the city and the near villages go for an ice-cream at Heracles. Turkish-Cypriots pass the checking point for shopping and for a western feeling. Tourists are attracted by the traditional architecture, the museums and the tourist shops and restaurants. These networks of people of different ethnicities, cultures, religions and interests, usually pass by each other or coexist in the same urban fabric and at the same time moments, but without really living together. Their worlds meet in a fleeting instance: a service in the shop or restaurant, a smile on a pretty baby, a snapshot, a glimpse of disapproval or hostility... Each group is carrying its own story, and its relationship with the city differs dramatically. An urban space is conceived and interpretated in a different way for each one. What is important for the one is indifferent for the other. It is thus the people who give life and value to the public space, but also the space facilitates the concentration and intensity of the people’s activities. The city today is enriched by different sets of values or symbols inherent in the different cultures that occupy it. It is a scene for various plays often spontaneous or unpredictable. The city seems to follow its own dynamics. However, this juxtaposition of difference, diversity and social extremes of affluence and poverty does create considerable tension and public debate. The walled city is in an undisputable process of regeneration. For its physical rehabilitation a 10 million Cyprus pounds from the Structural Funds will be spent the next three years. Further funds will be used from other Governmental sources. But the main question remains: regeneration for whom? And how are the targeted beneficiaries included in the decision-making process? How exactly are the ‘Visiting” communities seen in the kaleidoscope of the cities’ issues since, at this moment, they have

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the greatest impact on the city’s life and are most likely to be more affected by the regeneration process. Furthermore, what is the impact of these networks of people on the regeneration process? Is it significant or are market and political forces stronger than the social forces they create?


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Tool 5 Analysis of economic parameters and socio-cultural values

The anthropological values of traditional space

To perform an analysis of our heritage from a social and anthropological point of view we can draw on a wide range of sources of information. While this information may coincide at times, we need to perform separate historical and technical analyses. These various sources of information and the variety of ways in which they can be analysed offer us a better “picture� than one can obtain from a simple architectural vision of urban shapes. When starting this analysis one has to take into account the primary sources of information related to our heritage as a whole, from the information provided orally by inhabitants to direct knowledge of phenomena such as the traditions associated with architectural spaces and the social use they generate. To gain a better insight into the current relationship between inhabitants and their architectural surroundings, studies of the urban fabric are being carried out. In these studies, data is being collected in the form of graphs which provide information on routes used, on how inhabitants function, on their relationships with their surroundings and on the time they spend in particular areas. This information is then compared with the physical structure of these areas. These studies, which analyse the current relationships between inhabitants and their heritage, give us a different point of view to consider when it comes to the planning of urban constructions. They offer us a better insight and they often provide us with unexpected information. In addition to analysing the current state of affairs we also have to be sensitive to the constant modifications that these areas and buildings have undergone. By carrying out a study that enables us to assess how certain areas have altered their morphology very subtly over the years while maintaining their symbolic or social values, we can obtain useful tools for new architectural projects. In this sense, it is necessary to draw on a range of sources which are not primary sources in anthropological terms but sources which can help us to determine the cultural value of certain areas within communities and society. By obtaining this information, however diffuse, we can perform a diachronic analysis of the relationship between the population and the surrounding buildings. In addition to the usual use of documentary and photographic archives or the search for historiographical bibliographies, it is also important to look at literary sources (novels, chronicles, yearbooks) or graphical sources (illustrations, prints) which are situated on the periphery of the study of architectural heritage. From these sources one should not expect a precise answer to a question but instead a wide, dynamic vision

II. Diagnosis

Albert Fuster Architect Lecturer at the Elisava Higher Education Technical College of Design (Pompeu Fabra University) Spain

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Recent social-type studies help to demonstrate that certain structures of traditional streets foment sociability and a community sense of the street.

of the values of different areas and their relationship with their inhabitants. The social and cultural value of a particular part of our heritage is something variable and diverse. Furthermore, the constant, direct bond which inhabitants establish with their surroundings can challenge the canonical distinction between traditional and modern marked by the 1920s period and used to define our architectural heritage. This distinction, which is based purely on architectural technique, can distort or oversimplify studies of our heritage. The complex way in which the old town of Barcelona grew from the beginning of the eighteenth century up to the twentieth century, for example, contains a number of elements which require more than a simple technical analysis and which show a variety of urban solutions which need to be analysed from more than one point of view. The changes made to the area before the introduction of the motor car or the use of reinforced concrete were just as profound as those made in the twentieth century and the resulting morphology has been able to

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Bedouins on Apamea region (Syria)

Intensive use of public space. Jraba Square, Kairouan (Tunisia)

Fixed market in Tunis (Tunisia)

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incorporate them, preserving elements that may have lost their original function. In the same way, the houses in the coastal populations north of Barcelona, have been adapted in ways which go beyond simple technological evolution. Diverse social groups and public private relationships have brought about changes to these buildings: the faรงades, the entrance areas, the interior and even the courtyards. These buildings have housed inhabitants as diverse as fishermen in the nineteenth century, middle class summer holidaymakers at the beginning of the twentieth century and business people linked professionally to Barcelona at the beginning of the twenty-first century. These inhabitants differ tremendously in their habits regarding work, communication and leisure. However, while the symbolic or social values of the buildings may have changed, they have maintained their validity as urban structures right up to the present time. By understanding the historical social and anthropological values which have developed alongside but separately from the intrinsically architectural changes we are able to look at our heritage from a different point of view and obtain more detailed conclusions. When the inhabitants of an area do not change it does not necessarily mean that the heritage will be physically preserved. In the same way, changes in the use or symbolism of a building do not necessarily lead to spatial or structural alterations. The conflict that may arise in the relationship between the anthropological, social and architectural value of our heritage, as a result of the information provided by the aforementioned sources, can only be beneficial to our analysis. A diachronic analysis offers us flexibility when studying our architectural heritage and enables us to act more effectively when deciding future architectural projects.


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The social and cultural values of traditional housing

II. Diagnosis

Yassine Ouagueni Architect Lecturer at the Technical College of Architecture and Town Planning Algeria

What is the fundamental nature of housing in the sociocultural system? This issue points to an explanation which is more extensive depending on how far the cultural and social nature of housing is recognised. So, housing, as a cultural product serving a social need, stems from a similar production logic to that for other objects produced in the same cultural area. Put another way, a culture, more precisely, a cultural area, is a result of the same "faculty" and uses the same mechanisms to create a social response and assume the successive transformations over time in order to ensure they are adapted to a world in perpetual change. This faculty is "consciousness". It can behave in two ways, depending on the conditions a culture finds itself in. Consciousness is critical when it is maintained watchfully, because it is subject to intellectual activity. This situation happens at a particular time when a society faces a new problem1 or to the need to review the solution to a problem whose details have developed. By contrast, consciousness is spontaneous when a society is already equipped with responses to the collective problems that concern it and tends to reproduce them without asking itself the questions "Why?" or "How?". The response takes the form of a total concept, a sort of standard shared by the whole group and which is spontaneously produced at any time when the requirement to satisfy a need of any kind (existential, spiritual, etc.) is shown. By way of example, weddings are the "response" to a problem raised in all societies. They take specific forms in each culture. They are a complex "action-response" like an organism, that include rituals, meals, clothing, dances and various manifestations in which forms and content are codified. The slightest lack of respect for one of the components of an event as important as a wedding lead to discontent and severe criticism. In all the traditions, it is important for the organisers of the party to attend to and receive the critical point of view of the guests. Because of this, every society has its own representatives in charge of "official criticism", who see that standards are scrupulously respected. In Algeria, these are the women, notably the oldest ones, because they are the holders, preservers and depositors of the norm for "weddings". This standard is, in itself, a latent mental project. From when the decision to go into action is taken, all members of the family concerned, dominated by spontaneous consciousness, assume

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The traditional form of habitat is also a cultural product that describes a way of collective living in and of social and human relations.

their respective roles without taking the trouble to organise meetings or to prepare detailed plans like those drawn up for military manoeuvres. In the face of globalisation, weddings tend to become standardised at the expense of weddings to the local norm and what is nowadays called "traditional". Based on this example of marriage as a cultural product, it is easy to understand why all objects and manifestations of the same kind in the same cultural area are similar, to the point where it is permissible to take any product from a culture to design all the objects of its family. Put another way, it should be admitted that cultural reality is typological. However, the type indicated by a tangible or intangible cultural product collectively codified to respond to a shared need is not a schematic representation, but rather the conceptual representation of the whole of the objectresponse in the spirit of those ready to carry it out2.

The readable, coherent and unitary nature of traditional housing Shared collectively, the "typical" is presented as an understanding of the right thing to do. The typical is the object through which

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Tool 5 Analysis of economic parameters and socio-cultural values The social and cultural values of traditional housing

cultural cohesion is assured, and which in fact guarantees the cohesion, coherence and unity of cultural production. This is, then, what explains the unity of old towns. The houses all belong to the same conception of a house. The variations are, at a first level, an adaptation on the ground to practical requirements: location in the town (centre, periphery, etc.), position in the fabric (corner, edge, inside a block, etc.), the topography (flat site, sloping one). At a second level, social considerations come into play (sociological type: division of buildings into socially defined districts) and economic ones (hierarchisation of the components of the town: division of districts into areas of activity accentuated specialisation depending on development). At a higher level, town and village are also types in as far as they form a kind of response to living, a particular way of understanding the agglomeration which, in all cases, tends to produce the qualities of a real organism. Proof of this is the resemblance of villages, towns, medinas and ksours, which is easily noticeable in the same cultural area3. Concerning architecture4, it is easy to note that historic centres, as the best possible centres of heritage know-how, reveal, through the harmony of the group of buildings, the existence of a behavioural law adhered to by the majority of constructions. In effect, this concerns the capacity of each building to affirm through its architecture the concern to respond individually from all points of view to the user's needs and, above all, to develop the typo-morphological aspects necessary for the harmonious formation of the group of neighbouring buildings. This associative condition offers one of the most important guarantees for the establishment of urban fabric, where the configuration firmly and explicitly points to the organisational nature of human society.

So, the typical building is never designed at all, but it is rather an integral part of a physical environment from which it may not be dissociated. Nowadays, this quality is lost. The act of creating architecture is essentially based on seeking exuberance – standing out at any price – and on the intention to affirm distinctiveness under the stranglehold of fashion and, particularly, the type dominating the production of clothes5. Because of the combined behaviour of the heterogeneity of their architecture and of the leaning towards distinction, new districts tend to show the image of a cultural situation dominated by uncertainty rather than the effects of aesthetic work committed to quality through the diversification of forms. All the preparations made prior to urban schemes, as well as the decoration operations undertaken afterwards, have not succeeded in returning to these groups the spatial character necessary to consolidate them in social life6. This is because the town planning regulations tend to uphold the idea of the distances to be maintained between buildings; they do not encourage the search for the means of bringing them together to form an aggregate capable of giving rise to a fabric representing the profound aspirations of society7. The consequences of this choice of increasingly atomised urban forms will have unfortunate effects on the social organisation of districts and towns. Districts in historic towns, as "little towns" within the "town" because they have a certain structured morphological autonomy (main street, centre, periphery, etc.) are territories in which the hierarchised organisation of social groups takes place spontaneously. Each age group has its specific space in the district and the whole takes on the configuration of a kind of house, in which rules of behaviour and responsibilities are scrupulously respected.8.

Commercial activity in Fez (Morocco)

Kairouan (Tunisia)

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II. Diagnosis

It is also easy to note that the built-up historic heritage represents, through the unitary nature of its language (grammar, lexicon and syntax), the reflection of social unity. On the other hand, accessibility to the comprehension of architecture and town planning, as well as its future, is guaranteed for all citizens thanks to the readability of the forms and functions. Nowadays, conversely, the different societies on the shores of the Mediterranean show more than a century of libertine architectural production and town planning, not anchored in local tradition, under the pretext of seeking new "models" in the furrow of modernisation, but, in fact, translating a state of cultural crisis. So, heritage, because it is absolutely coherent in constructed language according to a process similar to the phenomenon of language itself, in fact becomes the specific landmark, the place of reference for a possible take-off, breaking with the linguistic disinheritance of our times, which the spirit of consumption does not cease to maintain and impose. It is a form of environmental pollution which damages well-being: the excess simultaneous practice of different languages in the same urban organism leads, unavoidably, to disorder, chaos and the paralysis of citizen participation in the affairs of the City. The most fashionable criticism finds this "deconstructed" aspect of the modern town interesting and does not have any difficulty in comparing it with the attempts at research practised for a pictorial work. Here, exploration, projection towards the future for the future, curiosity and trying things out are no longer considered as methodological departures, but as results that must be replaced in the aesthetically accomplished work. This situation, which tends to erect modern "creator" in opposition to the traditional concept of artist9, can only be explained because of the forced relegation of spontaneous consciousness to oblivion and the installation of the uncertainty of the activity of critical consciousness.

Traditional housing, a reference and a context for a return to the roots

Alexandria (Egypt)

Coffe at Damascus (Syria)

The different current roles attributed to traditional housing tend to be summed up in its link to local economic development. Tourist attractiveness and its economic effects on various sectors of activities, such as accommodation, catering, job creation, etc., as well as its capacity to provide premises for commercial and craft activities or accommodation are "buzzwords" for public authorities when it comes to justifying operations to be undertaken to rehabilitate historic districts. The development of the discourse in favour of the economic interest is explained because of the fact that the notion of "wellbeing" presented in the traditional building (which, moreover, all societies seek) escapes all quantitative evaluation. Although certain indicators referring to "quality of life" have been drawn up, notably through regulations controlling the production of new extensions, traditional housing has found it difficult to fit into this quantitative systematic and globalising approach. In the same way, the reality of traditional housing cannot be marginalised in a constraining role in relation to the open field of planning. Resistance to "change" is the paradoxical translation of the tacit will to maintain consensual housing in use and to preserve it from all individualistic replacement likely to forever alter a quality it has that cannot be put into figures. It is in these, not very explicit, terms, that modern society expresses the recognition of typological values, which are in essence qualitative, and justifies the practice of legal protection measures for traditional housing. And it is also through the development of local tourism, which continually gain ground compared to foreign tourism, that it is appropriate to recognise the existence of a new need engendered by the everyday dehumanising pressure of the modern built-up

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environment. A short stay in a coherent built-up environment fashioned on a human scale (historic centre, villages, etc.) constitutes a means of going back to the roots, like a "change of scene" in an area dominated exclusively by nature (desert) or country life (cultural park). Tourism is only acting as an attraction where the causes are mixed with the search for the values of a historic built-up environment. And the greater value of traditional housing is none other than the match between its formal and structural manifestations and the nature of human society itself. 5 1 It is generally a question of seeking a response to a new need induced by contact with another dominant cultural area (whether directly through physical occupation or by remote influence). 2 The persistence of "types" concerning cultural response can also be verified among people obliged to emigrate to other cultural areas. The example of the cosmopolitan situation in the city of New York, shown by the juxtaposition of culturally different group buildings, demonstrates the will to preserve the existential balance (own culture) based on spontaneous awareness rather than encouraging the "change" to the change in favour, in all cases, of another neighbouring culture. Discourses on the integration of the North African populations carried on in many European countries sometimes tend to ignore this human phenomenon, which consists of them inevitably and permanently bringing with them a heritage of solutions to problems of life without the slightest intention of getting rid of them. All of us, for example, feel the desire to find a restaurant where the menus are close to our culture. 3 Lots of examples bear witness to the existence of a concept of agglomeration. The M’zab valley has several ksours which are fascinating because of the identity they share as well as their dimensions, the choice of site and, notably, their architectural components. This demonstrates that an old agglomeration imposes a threshold on its urban growth for reasons it is not worth mentioning here, and operates by founding a replica of another agglomeration that tends to be produced in the same conditions as the first one. 4 Here we adopt the term "building", more precisely "base building" to indicate a house. By contrast "specialised building" refers to all buildings resorting to spontaneous consciousness to make use of the set of collectively acquired experiences but which introduces an element of intention on the part of the person who designs the product. Traditional architectural criticism has introduced the following pairs of opposites: major architecture and minor architecture; architecture and architecture without an architect. This distinction becomes valuable in our explanation, but it reconsiders the value judgement. Primary status is given to the base building because of its importance in building fabrics and the town itself and, above all, because of its role in the chronology of the formation of the town. "The base building" is the condition that takes precedence over the existence of the "specialised building". Evidence of this is the familiarity of the know-how that can be picked up in the same cultural area between the architecture of a simple house and the architecture of a mosque or a church, or even a palace. 5 It is useful to remember that fashion, as a manifestation characterising the consumer society, has not penetrated all areas of cultural production equally. By way of example, the area of cuisine is relatively reluctant to call into question the traditional menu in favour of another one which we might call uncertain. The vital nature of the culinary world, which places more importance on the nature of the product to be ingested than its appearance, is quite difficult to fit into the game of fashion. The scale of the effect of fashion on houses lies between the areas of clothing and cuisine. On one hand, what most marks modern society is the quite small space reserved for the manifestation of the typical because of the monopoly

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attributed, often with no possibility of sharing it, to the architect. From now on, "you don't build your house you look for a house". 6 Nowadays we talk more about reclassification than rehabilitation when it comes to correcting the urban incoherence showing up in modern residential estates. 7 This attitude of contemporary town planning regulations illustrates the trend of modern societies to unconsciously reinforce social malaise by encouraging individualism. 8 In a medina, the district is called a "houma". It is sad to note that the "houma" as an urban space with its group of residents has disappeared in the large urban developments carried out in Algeria from 1958 to the present day. Modern society's inability to organise itself inside big residential developments, despite the existence of "district committees" agreed by laws concerning associations, demonstrates the influence of the spatial organisation of a built-up framework on the organisation of society. 9 The artist, in all traditional societies, is a character provided with a particular power, who has the capacity to translate into clear and accessible terms everything society as a whole feels but finds it difficult to express. Sometimes official criticism has condemned young singers, judging them uninteresting, but the large number of discs they sell then proves them to be real interpreters of the feelings of the general public.


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The historical view of territory and traditional towns

The evolution of any territory is always complex. If this territory is the Mediterranean, the possibilities around the different methodologies of historical studies are infinite. In first place, despite our object of study being absolutely physical, this is due to the reflection and representation of the different civilizations and cultures which have influenced and shaped our landscapes. In second place, society is the protagonist of this landscape and therefore is also object of study, so as to be able to assess the physical transformations and in third place it is the territory in itself, its orography, which decisively conditions, as has been demonstrated by Fernand Braudel, the development of the Mediterranean population, and therefore, its landscape. The brief reflections discussed below on the evolution of territory, more than proposing innovative methodologies on the nature of historical studies, stress the need to consider an allencompassing approach to them. This revision of how to study the city and its territory is a return to the classic concept of civitas, in which city and territory formed part of a single whole. And this whole is the landscape: a landscape which has been transformed over the last two centuries in absolute terms, leading to the fragmentation of the territory, and creating segregations which go beyond spatial concepts. Centre and periphery would undoubtedly be the result of ignoring this classic definition of landscape and we have fallen back on this in order to move away from reductionist approaches.

II. Diagnosis

Montse Villaverde Art Historian Lecturer at Ramon Llull University, Barcelona Spain

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So, as the study of maps and historic cartography allows for understanding of the physical evolution of the structure of the city and the landscape, the engravings, descriptions of travelers and texts allows for the understanding of the values of the traditional space of those that have lived there throughout history

integrating reading of the city. These two sources allow us to range our study from precise readings of the surroundings to idealised views of the city and the territory as a whole.

Territory, city and landscape Sources for the study of urban history Of the different typologies of documentary sources to which we currently have access for the study of urban history, it is possibly graphical documentary sources and the descriptions of travellers which allow us, in this article, to develop an integrating historical vision of city and territory. This is not to say that all the sources taken from the public administrations of the different empires and later governments are not essential sources which should be used in any complete study of a city. In order to explain the transformations of certain Mediterranean cities under the Ottoman empire, for example, we should study and analyse the correspondence between the capital of the empire and the cities which depended upon it. Bearing in mind the wealth, range and complexity of existing documentary sources, we shall focus this article on the graphical representations and on the descriptions in the form of accounts of travellers in order to come to an

Until the 19th century many cities of the Mediterranean were object of this description and representation. These two types of sources, despite representing contents in a different way, have in common the fact that they interpret the city as a global whole formed by an urbanised centre within their own natural setting. In visual representations, for example, a very dense urbanised space is commonly represented, almost always enclosed in itself by means of a city wall, in which the most important and differential architectural and urban elements of the city can be clearly seen: the layout of the walls, the mosques and the minarets, the castles, the churches and the bell towers; but also all those elements of its immediate territory which also make it unique in relation to others. However, there are also representations of nearby mountains, the plain which opened up beyond the walls, the coastline and the river which flowed past. In literary sources we also read how

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Tool 6 Recognition of historic values The historical view of territory and traditional towns

It is essential for a city not to turn its back on the surrounding area and for new ways to be sought to integrate city and territory.

City and territory have, historically, formed a single landscape unit.

descriptions are centred on the most significant buildings and how the elements of the physical surroundings are described. The descriptions of the surroundings often have a political, fiscal or military aim, detailing whether there are castles or watchtowers in the nearby mountains, whether the plain around the city is fertile land and whether there is farmland, if the coast is dangerous, if the river which passes through the city is navigable and in what condition is it in. The old medieval walled city, characteristic of all the Mediterranean area, is in the origin of the concept -today so frequently discussed and debated- of the compact city. The walls obviously involve a concentration of buildings and this is one of

the reasons why all the views of these cities, excluding the architectural and geographical elements specific to each one, look, to a certain extent, alike. It is, on occasions, surprising to see the contrast between the detailed treatment given to the unique architectural elements and the treatment of other urban constructions. The latter merge into a undifferentiated mass of homogenous almost mass-produced constructions, with little difference from one city to the next. In any case the graphical and literary representations of the modern era based on a concept which was evident for centuries and which today, after the processes of urban growth from the 19th century onwards, is utterly lost: the exact correspondence, totally integrated between

Many of the graphic documents on the territory had military purposes and the landscape elements, accesses to the city, fortifications, etc. were therefore detailed with great accuracy.

The city exists in the representation of the territory as a very dense built-up area in which the most important architectural elements and their immediate surroundings stand out.

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Analysing and delimiting the fertile and irrigated land and its situation with respect to the urbanised area have been constant concerns throughout history.

A good topographical survey, such as that used as the basis for this project to expand the city of Barcelona in 1858, makes it easier for us to have an overall understanding of the civitas and its transformation.

the city and its immediate surrounding territory. The urban constructions and the physical surroundings are shown inseparable and together form a unique and specific unit of landscape for each city. This correspondence between city and territory built on the old Roman distinction between urbs and ager, a functional differentiation of spaces within a single whole which was the civitas. The claimed binominal country-city was not seen with the antagonism it would take on centuries later, and the two spheres, suitably with grids and centuriate, were interpreted as spaces of the city, both different in the silva, the space without urbanisation, without civilising.

The Mediterranean city: processes of formation and transformation

The disappearance of production functions in the area, which justified the city's link with its immediate area, leads to rapid urbanisation, with the integration between urbs and ager disappearing.

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The formation and growth of the areas of city extension in the 19th century and the creation of wider and more complex productive and interchange networks gradually broke down the integration between urbs and ager. City became understood solely as the old walled centre and the territory, stripped of any productive function which justified the old bond, became territory which could be urbanised. The continuity and generalisation of this growth dynamic throughout the 19th century, and the constant formation of new areas which could be urbanised, more recently, and possibly

Modern cities – urban and social complexes – are not the result of an urbs that has grown but rather an ager in transformation.

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disperse in space, fragmented and added complexity to the urban network which had grown in absolute terms. The transformation experienced by the Mediterranean cities in the last two centuries is frequently explained in historical terms of an incremental type: it is said the city, any Mediterranean city, is the result of a progressive and unavoidable process of growth: from a Roman pomoerium, a medieval incastellamentum or an Islamic medina; to the formation of today large great metropolis. The growth in absolute terms is associated with positive qualities such as economic prosperity. This version is used at the same time as an explanation, narration and legitimisation of the city itself and entails a discourse in which the city becomes an abstract subject of historical discourse and which the process of its growth goes way beyond other more specific considerations. This discourse also involves the historical and significant segregation of the different neighbourhoods, because centre and periphery are apparently spatial concepts but with extremely powerful social and symbolic or metaphoric connotations. The centre always has the value and the legitimacy given to it by its age, and it is awarded an added value of essentialness. The social, historical or symbolic value of each neighbourhood loses strength as the distance with respect to the centre expands in space and time. Those most significant places from a topography viewpoint in an old engraving, once they have lost their generating function of a landscape, today become symbolic, almost fetishist icons, which function as alleged elements of collective identity in an ever larger city increasingly urbanistically, socially and culturally complex.

The city today: an ager in transformation This historical interpretation become rather unpractical in order to analyse today's urban reality because it does not take into account that history, above all else, is a method for understanding the present by applying a chronological perspective for the analysis of reality. Its effective application should not see the city-subject, the protagonist of a narration, but rather the city-object, as an element of analysis derived from multiple processes of transformation developed over time. One should study and interpret today’s city from all the elements which make up the integrity of its structure, the global whole of its landscape Historical knowledge from this conceptual perspective involves the study and determination of the facts and contexts which explain the current configuration of all the city or of one of its elements, what has remained or been transformed and why. Whether this is in an old quarter or a working-class neighbourhood, in both cases the historical relevance is the same. And it is from this assumption that we return to a reading of the city in a global and integrating fashion, as was done in the past.

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We can thus integrate the global whole of contemporary metropolitan phenomena in these studies. Everything which exists in a city, be it ancient or modern, involves the possibility of studying and especially of being able to explain the complexity of its transformation. In summary, taking into account that today’s city is not the product of an urbs which is growing, but rather an ager which is being transformed.

The need to understand territory historically Historical studies must be one of the basic tools employed prior to engaging in intervention projects in the territory. Their contents must provide readings which facilitate the understanding of the landscape/Mediterranean landscapes today. In each case, the specific object of the intervention will determine the aspects to be analysed and in which to go into detail. Whatever the case, it is essential to study all the agents involved in the permanent transformation of the landscape either in order to intervene in a street, a neighbourhood, a city or in the territory. Knowing why part of the territory of the Mediterranean coast has been built upon in the last forty years at an alarming rate is equally important as knowing why during the 14th century some cities began to regulate the form of their constructions through building rules. Understanding the territory historically will allow us to act upon it from a position of knowledge and to plan a future adapted to the needs of each society.


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History, space and society in Arab Medinas

II. Diagnosis

Mohamed Kerrou Sociologist El Manar University Tunisia

What do the paradigms of the Medina tell us about spatial arrangement, history and the local society of the urban entity that is supposed to be original, specific and lasting? Are we not still prisoners of an orientalist view that fashions the urban imagination of tourists – those massed heirs of the old Western travellers – and also of "locals", nostalgic for the oldfashioned "Arab town"? These two questions could guide us in this brief voyage of discovery of the Medinas in order to discover their identity, morphology and social composition, as well as the continuities and discontinuities that have affected them over time.

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Paradigms of the North African town and urban area 1. In this year marking the 600th anniversary of the death of the North African sage Ibn Khaldûn (1332-1406), the question is raised of finding out whether the urban paradigm he had laid out when he opposed city civilisation (cumrân hadharî) and Bedouin civilisation (cumrân badawî), is still relevant in order to grasp the social and spatial dynamics of modern Medinas. For Ibn Khaldûn, the notion of cumrân which, etymologically, means "population, culture and prosperity", is the pivot for his thought, based, as he himself said at the beginning of this celebrated work "La Muqaddima" (Prolegomena) on an original method and a new science designated by the term "cilm alcumrân al-basharî". This science of human civilisation or human groupings ("al-ijtimâc al-insânî") deals with savage and civilised life, the antagonisms of clans and different forms of domination, techniques, trades and knowledge, and the changes that can alter civilisation. However, the privileged setting for civilisation (cumrân) associated with sedentary culture is the town (al-madîna) or city (misr), seat of the State (dawla) authority (mulk), coveted by the tribes living on the periphery (dhawâh’î) and tending toward sedentary urban life (istiqrâr/hadhâra). When they show strong solidarity and esprit de corps (c.açabiya) forged by blood ties and alliances, the tribes aspire to conquer the State with a view to exercising political power. For this reason, the existence of a constraining force (wazic) is necessary to supervise and maintain the cumrân. Certainly, Bedouin civilisation is an original, pre-existing phase, based on agriculture and grazing, that provides a modest surplus and a simple way of life. The Bedouins – both nomadic and

The mosque is, without a doubt, the center of the traditional Islamic city, around which were situated the “souks”, forming the center of economic life.

sedentary – are less docile, braver and tougher than city dwellers. However, the Bedouins called cArab – in the sense of cIrâb – are naturally inclined towards anarchy and towards the destruction (kharâb) of cumrân. Bedouin civilisation is objectively inferior to urban civilisation, which is coveted by all because of the security, abundance and well-being (taraf) it offers to the inhabitants of towns. The move from Bedouin civilisation to city-based civilisation – neither is homogeneous but rather differentiated and hierarchised – corresponds to the development of civilisation and is the result of demographic, economic, political and ideological factors. Relationships between Bedouins and city-dwellers are at once complementary and conflictive. They are complementary in as far as the Bedouins require towns for their necessities and citydwellers need the Bedouins for their surpluses. They are conflictive because city-dwellers subjugate the Bedouins because of their force and superiority, which are proportional to the force and superiority of the State when it resorts to an army to protect itself and ensure order. For Ibn Khaldûn, a disciple of Aristotle, politics is the form (sûra) for the material (mâda) which is human civilisation; that is, the element (shakl) guaranteeing its existence. The two structures are inseparable and the failure of one affects the other, although decadence basically comes from the State, where the weakening of the caçabiya leads the gradual decline of the cumrân. Here are the essentials of some rich, open, wide-ranging lines of

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thought, which do not cease to dazzle readers and which contain hidden key elements for understanding towns and their interactions with the surrounding countryside. Such a concept is, to a large extent, found in the other paradigms of urban North Africa, for example the orientalist paradigm and the Berquian paradigm (by Jacques Berque).

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2. For colonial North Africa, the standard portrait of the Medina has been painted by Roger Letourneau showing continuity with the debate on "Islamic identity" developed, from the 1920s onwards, based on the works of William and Georges Marçais. These eminent orientalists forged the idea of an Islamic citydwelling ethic as well as the religious nature of the Medina, a town with a radial-concentric structure whose archetype is Medina itself, the city of the Prophet Mohammed. The Marçais brothers distinguished this "Islamic town" from the medieval European town by referring essentially to the non-existence of autonomous municipal life within the Medina. For Letourneau, Muslim towns owing nothing in terms of their layout to Roman towns show planning constants, such as the existence of a central core made up the great mosque, the Government house (Dâr al-imâra) and a group of souks with the name Qaïçâriya. The so-called Muslim town is also bounded by a continuous wall serving as a means of defence against attackers from outside. Between this wall and the heart of the town lie the various residential districts, hierarchised depending on the social and ethnic status of their inhabitants. The general plan of the Medina is commanded from the centre and the gates in the wall. The town appears as a series of cells that are juxtaposed and joined to one another by narrow, tortuous streets. The aerial view also shows a labyrinthine fabric in total contrast with the rectilinear streets established by Roman town planning. In addition, the Medina is distinguished by the absence of public buildings or a central square, as well as by its low urban density. Because of insecurity, it rarely extends outside the walls with outskirts and suburbs. Along the same lines, the Muslim town whose function is more political than economic appeared, in the eyes of orientalists, as an island in the middle of an environment it did not manage to enliven and rural populations it did not come to dominate. Neo-orientalism has distanced itself from this systematic view and has retained only certain elements of it, like the souks, which would be, according to Eugen Wirth, the only specific feature of the "oriental town", while the historian André Raymond admits only the existence of an "Arab town" which is characterised, in the Ottoman period, by the clean separation between public space of a religious and commercial nature and private space of residential nature.

View of the Medina at Fes el Jedid. With the ‘new town’ in the background. (Morocco)

People in the Medina at Fez (Morocco)

Shop in the Medina at Kairouan (Tunisia)

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3. For Jacques Berque, modern North African towns are structured according to a specific urban trilogy: Medina/New Town/Shanty Towns. The Medina – the town "from on high" – has at its heart the mosque, based on the spiritual. The new town, perceived as a "higher town", is centred on the stock exchange and on speculation. This is the result of technological change induced by capitalism and industrialisation. Here, the dominant view looks towards the future and, there, town planning is based on the past. However, the new town increasingly overflows into the Medina, superimposing itself by nibbling away at it and taking over the shanty towns. At the same time, two symmetrical situations are developing: an internal one in the districts, and a peripheral one – that of the suburbs with a historically stronger, more active role in North Africa than in Europe. Despite their differences, the two towns have in common a "spontaneous, unofficial reaction, against the communal will". There one finds a life that evades the rules because there is, as Berque specifies, a kind of hostility and tension between life in the city and in the kasbahs, slums and

II. Diagnosis

shanty towns. This tension, attached to a succession of types, ideas, mores and political problems between the Medina, the new town and the shanty towns, heralds the beginning of a new cycle: the coming of the masses. If the shanty town denotes the proletarian stampede of rural immigrants towards urban centres, the suburb is the result of the overcrowding of the Medina as well as the rural exodus. This model of Islamic city is, following the example of that forged by the orientalist paradigm, radial-concentric, with a focal point formed by the great mosque, from where streets radiate out, branching into the blind alleys that protect inviolable private homes separated from the commercial streets. The Medina is reduced, on one hand, to the trifunctional order based on knowledge, business and crafts and, on the other, to the combination between economic liberalism and religious rigour. However, Berque realises that this model of Islamic town is too perfect to be considered "historically correct", in as much as it is rare that a Medina should have been founded from scratch or that its morphology should not have been modified over the centuries.

Map of Kairouan (Tunisia) in 1881.

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Tool 6 Recognition of historic values History, space and society in Arab Medinas

The three urban paradigms whose contours we have just sketched indicate the complex and historically changing social reality of the Medinas. A demonstration of this is the spatiality that evolves,

depending on the period and the urban environment, as well as the town's nature and gradual transformations. The strength of the Khaldûnian paradigm is that he has not only thought of the relationship between the town and the power of the State but also of the incessant interaction between the citizens who live in it and the Bedouins who flow into it and establish themselves there. It is true that the Khaldûnian (and Muslim) image of the Bedouins is strongly negative because of the real and assumed effects of the disorders caused by these "intruders" and, for North Africa in particular, because of the Hilalian invasion (11th century), which was a point of catastrophic rupture in the history of towns and of urban civilisation. In turn, the merit of the orientalism – or colonial French, to be precise – paradigm is in having underlined the vitality of the urban space of the Medinas just at the time when the movements that degraded them were beginning, with the appearance of the first legal and municipal regulations intended to preserve them. The major failure of orientalism – product of a conquering, dominant West – is having perceived the Medina through a prism of dichotomy (religious/"lay"; public/private; open/closed) which was falsely comparative. Devaluing the Medina was in line with an idealised and idealist view of the medieval European town. However, the Medina should instead be thought of in a system of power relationships between this differentiated urban entity and the imposed colonial town trying to surround and gradually choke it. Far from the orientalist obsession with fixing essentials, today it

Commercial activity in the Medina at Homs (Syria)

Sun and shadow in the Medina at Marrakech (Morocco)

This is why, in the mid-1980s, he put forward a more elaborate model based on socio-historical differentiations and variations. So, he introduced the citadel. Muslim urban order became, in theory, four-dimensional: Great mosque (jamcâ), citadel (qalca), school (madrassa) and souk (Qayçariya). The originality of the Berquian model above all comes, as Oleg Grabar said, from its "semiotic" nature, based on the multicentrism of the city, the segmentation of the districts, and the alternation between order and disorder, as well as between morphology and rhetoric, with people, noise and time playing an active role. In fact, the most important thing in the new Berquian model is not so much the added element but rather that this urban model makes it possible to reconstitute relationships, based on logic of alternation and complementariness, between the two poles structuring the Medina – city-dwelling and nomadism – and also based on urban morphology, as the Medina no longer appears in the classical form of a rectangle, a circle or a square but rather as an "ellipse with many homes".

Urban spaces and societies of the Medinas

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II. Diagnosis

is better to recognise that an absolute "Islamic town" does not exist. There are, instead, Arab/Muslim towns differing from one period to another and one region to another. Moreover, at the same period and in the same region, or even in the same country, towns differ depending on their purpose and the type of foundation: "spontaneous towns", "towns created from scratch", "ancient towns" and ones reproduced according to an ancient model, etc., as all towns are moving and they interact with their surroundings, people, the political will of the public authorities and the initiatives of city dwellers or citizens. The plan of the town – Kairouan, Tunis, Fez, Cordoba, Tlemcen… – depends on the natural site and the material and cultural materials mobilised by its inhabitants. For this purpose, the negative image of a labyrinthine Medina where (Western) strangers get lost is an imaginary representation that does not correspond to local reality, where local people make their mark and easily find their references. Such an image is even more wildly incorrect when this town has been fashioned by a whole science and art of building contained in the works of Muslim jurisprudence (fiqh) and reflecting, in theory and practice, methods of social organisation that have allowed urban life to establish itself and expand in Islamic territory for centuries. The alternation of closed and open areas is a subtle feature of the urban space of the Medina and there is room to take account of this logic, which operates in spaces for sociability which the residential districts, were and still are, and also the business

districts and the districts for leisure and pleasure, as shown by the historical documents exploited by the erudite Tunisian HassanHosni Abdelwahab. In fact, it is very difficult to establish a sharp distinction between public and private spaces, as proved by the existence of the blind alley or finâ, the ultimate public and private space. Is not the souk, which is supposed to be a public space for trade negotiations, also a place for meeting and getting to know people, where slaves were sold and private relationships between men and families were forged? Meanwhile, is the space in the residential districts that is supposed to be private not also a space for public exchange between men and, during festivities, between men and women? This is without mentioning the Arab bath (hammam) which is a public place where bodies mingle and, at the time of the strictly women's baths, husbands are chosen and matrimonial alliance schemes are woven. In all cases, Medinas were far from being anarchic or compartmentalised spaces. On the contrary, they were wisely organised urban spaces, as shown by the secular existence of the institution of the habous, the strength of the writings concerning them by the cadûls, the eminence of the knowledge of the culamâ, the efficiency of the urban police run by the Muhtassib also supervising the markets that local customers sometimes gave over to a Mezouar, the effectiveness of the district sheikhs and amins in the markets, the rational water draining system, the control and maintenance of the buildings, the management of the cemeteries, etc.

The street is commerce in the Medina in Tripoli (Lebanon)

People in Islamic Cairo (Egypt)

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Tool 6 Recognition of historic values History, space and society in Arab Medinas

The fact remains that a number of elements unleashed by the orientalist and Berquian paradigms have a certain historical and sociological interest – a "baby" it is important not to throw out with the bathwater, but rather to integrate into the context of calm, in-depth knowledge of urban spaces. So, the great mosque is undoubtedly the epicentre of the Medina, where the surrounding souks form the economic zone. Associated with many places of worship and knowledge (mesjeds, zaouïas), they form the public space of this "traditional" town where the residential districts are extended outside the ramparts by suburbs (r’bats) – popular residential areas that are also the scenes of professional activity. All round the Medina and the suburbs, since the 19th century, the "new town" or "European town" has been established, a place nowadays increasingly downgraded by the appearance of a whole range of modern districts. The latter form the new urban centres, while the suburbs are increasingly swelled by a growing population coming from both the old town centres and from outside. Rural exodus is, in fact, a major phenomenon of the 20th century and the citification of rural people and Bedouins has been a continuous process throughout the history of North Africa. Moreover, the Medina is not only an urban area or physical space but also a living space where it is important to know, for the past and the present, who is living there and who claims a connection with it, either by birth, or adoption granted by the residents. There are, in fact, different categories making up the urban population whose heterogeneity depended, in the past, on a person's level of fortune, rank, status and social and political prestige (wajaha). These factors were created by affiliation and descendency, the trade carried on and ethnic and spatial belonging.

At the top of the social hierarchy were the nobles ("ashrâf") and notables ("cayân") belonging to the aristocracy of power ("makhzen"), money ("kasb") and knowledge ("cilm"). These privileged people formed an elite ("khâssa") which was distinguished from the common people ("cammâ ", " sawâd "…), most of whom were involved in "noble" or "common" trades ("çanaîc") distributed within a bazaar made up of specialised souks with their corporations (weavers, perfumers, booksellers, blacksmiths, furniture makers, leather workers...) and controlled by an urban police force. Another distinction based on the triple social, ideological and spatial plan was that operated between established city dwellers ("beldiyya"), people from the suburbs ("rabtiyya") and outsiders ("barraniya"). The latter came from outside the town ("barrâ") and were divided between Bedouins ("badw") from surrounding tribes and elements from neighbouring countries (for Tunisia, these would be people from Tripoli, Algeria and Morocco). In terms of religious and spatial division, the urban population of the Medina included Muslims (Arabs and assimilated, Arabised Berbers, assimilated black Africans...) and the "dhimmi-s" protected Jews and Christians whose districts ("Hara" in Tunisia and "Mellah" in Morocco for the Jews) were situated outside or on the edge of the Medina. However, there was no spatial discrimination other than that intervening between the inhabitants of the walled town and those of the suburbs outside the walls. Almost everywhere, the houses of the rich rubbed shoulders with the houses of modest families in a domestic space governed by links of parentage and also by fraternal senses of belonging all coming under the sense of belonging to the Islamic community ("umma"). In the contemporary period (19th and 20th centuries) the Medinas

The Algiers Casbah surrounded by the road network of the modern city / Benévolo, ‘History of the city’

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were mirrored by "European towns" called "modern towns" and a multitude of new districts where poor and well-off suburbs alternated with one another. Often, a rich district was mirrored by a poor district, supplying the required labour. From the inter-war period onwards (1917-1945), the most important phenomenon was the departure of part of the population of citizens of the Medina to the European town or the suburbs and sometimes to other towns, particularly in the inland Medinas in a country, such as Kairouan and Sfax in Tunisia, Fez and Marrakech in Morocco, and Constantine and Tlemcen in Algeria. These departures followed the decadence of traditional trades, suffering from increasing competition from manufactured products, as well as the destruction of family structures, which have undergone a slow transition from the extended model to the nuclear model. Since then and down to today, only a minority of the local population, made up of all social strata, has lived in the Medina. It houses 1/10 of the total population of the town and therefore constitutes only an infinitesimal part of the total urban population. The majority of the old houses in the Medina suffer from lack of maintenance or abandonment, either forced or voluntary. Traditional crafts are no longer what they were because knowhow is no longer ensured by the younger generations and cheap junk products intended for tourists now invade the shop shelves, despite the efforts of some creators and the public encouragement of this sector, which provides a living for thousands of city-dwelling families and which could become profitable and competitive. However, the Medina is becoming a symbolic landmark in as far as it simultaneously offers a town planning model to be considered by architects and an attractive space for visitors from other parts of the town or from abroad. This is where they go to seek the memory of a grandiose but never lost past and part of a dream whose strength indicates the Medina's capacity to adapt and resist the hazards of time. Despite everything, the Medina forms a laboratory for reflection and action to reorganise towns and urban areas. At the end of the day, it is the job of public and private policies to safeguard and conserve the universal heritage of the Medinas and to find new ways of ensuring a link between the past, present and future, so that the Medinas can live!

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Tool 7 Biophysical reading of the territory


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Tool 7 Biophysical reading of the territory

II. Diagnosis

The value of landscape

Emilio Ramiro Geographer and landscape expert Spain

“Landscape is a space of the land surface; we intuitively know that it is a space with a degree of permanence, which has its own distinctive character, topographically and / or culturally, and above all, that it is a space shared by a group of people” John Brinckerhoff Jackson

This brief definition of landscape contains concepts which are key to understanding the essence of landscape, something, which if we manage to discover and interpret, will be of great use when taking any action on it. The concept of permanence introduces a new scale to understanding landscapes; the temporal; as the landscape, due in all surety to the speed with which it has been transformed during the last century, has gone from a static vision to one far more organic. The physical and cultural factors cited in the definition cannot be understood if one does not take into account a temporal viewpoint, be this in order to understand, on the one side, the dynamics of natural processes which have occurred in a given landscape, along with the different societies which have worked it, lived in it and used it. The value of history helps us to understand a landscape today, and teaches us about the future. In the words of Rosa Barba “landscape is living history, it is space in time”. A biophysical reading cannot be disassociated from a cultural one. Topography generates river basins which contains valleys which are crossed by rivers, and these rivers are sources of life and therefore sources of attraction for human settlements. Between two adjoining valleys cultural differences can be considerable, owing to the relations which have been developed by their societies with regard to their landscapes. The structure of land, its fertility, the speed and temperature of wind, the water balance, climate, natural hazards, relief..., all of these are natural factors which influence the culture of the peoples inhabiting it and these peoples are forced to settle and act in one way or another with their landscapes. Reciprocally, the way different people act ends up shaping the landscape –which is never final-. Hence we can come to a twin conclusion, firstly, that societies and their relation with the landscape are conditioned by their physical variables, and secondly, that landscapes are the living reflection of the societies which reflect them.

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The analysis of the traditional landscape should recognize the conjunct of natural factors as well as the socio-cultural dimension which has configured it throughout history. Countrysides, access roads, water management systems and the building are the four great factors of humanization of landscape.

This vision also offers us the possibility of supporting ourselves in the geographical reading of territory when we intend to mark out cultural landscapes; it is no coincidence that in each valley of the Basque Country, in its farmhouses, a different dialect of Basque is spoken; topography conditions the speed and accessibility of the relations between societies and therefore the cultural flows. The homogeneity of the distinct landscape units must lie in the interrelation of biophysical and cultural factors. The importance of biophysical reading is greater than we have given it in western civilization, which, throughout the 20th century, has gradually separated us from nature, empowering human beings to the full. However, we are surrounded by the natural order and we form part of it. And what is more, we should not forget that we ourselves are nature. There is something of truth with regards to environmental or natural determinism which conditions humanity and living creatures in general –as theorised by Alexander Von Humboldt and Carl Ritter, the fathers of modern geography-, which was paradigmatic in the sciences which studied the landscape during

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the 19th century and was later ignored, owing to the economic needs of capitalism. When we act on the landscape we should understand the natural order and ally ourselves with it. If we don’t do so, if we ignore it, we run the risk that the different elements of the landscape will remind us of it one day, as unfortunately already occurs. In order to understand the landscape –to know one has to understand-, a biophysical reading is essential in order to arrive at the keys which explain the interventions of the past and how the present should be, whatever its purpose (exploitation, protection, construction, renovation, restoration...); but as has been said, we should not analyse natural elements without finding how they interrelate with human elements. The complete and correct analysis of the landscape should be tackled following a multidisciplinary approach. Barragán considers 12 disciplines when tackling the study of the landscape; engineering, physics, chemistry, geology, economics, ecology, geography, sociology, biology, law, history and urbanism. This does not mean that other types of reading and interpretation are not valid or cannot offer their vision, such as cinematographic art, painting or literature among others.

Tool 7 Outil x Biophysical reading of the territory x value of landscape The

Landscape at Jenin, Khirbit AlSabien (Palestine). Riwaq photo archives.

In order to arrive at a complete reading of the landscape we need to know: Natural elements formed by the geological and geomorphological characteristics which shape relief (landforms, heights, gradients, slopes, orientation...) and the soil, along with its dynamics. Hydrological characteristics, either underground or surface, through rivers, their springs, tributaries and streams, along with their water balances, flows, sedimentations and flood basins. Meteorological dynamics, atmospheric elements and climatic conditions through temperatures and precipitation; its effects. Possible microclimates. Types, communities and densities of vegetation; flora, wildlife and their forms both in terms of habitat and how they interrelate; habitat mosaics. Biological connectivity. Cultural elements and their historical dimension through the uses and activities which have occurred in the landscape; the types of human settlement, whether this is residential, industrial, agricultural, religious or of any other type of activity; and human constructions from architecture forms through time to constructions related to natural factors (irrigation, channels/canals, walls, terracing,...). Historical and archaeological heritage. External territorial limits (geographical and administrative) and internal ones (structure of land division...) Mobility through communication networks; from today’s motorways to the network of local paths and tracks;

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Landscape with crops near Fez in Morocco

Landscape in Osuna, in rural Andalusia (Spain)


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Tool 7 Outil x Biophysical reading of the territory x value of landscape The

accessibility and connectivity of different places; fragmentation rendered on the landscape. Mobility through communication networks; from today’s motorways to the network of local paths and tracks; accessibility and connectivity of different places; fragmentation rendered on the landscape. Local and regional economic factors highly related to mobility and the localization of centres both of population and of production. Social elements through the demographic structure; the cohesion and social issues; the socioeconomic profile of its inhabitants. Social relations and barriers created. Sensorial factors through the influence of the landscape in the perception and psychology of its inhabitants. In addition to these elements, it is also very useful to find good bibliographical sources and statistics, along with the use of the direct method, that is, the observation in situ or direct questionnaires –it is certain that more than one person will have considered the same landscape problem. Through this method we can find aspects of which we were unaware –mythological, identity,... only known by those who inhabit this landscape-, or others which were once important and which could become so again. Field work in addition allows us to determine the visibility of the landscape, and to study the visual factors which characterise it: colours, lines, shapes, patterns,

II. Diagnosis

textures... This said, it should be remembered that however much information we have, what is important is not the quantity but rather how we work with it. We should interpret all these elements as tools for analysing the landscape, studying each separately and synthetically, as they are all interrelated between each other. Only through a synthetic reading can we know the degree of cohesion, harmony and internal balance of the landscape. When we analyse the landscape with the objective of taking actions on it, the analysis should be carried out with intention, that is, analysing the information which really is of use with regard to the later project. For example, when restoration is the aim, the analysis should make it very clear what reasons explain the building types found in a given landscape, and these reasons can be found, for example, in the detailed study of the geology of the place. On another point, analysis is not useful if it does not provide us with a diagnosis of the landscape in question, strong points to be strengthened or maintained and weak, problematic or dangerous points to be eliminated, mitigated or simply left untouched. The analysis, finally, should provide us with the master strokes or guidelines for action in order to develop the project. Returning to Jackson’s initial definition of landscape, a final concept stands above all the others: “and above all it is a space shared by a group of people”. These people have slowly adapted, over the centuries, to its places, its topography, its climate, its soil, to the rest of people with whom they share this place..., and this is reflected in accents, ways of dressing, ways of celebrating the festivals, smells of the seasons, the taste of the local wine, the sound of the church bells or traditional music itself... all these characteristics form part of the essence of the landscape and endow it with its uniqueness. In summary, a biophysical reading of the landscape does not only provide us with the information necessary on the substrate of life, the environment which surrounds us and the conditions to which they are exposed, but rather it also brings us closer to its people and to our understanding of them, their behaviour, feelings and their character and how they act upon the landscape; cognitive aspects of vital importance for any action on a given landscape, for, in the end, it is its people and the very soul of the landscape who are going to live in and experience it.

Landscape on Santorini (Greece)

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Tool 8 Taking residents' expectations into consideration


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Tool 8 Taking residents' expectations into consideration

Diagnosis as a result of a participative process

In a restoration process, the knowledge of the territory can never be separated from the knowledge, needs, shortages and expectations of its inhabitants. This knowledge can be arrived at by different means, but it will always be essential to establish the channels necessary in order to achieve a dialogue directly with the inhabitants involved. We are at the starting point of the public participation processes, and in order for these to work they must be carefully designed and later the dialogue channels required need to be put into service. It is obvious that these processes are directly related to the degree of development of the democratic administrations and the legislation which supports them. This is because in order to be receptive to those public expectations which involve an improvement in the quality of living standards, a minimum degree of welfare and quality must have been achieved. If this is not the case, the desired objectives would be rather more basic in nature. In the general case of the city and its urban planning, with respect to its systems of facilities (creation and/or recovery and restoration of free spaces and public facilities) in public land, the participative process in order to ascertain the expectations of the public is relatively easy: all that is required is to install the communication channels necessary in order to publicize the proposals; and once these proposals have been made public, to gather in the feedback corresponding to public opinions and expectations which this publicising had generated. From this point on, the suggestions are studied and analysed, and from this, inevitably, a greater proximity and knowledge of the territory and the expectations of its inhabitants is gained, which leads in turn to an analysis process which always ends up leaving its mark on the project proposed. But, in the specific case of the restoration of residential structures, a unique and decisive factor comes into play when finding out about public expectations and acting in function of these, and which seriously complicates the procedure. This factor, arising from the private use of land, is private property. This has a totally different legal framework. In this case, the initial diagnosis is carried out based on an exhaustive knowledge of the area and its population, but always with general criteria and based on a set of minimums which allow more specific and appropriate responses and mechanisms to be developed later. In other words, the real and specific shortages in the residential structure (that of private property) can only be revealed accurately

II. Diagnosis

Carmen Marzo Architect Head of projects and planning. ProEixample Barcelona, Spain

In the process of rehabilitation, the knowledge of the territory may never be separated from the knowledge of the needs and expectations of its population.

by their occupiers; and because of this, it is essential that the relevant administrations become involved, establishing the mechanisms and relationships necessary so that this may occur. On another point, the restoration of private properties within the existing legal framework, practically forces this restoration to be developed at the initiative of the owners of the property. Therefore in this framework of reference, the most direct way of promoting and achieving the restoration of buildings and homes at the initiative of the administrations involved should be based on a policy of grants and subsidies for owners, who are the people who can really carry the work out, according to the current legal framework. The administration, therefore, should establish the minimum conditions required regarding habitability, safety and solidity of buildings and homes. And private owners will have to fulfil these, providing they wish to receive the current grants and subsidies. And to complete the process, the Administration, acting through the corresponding mechanisms for publicising, must ensure that the information reaches all the citizens involved, explaining the responsibilities of being an owner, the contents of the grants, how to apply for them, the requirements necessary to obtain them and, what is vitally important to close the circle: the mechanisms aimed at obtaining and collecting the information from private owners in order to ascertain the real state of the buildings and homes, and so be able to act in the future.

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Outil 8 Prise en considération des attentes des résidents II. Diagnosis Le diagnostic en tant que résultat d’un processus participatif

Exchange between experts and residents. Marrakech (Morocco)

Tool 8 Taking residents' expectations into consideration Diagnosis as a result of a participative process

These mechanisms which can sometimes be complex have to be designed for each specific casuistic. In the case of Catalonia, the government, in order to allow private owners to gain access to grants, has introduced the obligation to previously request an assessment of the state of the building, (report on suitability for habitability in the case of homes). The cost of this evaluation document, issued by qualified professionals, is paid for by the administration, without any cost to the private citizen. This is the diagnosis instrument which is sought in this case, as it provides us with real and accurate information, resulting from a rather strange but necessary form of dialogue between the administration and the buildings, which, in summary are those which are to be sounded out in order to carry out the diagnosis which enables us to then engage in correct and well-.designed restoration work, and from which to draw up and focus the future programmes of restoration.

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'Cocrete, no thank you'. Valencia (Spain)

Awarness activity about traditional architecture in Nicosia (Cyprus)

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In order to know the expectations of the residents of a territory it is important to guarantee that the observations of a representative conjunct of them be collected. .


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Tool 9 Concerning scenarios of future


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Tool 9 Concerning scenarios of future

The role of historic centres in today's cities. The case of Islamic Cairo

III. Strategy

Dr. Mahmoud Ismail Architectural engineer PhD in Town Planning, Egypt

Introduction At the beginning of the 21st century, and almost a century and a half after the foundation of the discipline of "town planning" by the Spanish architect Ildefonso Cerdá1, we can say that nowadays we are well informed about the contemporary town, on the political and economic mechanisms that have produced it and on the techniques that determine its forms and structures. There are two opposing discourses concerning this contemporary town, with its diffuse urban development. On one hand, some fear the disappearance of all specific features identifying a particular culture; on the other, it is considered that "globalisation, far from being a simple universal expansion of the process of Western industrial production, is based instead on a method of valuing the specific features of each region of the world"2. One of the consequences of the first discourse was described by Françoise Choay as "heritage inflation"3. Nowadays, this heritage inflation causes effects such as the constant drawing up of international conservation maps affecting all kinds of historic heritage and the growing interest in the restoration and rehabilitation of the architectural and urban heritage. In the absence of choice between these two discourses, the town is seen as artificially divided into areas given over on one hand to development and, on the other, to heritage. Useful in the period where battles had to be fought against the ravages of urban renovation, this policy of opposing areas with permission and areas with prohibition has preserved many historic town centres, but today it has become sterile, in the absence of an interesting overall plan for all categories of area. At the same time, the built-up heritage grows unceasingly through the permanent annexation of new assets, the extension of the chronological framework making it up, as well as the geographical areas inside which these assets are recorded. Beside this, architects invoke the right of artists to create. Like their predecessors, they want to mark the urban space and not be relegated outside its walls or, inside historic towns, be condemned to pastiche. They recall that, over time, styles have also coexisted and been juxtaposed and developed in the same town or the same building: the seduction of a city like Paris or the historic centre of Cairo come from the stylistic diversity of their architectures and spaces. As for owners, they claim their right to make free use of their assets to draw from them the pleasures or profits of their choice. The discordant voices of the opponents of all this are as powerful as their determination. Proof of this can be

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The future value and the attraction of the historic centers, as in the case of Cairo, should rest upon the patrimony they have. In the metropolis of Cairo this patrimony still holds an enormous symbolic value for the citizenry.

seen every day. So, the permanent threats to heritage do not prevent a large consensus in favour of its conservation and protection – principles which are officially upheld in the name of the scientific, aesthetic, memorial, social and urban values which this heritage carries in advanced industrial societies4. We also note the growing attention paid to problems in historic town centres, which, more than expressing a cultural demand, reflects the anxiety of everyone who, alarmed by conditions today, is seeking a remedy for the future in the past5.

The historic centre of Cairo We are going to discuss the current role of the historic centres of Egyptian towns through the example of Cairo, nowadays the biggest city in the Arab world and on the African continent, which is representative enough of the contemporary mix. In half a century of expansion, the metropolis has managed to absorb sites charged with history. What remains of the ancient city now represents only a small percentage of the current urbanised area.

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When speaking of the centre of the Cairo megapolis, the term wast al-balad ("city centre") refers to a precise area — the "modern" city of the 19th century, founded by the Khedive Ismail; as for the "ancient" city, this continues to be referred to by terms as diverse as the "oriental", "Islamic", "medieval", "Fatimid" or "historic" city or "Old Cairo" - although this name refers rather to the Coptic district Masr al-Qadîma — or "old city". As for the concept of "medina", Mercedes Volait notes that it "is not — or is no longer? — part of current vocabulary, while it remains in common usage in other countries in the region"6. There are two exceptional aspects to Islamic Cairo, the historic centre of the city of Cairo, declared a "world heritage site" by UNESCO in 1979 and recently named "Historic Cairo". The first is that no city in the Muslim world has the architectural wealth of its monuments and, in the world, only Rome – in variety but not in number – surpasses this wealth. The second aspect is that, as in Ispahan, Delhi or Samarkand, the monuments of Cairo mark the rhythm of the city. They serve as focal points for the perception and discovery of the state of the city and its urban environment before the physical and social changes of the 19th century. A considerable gap separates the new housing schemes of the second half of the 19th century, built to an aerated, low-density plan, and the oldest parts of the capital which, on the other hand, began a slow process of impoverishment, at the same time as the consciousness that they formed a heritage to be preserved was being recorded in institutions. The transformation of the old districts "in accordance with the requirements of hygiene and traffic" was systematically undertaken, but strictly applying the regulation urban development put in place before 1882. Historic Cairo is made up of populated districts that are highly polluted. Just like the residents of these districts, the historic monuments and urban heritage endure the effects of the housing crisis, the lack of open spaces, the density of traffic, the lack of sewerage... With the construction of the business district during the second half of the 19th century, the historic centre began to lose its original inhabitants, above all the upper middle class and religious and political leaders. By the 1950s, almost all the population belonging to these classes and most of their housing had been replaced by small factories and craft workshops, as well as the arrival of many immigrants from the countryside. Nowadays, the dominant impression is that of the poverty which aggravates the negligence of public services in this forgotten Cairo. Quickly deteriorating modern buildings replace old constructions prematurely worn out by deficient maintenance and over-dense occupation (fig. 1). The traditional activities that used to ensure the equilibrium of the old city (commerce and crafts) are declining or only subsisting around Khân al-Khalîlî as a "reserve" for tourists. These central districts are "de-densifying", the population seeking less acute conditions of discomfort elsewhere, in the north-east and south.

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Tool 9 Concerning scenarios of future The role of historic centres in today's cities. The case of Islamic Cairo

Interaction between Historic Cairo and the Cairo megapolis The old city appears among the top shopping areas of the city. Of course, local shops are there to meet the needs of the residents but, above all, it is specialised commerce that drains entire capital flows there. "Nothing remains of the great international trade that used to bring the centre alive. [...] However, the ancient site of the centre remains unrivalled for certain products and certain clienteles. For many people of Cairo and Egyptians, at least among the working classes, the core area around Azbakiyya-Khân alKhalîlî, Mûski Street and Al-Azhar Street is a landmark area of Cairo, a fundamental reference point7." The old city has a virtual monopoly on crafts intended for tourists, among others, sold in the market and being distributed throughout the whole of Egypt. It also specialises in the sale of costume jewellery and gold and silver, textiles, spices and leather, and even in the trade in many different "rare" items found less easily elsewhere. Whether their frequency of purchase is regular or exceptional, people go to these districts or specific places to buy a very wide range of products. So, textiles, the most important and most dynamic activity in the old centre, is also the most concentrated, with around 350 premises grouped around the middle part of Al-Azhar Street. In the western part of the old city are the "modern, imported" products of different kinds; Near 'Ataba Square there is a street for sewing machines and their

FIGURE 1. The old urban fabric, rich in historic monuments, is today invaded by mediocre-quality modern concrete constructions / Mahmoud ISMAIL


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Tool 9 Concerning scenarios of future The role of historic centres in today's cities. The case of Islamic Cairo

accessories, a street for chains, saws, etc. In the same sector, the watches, small electrical appliances, hi-fis and videos can be found. The seed shops, parasol and folding chair merchants, the garden accessory shops and marble merchants are concentrated in Ahmad Mâhir Street, near Bâb Zuwayla; during the month of Ramadan, the lamps made for the occasion are also sold there. Outside seasonal commerce, the other products are essentially intended for customers from outside the old city. Al-Muski Street, one of the busiest and liveliest shopping streets in Cairo, is the place for ready-to-wear fashion, accessories and textiles. Jean-Claude David catches the dynamism and particular features of this centre: "It is a general souk on the route where you have to walk to get to the specialised souks; it makes use of their attractiveness and vice-versa8." So, on Mûski Street you can

FIGURE 2. Grouping of activities in the Rue al-Muizz. (Source of map: plan of Islamic monuments in Cairo, 1948) / Mahmoud ISMAIL

III. Strategy

completely kit yourself out for a wedding, buying a wedding dress, chandeliers, crockery, petticoats or sweets (products made in the market place) and follow it as far as the jewellers of AlSâgha. An analysis of the main central street of Historic Cairo, Al-Muizz Street, gives us a representative example of activities in the old centre (fig. 2). Smaller groups of activities exist along the street, such as wakala al-Mirayat, located to the south of al-Ghouri and specialising in furniture, and wakala Nafissa al Bayda (known as wakala al Chama', well known for its production of quality wax). However, those historically considered as specialised markets or markets in certain parts of the centre are now in the course of losing their commercial identity. Some activities, originally grouped into a region, are now scattered on different sites. Service activities, such as cafes, food sellers and small restaurants represent a small proportion of the total number of shops (2.7%). They provide a poor level of service and it is clear that there a lot of services missing. Public facilities represent less than 2% of all ground floor activities along the street. One of the most marked features of the recent development of the old centre is the development of small industrial workshops with cheap equipment, employing four or five people for the production of modern consumer goods (shoes in Bâb al-Cha'riyya, aluminium utensils in Gamâliyya)9. These small industries are new: they have developed since 1980, partly thanks to income from emigration. A district like Darb al-Asfar, which was traditionally given over to middle class housing, has been deeply affected by this move towards manufacture. This transformation risks upsetting the old city because of the nuisance involved (noise, pollution) and because of the resulting degradation to buildings in fragile historic areas. In the western part of the old city, after Port Sa'îd Street (on the Khalîg site) a double process of modernisation (coming from the west) and degradation (coming from the east) tends to create a transitional area where there is a blend between the two parts of the city. These districts are often areas renovated at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century which have become increasingly working class. Timeworn modern buildings dominate there and the debris of the old city takes up less and less space. Several monuments remain, surrounded by their scaffolding, as witnesses to the irredeemable degradation of Historic Cairo10. The city that was modern in Ismâ'îl's time and at the beginning of colonisation, to the west of Azbakiyya and the 'Abdîn palace, is becoming gradually detached from the old districts. Business and, more to the south, administration, continue to be concentrated in this sector, but there is a notable emigration movement towards the western districts. The buildings sometimes age poorly – timeworn constructions or recent ones that have prematurely aged because of lack of maintenance. The rapid rate of development of crafts and commercial activities, 161

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manufacturing and wholesaling, has had noxious effects on the cultural heritage, the urban fabric, the environmental qualities and the traffic of Historic Cairo and led to a fall in population in certain qisms, such as Gamâliyya, al-Darb al-Ahmar and Bab al-Sharia, which have lost 30% of their population over a period of ten years (1976-1986). The expansion of commercial and trading activities has led to the abandonment of residential buildings, recovered for commercial uses, which, in turn, have exercised a pressure for the conversion of new residential buildings and empty land to commercial activities, reinforced by proximity of the centre of Cairo. It is not surprising that these same qisms have the largest number of monuments because government regulations, such as the decree covering monument sites, have forbidden the construction of residential buildings, encouraging storage and warehouse uses11. Strongly dependent on urban morphology, the functional organisation of space is still marked by the areas given over to housing, production activities and commerce, but these two latter functions are spilling to a considerable degree outside the sites where they were originally established and invading places where they used to be absent. This phenomenon of penetrating the ends of blind alleys and hâras, traditionally reserved for housing, changes the pre-existing functional hierarchy. We are see the

Tool 9 Concerning scenarios of future The role of historic centres in today's cities. The case of Islamic Cairo

redeployment of the distribution of functions and the break-up of sectorisation, while overlapping prevails at various levels. The renewal of buildings alters the image and function of areas: new workshops are established, the districts are opened up to "foreigners" who come and live or work there; all these components contribute to altering the perception of the district. Ways of life evolve, trends and new models become current in everyday practice, both in the areas of social life and within the family unit12. Nowadays, Historic Cairo is poorly grafted on to the city centre and the streets of the central sector of Cairo. The main streets, such as Al-Azhar Street (fig. 3), facilitate east-west connections to and from central Cairo. The economic and commercial activities of Historic Cairo are not integrated and the urban character this sector offers is not compatible with the needs of central Cairo. The dominant context swamps Historic Cairo with traffic jams and the socio-economic deterioration of its environment. The central site of the old city encourages land speculation, increasing the transformation of land use from residential to commercial and, moreover, reducing the economic advantages of keeping it as poor quality housing and increasing land prices. The poor economic management of the historic city contributes to weakening the sense of civilised behaviour of the residents and prevents appropriate urban development in the traditional physical context. The problems of traffic and transport are linked to the network of routes crossing the study area or passing around it to connect with Greater Cairo.

Historic Cairo and rehabilitation

FIGURE 3. The Al-Azhar Street in the heart of historic Cairo with its heavy traffic, eased by two tunnels created recently to absorb through traffic. / Mahmoud ISMAIL

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In fifty years of history, the rehabilitation of existing old districts has, in Western Europe as in other developed countries of the world, become a fundamental element of urban policy, at the same time as a field for notable institutional innovation. By contrast, in Egypt, urban rehabilitation remains an area which is still extremely unusual compared to new construction. In Historic Cairo, as it appears today, with an important architectural and urban heritage and many elements that do not belong to ancient history, there is room for two combined approaches: rehabilitation and urban conservation. Considering the considerable percentage of empty sites, the old fabric also lends itself to new architectural creation for the development of the historic city. Western experience of urban rehabilitation gives rise to a degree of continuity in reflection, based on the transmission of knowledge from one period to another. Developments in the manner of approaching the issue have been gradual, without a real breach. Problems, such as methods of intervention, are constantly extended and enriched according to the specific experience accumulated by the agents on the ground13. This has


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given birth to institutional and regulatory tools; aid and finance measures; and the creation of a body of experts and businesses specialising in rehabilitation. The fact of the accumulation of knowledge and the slow establishment of public policy shows up the determining role of the principles of experimentation and assessment. By contrast, the absence of public policy and the rarity of urban rehabilitation and conservation operations in the Egyptian context have not made it possible to produce suitable institutional tools in this context or to create businesses specialising in these areas. In addition to this rarity of rehabilitation projects (only two major schemes have been carried out over the last thirty years (figures 4 and 5) and one scheme is in the process of being carried out (fig.6), another difficulty emerges when this rehabilitation is combined with conservation in heritage areas. This difficulty is the result of the official view of the State authorities. Heritage conservation processes in Egypt reveal the important influence of Egyptology and archaeology. The first laws appeared to protect Pharaonic and Greco-Roman antiquities and, despite the fact that such conservation has touched the Islamic and Coptic monuments as well as the historic districts of Cairo, the act in force is still entitled "the Protection of Antiquities Act". The word "heritage" is absent at a legal level and there are no regulatory tools for urban conservation apart from the boundary of limited protection around each classified monument. The residents are almost absent in planning any conservation/restoration operation. Compulsory purchase is still the solution to save classified monuments from residents and users, who are considered a danger and a menace. This official view is still the same nowadays. In many recent articles in the Egyptian Press, the "wish that the State would preserve

Historic Cairo properly" so it could become an "open museum" for future generations, visitors and tourists can still be found. One hundred and thirty historic monuments are in the course of being restored and the Cairo Governor's Office is in the process of improving and replacing the infrastructure. It is also taking care of moving residents from this sector, as well as certain warehouses, to other sectors of Cairo. Several are to be inaugurated and opened to the public14". Residents are excluded and the museographic aspect is taking the lead.

FIGURE 4. First big intervention: the renovation of the Al-Darb al-Asfar lane and the restoration of its various monuments. In the photo we see the entrance to the lane beyond Al-Muizz Street after renovation. / Mahmoud ISMAIL

FIGURE 5. Second big intervention: the renovation of the district known by the name of "Forum of the religions" in Old Cairo. In the photo, we see faรงades and warehouses as part of the project./ Mahmoud ISMAIL

The urban market and property market in Historic Cairo, in the heart of the Cairo megapolis We should particularly recall the lack of exploitation of traditional urban resources in the tourism market, leading to a gap that needs to be made up in terms of financial and economic receipts; the encouragement of land speculation under the effects of the location advantages resulting from central sites; the informal employment sector and reduction in the job market. Finally, there is the negative effect of urban poverty and the low incomes of residents on the retail market. The potential of tourism is still not sufficiently exploited in Historic Cairo. Of the 537 officially classified monuments, only 34 (about 6.2%) are open to tourist visits. This gap is largely linked to the mediocre quality of services and urban spaces. Despite the substantial value of the monuments and the urban fabric, this situation does not encourage the consumers (the tourists) and does not increase (direct or indirect) financial revenue or the profits of the producers (the government and the private sector).

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Finally, the situation reduces the economic advantages of the local poorer classes. Currently, the only monuments benefiting from appropriate financial revenues are the museums and the citadel, which presents a well-preserved walled area. The central site of Historic Cairo, at the heart of Greater Cairo, influences its land value, which has become among the highest anywhere in the city. These high prices encourage owners to demolish their poorer quality houses and sell them as building sites or to build commercial buildings of six floors or more to increase their financial profits. Some empty plots subject to inheritance remain disused for a long time following disagreements between heirs. In addition, the fact that empty plots are not taxed encourages land speculation. The demand for labour in Historic Cairo is diminishing, while the supply is continuously increasing. The main reasons are the absence of new investment and the low qualification of the workforce. Local investors, discouraged by the lack of social services, the poor infrastructure and the traffic jams, show no interest in Historic Cairo, while the government has designated other sites inside or outside Cairo as having various tax advantages and commercial freedoms, bringing in greater income. Khan al-Khalili is the main traditional craft market for tourists and local residents. In the past, when the production of goods required a large workforce, the increase in producers caused by demand did not affect the cost of production. The demand for labour was flexible, increasing job offers and wages. Nowadays, in the context of an unstable tourist market subject to the challenges represented by the opening of markets to international products (where some are imitations made in China that are cheaper than Egyptian craft items), the producers are forced to sell their products to the dealers at low prices, with a consequent reduction in the number of employees and falling wages.

FIGURE 6. Third big intervention being carried out: the rehabilitation of the Al-Darb al-Ahmar district undertaken by the Aga Khan foundation. In the photo, we see the centre of the first renovation activities

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The high percentage of illiteracy and the quite low educational level characterising the residents of Historic Cairo largely direct employment towards the informal sector (aluminium kitchen utensils, leather, traditional handicrafts, woodwork and car repairs). Despite the fact that this sector offers opportunities of work for the inexperienced or poorly qualified resident workforce, its insecurity and vulnerability continuously increase, notably concerning the tourist market.L'emplacement central du Caire Historique, au sein du Grand Caire, influence sa valeur foncière qui est devenue parmi les plus élevées. Ces prix élevés encouragent des propriétaires à démolir leurs maisons peu avantageuses et à les vendre comme terrain à bâtir ou à construire des bâtiments commerciaux de six étages ou plus pour augmenter les profits financiers. Certaines parcelles vacantes faisant l'objet d'héritages restent longtemps inexploitées à la suite de désaccords entre héritiers. De plus, le fait que les parcelles vacantes ne soient pas taxées encourage la spéculation foncière.

Future value and attractiveness of Historic Cairo The future value and attractiveness of Historic Cairo can legitimately be based on a multitude of resources resulting from its exceptional heritage and its role in multiple aspects within the Cairo megapolis. "A lively place, a place of meetings and exchange, an area for partying, celebrations, religion, history, consensus; a centre with multiple landmarks, the old city exists as much for its realities as for its representations15". The old city still shows aspects of identity, religion and culture within the megapolis, for its own residents and for all the people of Cairo. Its omnipresent heritage fashions the representation of the space; the monuments that punctuate it, characterised by their numbers and their diversity, are like signs, landmarks and identifying references. "In Cairo, the past often exists but often in a raw state. Depending on the districts, it is still just as it is – everyday, functional and non-decorative – it still commands part of the urban space; it is present, visible; sometimes incongruous, often scandalous16."The old city is still the best place for expressing collective religious practices, such as mawlids17 which can each attract around a million people18. While the people of Cairo come in great numbers, pilgrims arrive from all over Egypt19, essentially under the banners of various Sufi brotherhoods. The central areas of the old city are, at the same time, linked to tourism, places for provincial people to gather during the mawlids and places of "communion" for the people of Cairo, who come – all social classes mixed together - in the evening during Ramadan and al-Husayn – to taste a culinary speciality, a drink, or just for the lively atmosphere. This apparent strolling takes the form of a pilgrimage to the symbolic spaces representing the baladi aspect20 of an Egyptian, or at least Cairo, identity. This configuration of the old city makes it


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represent a consensual space - that of traditional cultural values around which the whole of society can recognise and find itself. The elements symbolising the old city are so attractive that an effort is made to reproduce them in other places. So, during Ramadan, several large hotels prepare areas named after works by Naguib Mahfouz or decorated like imaginary lanes from the old city (minarets and moucharabiehs, characters and accessories, street sellers' carts, craft shops, oriental cafes and restaurants where you can have popular Ramadan dishes and drinks), in a would-be baladi setting and atmosphere. Despite this pastiche and folklorisation in a more comfortable setting than that of the old city, the people of Cairo still continue to crowd in their thousands into the old city every night during Ramadan to be part of the genuine atmosphere of the place. We have evoked the economic and commercial role of the old city, with its unique craft activities. The surroundings of the great mosques and Khân al-Khalîli are spaces for noble activities and learning, and this is well known. Khân al-Khalîli is the landmark souk in Egypt: it brings together about a thousand shops, some of which have annexes in the large hotels, the smart districts or other towns in Egypt. it is a place tourists have to walk through, where the circuits are generally limited to the surroundings. In this commercial role, the city centre and the old city complement one another and compose a central rhythm in two times for the city of Cairo. We insist on the fact that the historic centre and the modern city centre of Ismail (heritage from the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries) are complementary as a means of dealing with the challenge of creating a property market for rehabilitation. It is because of the effect of this eclectic city-centre heritage, evoking a lost tradition of multi-social and multicultural cosmopolitanism, that it is possible to set in motion a movement to return to the old city.

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value of use. This value is very much present and it cannot be ignored in order to consider only the values linked to the monuments of the historic centre. This allows us to conclude that the basic principle of the conservation of the heritage of Historic Cairo should be the preservation of activity – the value of use – through processes of adaptation. In this way, the fact that something is old does not only have to make it an element of nostalgia, but can also constitute a value that can be adapted to current practices and needs.

1 CERDÁ, Ildefonso. La Théorie générale de l'urbanisation, presented, translated and adapted by Antonio Lopez de Aberasturi. Paris: Seuil, 1979. 2 BAUDOUIN, T. "La dimension immatérielle du patrimoine de la ville dans le processus de mondialisation", p. 86, in : Patrimoine urbain et modernité, papers of the conference organised by Theories of Urban Change (I.F.U.), 7 November 1995. Champs-sur-Marne: I.F.U., 1996. 3 CHOAY, Françoise. L'allégorie du patrimoine. Paris: Seuil, 1992, 278 p. 4 Ibid., p. 13 et 14. 5 CERVELLATI Pier Luigi, SCANNAVINI Roberto, DE ANGELIS Carlo. La nuova cultura delle città. Milan: Arnoldo Mondadori editore S.p.A., 1977, trad. Fr. TEMPIA E. et PETITA A. La nouvelle culture urbaine, Bologne face à son patrimoine. Paris: Seuil (coll. Espacements), 1981, 188 p. 6 VOLAIT Mercedes, "Composition de la forme urbaine du Caire", Egypt. Recompositions, Peuples méditerranéens n° 41-42, 1988. 7 DAVID J.-C., "Centralités anciennes et actuelles dans Al-Qâhira", in: Établissements de rapport au Caire aux époques mamelouke, ottomane et contemporaine. Cairo: IFAO, 1997. 8 Ibid. 9 MEYER, Günter. "Manufacturing in: old quarters of Central Cairo", pp. 75-90, in Material on city centres in the Arab world, Bilingual research manual n° 19, URBAMA study and research centre. Tours: University of Tours: and CNRS, 1988. 10 RAYMOND, André. Cairo. Paris: Éditions Fayard, 1993, p. 362.

And to finish The case of the historic centre of Cairo is shared with many other towns and cities in Egypt, including Alexandria and the Suez Canal cities. The heritage of these historic centres is not a frozen heritage that one would want to protect or preserve from attacks or aggression linked to the daily life going on there. It is totally impregnated with the banality of the everyday, which is itself the expression of continuity and constitutes an essential factor in heritage classification: heritage is also in social practices, ways of life and behaviours. The dynamic nature of this heritage can lead to divergences in the way it is perceived and interpreted and in the way it is acted on by the different agents concerned, but this character is strongly rooted and recorded in the continuity of a process of sedimentation and selection that characterises the development of the Arab-Muslim town in the context of permanent adaptation to real needs linked to everyday life and the

11 AMMAR L., CHARARA M. and MADOEUF A., "Éléments pour une typologie des implantations contemporaines", in: Établissements de rapport au Caire aux époques mamelouke, ottomane et contemporaine, IFAO, Cairo. 12 DEPAULE J.-C., "Le Caire: emplois du temps, emplois de l'espace", MaghrebMachrek, n° 127, La Documentation française, Paris, 1990. 13 FORET Catherine et PORCHET Françoise. La réhabilitation urbaine. Paris: Centre de Documentation de l'Urbanisme, Ministère de l'Équipement, 2001, p. 8. 14 MAGUED Amany et EL-SIOUFY Ahmed, "Le retour du sourire au visage du Caire fatimide", Hours, 23rd year, n° 1, January-March 2005, pp. 67-77 (article in Arabic, our translation). 15 MADŒUF, Anna. Op. cit., p. 117. 16 BENARD, Marie-Claude, "Impression et surimpression urbaines", Egypte/Monde arabe, n° 5, 1st quarter 1991, Cairo, CEDEJ, p. 15. 17 Birthday celebrations of saints, the Prophet or members of his family (ahl al-bayt). 18 Figures given by the daily al-Ahrâm in 1994. 19 On the occasion of the festival of Al-Husayn, the train is free for pilgrims. 20 Baladi literally means "from the country", but the concept indicates what is Egyptian, "traditional" and "popular". Cf. AL-MESSIRI NADIM S., Ibn al-balad, a Concept of Egyptian Identity, Leyde, Brill, 1978

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The role of historic centres in today's cities. The case of Algeria

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Yassine Ouageni Architect Lecturer at the Technical College of Architecture and Town Planning, Algeria

1. Introduction

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Taking traditional architecture into account in local development programmes nowadays involves drawing up a strategy which, although it constitutes a useful technical tool for bringing together multisectorial efforts, cannot prevent reliance on cultural convictions established on a platform broadly shared between all the levels of agents directly or indirectly involved in the future of historic heritage buildings. The place occupied by the modest, discreet traditional house in contemporary culture, or, put another way, its collectively consecrated value, starts up the process conditioning the success of all future planning. It is therefore clear that devising or simply sketching out a strategy promoting the rehabilitation of traditional architecture in an area as important as the Mediterranean, even though its group of historic buildings shows a relatively homogeneous heritage, seems hard (but not impossible!), in view of the social, political and economic shifts introduced by colonisation in the 19th century. This contemporary history, with the division into extreme roles of domination and dominated, cannot not fail to have a very heterogeneous influence on the relationship each Mediterranean country maintains with its own heritage of traditional architecture.

Two conflicting visions of the future of the “Kasbah� struggle in Algiers; those that have purely tourist motivations and those that consider more central the preoccupations of the habitants of the historic center.

2. The development of the place of traditional architecture in Algeria after a generation The different states and conditions1 the historic Mediterranean centres are in can only give rise to different diagnoses, where the treatment for better rehabilitation cannot fail to provide different methodological approaches. These may be varied, but, in all cases, they will all seek the same aim. In order to better focus on some important aspects of the problem of rehabilitating traditional architecture in the Mediterranean, it would be appropriate to briefly run through the recent history of the fate of historic centres in Europe and in Algeria. After more than a century given over to the exclusive protection of monumental architecture and "picturesque landscape", the period following the Second World War officially introduced the debate on the fate of the great urban and rural historic sites. So, in a full economic boom and faced with a built-up environment scarred by bombing, Europe originated two currents of thought that would mark all continents.

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On one hand, there were those following a new vision, wanting to break with tradition, and, on the other, those continuing the Romantic cult, reassured by Nietzschian predictions that sowed doubt concerning the idea of "progress". However, the specific actions undertaken in the context of reconstruction of historic centres would take different forms based on opposing arguments. The reality on the ground would bring into confrontation economic investors attracted by the availability of plots of land resulting from collapses caused by bombing and "nationalists" engaged in returning to the situation which the enemy had sworn to wipe off the map. Faced with this feeling of challenge and the extent of the damage caused by the war, the applicable theory of "scientific restoration" crumbled. The city of Warsaw, rebuilt identically on the ruins of the old city, is an emblematic example of the cultural crisis that dominated the post-war period and where accuracy finds its


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reward today with its classification on the world heritage list. While Europe organised itself to tackle reconstruction plans and was activated to establish tools to make the most of its historic centres, Algerian towns subject to the yoke of colonisation were also subjected to plans to demolish their medinas, or at least their most important parts on the urban map. Only the human establishments situated outside the network belonging to the system for territorial occupation imposed by colonisation were spared this destruction. It is, then, in these latter places that building and maintenance traditions have been preserved, for good and bad. The conditions of social segregation between occupier and colonised, practised as much at the level of the town as the territory, did not only produce frustrations and popular risings, it also accidentally contributed to preserving the authenticity of building practices, notably in the remote areas of the High Plateaux and Sahara. In the towns, the impact of the occupation was gradual and remained brutal. The way that foreign and native populations lived alongside one another was like a kind of apartheid which, after the lifting of the yoke of colonisation, would come to determine the psychological behaviour of citizens. The reappropriation of the towns and national territory tended to be translated into the attempt to pick up formal aspects radiating from Europe, rather than into real reconciliation with the traditional heritage. So, dazzled, they carried out "copy and paste" imitations that ended by having regard only for foreign appearances (forms), often without regard for the essential (content). It is within this logic that followed the war of independence in Algeria, dominated by the myth of progress, that traditional buildings suffered neglect and suddenly lost their natural position as landmarks in the construction of new districts. In summary, it can never by highlighted strongly enough that the perverse effects of post-colonisation contributed considerably to the process, brutally initiated during colonisation, of discarding the constructed historic heritage, notably the modest architecture constituting the basic fabric of the old centres, nowadays surrounded by contemporary towns. Now, after a generation, while the Berlin Wall in Berlin has been dismantled, the "Berlin Wall" of Algerian consciousness, erected around its cultural heritage, is crumbling, in a context of cultural crisis under the weight of a growing conviction in favour of authenticity. So, once the subject of folklore and inconsistent formalism, cultural heritage – whether tangible or intangible – it nowadays occupies a fundamental place in existential life. This new cultural context, that policies have positively driven through the recent entry of the heritage dimension in the programmes to develop assets in many sectors, opens the way for all potential agents (public and private bodies, civil society, etc.) to directly contribute to the rehabilitation of traditional architecture, but inevitably introduces unfortunate misunderstandings, often

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leading to dysfunctions, whose consequences will have effects on quality, budgets and time taken to implement schemes.

3. The roles of historic centres; the case of the Casbah It is true that for practical reasons, it is customary to seek to enclose a complex reality, notably that of historic centres, in a term, preferably a single one. The role of historic centres is, in fact, a set of very diverse aspects stemming from the complexity characterising our times and, therefore, by way of response, the public authorities are organised into various ministries each in charge of a specific problem. So, the handling of the issue of historic centres via the programmes of different ministries, which it is not at all incorrect to compare to a significant part of the whole situation of a country, can give rise to a credible diagnosis of the state of places, and above all to the prospects for traditional building in local development. Currently, in Algeria, an important debate is being carried out on the Casbah in Algiers. A set of texts, laws and regulations is providing the clarification and guidelines needed to make sure the traditional constructed heritage is taken into account. The particular attention paid to the Casbah in Algiers is not really due to it being classed on the world heritage list, but rather to the keen interest naturally emerging with a new generation that has not known colonisation. "Saving" the Casbah through interventions is the credo. However, there are many questions concerning what the Casbah can contribute to improving the well-being of the inhabitants of the city and visitors. The dilemma is quite clear-cut, and is summed up by two opposing tendencies. The first would like to "fashion" the Casbah on the basis of purely tourist motivations. By contrast, the

Commercial activity in the Algiers Kasbah (Algeria)

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Tool 9 Concerning scenarios of future The role of historic centres in today’s cities. The case of Algeria

second, upheld by the Ministry of Culture and the heads of the local public authorities, tends to develop a view that would submit the centre to the concerns of the inhabitants of the Casbah. Moreover, this latter tendency does not want to limit the Casbah to being a simple district functionally integrated into the modern city – the same as a district on the urban outskirts living only for itself. It is certainly a case of considering and revaluing the tourist attraction and its corollary, the creation of jobs in the Algiers Casbah, but it is also important to make the historic centre a positive, operational landmark, capable of contributing to making sense of new urban extensions.

Algeria, used construction as part of an overall strategy for rehabilitating historic centres involving all sectors. In this spirit, the many limits on architecture (restriction to one category of materials and to specific building systems, etc.), urban development (prohibition of division of plots, etc.), or safety (paraseismic standards, etc.), lose their coercive nature to become guidelines2 to allow the conservation of historic heritage, on one hand, and ensure coherence and unity in the production of contemporary buildings, on the other. It is through this last point that commitment in our time takes on real significance, because urban development only lasts if it is anchored in historical continuity.

Why and How The historic Mediterranean centres constitute the last bastion of resistance to the growing invasion of northern architectural language, today based, as well as on the use of wood and cob, on steel and glass2. This imported architecture, which dominates the meaning attributed to modernity in exceptional works, tends to gain a foothold in the architecture of houses – modest architecture through which another dimension of ancient Mediterranean towns is shown: the urban fabric. In this sense, from all evidence, the medina is ceasing to become solely the concern of the ministry in charge of culture or tourism, or even employment, and it must now involve the ministry of housing, not to intervene in the historic centre in its capacity as housing stock to be maintained, but as a force for suggestion capable of directing the definition of the qualitative content of the town planning tools intended for the management of urban growth. It is in this context, dominated by a debate rich in propositions and by certain studies and conclusions, that the medina of El Djazaïr, as a pilot scheme, must serve as an experience providing an example for the rehabilitation of many medinas and ksours in

M’zat Valley protection office –OPVM– (Algeria)

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1 By way of example, in Morocco the historic centres are generally experienced intensely, continuing tradition. This is the result of the fact that Morocco was colonised under a protectorate system. By contrast, Algeria, which underwent extended physical colonisation, has seen its historic centres have their vital parts drastically amputated and replaced by imported architecture. Meanwhile, Europe, after having neglected and altered its historic centres under the impact of the "industrial revolution" is discovering their many values (spiritual, economic, etc.), putting the all advances of modern technology at their service. The European experience seems to be imposed as a model of reference for all Mediterranean countries. 2 Cf. OUAGUENI Yassine, "La transformation moderne du Maghreb. Altération et résistance du bâti en Algérie face à l’internationalisation du langage architectural", in: Quaderni ICAR/4, Architettura moderna mediterranea, Editions Mario Adda, Bari (Italy), 2003.

3 The guidelines given by the Ministry of Culture's services, following the presentation of the scheme to rebuild on empty sites resulting from the collapse of buildings in the Casbah in Algiers, focus on the need to adopt traditional materials (full bricks of baked clay, stone, lime-based mortars etc.) in a system of load-bearing walls, in order to preserve the same organic language that characterises the Casbah. The codification of technical solutions judged to be in accordance with traditional continuity is in progress and will be drawn up in the form of a restoration manual. Moreover, the typological studies undertaken for many decades on the Casbah in Algiers will serve as a basis for drawing up a book of guidelines that town planning regulations may need in order to plan new districts.


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Opportunities for traditional architecture in the rural world. Experiences in Cyprus

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Irene Hadjisavva-Adam Architect and town planner Department of Town Planning and Housing, Ministry of the Interior Cyprus

The world has witnessed a vast movement of urbanization that has led to a mass concentration of population in the cities, while the countryside has been left, in many areas, depopulated. Thus, today a severe unbalance exists between the urban and the rural areas in terms of population numbers, and subsequently in economic, social and cultural opportunities.

The rural context in Cyprus The rural world has no homogeneous picture in regard to the concentration of the population and the economic, social and environmental trends for its development. In Cyprus, there are two tendencies according to the accessibility of the settlement and its interconnections with the urban areas. In the cases where the villages are situated in a relative proximity to the cities, or near the motorways connecting the cities, they witness a population rise. The improved communication system, the recognition of a better quality of life experienced in the rural areas in combination with the raised property values in the urban conurbations, have led many young families to choose to settle in the rural areas. This tendency brings life and social and economic opportunities in the village, even though most people work in the cities. On the other hand, however, the development of residential zones around the historic core brings degradation to the environment due to urban sprawl and the extended infrastructure needed to sustain the zones. The historic cores of the settlements seem to be suffocated by the new development, while its traditional buildings often stay abandoned and neglected after their aged owners have passed away. In the opposite direction lay the settlements that are situated further away, especially on the higher parts of the mountains. Many Cypriot villages have been virtually extinguished by an exodus of the bigger part of their population that has started after the Second World War. For decades, they have been losing their most active elements, namely the young men and women, while only those who consider themselves too old to leave stay. Initially, it was the impoverishment due to the shift in the economy from agriculture to manufacturing that attracted people in the cities as labour force. The city also provides a more prestigious and profitable work for young people of both sexes. Moreover, the high educational profile of the youth in Cyprus, leave the young professionals with no other choice but to leave their village. Mass emigration, towards the cities or abroad, has led to the decay or at

Agro-tourism has been an alternative possible for some time now, as in the case of Cyprus.

least the stagnation of the area affected. The decline in population numbers has been continuing steadily generating a number of problems such the abandonment of the building stock, collapsing buildings, lack of service provisions, etc. It is however true that the more the settlement is abandoned the better its architecture is preserved, free of interventions and alterations, and the more the authenticity of the settlement is preserved. For example, the village of Phikardou, a declared Ancient Monument, that is today a beautifully preserved village, without a community. But the sustainable development of the rural world cannot be achieved by creating village-museums, but only by ensuring the continuity of life of the settlements that must be considered as living organisms rather than as a sum of building structures and open spaces. The villages in the semi-mountainous districts are in between the two trends. Their relative accessibility, their milder climate and the agriculture opportunities have helped in retaining a part of their population. In some cases, they have attracted also a considerable number of retired people, both from the island but also from abroad. A number of villages in the Paphos district have been turned into retirement districts for European citizens, favored for their climate and their picturesque setting. This change in the population affects the social cohesion and the traditional pattern of social relations in the village on the one hand, while, on the other hand, it regenerates the village at least during some parts of the year. The population in the rural world has low-average earnings and household income. Rural economic activities are thus, considerably

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dependant on the financial flows originated from people living in the urban areas. The high costs needed in order to rehabilitate a traditional building, make it almost impossible for the aged inhabitants to restore their homes and ensure a better quality of life. Thus, the required investment comes mainly from the city earnings, while the traditional buildings are rehabilitated to become holiday homes for urban families, and more rarely for permanent residences of more affluent people or services for the tourist industry, such as small hotels, restaurants or coffee shops.

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With the shift of the economy from the manufacture to the service industry, a new chapter seems to open for the rural world offering new opportunities for regeneration. Tourism is at the same time, a growing product market and an employment provider. During the last years the development of tourism has been regarded as a panacea for economic activity and a key component for regeneration. Tourism is considered to contribute to the sustainable development of the rural world by creating and sustaining employment either in the tourism industry directly (eg in small hotels or agrotourism units) or indirectly (restaurants, shops, etc). Thus, other businesses within the local economy may develop to facilitate the tourism industry. Even agricultural income can be benefited by the development of tourism since rural activities can be included as a tourist attraction. Moreover, tourism development may contribute to the economic and social infrastructure by attracting local services that will serve both visitors and residents. The tourism industry can also contribute to the costs of conserving the traditional architecture, either directly – by the conversion of traditional buildings to tourism units, or indirectly – by the

View of Kakopetria (Cyprus)

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conversion to restaurants or even to museums and cultural centers by the local authorities. In Cyprus, the Tourism Development Programme, or Agrotourism Programme as it is named, was fostered by the Cyprus Tourism Organisation (CTO) towards the end of the 1980s. During its first phase, that lasted until 1996, around 100 projects all over the rural areas of the island were undertaken with CTOs subsidies. These included mainly village squares, community centers and small museums. The first units were created in 1996. Since 1996, CTO has undertaken selected projects orientated towards infrastructure and to the organization and improvement of tourist units, through a newly founded “Agrotourism Company”. The strategies for the development of tourism in the rural areas include actions such as the education and training of the actors involved, the preservation and promotion of traditions, customs and gastronomy, the development of nature paths, etc.Today, there are 84 accommodation units in traditional houses all over the island. A further step in the development of agro tourism and subsequently to the process of regeneration of the traditional settlements involved is the Agrotourism Programme funded by the Structural Funds of the European Union (37%) and by National Funds (63%), running in the period 2004-2006. The programme involves small and medium sized enterprises dealing with economic activities related to agro tourism, such as accommodation units, small hotels, restaurants, workshops etc. In the first phase of the programme 45 applications were approved for the same number of traditional buildings all over the island. The total investment involved is 7.5 million Cyprus Pounds (12.75 mil. Euro) from which CP 2.850.000 (4.845.000 Euro) will be granted by the Funds. In the 2nd phase, currently running a further 60 projects is estimated that will be approved.


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Tool 9 Concerning scenarios of future Opportunities for traditional architecture in the rural world. Experiences in Cyprus

Case study: Kakopetria Kakopetria, is a mountainous village, popular amongst Cypriots. The village has a rather compact historic core with a remarkable and well preserved architecture, while its modern development consists of rather indifferent buildings. It is a vivid settlement with a population of 2000. Its nice climate and proximity with the forest attracts the considerable number of around 10.000 visitors during the summer period. The Kouspes Company started its activity in 1995. Today it has rehabilitated 20 traditional houses in the traditional core of Kakopetria, converting them to 2 restaurants, a cultural centre with a cafeteria and accommodation units. The company employs 15 people in the tourism sector and 5 people in the building construction sector. The company is planning to rehabilitate further 20 buildings that are in its possession over the next years.

Cultural landscape The picture of the rural world can only be completed when adding the cultural landscape. The dry stone terraces found in many areas of Cyprus are an exceptional testimony to the cultural tradition of wine-making, closely related to the civilization of the wine producing villages. They are also an outstanding example of a technological ensemble in sustainable land use. They form a

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landscape reflecting responses to changing technologies in the context of an evolving relationship between man and the natural elements. The terraces have a double role, since they provide adequately spacious stretches of relatively flat land, allowing the efficient cultivation of vineyards, while at the same time help retain precious soil and protect from landslides caused by strong rains. Dry stone constructions and the dramatic landscape that they create are the physical expression of traditional land use, the result of human ingenuity, hard work and special skills of generations of farmers. Thus, their very existence depends on land use. Whether in or out of the settlement, their current state of preservation, as well as their potential for future preservation, strongly depends on their current and future use of the land of which they form an integral part. The threats they face are numerous: Abandonment and subsequent degradation due to the desertion of cultivation, a result of wider socio-economic changes, Destruction due to contemporary means for cultivating land Alteration due to the introduction of new techniques and materials in construction, and Alteration of the landscape due to new development and development sprawl. Under the pressure of the above mentioned factors, the cultural landscape but also the character of the traditional settlements is irreversibly altered. The historical testimony, as well as the opportunities for sustainable development, seems to be, in many areas, in a one way heading to extinction.

Case study: Lefkara

Inhabitants of Kakopetria (Cyprus)

Lefkara is for many people synonymous to its famous lace and stone. These are the symbol of the settlement, its prime cultural as well as commercial value. But Lefkara is more than that: it is a place of coexistence of different worlds, the traditional with the multicultural. A place of farmers, craftsmen, and tradesmen. The village still maintains its particular architectural and town planning characteristics, according to the period during which it developed. The oldest part of Lefkara, its core, is guessed to be dated in the Middle Ages. The settlement developed around it, densely built with a continuous pattern of building and with a large number of narrow, labyrinthine and often dead-end streets, shaped on the basis of the sharp inclinations of the terrain and the medieval ideas on planning. The turn towards trade and the new lifestyle radically altered the look of the settlement. The central streets were transformed from a simple means of access to the buildings, to places of commercial activity and social interaction, thus the main commercial axes of

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Tool 9 Concerning scenarios of future Opportunities for traditional architecture in the rural world. Experiences in Cyprus

the settlement were formed. The existing vernacular buildings were transformed into the new style by the addition of new floors, wings or morphological features, and the new buildings were constructed on the basis of urban prototypes. The economic crisis of 1929 resulted in the emigration of a large part of the population. The Turkish invasion in 1974 and the subsequent urbanization have further worsened depopulation, leaving big parts of the historic cores deserted and in material decline. The new socio-economic reality has changed customs, attitudes and activities. Agriculture was deserted, the lace was a bit out fashioned and new employment opportunities had to be created in order to maintain a vivid and active community. Despite that, Lefkara is today one of the most important historic settlements of Cyprus, owing that to its well-preserved and rich cultural and architectural heritage. During the last decades, Lefkara depends very much on tourism attracted due to the well preserved traditional architecture and by the crafts of lace and silver that made Lefkara well known in Cyprus and abroad. The restoration and correct preservation of the architectural heritage is thus inevitably linked to the future of the settlement, since it promotes sustainable development and economic activity and reverses depopulation and desertion. However, the new development pressure on the periphery of the settlement has led to a new set of problems. On one hand those related to the environmental impact on the outskirts and on the other hand the degradation of the historical urban pattern on the core. The degradation of the built environment caused by the desertion of the building stock, due to immigration and urbanization, the ageing of the structures, the high cost needed for the restoration and the adaptation of the old typologies to the modern habits. Moreover, the inadequate – for the use of the private car - road system and the lack of parking spaces make the historic

centre a rather unattractive place for active citizens and traders. To satisfy the contemporary needs the settlement further expanded to the periphery. But unlike the previous growth of the settlement, the contemporary manner in which it has taken place has no organic continuity with the traditional settlement. The unthoughtful parcelation of the hill slope to accommodate the out of centre retail development and the new standard residences, led to a degradation of the natural environment. The new parcels and the necessary road system have wounded the surrounding hills, irreversibly altering the landscape. The relationship between the settlement itself and the nature on the one hand, and the near by settlements on the other, is further threatened by scattered development. These external, on the first glance, issues of the periphery have a trickle-down effect on the preservation of the traditional settlement or the historic core. For example, retail has been the prime source of income for the last decades and had a major role in the formation of the urban fabric of Lefkara. But the movement of the commercial activities to the outskirts leads to the abandonment of the traditional uses in the historic centre and the need of new uses in the buildings of mixed use typology in the commercial axes. The additional desertion of the traditional housing units in the core together with numerous unsuccessful interventions on the traditional buildings led too a further degradation of the core.

Plan for Lefkara (Cyprus)

Street in the village of Lefkara, Cyprus

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Restaurant in Kakopetria (Cyprus)

Rural landscape in Cyprus

Another major problem is the construction of new buildings that are not in harmony with the architectural character of the settlements. They might be bad reproductions of past forms or totally alien in both volume and quality of space. But besides its problems, Lefkara offers considerable opportunities for sustainable development due to its central geographical position in the island and easy access from the national road network, the remarkable and considerably preserved architectural heritage, the traditional crafts of lace and silver and the uniqueness of the landscape and the surrounding environment. The architectural heritage is the symbol of Lefkara, in both the conscious of the residents as well as for the Cypriots in general.

Thus, the preservation of the architectural heritage is the main axe of planning in the area. The Department of Town Planning and Housing, seeks to address these problems through policies of Integrated Preservation, within the framework provided by the legislation such as the Lefkara Local Plan. The Lefkara Local Plan provides the framework for development and promotes sustainability combining economic development with heritage preservation and it provides the framework for development control. Lefkara has also benefited by public works partly subsidized by the Government. Their aim is to improve the infrastructure of the settlement and the well-being of the people thus contributing to its regeneration..

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Tool 10 Reflection criteria for sustainable renovation


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Tool 10 Reflection criteria for sustainable renovation

Some essential points on strategic reflection

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RenĂŠ Guerin Architect and town planner Vaucluse Council of Architecture, Town Planning and the Environment (CAUE) France

In the area of urban rehabilitation, drawing up an action strategy requires a spirit of openness towards society and its perspectives in order to ensure that the scheme will last, as well as towards the spatial environment of operation and towards the social and economic agents who should be consulted beforehand. This open approach leads to the consideration of three strategic points of the scheme - the long-term perspective, the subsidiarity of levels, and synergy between public and private interests.

Ensuring the long-term durability of the scheme The villages and towns of the Mediterranean have a historical charge of several centuries, or even millennia. Over time, buildings are developed around the original centre, while the oldest and least well adapted ones are gradually modernised or replaced: so, the traditional agglomeration is established within a certain continuity, with the added pieces assimilated over time and no brutal rupture. The rehabilitation of a property, a block or a whole district is, a priori, part of this slow process of urban renewal, ensuring its durability. At various periods, though, certain district rehabilitation operations have always caused social and physical rupture, breaking the principle of urban continuity. To anchor the scheme in the present and the future, it is therefore necessary to open up the reflection to civil society, with an approach looking both backwards and forwards. Beyond the theoretical knowledge of the history of the district or village, it is a good idea to perpetuate the memory of the place through the testimony of the older residents and local associations, in order to nourish the intangible dimension of the scheme and to provide particular clarification on certain physical traces of the past which must be preserved and improved. Putting the scheme in a longterm perspective, which cannot be dissociated from its historical context, requires prior consultation with representatives of associations, the political world and sometimes the religious world, as well as a wide spectrum of local society. Local elected representatives and public authorities must express their view in accordance with the role they see the site concerned playing within the territory as a whole. However, in the interests of the durability of the scheme, it is worth separating the results of short-term political strategy (at the level of a term of office) from what really lies within a long-term objective of general interest. An initial political agreement on the strategy for the scheme makes it possible to limit the risk that the operation could become blocked.

If the rehabilitation actions are not agreed upon socially, it is not possible to guarantee the long term success of the rehabilitation, since the doors of conflict and disagreement have been left open.

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Associations are often an extremely rich context because of their diversity and human resources supporting a busy social life, particularly in traditional districts. Associations can be directly involved in the scheme as current or future users or simply as local residents. In this case, their point of view on the scheme acquires a degree of legitimacy provided the particular interests of their members do not take precedence over the general interest that the project is intended to serve. Some specific associations could be a valuable aid in drawing up a strategy by offering specific clarification on various matters or by expressing needs concerning social life, education, culture, leisure, the environment, health or security. Beyond the facts and viewpoints highlighted by representatives of the scientific and educational worlds, it is appropriate to find out about the tendencies expressed by the various professional worlds. Business leaders, such as representatives of professional chambers, heads of firms, traders or craftspeople can provide their strategic knowledge about the development of activities, markets and jobs, as well as the potential and disadvantages for the scheme of the site concerned. However, with the acceleration of the development of means of production and economic models accompanying globalisation, it is a good idea to be prudent concerning the durability of the concepts to be adopted in the rehabilitation strategy.

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It is important to consider the dynamics of the territory in which the intervention areas to be inserted in order to be conscious of the way our decisions may enter in contradiction or modify the strategies established on other scales. So, for example, the decision to create a pedestrian area has consequences for the mobility of the territory in which it is inserted.

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Tool 10 Outil x Reflection criteria for sustainable renovation x Some essential points on strategic reflection

Perugia, Italy

If public participation can only be envisaged at the stage of defining the plan of action, the strategy must be guided in advance by the choices of and expectations of the different populations in order to gain a better understanding of different future ways of life that the rehabilitation project must serve. The suitability of the scheme for different future uses involves great flexibility of planning, with heavy infrastructures limited in order to facilitate changing functions and the ability of spaces to evolve.

Considering different territorial levels Palma de Mallorca, Spain

Urban rehabilitation strategy cannot be limited to the village or district, but it must include the problems and issues of larger territories while respecting the necessary coherence between the different objectives set at each geographical level. The relevant scale of the context of the strategic reflection is defined depending on the forecast impacts of the scheme. The planning of housing is established depending either on a social balance being sought or according to market forces: in either case, the situation is analysed for the whole population catchment area, that is, at agglomeration level. According to the same principle, the creation or adaptation of premises for activities or shops requires a market study taking account of the economic and commercial facilities of the population catchment area in order to correct any imbalances or so as not to disturb a stable situation. Finally, the impact of the scheme on movements must be considered with the greatest care: the pedestrian and motorised traffic flows generated by future operation must be

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estimated, which could lead to planning the widening of roads, the establishment of bicycle parks or the restructuring of public transport networks in the district concerned, in a neighbouring district or at another point of the agglomeration. An action strategy based on a subsidiarity of spatial layers therefore requires the different agents to be identified, along with their respective powers over the different territories included in the reflection.

Creation of synergies for a public-private partnership In villages and old town centres, the stock of property is essentially private, although the majority of public facilities and buildings are concentrated in these places. So, private agents are almost always involved in rehabilitation actions undertaken as public initiatives, with private and public interests converging. The success of a rehabilitation strategy requires a partnership between public and private agents, based on an explicit definition and divided between general objectives, expected results, rules and commitments by each party (financial support and what is required in return). An urban rehabilitation scheme is begun by the public authorities when the property market is not dynamic enough or, conversely, when it exercises strong pressure that threatens economic and social equilibriums. When the property dynamic is weak, the public authorities may, without actually acquiring land, encourage private rehabilitation through grants to owners; when social objectives are more important, grants may be increased or reserved for people with low incomes or for landlords letting housing at moderate rents. In extreme cases, or where investment is insufficient to halt the abandonment of buildings and the general degradation of the district, the job of the public authorities is to provide relief for the failing private initiative by going ahead and acquiring property, either by exercising pre-emptive rights of purchase or compulsory purchase. To prevent any risk of social rupture, it is appropriate to keep activities and people – essentially consisting of tenants – in place. Once the land-ownership structure has been ensured by the public authorities, they may themselves ensure the rehabilitation of the property or entrust it to one or more social or private operators, following specifications, depending on the strategic objectives sought. The land-holding structure thereby offers the public authorities the opportunity, with relative independence of market forces, to define the nature of housing, activities and shops. In circumstances of property speculation, the public authorities may use market regulation tools, such as land action, the application or planning rules or the establishment of taxes intended to create social housing or public facilities.

It is important to find the balance between the public and private interests, being the public initiative that which promotes that the private initiative invest in the rehabilitation process. This necessary intervention need not condition the consecution of the objectives agreed upon by the collective.

Original, effective formulas may be adopted to run or manage operations and also for investment in urban rehabilitation. When the public authorities have general interest objectives requiring financial means which they cannot themselves mobilise, it may be appropriate to resort to using a private operator. When this is a mixed ownership company or private company, the operator becomes involved only from a perspective of getting a return on the capital invested over a period. So, there is a real synergy between public and private partners based on the convergence of long-term interests. The strategy of intervening in old districts, which have been gradually established over time, must be maintained over different time scales. These different periods naturally fit with the different spatial scales integrated into the reflection: the strategies approaching the territory at regional or agglomeration level are likely to have a longer horizon than limited urban planning. A partnership between public and private agents is established around lasting shared objectives. Ultimately, the long-term vision necessary for the scheme to be a lasting one begins full of uncertainties, given the increasingly rapid evolution of our societies. The intuitive dimension to the approach seems essential: this is where all the interest of strategic reflection lies.

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Renovation understood as a multidimensional process

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The population of the Mediterranean Region lives predominantly in urban areas, while the historic centres of our cities contain a significant part of the finest examples of the world’s architectural heritage. Despite their importance, many of these historic environments still experience spatial as well as social and economic deprivation derived both from poor resources, political crises, sub urbanisation and in other cases from the rapid shift from industrial processes to service based economies and new technology which has affected many countries and reshaped the environment of urban areas. Whatever the causes are, the characteristics of these deprivations include poor housing, deficiencies in public services, physical degradation, loss of population, progressive aging of the population, concentration of ethnic minorities, loss of economic activity, problems of marginalisation and unemployment. The emerging need to deal with the complex problems, which the major cities were facing, led many European and Mediterranean countries to experiment with various interventions during the past decades. Initial efforts in 1980s tended to combat urban problems of historic centers focusing either only on the physical or the economic aspect. This policy was criticized in that it failed to reverse the process of decline as it was narrowly targeted in ad hoc projects without any overall strategic view. There was little consideration on the priorities of the local communities. In the 1990s the interdependencies that exist between physical, economic, social and environmental aspects of deprivation have been recognized.

Planning For Change Currently three main factors have emerged which are changing the way we think about cities: The information technology and the networks connecting people from the local to the global level. The awareness of the impact that the consumption of natural resources can have on the globe and the importance of sustainable development. The changing patterns of living reflecting increasing life expectancy and the development of new lifestyle choices.

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Agni Petridou Architect and town planner Nicosia City Council, Cyprus

One of the key factors of success is to be sure that the rehabilitation is not only centered in interventions upon the physical framework, but that these must be complemented with social, economic and environmental actions. Why would we want beautiful buildings if nobody is going to live in them?

These new powerful drivers of change are transforming our towns and everything depends from our ability to direct these drivers, which will affect the future of urban areas. Currently, the issues that have emerged in terms of successful regeneration of historic cities include the following requirements: Comprehensive Approach To acknowledge that historic centers form integral parts of the city as a whole. This implies that a comprehensive approach towards their regeneration must be seen within the framework of a strategic vision for the wider urban area and the region as a whole. Integrated Action The need to tackle the interrelated aspects of deprivation in a holistic way, by adopting a comprehensive regeneration approach which


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includes not only physical and economic aspects but also the social issues of safety, employment, social services, health, training etc. Promotion of compact urban form. The compact city of mixed uses, which favors walking, cycling and public transport, is the most sustainable urban form. This urban form highlights the value placed upon proximity to work, shops and basic social, educational and leisure uses. It also gives priority to the provision of public areas for people to meet and interact, to learn from one another and to join in the diversity of urban life. Creation of economic strength Cities need to develop clear economic identities, which promote specialized business in order to make them competitive within a global market place. Innovative regeneration delivery mechanisms There is a need to define the appropriate legal instruments, innovative implementation mechanisms as well as appropriate institutional structures including various forms of partnerships. The establishment of partnerships between public, private, voluntary and community section leads to effective regeneration since problems are tackled in an integrated way, it secures cooperation between all the stakeholders and the coexistence of different skills and maximizes efficiency. Investment in urban government-Regaining confidence and public support for local government. The local authorities must have the power to play a vital role in the regeneration process. They are the elected representatives of the local communities, they have knowledge of the particular circumstances of their areas and they offer the opportunity to act as catalysts and bring together other partners, including housing associations, community groups and the private sector.

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The regeneration of the city centre, its future local and regional opportunities, and the potential role that this area can assume in the case of reunification, was placed within the metropolitan framework. Particular attention was given to the walled city, which constitutes a common heritage to all the communities of Nicosia and therefore was considered by the team as the most precious part of the city. The urbanisation initially and the division of Nicosia subsequently resulted in a downward spiral for the walled city, creating a decline in population, higher concentration of social problems, loss of commercial activities and employment, inappropriate uses and fluxes of migrants encouraged by the low rents, high number of vacant properties, absence of private investment and deterioration of its environmental quality. These trends revealed the strong interrelationship between the environmental, social and economic aspects and led to the acknowledgment that the preservation and rehabilitation policy for the historic centre must be seen as a multi-dimensional process incorporating the following objectives: Social objectives, relating to the rehabilitation of old residential neighbourhoods, community development and population increase, Economic objectives, aiming to the revitalisation of the commercial core and increase of employment opportunities, Architectural objectives with regard to the restoration and reuse of individual monuments and of groups of buildings, with significant architectural and environmental qualities. This objective has multiple benefits as it preserves the cultural

Public participation The involvement of the local community in regeneration initiatives both directly in partnerships, or more generally in participating through the different stages of projects development, promotes local democracy and leads to lasting benefits after the end of the targeted regeneration programs.

The case of Nicosia In 1978 the representatives of the two communities, agreed to prepare a common flexible master plan for the city capable of addressing the planning problems relating to the existing situation and at the same time to be adaptable in the case that political circumstances would allow the development of the city as one entity.

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heritage of the city while raises the potential of the historic centre to attract contemporary functions. Planning objectives for the balanced distribution of mixed-use areas and the density of development, so that they will be in harmony with the scale and character of the historic center. Improvement of traffic circulation based on pedestrianisation schemes and the one-way loops system in order to avoid through traffic.

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The objectives elaborated by the NMP for the historic centre are implemented through a combination actions: through the provisions of the Local Plan, economic incentives given to private owners by the Government and through public investment projects. During the last fifteen years a series of bi-communal projects have been implemented in selected areas on both sides of the historic centre. The United States Agency for International Development and the European Union provided the funds for these projects through UNDP. In most of these projects, emphasis is placed on housing rehabilitation as it is considered that rehabilitation can only be achieved as a long-term process only if it refers to social revitalization, involving as its basis the revitalization of population structure which is the precondition of sustained physical conservation. Of course, by itself housing does not make a neighborhood. Neighborhoods need to comprise a mixture of activities, which work to strengthen social integration and civic life. To do this will mean concentrating a range of public facilities and commercial uses in neighborhood and maximizing the re-use of existing traditional buildings. These are important assets and can be preserved and adapted to accommodate housing and other essential uses.

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Therefore, the first twin investment projects that have been implemented in Nicosia were Chrysaliniotissa and Arab Ahmed housing rehabilitation programmes one on each side of the buffer zone. The overall objective of these two projects was to increase the available housing units and the provision of community services in order to attract new residents. Both areas were characterised by the outstanding architectural value and the neglected status of their buildings, the low proportion of owner-occupiers, the low income position of both owner-occupiers and tenants, the lack of community facilities, lack of economically active residents, and a high proportion of aged residents. All the data indicated that there was no possibility for private initiative to lead to conservation and revitalization of this Area. As a result of that, in Chrysaliniotissa all the dilapidated abandoned buildings and empty building plots have been acquired by the public sector. After the restoration of 27 vacant traditional houses and the construction of 15 new houses on empty building plots, the new units have been allocated with long-term rent to young couples with children willing to live there permanently. Priority has been given to the families of the previous owners and to people related to the neighbourhood. The provision of community services such as a kindergarten, artisans workshops, students hostel, and the enhancement of public open space further upgraded the residential environment. The strong demonstration effect of the project has gradually stimulated private interest and investment in the restoration of many listed buildings of the area, which are occupied by the owners. The pedestrianisation project of the commercial axis, of the historic centre succeeded in the rehabilitation and the environmental improvement of the business area and allowed it to compete gradually with the new commercial centres of the modern city. Other priority investment projects were focusing on the restoration and reuse of historic monuments while others consisted of restoration of dilapidated facades of buildings, improvement of infrastructure, paving of public open spaces. Through these interventions it is expected to restore the urban fabric, to enrich the historic environment, to attract new residents and economic activity and to stimulate the private initiative to invest in the old city. These projects, apart of improving the living environment of Nicosia, preserve the potential of the historic centre and its importance in the future functional integration of the city.


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Master Plan of Nicosia (Cyprus)

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Tool 11 Priority renovation objectives


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Tool 11 Priority objectives of rehabilitation

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Tool 11 Outil x Priority objectives of rehabilitation x

The commitment to sustainability: well beyond environmental variables

Cities, as universal centres of employment, trade and exchange of goods and services, are open to mass migration and finance flows. Their rapid growth over the last century (particularly in the form of peripheral development), and their emerging spatial configuration as a result of physical, functional and demographic changes, has led to the disintegration of established civic cores and the abandonment of older residential, commercial and industrial city parts and harbour zones. The negative effects of this phenomenon have been particularly felt in the Mediterranean region, where the intrinsic value of inner-city cores raises, also, issues associated with the need to protect their historic fabric. Contemporary cities often display concentrated extremes of affluence and poverty. Occupying territorially stigmatised places in the decaying historic parts of cities, certain disadvantaged groups are spatially segregated, functionally and socially disconnected from the prevailing economic prosperity, as they are unable to follow the city’s dominant rhythms, residing in dually marginalised urban spaces that suffer from class-based social marginalisation and racialised social exclusion. In many European countries, urban regeneration strategies concentrated, initially, on the physical transformation of the built environment and the improvement of environmental quality, to be dominated, at a later stage by a clear emphasis on market criteria, established as a direct consequence of the changed ideological imperatives of the rising neo-liberal state. Although these initiatives sought to create business opportunities in the inner cities, claiming to bring “trickle-down” benefits for those who lived within and near the designated areas, there has been no evidence of such effects, as people in the deprived cores of the major conurbations were not suitably skilled to secure a job or a future in these schemes, while – in many cases – they were even forced out of some of the redeveloped areas. Policies heavily dependent on physical transformation have often raised fundamental questions about the relationships between public and private sector interests, and attracted major criticism for their distributional consequences, in that such strategies tend to ignore local factors and the need to achieve an appropriate balance between the economic, social and environmental issues associated with specific localities. In fact, the history of contemporary urban policy has been marked by efforts – deliberate or not – to marginalise or discipline specific groups held responsible for the disorderly or decaying environment of certain parts of the city. Such policies have consistently overlooked the crucial link between the environmental and the social and economic goals of

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Kyriakos Koundouros & Irene Hadjisavva-Adam Architects Department of Town Planning and Housing, Ministry of the Interior Cyprus

The traditional Mediterranean city, because of its compact structure, facilitates the proximity of services and reduces mobility, better responding to the requisites of sustainability which present-day urban planning demands.

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inner-city regeneration. Sustainable rehabilitation requires a more integrated approach, which addresses equally the social, economic and environmental issues of deprivation. Many rehabilitation initiatives, imposed particularly over the last few decades, failed to demonstrate lasting improvements, as they restricted the role of local communities in the regeneration processes and procedures, rather than empowering them in taking increased ownership of their local environment. By contrast, a holistic view to regeneration, which addresses the complex causes, and not just the symptoms of deprivation, involves an integrated, comprehensive and strategic approach that aims to reduce the varying aspects of the multiple disadvantages experienced in inner cities. Such a view calls for the development of “bottom-up”, instead of “top-down” approaches, where the public sector works as a catalyst, rather than a major player or provider, while private and voluntary sectors and agencies, as well as community groups, take up a more active role in a partnership mechanism. So far, most attempts to “cure the illnesses” of inner cities have been marked by short-term thinking and the lack of strategy

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(focussed on getting the maximum return from particular projects / sites), the fragmentation of effort and the weak involvement of local economies and local communities. As Turok (1992) observes, three of the main areas specifically ignored by property-based, construction-led initiatives are human resource issues, such as education and training (and consequential effects on incomes and employment prospects); the underlying competitiveness of construction (including its technology, productivity, and innovative capacity); and investment in essential basic infrastructure (such as transport and communications). Sustainable urban regeneration requires a comprehensive and integrated approach that addresses the complex dynamics of urban areas and extends well beyond urban renewal and the rehabilitation of the built fabric. Firstly, there needs to exist a long term vision and commitment, in pursuit of lasting economic benefit, so that high and stable levels of economic growth and employment can be generated and maintained. Initiatives should aim at creating and supporting a more localised economy by encouraging local purchasing and local employment. Educational and training programmes could help local people (most importantly the young) increase their own employability and secure a better place in the labour market, while small businesses support schemes may ensure that a larger portion of internally generated income and savings is re-circulated within the designated area. Commitment to supporting the local economy needs to begin right from the initial stages of the rehabilitation / regeneration process, through the use of local labour, local suppliers and local sub-contractors in the construction schemes and the supply chains. Sustainable regeneration needs to anticipate the complex economic, social and physical problems as they arise and before they become too severe to tackle. Therefore, flexibility, with the

ability to adjust to changing circumstances and respond to new challenges, is a prerequisite of any successful strategy. What is important to recognise is that while large companies have greater capacity for development, small, local businesses may have greater flexibility, adaptability and responsiveness. Planning policy has a major role to play in sustainable regeneration. It should seek to ensure that development is concentrated within existing urban centres, so that pressure for peripheral development, along with the need to travel, can be reduced. Priority needs to be given to the provision of, and the investment in, public infrastructure, particularly public transport. As a parallel measure, a more efficient use of land should be promoted by developing vacant plots, maximising the re-use of previously developed land and existing buildings, raising residential densities and reducing the amount of land used for roads and parking in urban areas. A mix of uses and public open spaces, integrated appropriately with public transport infrastructure, could ensure that local people (particularly those with restricted mobility and income) have good access to a range of facilities and employment opportunities. Coherent strategies recognise the inter-dependence of economic, social and environmental measures and the danger of addressing them separately. Issues such as housing, health, transport, employment, education, training, environmental improvement, crime reduction and good design are closely linked. Policies and

View of the dense centre of Aleppo (Syria)

Street in Tunis (Tunisia)

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programmes need to be formulated in such a way that they can deliver a balanced outcome in achieving sustainable economic growth, tackling social exclusion, enhancing (rather than suppressing) diversity, and improving the quality of urban life. Actions and policies should provide opportunities for all urban residents to achieve their full potential regardless of gender, age, race or disability. An integrated approach to sustainable regeneration makes use of partnership mechanisms where all actors and stakeholders have an opportunity and an interest to get involved in the process, as the scale and complexity of large-scale interventions require the concentration of all available knowledge, expertise and resources. Public sector agencies need to work corporately; not only internally (i.e. through a successful inter-departmental coordination), but also in bringing together other partners, including the private sector, community and voluntary groups, local agencies and organisations. A partnership approach can help to ensure more widespread confidence and achieve consensus in the resulting strategies. Empowering the community enhances social sustainability, and strengthens the sense of local ownership of the scheme implemented, along with all consequential benefits that may arise. Certainly, there needs to exist an enabling institutional and legal framework, so that rights and responsibilities can be allocated and assigned to each one of the actors, not only during the design and execution of the strategy, but also for the long term management and maintenance, care and repair of the regenerated areas. Such a prospect requires an efficient urban management framework, with respect to the preparation and implementation of the programme and its long term running. Further, performance needs to be consistently reviewed through systematic updating, upgrading and monitoring against locally developed performance

indicators, so that any subsequent action may successfully respond to new issues, new opportunities and new demands. Any rehabilitation effort requires, above all, a firm political will and commitment, not only in providing (or securing) the necessary funds and resources to enable the effort to proceed, but also in introducing pro-active land assembly programmes and mechanisms to facilitate development. It is also crucial that central government recognises the need to provide a strong institutional framework at regional and local level, which has the ability to deal, with efficiency and flexibility, with matters regarding funding and allocation of resources, as well as in meeting new challenges and changing priorities. Rehabilitation initiatives, so far, have placed a strong emphasis on the physical aspects of the problems experienced by residents of areas in decay. Beautification strategies aimed solely at preserving the fabric of a historic city, repairing its street facades and repaving alleys with traditional cobblestones, have proved to be too shortsighted and narrowly defined, as they have ignored local factors and the need to be sensitive to the social, political, environmental and economic specificities of localities. Many recent major urban experiments failed, as they underestimated the need to take into account the spatiality of the city. The element of geographical imagination, in any attempt to understand cities, is crucial. The unparalleled growth of cities over the last few decades demands that we grasp the complexity of these organisms in a more holistic manner, so that we can provide the necessary answers, remedies and interventions. What is needed is a thorough spatial understanding of the city, but also the political will and the resources to turn the potential of growth, and mixity, and difference, and disorder, into positive interaction and creative intensity, rather than despair, inequality and conflict.

Rehabilitated neighbourhood in Thessalonika (Greece)

View of Jaffa (Israel)

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References Allen, J. and Massey, D. (Eds) (1995) Geographical Worlds, Oxford, Oxford University Press Allen, J. Massey, D., and Pryke, M. (Eds) (1999) Unsettling Cities, London, Routledge Amin, A. and Thrift, N. (2002) Cities – Reimagining the Urban, Cambridge, Polity Press Barton, H. (Ed.) (2002), Sustainable Communities – The Potential for EcoNeighbourhoods, London, Earthscan Publications Ltd Brook, C. and Pain, K. (Eds) (1999) City Themes, Milton Keynes, The Open University Castells, M. (1996) The Rise of the Network City, Oxford, Blackwell, in Pile, S., Brook, C. and Mooney, G. (Eds) (1999) Unruly Cities? London, Routledge Cochrane, A. (1999) “Just another failed urban experiment? The legacy of the Urban Development Corporations” in Imrie, R. and Thomas, H. (Eds) British Urban Policy: An Evaluation of the Urban Development Corporations, London, SAGE Publications Couch, C., Fraser, C. and Percy, S. (Eds) (2003), Urban Regeneration in Europe [Real Estate Issues], Oxford, Blackwell Science Ltd (Blackwell Publishing Company) Cullingworth, B. (Ed.) (1999), British Planning: 50 Years of Urban and Regional Policy, New Jersey: The Athalone Press Hall, P. and Pfeiffer, U. (2002), Urban Future 21: A Global Agenda for Twenty-First Century Cities, London, SPON Press Imrie, R. and Thomas, H. (Eds) British Urban Policy: An Evaluation of the Urban Development Corporations, London, SAGE Publications Massey, D., Allen, J. and Pile, S. (Eds) (1999) City Worlds, London, Routledge Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2001), Creating Sustainable Communities: Our Towns and Cities: The Future – Full Report, London: ODPM [http://www.odpm.gov.uk/stellent/groups/odpm_urbanpolicy/documents/page/odpm_urbp] Pile, S., Brook, C. and Mooney, G. (Eds) (1999) Unruly Cities? London, Routledge

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Priority Actions Programme / Regional Activities Centre (2003), Workshop on Urban Regeneration in the Mediterranean Region – Synthesis Report on Urban Regeneration, Split, PAP/URBMAN/03/SR.1 Ravetz, J. (2000), City Region 2020 – Integrated Planning for a Sustainable Environment, London, Earthscan Publications Ltd Register, R. (2002), Ecocities – Building Cities in Balance with Nature, Berkeley, CA, Berkeley Hills Books Rogers, R. (1997), Cities for a Small Planet, London, Faber and Faber Rogers, R. and Power, A. (2000), Cities for a Small Country, London, Faber and Faber Tewdwr-Jones M. (Ed.) (1996), British Planning Policy in Transition, London, UCL Press

Thornley, A. (1996) “Planning Policy and the Market” in Tewdwr-Jones, M. (Ed.) British Planning Policy in Transition, London, UCL Press Trumbic, Ivica (United Nations Environment Programme / Mediterranean Action Plan – Priority Actions Programme Regional Activity Centre) (2005) Urban Regeneration in the Mediterranean Coastal Cities – Proceedings of the 14th Biennial Coastal Zone Conference, New Orleans, Louisiana Turok, I. (1992) “Property-led urban regeneration: panacea or placebo?” in Environment and Planning A, vol. 24 UK Sustainable Development Commission (2002), Vision for sustainable regeneration: environment & poverty – the missing link, http://www.sdcommission.gov.uk/pubs/regeneration02/

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Social cohesion: objective and tool for renovation

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Filipe Mario Lopes Architect Ex-director of the Urban Renovation Bureau in Lisbon Portugal

Social Cohesion Social cohesion is the result of forces linking the different elements of a community. When social cohesion exists, these links lead to harmony despite real disparities. Social cohesion may be stronger or weaker and cover very different situations depending on the size of the communities: on a global scale, social cohesion gives rise to international solidarity movements. It exists at national, regional and local levels. In all cases, what links the individual to a community is a feeling of belonging, and this feeling may be positive, or negative if the individual rejects the community or the community rejects the individual.

Forces for cohesion at local level Local social cohesion (districts of towns, villages or regions) is constructed based on common values: All the elements that create an identity: large- and small-scale heritage, local culture, traditions, songs, festivals, customs and crafts. All the networks of mutual aid, solidarity and knowledge. All common interests: available facilities, groups and organisations, various associations. By contrast, social cohesion reduces with the absence of concern for the district and its inhabitants, with contradictory or diverging interests, with rivalries, with situations of privilege or with divides due to poverty or social exclusion. A local community consists of very diverse situations in terms of the groups and people making it up. This is a social asset to be supported and maintained, but also one which can lead to tensions. The aim is not uniformity: it is for the different generations, social strata, etc. to come together. For cohesion to exist, comprehension and tolerance are needed, as well as links, common goals, elements of identity and common projects, tending, above all, to fight poverty and exclusion in order to reduce divides. What creates social cohesion between the individuals of a community is the consciousness that, despite diverse needs and interests, there are links and common interests justifying such cohesion.

One of the objectives of the process is the fomenting of social cohesion. It is important that it be converted into a project shared by the inhabitants, in which the improvement and beautifying of the constructed surroundings foments the feeling of belonging to the territory.

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Rehabilitation and Social Cohesion Rehabilitation, aimed at improving living conditions in old districts and villages and acting on buildings, but also on the social, economic, environmental and spatial organisation of these communities, must necessarily establish intervention programmes, comparing them with criteria making it possible to assess their effects on social cohesion. In fact, it the declared objectives of rehabilitation clearly fit in with the substance of social cohesion, which becomes a great, overall objective while, at the same time, it is also a tool. Certain rehabilitation options may not, in fact, benefit certain members of the community, but it will nevertheless accept them all the more easily if cohesion is strong. Using social cohesion criteria, strategic reflection on the intervention scenarios will check that they do not create tensions in the community and that they do not contain elements of social division. Conversely, these criteria must make it possible to assess whether these scenarios can strengthen identity, make networks

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function or develop common interests. These are not decisions taken by a majority. It must be ensured that the decision is not going to damage social cohesion. If they are negotiated decisions, which do not provoke furious opposition, and if they are properly explained, they will be well tolerated. Here we link up with the political justification of the intervention, where the need not only stems from a desire to preserve traditional buildings but also from the aim of improving the living conditions of the population, requiring a flexibility of conservation strategies which lead to the use of the term "rehabilitation", as distinct from "restoration". The political justification of the rehabilitation process through solving many problems has many points in common with the requirements of social cohesion: from the social perspective of fighting poverty and exclusion and avoiding desertification, ghettos and marginalisation, as well as from the town planning, economic, environmental and heritage viewpoints, strengthening social cohesion by improving living conditions. To give a specific example, in the rehabilitation of the old districts of Lisbon, initiated by the demands of the inhabitants of deteriorated houses, all the interventions were directed at this heritage, and interventions in public spaces were avoided. However, works to restore the Church of Saint Anthony and Lisbon Castle could be carried out without creating tensions because these monuments exercise a cohesive force in these districts as essential elements for their identity; Saint Anthony, being a popular saint, born in the area, and the Castle because it is a symbol of the origin of the city. Moreover, for the Castle, the intervention provided for the rehabilitation of all the homes inside the wall.

More than mere participation, the choice of scenarios must provide for the real involvement of the residents, which is essential so that, for example, in improvements to housing, where the needs exceed the possibilities for immediate intervention, orders of priority can be established and residents will accept having to wait when confronted with cases which have been demonstrated to them as more urgent because of the situations being experienced. Social cohesion, then, requires priority to be given the deepest and most urgent needs. It is expressed in the solidarity which, in old districts, forms real networks, and care must be taken not to destroy these: links of mutual aid between neighbours, which cannot be reconstructed. The coexistence of different social situations is essential in order to eliminate barriers between people/social classes/age groups. In this sense, old districts and traditional villages have a great wealth of morphologies, encouraging contacts between inhabitants; quite the opposite of the closure frequently resulting from contemporary town planning. Social cohesion is strengthened by the tolerance of "others" and the recognition that everyone is equally important in the community because everyone is necessary: that leads to people helping the poorest, the oldest and the most marginalised. When it comes to choosing interventions to be carried, the filters of social cohesion must be borne in mind, as they make the action easier and, by strengthening cohesion, facilitate the future. It is because options are generally not close enough to this notion that obstacles build up, opposition is organised and communities crumble..

A nail, a brick, a tile...Poster stimulating the population to get involved in renovation at YorĂźk (Turkey)

Young people in a new square in the centre of Barcelona (Spain)

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The evaluation of traditional heritage: the case of Greece

An integrated diagnosis of the present state of conservation of the country’s traditional heritage should formulate criteria for intervention according to the types of sites and buildings, their context and their potential threats. In terms of the urban traditional heritage, as we stated above in the first chapter, there are few well preserved urban centers in Greece today. Urban scale studies should focus both on the social and cultural values as well as the architectural and townscape values to be conserved. Relevant projects in Greece, even in cases they were successful in conserving the townscape qualities of a site (like Plaka in Athens and Ladadika in Thessaloniki) have never managed to preserve the initial local population and functions. So they have completely altered the existing uses of the built space turning housing into commercial or recreation functions or rising prices of real estate to the point of displacing the majority of the initial residents. As far as listed buildings in urban context are concerned, there is a strong pressure for over exploitation of urban sites. In many cases this leads to interventions(construction of additional floors, preservation only of the facades for streetscape conservation reasons…) eliminating the essential architectural and typological identity of the buildings involved, while criteria for facing such issues are quite ambiguous (Fig. 20, 21, 22). The most critical issue though in terms of formulating criteria, is that related to the conservation and development of existing well preserved traditional settlements. There are three major categories distinct in terms of their present state:

III. Strategy

Nikos Kalogirou and Alkmini Pakka Architects Lecturers at Salonika Architecture College Greece

11 Patrimony appreciation is only one of the objectives of rehabilitation. In Greece, as in the majority of Mediterranean countries, we find three categories of threats to the “patrimony”: abandonment, tourism development pressure and the accelerated transformation of the traditional character of settlements.

a) Those under pressure for tourist development b) Those abandoned, threatened by total lack of maintenance c) Those where incompatible interventions are slowly depriving them of their character. It is important to formulate criteria and policies for these three groups. Traditional settlements should be viewed, in any case, as an organic ensemble to be conserved together with its natural landscape and context allowing development that would not alter the existing balance between natural and built space. This ensemble can be the most persistent expression of a local culture and tradition. Tracing down values to preserve would help integrate new uses and new owners as opposed to conserving static built spaces. Action and criteria should be formulated by taking into consideration points such as:

1. Local materials and construction techniques should be studied not only for their potential morphological aspect but as abundant in situ materials or sustainable environmentally efficient techniques, considering their eventual application in modern structures in combination with new techniques. New constructions today in conservation areas are carried out applying standard conventional materials and techniques used throughout the country and paying attention only in the imitation of morphological features of the traditional forms. 2. Typological and townscape studies should focus on the cultural, social and behavioral values to be conserved together with urban design and architectural elements.

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3. Studies of the vernacular architecture should also consider the possibility of allowing the insertion of new architectural forms into conservation areas through the creative reinterpretation of the existing tradition. Moving away from pastiche solutions we should focus on developing methods for allowing a more pluralistic attitude based on the thorough understanding of the environmental, ecological, social and architectural features of the traditional built space aiming at a dynamic use of the knowledge provided through its study. Developing criteria for this objective is critical for the future development of all traditional settlements. 4. Preserving the social structure of a place should be a priority of urban scale conservation projects. 5. Finally developing criteria for monitoring change especially in settlements under pressure for tourist development is very important. In Greece today the uniform way of construction imposed through the uniform building code is threatening the

rural areas of the country since urban centers have been completely congested. Developing local criteria and blocking the application of this building code is a priority for controlling construction in potential conservation areas of traditional architecture.

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2 Fig. 20, 21 and 22. Interventions adding elements in the historic centres of Greek cities.

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Commitment to sustainable tourism. The experience of Turkey

Can BINAN et Demet BINAN Architects Yildiz Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

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Tool 12 Outil x Concerning the integrated action plan x

Tools for action to renovate historic centres

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Josep Armengol Architect and town planner Manager of FORUM S.A. (Manresa) Spain

We can define three categories of instruments which are necessary for action in historic urban areas: Instruments for planning the project which define the objectives and justify the action to be taken Instruments to manage the project which will ensure that the plan is carried out properly Instruments for participation and monitoring to guarantee that all the objectives are achieved

1. Instruments for planning An in-depth diagnosis which enables us to understand in full the situation to be dealt with. This diagnosis must also explain the causes which have led to the area being abandoned or falling into decay. This is essential in order to design and plan the action and strategies required to restore the area. That is to say, that in order to rectify the neglect and destruction that has occurred in many historic urban areas it is essential to know the causes of this situation and the events which lie behind it. The instruments required for planning have to go beyond a diagnosis and need to be devised according to two main coordinators: wholeness and scale. The principal of wholeness is a principal of horizontal or oblique coordination which guarantees a complete and coordinated treatment of all the sectors which need to be dealt with, directly or indirectly, in the restoration process in order to begin successfully. This means integrating and coordinating territorial, physical and structural aspects with demographic, social and economic aspects. The principal of scale is the principal of vertical coordination which, on the one hand, ensures proper articulation and integration of specific activities in order to act within a partial area-that of the neighbourhood,-while employing a superior urban strategy-at least in the municipal sense-using the global idea of the city. On the other hand, this same principal must guarantee that all the other inferior activities-buildings, services, programmes,...- are not only valid in themselves but also within the context of wholeness. In order to be more specific about the instruments required for the planning of restoration activities, it is important to differentiate between different levels of planning tools. The majority of these, given that they are designed to legislate on the action to be

The fundamental planning tool is the Integral Plan of rehabilitation, which gluttonizes the conjunct actions by sectors and their respective programs.

carried out, are of a legal nature. For this reason, they depend to a great extent on the type of legal rulings which regulate urban activity in each different context. Here we are referring to instruments which go from the legal ruling which establishes methods and guidelines for general action to the rules for urban planning which legislate on specific activities to physically transform the city. The legal rulings are based on legal texts: Laws, acts, rulings, municipal regulations,‌ In this area of planning permission we also have to include direct supra-municipal planning, general urban planning, and detailed urban building projects which are all regulated by the relevant urban planning laws such as the Plans Especials de Reforma Interior (Interior Renovation Plan) and the Estudis de Detall. In spite of the possibilities that all these different regulations seem to offer us when planning urban renovations, in the majority of cases it is difficult to benefit from these laws. In many cases, despite the fact that urban legislation in the majority of European countries includes planning options, the same laws ignore and don’t include the specific management tools to enable action in historic urban areas. In any case, the most important thing here is to emphasise the need to decide planning and management instruments at the same time and to coordinate them. Only by

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doing this, will we avoid the lack of coordination which can make urban restoration impossible. The planning tools determine the method and scale of the project, as well as the amount of renewal as opposed to restoration required according to the “option value�. At the same time, due to the fact that these projects are organised by the public sector, it is normal to decide within the planning tools the level of private involvement in the process. Apart from the legal planning instruments, which, as we have seen, mainly apply to the physical modification of buildings, there are other mechanisms which are just as important. These are social mechanisms or tools which involve direct support for people such as for example, the Schemes to promote economic activity or the Schemes to create Social Services. The objective of the Schemes to promote economic activity must be, above all, to introduce new business into the area while maintaining businesses and services which, despite adversity, have managed to survive. The process of degradation of an area tends to accompany a gradual closing of businesses and services and therefore new business activity along with the employment prospects it offers the residents is usually a fundamental strategic requirement for its revitalisation. The Schemes to promote economic activity often include training programmes, ways of promoting employment, services to advise people and encourage new business and they often contain programmes to introduce strategic activities into the area, for example the promotion of tourism. Another issue is that in these run down areas there tend to be specific social problems. Sometimes these problems are due directly to the neglect of the area but sometimes the social problems are the same as in the rest of the city only more intense. To deal with this specific social problem in run down areas, it is necessary to plan a social policy through the Schemes which promote social services, which like all the other planning tools must be consistent with the social planning designed for the city as a whole. Some examples of the programmes that can be included in the Schemes to promote social services are the specific programmes for elderly people, the programmes for receiving and integrating immigrants, the programmes for infants and adolescents and the schemes which fight against social exclusion. Finally, within the tools for planning a revitalisation project, we have to underline the importance of the Integral Schemes for revitalisation. The Integral Schemes are a fundamental planning tool which coordinates across the different sectors and programmes. The Integral Schemes for revitalisation are a tool which guarantees that in the revitalisation process all the problems are dealt with using a common strategy and also that this is done within a process of global development at city and territorial level. In other words,, the Integral Schemes are the main guarantee of the principles of wholeness and scale.

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As we will see later on, the Integral Schemes for revitalisation are not only a fundamental planning tool in the process of urban renovation but also a tool for management, participation and follow-up. 2. Instruments for management The regulations in our countries have tended to make provision for increases in the size of cities but not for renovation. In this way,

The Action Plan must provide for the creation of a renovation office or management body. Panel for the office at Selva del Camp, Catalonia (Spain)

Planning tools must include all interventions in open space. Gonoscodina, Sardinia (Italy)


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these legal tools have favoured the extensive city model, a model which cannot be sustained environmentally, economically or socially. From an environmental point of view, this model is undesirable not only because it involves indiscriminate use of land, but also because of the type of mobility it creates. From a social point of view, this model is also undesirable because it causes social segregation in urban areas. In fact, the prevalence of these regulations, along with the lack of specific laws to encourage the maintenance of our historic areas, are the two factors which have caused the gradual abandonment of these areas leaving them in the state of neglect in which we find them today. Here, we also want to stress the importance of the law as a legislative tool for management of projects. We need new legislation, specifically urban legislation, to make the revitalisation of our historic areas viable. This is the challenge for many countries and some countries have made more progress in this area than others. Here, a good example is France, which has for a long time been the leader in this area having created a wide range of laws designed to improve the management of revitalisation projects in depressed areas. For example, the right of repurchase and the power of mayors to declare properties uninhabitable if they do not meet a minimum standard. There is also a wide range of laws which make provision for a wide range of specific cases with different criteria for action and with specific tools for management (areas where urban architectural heritage is protected, perimeters for property renovation, protected areas...) These are some of the management tools that France has introduced to make revitalisation projects in historic areas viable and effective. In the last few years, some of these laws have also been passed in

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Catalonia. Specifically, in the year 2004, the Catalonian Government passed several laws which establish specific management tools for action in historic urban areas: The Llei 2/2004 (Law 2/2004) of 4 of June for the improvement of neighbourhoods, urban areas and towns requiring special attention, and the decret 369/2004 (Act 369/2004) of 7 of September which develops it further. The Llei 10/2004 of 24 of December which modifies the urban Llei 2/2002 of 14 of March. The Decret 454/2004 of 14 of December, which includes the Plan for the right to housing 2004-2007, modified and updated by the Decret 244/2005 of 8 of November The Decret 455/2004, of 14 of December, which regulates the Plan for the renovation of housing in Catalonia. Before these laws were passed, Catalonian urban legislation already included some valid tools for managing projects in historic urban areas but few people were able apply them. Some examples are the law of municipal heritage of land, the register of sites where building has been compulsory, the units for urban action and the system for expropriation. But, the great limitation of these instruments has been that none makes provision for the financial viability of these activities and therefore they depend on the amount of deficit that the public bodies are able to or willing to incur. With this range of laws, urban management of restoration projects has many new instruments at its disposal such as the possibility of repurchasing or the possibility to demand building work to rectify situations where property doesn’t reach habitable standards, and thus it legislates for the intervention of local government. But above all, these laws provide effective tools for

Universitary building near a new square in the old centre of Barcelona (Spain). AdriĂ Goula

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the financing of the project. Some of these, offer direct financing which can be obtained from the law for improvement of neighbourhoods requiring special attention or the Act 455/05 which provides financial assistance for the renovation of houses and buildings with houses. Other tools for financing are indirect, such as the reversion of capital gains from the moment of compulsory cessation of urban use deriving from renovation. In this urban context, when dealing with the question of management tools, we must not forget that it is essential that the public sector leads these processes of urban revitalisation. However, we also need to emphasise the necessity to involve the private sector in the process. In fact, the success of a renovation process cannot be guaranteed if private companies are not involved in it in the same way as they are involved in other building processes in the city. For this reason, it is important that the public bodies establish agreements with all the private companies who could be involved in theses processes. Agreements, for example, with the main service industries (electricity, water, gas, telecommunications, ...), agreements with professional organisations in the technical field (architecture, technical architecture, engineering, ...), agreements with private companies such as the manufacturers of the materials for the renovations and above all, obviously, agreements with banks. Finally, it is important to bear in mind that the agreement, as a tool for management or to enable the renovation has to include a commitment from the proprietors and the financial backers to carry out specific activities for urban renovation. With the same goal of encouraging private involvement in the process of urban renovation, another important tool is the system of financial assistance for renovations. It consists of several types of financial support and has proved to be a way of encouraging private involvement. It offers proprietors and financial backers a range of resources which give them technical advice and financial help in order to minimise their risk in backing the renovation of an area in a state of degradation as opposed to backing new construction in new urban estates where everything is much easier, much more secure and much more predictable. Within the area of legal options as a management tool for renovation projects, we must emphasise the importance of territorial legislation. There is a legal framework which if applied effectively can help tremendously in the renovation of run-down areas but if it is applied incorrectly it can produce the opposite effect and condemn theses areas to permanent decay. Here, I refer to territorial aspects such as the fiscal aspect, the civil aspect, the housing aspect or the aspect of construction in general One of these is the fiscal aspect. We must remember that there is generally a high level of tax levied on urban building projects regardless of whether these projects are for the improvement of historic areas or for the growth or extension of the city. The

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It is important to have a single, multi-competent manager so as to promote and coordinate the conjunct of necessary actions for the correct development of the rehabilitation process.

experiences in countries like France, where the fiscal burden, with reduction or exemption of taxes, is reduced considerably to encourage private business to invest in the renovation of rundown areas, are a good example of how this management tool can be used. Legislation regarding urban rental, or legislation which regulates ownership of property, as well as all the legislation regulating building projects or the protection of historical and architectural heritage, are further examples of legal tools for the management of urban renovation. When I spoke earlier about tools for planning, I referred to the need for leadership from public bodies, especially local authorities, when embarking on an urban renovation project. This leadership is also required for the development and management of the project and for the coordination of all the different parties involved. As can be gathered from everything mentioned above, the different models for the management of projects to restore rundown urban areas are designed legally according to the legislation in each place. However, despite the differences that we can see from the experiences in different places, in all cases, there was a necessity to have one single management body with many skills to promote and coordinate all the activities involved in carrying out the renovation process correctly. This body is a fundamental tool in ensuring that these processes are carried out correctly. It is always a body which is linked to the local authority or acts in its name and these bodies can have different legal frameworks: private businesses funded publicly, public bodies, trusts, ad hoc departments, etc.


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publicly to more complex tools such as community involvement in which the neighbours take part in public debates and are involved in the planning, management and follow-up of the project. The most obvious instruments for participation are those which take into account the situation of the people most directly affected by the urban renovation process. These people share a specific environment (a street, a neighbourhood, ...), they share the same problems and the challenge of overcoming them and they also share human, cultural and economic resources. This is the basis for the development of a community in which we can encourage a constructive dialogue between the people and groups who make up the community and also encourage a capacity for collective organisation. In order to guarantee the coordination of the different parties involved, the correct allocation of resources, the proper execution of the restoration project and the review of the project as necessary, we require two types of instrument. Another very important tool is the system of economic aids, subventions as well a tax breaks in attracting the private initiative to the process.

3. Instruments for monitoring and participation. The final group of instruments for restoration projects are those of follow-up and participation. An integral restoration programme carried out without the involvement of the population directly or indirectly affected by it, is bound to fail. In order to guarantee the success of these projects it is necessary to devise methods for participation in order to involve various groups and above all in order to obtain the opinions and the support of inhabitants both when embarking on the project and when carrying it out. There are many models to ensure participation which have evolved as our society has evolved economically, socially and culturally. With these participation systems, the citizens, as individuals or as groups, are given a key role in the process of restoration of their neighbourhood. That is to say, that these systems enable the people most affected by these projects to decide how they want their future to be designed. A participation process is not simply a way of informing the inhabitants what the plans are for the restoration of their neighbourhood. It is something more complex. The aim of theses processes is to make residents aware of their common problems and of the current and potential resources that they have at their disposal to solve them. Also, these processes have to encourage collective organisation when it comes to facing the problems and dealing with them. There are many ways of inviting inhabitants to participate in the urban restoration process. From simply explaining the plans

Instruments for follow-up The system of indicators With the creation of specific bodies, with representation and participation of all the parties involved (the different public authorities, the private companies, the neighbours, the local business proprietors, the banks, ...), we guarantee that all the action to be carried out is followed up correctly. Here I refer to organisations like Committees for technical and political coordination, the Committee to guide the process, the Boards of financial institutions, local councils and also the unique Managing Body or authority leading the project which I mentioned before. The other fundamental tool to ensure that the project is followed through properly is the System of indicators which periodically allows us to evaluate the project, and decide to what extent the work is being carried out according to the objectives set in the plan of action at the beginning of the process. Establishing a System of indicators allows us the compare work carried out with the original plan and to compare specific work with work in the area as a whole. The requirements that the System of indicators needs to meet are very simple. In fact the indicators have to be easily measurable and easy for everyone to understand. It should be noted that here we are not only talking about indicators but a system of indicators and system means a group of indicators which enables a global interpretation. In this way the system of indicators can create ratios which incorporate diverse indicators. Finally, it is necessary to be able to measure these indicators frequently so that the decision-making bodies can interpret them. The System of indicators must not only monitor action and check that the objectives are being achieved, it must also enable corrective action to be implemented to optimise the execution of

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plans, programmes and projects in the urban restoration process. In order for the system of indicators to be effective, it must cover all areas of activity and bear in mind the physical, social and economic aspects. As well as being a follow-up tool, the indicators can form part of the process of dialogue and communication and they can be used as part of a policy to inform people and make them aware of the situation. We have seen three categories of tools or instruments for the process of urban restoration, which despite historical or cultural differences or differences in scale, enable us to plan, carry out and ratify urban renovation projects. Therefore, these instruments applied systematically can enable us to take action everywhere in run-down or abandoned urban areas and to incorporate into these areas the aspects of life today. In this way, we will transform them into neighbourhoods which are lively and full of activity and which will form part of our contemporary city.

Tool 12 Outil x Concerning the integrated action plan x Tools for action to renovate historic centres

The Action Plan must also include initiatives aimed at promoting renovation and attention to heritage

12 The multidisciplinary discussion is important when it comes to defining the aims and objectives of the Plan. Renovation office at GardaĂŻa, Algeria

The drafting of the Action Plan must include the participation of all agents in the area

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Evaluation and choice of interventions in traditional environments. The case of Nicosia

Within the framework of a rehabilitation effort, either for a historic city centre or for the traditional core of a village, the choice of an architectural project is – or should be – the result of a long procedure, which takes into account a number of factors concerning space and economy, in a larger scale, beyond the vicinity of a certain building. This procedure consists in a series of stages, each one having its own importance, in order to provide a concrete base for the successful implementation of any project. The factors which have to be considered are in general social, economic and cultural, and those should be analyzed through a methodology which follows the basic steps of analysis-synthesis-action. The analysis of all these factors and data, targets the interpretation of the social structure and the economy base of the study area, including population analysis, land use survey, economic survey and identification of problems and prospects of the “economy and society”. It also comprises – or it should comprise – surveys concerning the quality of the architectural heritage found within the study area, as well as the analysis and evaluation of the existing building stock, its problems of social and economic decline and its prospects for development. Through this analysis, a general strategy will develop within the framework of the overall regeneration strategy for the historic city centre or for the traditional core of a village. This strategy will set out the policies and measures of intervention within the study area, and will specify certain development areas and priority projects. Within this planning procedure cultural heritage is considered as a major aspect for the formation of policies and strategies setting out the rehabilitation of the study area. Following the identification of special development areas and priority projects, the choice of certain projects lays on more specific factors, which are the availability of a building and its capability for being restored in order to host certain uses. It is very important to incorporate a number of factors in each choice in order to serve the main objectives of an intervention. Within the framework of a rehabilitation effort, it is important that the chosen project is serving the main objective of restoring and conserving a part of the architectural heritage within the study area. At the same time the project should promote certain uses which provide the local community with facilities or which reinforce the economic base of the area. It should serve the most vulnerable parts of the population, targeting the strengthening of their social and economic position in the society.

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Eleni Petropoulou Architect Masterplan for Nicosia Cyprus

The Master Plan for Nicosia specified in detail the actions and projects to be realized in the historic center of the city to revalue it, establishing priorities of action.

Last but not least, it should of course provide the investor with profit, in order to become a successful example for others to follow. In the case of Nicosia, a divided city since 1974, the overall regeneration strategy was formed within a bi-communal effort, in 1976-1980. The output of this joint effort was a document - the Nicosia Master Plan – which consists of the general policies for the

Street in Nicosia

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Tool 12 Concerning the integrated action plan Evaluation and choice of interventions in traditional environments. The case of Nicosia

Plan for operations established in the Master Plan for Nicosia, Cyprus / NMP

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rehabilitation of the historic centre of a unified Nicosia. (Figure 1) This document still provides the basis for all efforts to intervene in the divided walled city, either bi-communal or for each side. All projects implemented within the historic centre are projects that the Nicosia Master Plan identifies as priority ones (Figure 2 and 3). The public sector – local authorities, central government – generally respects the priorities set out by the NMP for the historic centre and implements projects which promote the effort for rehabilitation of the declined walled city. At the same time, policies and incentives for listed buildings reinforce the efforts of the private sector to invest in the historic center by restoring important buildings. A large number of special projects are being implemented by the NMP team – a cooperation of the two communities - from 1989 until today, focusing on : the restructuring of the Central Area of the city, the rehabilitation and renovation of important areas of the historic centre, the improvement of traffic and transportation, and visual improvements in landscaping, urban form and urban design. Nearly a hundred projects on both sides are listed as NMP Projects, funded either by local funds or by foreign organizations committed to contribute to the revitalization of Nicosia as a whole. (Figure 4)

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At the same time, these projects having an impact on the building environment and in the economy of the study area, they reinforce any effort from the private sector to invest within this area. It is important that the public sector implements projects that provide social community services and infrastructure, in order to facilitate any project issued from the private sector, for which the most important criteria are economic.


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Tool 13 Defining legal and planning instruments

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Towards an urban plan of renovation. Strategies for intervention on traditional sites

Oriol CUSIDÓ Architect taller 9s arquitectes, Barcelona Spain

0. Introduction

2. Objective and tools of the plan

This document seeks to explain in a synthetic manner the drawing-up and contents of an urban plan (from here on UP) whose aim is the rehabilitation and revitalisation of an area marked by traditional buildings, and at the same time, to establish a series of recommendations upon which to structure the Plan. However, one should always remember that these methodological approaches are not rigid guidelines but rather considerations of a general nature: a basic layout for help, which may to a greater or lesser extent be adapted to each local context which seeks to be a model programme in order to structure the urban plan which is to be developed. It should also be noted that the layout of the Plan considered here is basically aimed at rehabilitation in historical centres and rural settlements, without expanding the intervention to a territorial level, which due to its complexity and specific nature, requires specific treatment different from that presented here, though many of the considerations herein are also applicable.

2.1. Objective The Urban Plan is an instrument which proposes the strategy of transformation and modification of the physical structure of the traditional site in order to adapt it to a series of requirements of accessibility, functionality, inhabitability, environmental quality…suitable for today’s needs, and at the same, to establish the regulatory guidelines to adapt the intervention of public and private agents so that this occurs in accordance with the action strategy and as coherently as possible with the historical and heritage values of the traditional site.

1. Work prior to the urban plan Before developing the proposal stage of the Plan it is important to draw up a well-designed document which syntheses all the work and studies done during the analysis stage. This is a summary document which recognises the strong points and dysfunctions of the territory from the synthesis of all the studies done prior to this. These prior studies should not only be based on urbanism and architecture (structure of the territory, historical superposition of fabrics, previous urban planning actions, current activities, building and residential types …) but it should also, as has been noted before, include all those studies of a social (demographic studies, anthropological values…) , economic (real estate dynamic, productive structure…) and environmental nature (hazards, flows energy…) which have implications for the physical shaping of the site. It is clear that the structure of a territory is not solely conditioned by formal aspects, but rather that the social, economic and environmental variables are undoubtedly determinant. The synthesis of the diagnosis, along with the set of plans which illustrate it, should make up the initial part of the Plan. This is the informative part from which the proposal part of the Plan is developed.

2.2. Contents of the Plan The document of the UP shall be made up of a set of documents of a different nature, which we shall call TOOLS, which are the documents needed in order to carry out a process of urban renovation of the traditional site in a regulated and coherent fashion. 1 A Report which describes the current situation and which justifies the need to act and the intervention of a different nature to be carried out. 2 A set of Plans at different scales (plans by subject matters, synthesis plans…) which illustrate in first place, the current state of the territory, and in second place, the urban and strategic characteristics which the Plan defines. 3 A series of legal instruments in order to regulate the interventions, whose principal legal instrument is the Regulations of the Plan, but which it is advisable to consider with the development of a series of complementary instruments: catalogue of elements with heritage interest, landscape regulations, rehabilitation manual… 4 An economic-financial study on the interventions to be carried out, in parallel with a set of programmes to be developed during the implementation of operations of the Plan, which shall be presented in an orderly fashion and if possible with the forecast of operational instruments (mechanisms of management and their corresponding mechanisms). Not all the documents of the Plan cited above have legal value and validity. In fact, the legal regulation of building is limited to the legal instruments and to the plans linked to them, which are generally not all the plans which make up the Plan.

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2.2.1. Report The report document should be structured basically in three basic blocks: a justification of the need for intervention; a detailed description of the current state and conclusions of the diagnosis; and, a justification of the proposed actions in the different areas for action. An annex features all the studies and the graphical and written information which has been collected and drawn up. 2.2.2. Plans The plans are used to represent on maps the territory both in terms of the results of the analysis made and the proposals for the Plan. The set of plans of the Plan includes both the synthesis plans developed during the diagnosis stage (the so-called information plans) and the propositional plans (proposal plans), which describe the proposals and conditions of the planning. Information plans The documentation of the UP includes both the synthesis plans developed during the diagnosis stage and the propositional plans, as the former are important when explaining and setting out decisions and they often incorporate and are closely linked to the proposal plans themselves; a way of synthesising a reality is adopting a stance in a proposal for action, explaining a set of specific problems above others. Proposal plans This document proposes a series of plans of a generic and general nature which should be completed with more specific proposals in accordance with the reality of each action. A minimum set of proposal plans, and with a possibly binding nature, might be the following:

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PL1 PL2 PL3 PL4 PL5 PL6 PL7 PL8 PL9 PL10 PL11 PL12

Synthesis Plan Final image plan of the territory Landscape protection plan Mobility infrastructure plan Plan of interventions in free space Zoning plan of residential rehabilitation Building parameters plan Plan of heritage values Plan of public facilities and installations Usage plan Plan of infrastructure networks Synthesis plan of the action programme

In addition to the specific plans of the different strategic lines of action, two plans are also carried out which synthesise the contents of the Plan: a synthesis layout of the Plan (PL1), which expresses in a conventional fashion all the interventions, regulations and protections (intervention in the free space, public facilities, infrastructures, heritage‌) and a plan of the final image of the territory (PL2), which represents clearly and realistically the final state of the territory after all the work has been done. While the former is a regulatory document, the latter should make visible the result after the process of rehabilitation, with importance given to the use of graphic resources and the criterion for representation so that it is more attractive and clearly explains as much information as possible. Based on these basic plans, other plans can be produced in order to explain general questions of development of the Plan, such as the synthesis layout of the action programme (PL12), which represents the programmes defined in the territory. This can be accompanied by another plan which explains, for example, the stages of execution. Finally, it should be noted that it is interesting to map out the

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The lack of alternatives has ruined many towns and villages in inland Turkey

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View of Arnavutkoy (Turkey)


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proposals in a type SIG computer system, so as to be able to adapt the plans to possible modifications or variations which may be introduced in the Plan during its application. 2.2.3. Legal instruments The legal instruments should order and regulate the rehabilitation work. We can distinguish three types of legal documents: the regulatory texts, regulatory reports and manuals, without taking into account the majority of the plans previously mentioned with which these are liked and referenced. Within the regulatory texts we should highlight above all else the text of the Regulations of the Plan (D1). This is the most important legal document and coordinates the rest of legal texts which are complementary to it. In fact, many plans have traditionally worked solely with a single regulatory text, which is more or less complete and detailed according to case, although we believe that in order to optimally regulate the rehabilitation of a traditional site, where there are many variables to be considered, it is important to have, at least, two texts which are complementary to the regulatory base, such as the Catalogue (D4) and Landscape Regulations (D7). These complementary legal texts can also be more or less extensive and precise in their definition and scope. Without a basic set of regulations, a minimum catalogue of protection of building elements and some landscape regulations, it is difficult to guarantee a minimum level of legislation around the rehabilitation process. The regulatory reports (D2. Reports on sectors of rehabilitation and D6. Reports on sectors of heritage interest) complete and improve the regulatory contents of the Plan, enriching it, as they can only be developed from an improved study and knowledge of the territory. The manuals (D3. Manual for typological transformations and D6. Rehabilitation Manual), which

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respond to a degree more than analysis of the territory, serve to complete a coherent regulatory framework showing the reality of the territory to be restored. Until recently, manuals were seen as simple instruments of support, without regulatory capacity and only used to advise and recommend solutions. The set of regulations described include the regulatory framework of the Plan and should not be understood as independent elements, but rather as partial documents which should be interrelated with each other, completing and complementing, being coherent with the others and being referenced to each document so that they form a single legal corpus with the same rehabilitation criteria and aim. Finally, it is important to add that the regulations should be thought of as open and flexible elements, in no way invariable and closed, as is the case of the Catalogue or the Reports, which can be modified over time in order to gradually adapt to new requests and requirements. 2.2.4. Programmes and operational instruments The programmes seek to organize and order the implementation of the set of operations considered in the urban plan and which should be carried out. Programmes are carried out in accordance with the different areas or lines of action: infrastructures, free space, actions for improvement in the residence‌ In general each Development of Actions Programme (PD) will develop the following aspects: 1 List of actions, specifying the surface area of action, ownership, the system of action considered and a provisional assessment of the cost. 2 Stages of execution of the different actions. 3 Simulation of forecast financing. That is, how the operations are to be financed. And in the case of public operations, what bodies and institutions are to be involved in their development. 13

Moulay Idriss (Morocco)

As important as the stones are the people who live among them. Jerusalem

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In addition to an overall assessment and explaining the mechanisms for financing the Plan, for the implementation and monitoring of the set of programmes it is advisable for the Plan to foresee and define the creation of a specific Management Body. This managing body will deal with coordinating and producing a combined schedule for the application of all the Urban Action Programmes, as each one depends upon the others. 3. Methodological structuring of the plan We propose to structure the Plan in a series of strategic lines, which will centre on the reflection and organise the work, and from which the proposal documents will be drawn up: both the synthesis plans (P), the different regulatory documents (D) and the programmes and proposals of the project (PA, PB...). These lines of action, which are presented separately in order to speed up and order the Plan proposal, respond to a series of objectives and a line of argument which is necessarily common to each one and which is integrated synthetically and ‘interweaved’ in the by-law and in the set of documents. The strategic lines proposed include a series of goals for action which may be more or less common in traditional Mediterranean areas, although as is evident and desirable, they should not be taken as a totally generalizable and dogmatic proposal, but rather as a model of help for developing a plan which is more adapted to the specific nature and possibilities of each context local.

(1) Although in this table it is structured around a specific strategic line, in which it plays a crucial role, the By-law of the plan includes and coordinates the set of texts and documents of a legal nature of the Plan.

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(2) The regulatory manuals are not binding in legal terms. Although it would be recommendable that they were legally binding, it should be stated that this demand should not be inflexible and definitive.

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Outline of strategic lines, regulations and programmes A

Relation of the site with its environment

PA

Programme of territorial landscape valorisation

B

Accessibility and management of mobility

PB

Programme of measures for improvement in mobility

C

Appraisal of the structure of the traditional territory

PC

Programme and guidelines of intervention in the free space

D

Reactivation of the residential fabric

D1 D2 D3 PD1 PD2

By-law of the Plan (1) Sectors of rehabilitation (specific reports) Manual for typological transformations (2) Programme of development of the comprehensive rehabilitation areas Programme for promotion of private rehabilitation (Office)

E

Conservation of the building heritage

D4 D5 D6

Catalogue of buildings and built areas with heritage value Sectors of heritage interest (specific reports) Rehabilitation manual (2)

F

Quality landscape of the traditional site

D7 PF

Regulation of landscape and visual protection Programme for landscape improvement (Agency)

G

Planning of functions

PG

Programme of development of public facilities

H

Improvement of the networks of infrastructures

PH

Programme of improvement and development of infrastructures


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A Relation of the site with its environment Description Particularly in isolated centres, it is important for the Plan to establish a series of mechanisms in order to protect the image of the enclave as a cultural and historical element to be conserved and respected, protecting the visual appearance and studying the location of possible growth and infrastructures. The aim is not to seek to improve the image of the site from a scenic point of view, but rather to dignify the whole site so as to promote its values and improve its perception, and as a consequence, create community awareness and promote an esteem for the territory and its values. The care for the landscape also seeks to make visible the value of a traditional site in order to foster its attractiveness, taking into account tertiary and tourist activities.

Objectives Protection of exterior visuals. Particularly in isolated centres, taking care of the built-up, topographical and natural, etc. image of the site, establishing levels of protection of its surrounding area and defining the areas where the urban growth and the infrastructures should take into account the referential presence of the heritage. Forecast of mechanisms for correction and channelling of the existing problems, such as for example the existence of infrastructures (power lines‌), fencing which affect the perception of the whole area, etc.

Proposal plans PL 3. Plan for landscape protection At a territorial scale. Situation of the built centre and its immediate surroundings, indicating natural elements, structuring of territory (tracks, fields‌) and infrastructures and communication routes, in which are drawn the areas of protection of visual elements, on which corrective measures and protection regulations are carried out.

Programmes to be developed PA. Programme of territorial landscape valorisation A programme of application of the corrective measures will be developed in order to improve the landscape integration of the site, with a timetable of development and a forecast of costs. The management of the programme is carried out by the Office of the Plan and the financing is public.

In isolated centres, it is important to establish mechanisms for protecting the image of the site, controlling the establishment of new growth and infrastructure.

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Catelsardo, Sardinia (Italy)

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B Accessibility and management of mobility Description The control of access by road traffic and the improvement in the system of interior mobility could bring about many benefits in environmental quality and life in a built-up setting which suffers from the consequences of not having been designed to respond to the needs of flexibility and current access. The interventions in this field should give priority to the residents and public services, along with the functioning of the commercial activities…

Objectives Reduction and restriction of the access of road traffic, a factor which affects the harmonious image of the historical fabrics. Minimisation of access points and roads for cars, so preventing routes crossing the centre and generating loops (entry-exit) of restricted access, a factor which enables an optimisation of access and a limitation of unnecessary traffic. It is necessary to guarantee the access of service and emergency vehicles. Creation of specific areas and controlled routes in points of easy accessibility, even with time limitations, in order to meet supply needs (loading and unloading) of economic activities and other logistics activities and basic functioning, such as for example refuse collection. Forecast of points and parking areas, mainly on the edge with a few points inside, in order to prevent the indiscriminate presence of vehicles in the historical area. Priority will be given to parking and accessibility of permanent residents in the car parks inside the centre through systems of identification plates, for example. Provision of parking areas with time limit in areas of dense commercial activity, in order to allow access and parking to be optimised. Priority given to pedestrians, pedestrianising wholly or merely giving priority to pedestrians in most street, squares and routes in order to improve the environmental quality of the built-up area. Optimisation of access with public transport, installing bus stops at strategic points and designing collective transport systems better suited to for internal connections. Occasional operations for improving streets (occasional widening of streets, realignments…) in order to optimise vehicle access and the protection of pedestrians. These operations are basically occasional, minimal interventions of “acupuncture” in order to prevent conflictive points due to their narrowness, poor visibility… Indiscriminate street widening operations are never considered, etc.

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Improving the internal mobility system – encouraging pedetrianisation and public transport – can have great benefits for the quality of life in a built-up environment not designed for cars.

Proposal plans PL 4. Mobility infrastructures plan Plan of the territory or centre which incorporates the mobility proposals of the Plan. This includes the type of the different roads and streets (exclusive use for pedestrians, priority…), routes and accesses for vehicles, location of car parks (interior, perimeter and rotation-based), of the supply areas …along with indicating those occasional operations for improvement in streets and roads.

Programmes to be developed PB. Programme of improvement measures in mobility An application programme will be carried out on street improvements detailed in the Plan and forecast building of public car parks. The programme will be completed with a development timetable and a costs forecast for the work. The programme management will be carried out by the Office of the Plan. The initiative and financing will be public, although for the car parks mixed publicprivate formulas can be considered. Actions aimed at improving streets affecting private land must take into account compensation mechanisms as per the town planning law in each country. Cars in Alexandria (Egypt)

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C Appraisal of the structure of the traditional territory Description The Plan must assume that the heritage of traditional sites lies not only in their monuments, but also in the built-up whole. And within the built-up setting, not only the buildings, but also the free spaces and nature, which as ‘negative’ spaces of the construction, end up becoming crucial elements in the definition of an urban configuration or a given landscape. The plan must consider the urban intervention from an understanding of the fabric in itself, taking into consideration all the minor elements which form it and recognising the value of free space as an articulating element of the built-on space.

Objectives To regenerate free space as a revitalising element of the built-up fabric, a crucial element to qualify the residential function, improve activities, promote the interrelation between public and private space…beyond the exclusive use on the part of traffic or tourists. To take special care for each type of space: square, garden, alley, builton/natural space limit, pedestrian streets, spaces which cannot be built on…publicly or privately owned, promoting and developing specific projects for their architectural, social and environmental qualification. To generate new free space, if it is necessary for reasons of density, with occasional operations, in areas of high density and in parallel with operations of improvement in the environmental quality of a residential sector. The opening of proposed spaces must be coherent with the morphological characteristics of the fabric and must not seem as a traumatic and discordant empty space with the spatial reading of the whole area.

Proposal plans PL 5. Intervention plan in free space Image plan with the different categories of intervention in the free space and the new free spaces proposed (complete projects, pedestrianisation, reurbanisation projects, occasional gardening/greening operations, etc.), and according to the category of the different spaces.

Programmes to be developed PC. Programme and guidelines of intervention in the free space Programme with the forecast of actions on the free space: list of projects to be carried out, timetable of development of the actions and forecast of costs and financing. On many occasions they are associated with operations on the residence. The management of the intervention will be carried out by the Office of the Plan. The programme can incorporate guidelines on the intervention in the free space, complementary to the guidelines established in the regulatory landscape. These guidelines must not excessively condition the freedom to design each project.

The plan should approach town planning interventions based on an understanding of the fabric itself, taking all the small elements making it up into consideration and recognising the value of open space as the element linking the built-up space.

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Streets in Hebron (Palestine)

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D Reactivation of the residential fabric Description This is undoubtedly the fundamental point of the intervention, as it has a direct effect on the improvement in life of the population and on the re-classification and adaptation of much of the heritage fabric in traditional sites. The aim is hence not only to halt the possible loss of buildings and heritage, but also to maintain alive a series of historical fabrics.

Objectives To understand the intervention on the quality of the residence from the intervention in the fabric where it is included, with it often being necessary the partial or total demolition of buildings, the replacement, improvement in free space, for example… in order to improve the environmental conditions of the residential units.

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To identify the different needs and intensity of rehabilitation in the territory based on the data obtained by the analysis carried out in the diagnosis period, taking into account the determining factors of heritage interest and the existing urban tensions. It is important to define different areas of rehabilitation, ranging from operations at a level of building plots or individual buildings to priority areas for renovation. Areas of integrated action in preferential renovation sectors. Publicly or privately promoted. They involve significant actions in a building sector, including operations of demolition and replacement, intervention in free spaces… These can be more easily developed in areas with buildings with a low individual heritage value or with a high level of abandonment. Areas of intensive rehabilitation: In areas with heritage or monumental interest. Actions are carried out on building and free space. Public initiatives generally on private property. Areas of rehabilitation and replacement For operations of rehabilitation which include replacement of buildings. Public initiative on private buildings. From a consensus between both. Areas of rehabilitation. Areas with signs of deterioration or abandonment. Rehabilitation of buildings from private initiative with public help. To detect the preferential sectors for renovation and propose comprehensive projects of intervention, sectors where environmental quality, urban tensions, state of degradation, public safety risks and crime… are of most concern and a solution is urgently needed. The promotion of complete single projects in areas of priority attention in the territory is important in order to not only place the responsibility for the process of rehabilitation in the management. The project can attack and solve issues which management would find it very difficult to guarantee. To promote the rehabilitation of buildings in an acceptable state and with possibilities to be adapted to the current requirements of accommodation and environmental quality, without their having a high heritage value. Rehabilitation will give priority to the recovery of residential values, in detriment to other activities which are not suitable for the structure of the property. To propose the replacement of the most damaged or irrecoverable buildings with the aim of guaranteeing residential quality and the range of typological diversity. To define the parameters for building (heights, depth…) which should condition the rehabilitation or building work in the territory. These conditions are motivated by a careful reading of the reality of the territory and should seek a homogenous and ordered reading of the territory. It is because of this, for example, that in the definition of heights, it is advisable not only to link it to the width of streets, but also to base it on the recognition of the very characteristics of the different area of the territory, since the sole dependency on the first parameter may lead to distortions of the traditional form. To incorporate concepts of sustainability in the projects of rehabilitation and typological modification, restoring as far as possible traditional techniques and solutions (natural ventilation, shading from sun…)

Intervention in the housing stock seeks not only to prevent a possible loss of buildings and heritage of interest but also to keep traditional sites "alive".


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Proposal Plans PL6. Zoning plan for residential rehabilitation Plan which situates the different areas or scopes of the rehabilitation: areas of action based on the plot, areas of comprehensive operations, areas of intensive rehabilitation… PL7. Plan of parameters for building Detailed plan which specifies in the territory (by plots, by blocks, by properties…) the parameters for building which condition it, from the heights to the depths. Plan which is highly linked to the text of the general by-law.

Regulatory documents D1. General rehabilitation by-law The Plan will incorporate specific regulations of an obligatory nature for the rehabilitation work carried out in the framework of application of the Plan and which shall detail all those characteristics which the buildings and rehabilitation work / building norms should comply with. The regulations shall define a series of structural formal and technical characteristics to be complied with, defined in accordance with the specific characteristics of the traditional building norms of the territory and according to the situation of what is to be restored and its heritage value. The regulations shall also detail the requirements of administrative procedures which the different levels of intervention should meet (from simple maintenance up to operations of urban restructuring). D2. Sectors of integral rehabilitation Description of the sectors of integral rehabilitation by means of reports with the explanation of the single projects of intervention. In each report a detailed plan will show the buildings to be conserved and restored, to be demolished and to be replaced, the operations of modification (reduction in heights, partial expansion of green areas…), along with operations of improvement or of the public space and proposals for the creation of public facilities. The ownership of the buildings affected is cited and an estimate is given of the cost of the operation. Priority is given in these operations to the structure of typological modifications proposed by the Plan.

House in Baalbeck (Lebanon)

D3. Manual for the typological transformations Guiding outline, although it may be regulatory in nature, for the interventions of rehabilitation on plots and buildings which are not located in the sectors of integral intervention. From the typological study carried out in the analysis stage, a document is drawn up in which proposals are established for the modification and transformation of the different types and models of residential units detected, so as to be able to adapt them to the new habitability conditions and in order to improve their environmental functioning (ventilation through building, sunlight in rooms…). For some types, which are too small for example, there is the possibility to group together units as a form of modification and to facilitate their adaptation to the criteria of minimum habitability.

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Programmes to be developed PD1. Programme of development of the sectors of integral rehabilitation Schedule for developing the comprehensive actions in the residence detailed in the analogical reports. These are operations in which actions converge on the building norms with actions in the free space and public facilities. The management of the operations is led by the Office of the Plan. PD2. Programme for promoting private rehabilitation Specific programme for promoting the rehabilitation of private building not included in the sectors of comprehensive rehabilitation. This is managed by the Office of the Plan and considers mechanisms (subsidies and/or tax exemptions) in order to promote this. The office also offers technical and administrative help.

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Preservation of built-up heritage

Description From the analysis of the heritage and architectural values of all the built-up area carried out in the analysis stage, it is necessary for the Plan to consider, order and regulate to ensure that the rehabilitation work is respectful and adapts to the determining factors of heritage which are considered to be significant

Objectives To identify those elements of the territory which have heritage interest and to establish levels of protection in order to condition the rehabilitation work. To recognise the heritage value, not only in terms of the compositional and formal aspects of the architecture, but also in other aspects such as the building systems, the typologies and interior spaces characteristic of the traditional architecture of the place… Identify the heritage value not only of unique buildings, but also to recognise the value of groups of buildings and areas with a relatively homogenous and characteristic image and which it is necessary to maintain the balance and the coherence of the whole, and not only because of its architectural interest, but also because of its environmental, natural, historical interest …unique and different to other areas of the territory. To mark apart areas with a heritage interest in order to group those buildings which meet a more or less analogical series of characteristics which should be conserved and respected (typological uniformity, stylistic treatment, historical period…). These areas may be conditioned by different levels of protection. To recognise the heritage value of those lesser elements or auxiliary buildings which shape the traditional landscape, such as wells, huts and fountains… To establish a classification of the different typologies of built-up heritage, classifying it in a catalogue which goes beyond the traditional categories of monuments and unique buildings. To understand the monuments and unique pieces of the territory as parts of the whole, with which should be joined together and not shown as isolated pieces; monuments which must be more used than admired.

Proposal plans

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PL8. Heritage plan The different sectors of heritage interest of the territory are identified, recording the monuments, catalogued buildings, complexes with heritage value of the territory…. The level of protection or possibilities for rehabilitation are conditioned by whether a building belongs to the catalogue and to a given rehabilitation area.

Regulatory documents D4. Catalogue of buildings and groups of buildings A possible classification of the buildings in the catalogue is the following: - Monuments (M). Those buildings notable for their unique characteristics, for their history or use and which normally form part of what we shall call historical-artistic heritage (churches, mosques, castles…) - Buildings with a high heritage value (E). Unique Buildings which are not considered as monuments due to their residential or civic use, for example, and which possess heritage interest in their entirety, interest due to their formal qualities, due to their typological uniqueness, due to their building system… - Buildings with heritage elements (L). Buildings which are not notable in their entirety, but due to a specific factor, be this formal qualities, their building system, or due to any unique element (a balcony, railings, stairwell… - Buildings of a building complex (C). Buildings which form part of a building complex with a certain degree of homogeneity or which due to, a space of historical or anthropological interest from a traditional point of view (washhouse, market, arcade street …). Taken individually they do not have excessive heritage value, but do have so when taken together.

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The catalogue must include different categories of heritage: monuments, singular buildings, singular elements, auxiliary elements and built-up sites.


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Minor and auxiliary elements of interest (A). Auxiliary buildings and other minor building elements (fountains, wells, washrooms, huts‌) which are testimony to historical forms of living and which form together the image of the traditional landscape.

D5. Reports on areas with a high level of heritage interest A list shall be drawn up of all the identified areas with heritage interest and each area should have a descriptive report. The reports accurately define the different areas with heritage interest, defining their characteristics and establishing a series of objectives for rehabilitation and a series of specific conditions for building, which would be complementary to the general regulations, in no case as a replacement, where criteria of materials, modification of form, etc are defined. D6. Rehabilitation manual The Plan will include a manual designed to guide the rehabilitation work, taking into account the material and traditional building systems. Specific solutions will be established for problematic issues in accordance with the heritage existing in the complex of buildings of the territory.

TaĂźll (Catalonia. Spain)

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Landscape quality of the traditional site

Description Landscape is a series of elements, not only natural (such as vegetation, hydrology, relief…) but also cultural, public or private ownership, permanent or temporary, which together make up the image and perception of a territory, of a village or of a city. In a traditional site, the landscape is an important element to take into account, as it is a determining factor in the definition of its heritage. Its valuation and preservation must be an important point in the rehabilitation action. The aim is not to improve the image of the territory and the city from a scenographic point of view, but rather to dignify the whole so as to strengthen its values and improve on its perception. Landscape policy must be complementary, never a replacement nor solely in the global framework of the rehabilitation, and to be effective, as we have explained, it requires effective action in other fields: residence, functions, mobility… The aim is not, hence, to “embellish facades” but rather to regulate and give incentives to a set of actions which seek an ordered, beautiful and harmonious landscape with identity and meaning in an urbanistically undefined space. The fitting of an antenna, a shop's sign, a bench in a square…are elements which end up shaping the image of a territory, the landscape of a historical centre.

Objectives To set out the guidelines for action in order to promote attention for the landscape and to draw up a specific set of regulations in order to guarantee its dignify and strength. To create a legal instrument for planning and control which guarantees that the private actions which affect the landscape of the territory and the image of the village or historical centre take place in an orderly and coherent fashion following the desired model. A set of regulations which must have an integrated understanding and which includes regulations of a partial type (advertising, installation of antennas, safety of ornamental stonework on façades, street lighting…). To recognise the role of public leadership in landscape policy. Public initiative must develop strategic policies which promote at the same time the demands of citizens. These demands spur on the improvement in the landscape and the strengthening of pride among citizens. To regulate the creation of a ‘landscape agency’ dedicated to protection and improvement in the landscape values of the site.

It is not a question of improving the image of the area and the city as a stage set but rather of bringing the site dignity in order to promote its values and improve perception of it.

13 Regulatory documents D7. Regulations of landscape and visual protection Regulations which regulate all those aspects and activities which affect the perception of the landscape. This should regulate both the qualities of the building (colour code, textures…) and the fitting of superimposed and auxiliary elements (facilities, commercial signs, fencing…). Likewise, several criteria will be established for the regulation of the elements of the free space (paving, furniture….). The regulation can respond to zoning criteria, criteria which must be coherent in all cases with that defined in the corresponding reports of the areas of heritage interest.

Programmes of action PF. Programme for landscape improvement (Agency) The programme will define the creation of a specific agency for the promotion and monitoring of private actions which affect the landscape and the management of the specific regulations. It will offer technical support to carry out specific operations aimed at the improvement in the landscape and it will promote actions to encourage the maintenance and valuing of the landscape.

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Advertisements hide the architecture. Luxor (Egypt)


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G Planning of functions Description Here we should stress the regulation and location of the functions of the territory, distinguishing between activities of a local type and activities or uses of a general or extra-territorial type. In both cases, the intervention must affect the strengthening of activities which contribute towards the maintenance of the traditional site as a living territory. It must guarantee the presence of activities of proximity and it must also promote the development and establishment of activities of territorial polarity or of a general character, always considering its compatibility and precise balance with residential use, which must predominate. The activities or local facilities or of proximity, which must be spread out relatively homogenously, are those which are related directly to the residence and which provide it with services (daily trade, educational facilities, social facilities…) and those of a territorial nature equally necessary- which do not offer a specific service to residents, but rather due to their cultural and administrative vocation, etc, have a vocation at a greater scale and serve to invigorate the territory and improve its attractiveness.

Objectives To reuse empty buildings and monumental spaces, mobilising them for the development of unique facilities of a general character in order increase the attractiveness of the territory. It is important to know that these operations end up conditioning and modifying the activities which are generated in the fabric near where they are implemented. To introduce and develop new activities, businesses and services (cultural, tertiary, administrative…) complementary to traditional activities. To specify and adjust the implementation and localization of facilities of an extra local nature, since their abuse may lead to an excessive domination of the tertiary sector and/or tourist domination of the territory which involves the attrition of the quality of life of residents and functional incompatibility with residential use. However, it is not a bad idea to promote localised areas of tertiary activity in places with low numbers of residents. To study the ordering of facilities in the territory, guaranteeing the presence of a homogenous network of basic services (educational, cultural, social…), located at a reasonable distance from all the points of residence. To distribute more facilities in the areas with greater residential density. Without these services, the conditions of life, along with the mechanisms of relations and citizenry are scarce, and hugely hinder the recovery and vitality of the territory.

The intervention must affect the promotion of activities that contribute to the maintenance of traditional sites as living, lively areas.

Proposal plans PL9. Plan of proposal for facilities and provisions Plan of the territory indicating the location of the different facilities by groups of activity (cultural, administrative, leisure-recreational, educational, health…) distinguishing between those which have a more local vocation and those which are organised at a territorial level, indicting specifically those which have been recently created which must complete the existing system.

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PL10. Plans of uses A plan dedicated to detailing the uses permitted in the different areas of the territory, placing special attention on the commercial activity and also on other activities (agricultural, industrial, craft, tertiary-offices, tertiary-tourism…), based on the optimisation of the diagnosis plan. Although it is necessary to have general plans in order to indicate the big areas of activity, it is essential to develop relatively detailed plans at a small scale. These plans indicate those areas where the commercial activity of proximity should be strengthened, and they mark out the areas of tertiary development, etc. In general, it is a good idea to avoid excessive zoning, but rather permit a general use of the territory, with limitations to the density of specific activities and avoiding areas of specialization or singleactivity.

Programmes of action

A bazaar in Tripoli, Lebanon

PG. Programme of development of facilities Programme for the development of facilities considered in the Plan, defining a forecast of costs and the management of the process.

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H Improvement of the networks of infrastructures Description The Urban Plan must influence the improvement in the infrastructures of the territory (electrical supply, sewer network, management of the water supply, refuse collection‌) in order to adapt the territory to current needs. The rehabilitation of the residential fabric cannot be considered without intervening in parallel in the network of basic infrastructures of the territory.

Objectives To guarantee that all the buildings are connected to all basic infrastructures so as to be able to function optimally: electrical supply, drinking water supply, sewer network and refuse collection. To take advantage of the intervention in the public space in order to develop the implementation of the network of infrastructures, which must be developed in integrated galleries and must be easily accessible for its maintenance. To see the development of the network of infrastructures in a coherent manner with the characteristics of the traditional territory, without its implementation distorting or modifying the harmonious image of the whole (elimination of overhead electrical networks, elimination of water deposits, placing particular special on the study and optimisation of the refuse collection network, as this can significantly affect the image of the area. To apply policies for the improvement in the efficiency of the networks of infrastructures, applying as far as possible sustainable policies (application of systems of local production of energy, optimisation of the water cycle‌)

Proposal plans PL11. Improvement plan and development of infrastructures Plan of the territory with the existing network of infrastructures and the new proposed network.

Programmes of action

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PH. Programme of improvement and development of infrastructures Programme for the development of infrastructures considered in the Plan with a forecast of costs and execution. The financing will be public and will be managed by the office of the Plan. The infrastructures Plan should be coordinated in some points with the adaptation and intervention in the free spaces..

The renovation of the residential fabric cannot be approached without intervening alongside this in the network of basic infrastructures of the area, improving them and integrating them as far as possible into the traditional landscape.

Street lamps taking a leading role in the urban space. Kairouan (Tunisia)

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Draft By-Law Definition of the Central Regulatory Text of a Rehabilitation Plan

Introduction The following is an rough By-law layout—the basic legal text of an Urban Rehabilitation Plan—which is arranged in six sections and various chapters. It is hoped that this model layout will serve as a clear and useful guide to the elements to be considered and regulated within a rehabilitation By-law, making it an effective tool for organizing actions affecting the physical configuration of a traditional territory. The By-law presented in this document (and likewise the Plan herein) is a rough, general layout that should be adapted to the specific conditions, and the legal, social and economic requirements of each region. It is an idealization that corresponds to the layout of an ambitious Plan (which defines rehabilitation areas, heritage sectors, etc.) even though today in many countries certain propositions and figures are still not easily achieved. The layout is not intended to be strict or inflexible, either with regard to the number and arrangement of the chapters and articles, or with regard to the regulations and propositions it includes. It can be simplified in accordance with the development possibilities of each territory and adapted to each local context. As with the Plan, the By-law described here is based around regulations for restoring historical urban centres and rural areas. It does not contemplate the scale of a territorial as a whole, as this would be far more complex and each particular territory involves relations with a very specific nature, although some points do make reference to the territorial scale.

Two different finishes of façade for the same building type. Senterada (Catalonia. Spain)

The shape and materials of the roof without doubt determines the configuration of the image of the traditional site. Ragusa, Sicily (Italy)

Operations to add new volumes must not end up being a burden for the existing building. Deir Estia (Palestine)

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Layout of the legal text PRELIMINARY SECTION / GENERAL OBSERVATIONS The preliminary section details the general nature of the regulations. This section clearly states the aim, and the scope of its application, along with the interpretive mechanisms, the means of updating the regulatory framework and of determining jurisdiction.

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SECTION ONE / GENERAL DEFINITIONS This section: identifies the different situations in which a plot or piece of land covered by the current Plan can be with regards to levels of protection; specifies the possibilities for, and modes of, intervention; and details the allowed uses of land covered by the current Plan.

CHAPTER 1. LEVELS OF PROTECTION Art. 1. Definition and objective 1. The regulations that comprise this text form part of the Complete Rehabilitation Plan of a specific territorial site. 2. The objective of the By-law is to regulate rehabilitation actions that are carried out in the traditional site where the Plan is developed, and to regulate all building projects that are developed within the site, both by public and by private agents, whatever their final objective and end use, in order to ensure that they agree with the physical requirements set out in the Plan and therefore that they form part of the single, whole, coherent physical structure of the traditional territory that is to be revitalized. Art. 2. Territorial scope of application The territorial scope of application, the physical area to which the regulations apply, the field to which the planning refers and from which these regulations are derived, must be accurately given; whether it is a historical urban quarter, a rural area or a specific territory.

Art. 7. Situation of the plots 1. In accordance with the argument previously expressed in the Plan, we can define four possible classifications for a building or plot of land: a/ A plot of land situated within a Rehabilitation Area or an area covered by a public initiative plan of action specified in the planning.

b/ A plot of land that is not within one of the prescribed Rehabilitation Areas, but which belongs to an Sector of Heritage Interest.

Art. 3. Contents The Urban Rehabilitation Plan consists of: An informative and explanatory report. Informative and proposed plans and maps–arrangements. The current By-law and other supplementary regulatory documents that pertain in each case. An economic-financial study.

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Art. 4. Interpretation With reference to interpretation, it is advisable to explicitly state that, if the interpretation of the regulations is questioned, the interpretation which is deemed most favourable for the general interest will be taken as the definitive interpretation.

c/ A plot of land that is not within one of the prescribed Rehabilitation Areas or Sectors of Heritage Interest, but which has a particular heritage value, and therefore is included in the Catalogue.

Art. 5. Updating With regards to bringing the regulations up to date, which is a particularly thorny issue, it is advisable to allow for a certain degree of flexibility so that the regulations can be adapted to social and technical changes that take place during their lifetime. In the long term it may prove counterproductive to leave no mechanism for the modification of the regulations. Art. 6. Competency Finally, the section on competencies shall detail which body (or bodies) or institution (or institutions) has (or have) competence for executing the present Plan. This may be the national government, regional governments or town councils, depending on the specific town planning legislation in each country.

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d/ A plot of land that has no particular heritage value (either at the individual level— Catalogue—or through forming part of a sector of great heritage interest) or which has not been built on.

2. The Areas of Integrated Rehabilitation that the Urban Plan establishes are specific areas of the territory where public initiative integrated plans of action are proposed and which it is advisable to detail in the corresponding Documents (see documents D2 in the Plan proposal) which define the characteristics and the norms to be observed, without affecting those established in the present regulation in general for traditional building in the site. These areas shall be indicated and defined geographically on the maps that constitute the Plan (PL6 of the proposed layout). 3. The Sectors of Heritage Interest that the Urban Plan establishes are groups of buildings, and the corresponding public spaces, with their specific values which are detailed in the corresponding Documents (see document D5 of the proposed Plan). 4. Buildings of particular heritage interest, and in accordance with all the above, will be classified into one of the following levels: Monuments (M), Buildings of special heritage value (E), Buildings with heritage elements (L), Buildings belonging to an ensemble (C) and Auxiliary and minor elements of interest (A). The plans of action for these buildings will be subjected to the specific conditions of their corresponding level of protection, without affecting the regulations corresponding to a Sector of Heritage Interest, if that were the case. 5. A building will be deemed to have no specific heritage value when it is not included in any of the three preceding categories. Planned actions in these buildings will be subject to the conditions established in Section 3 which characterizes traditional architecture Art. 8. Catalogue of buildings and ensembles of buildings of heritage value 1. The Catalogue of buildings and ensembles of buildings with heritage value will detail those buildings of heritage interest. It is a document that forms part of the Plan and is an inseparable part of it. Although it usually only contains the specific monuments and buildings of special interest, we believe it necessary to extend it to include the categories previously established. 2. The Plan does not need to be modified in order to change the composition of the Catalogue. The inclusion of new elements shall be foreseen. 3. The Sectors of Heritage Interest will be defined by the existence of closely linked ensembles of buildings (and the corresponding open space) with similar characteristics and a value to be protected. In the development of the Plan, the competent authority will draw up programmes of integrated actions in the different monumental sectors, combining the protection of their specific values with encouraging their residential role and those economic activities that are compatible.


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4. A map will show the locations of all the elements protected by the current Plan: both buildings and supplementary spaces and elements (see PL8 of the proposed Plan). Art. 9. Protection areas for the surroundings of the traditional site 1. A specific article is dedicated to mentioning the protection of the perspectives of the site and its surrounding landscape. Existing traditional population centres are to be considered as single units, both in height and in terms of the existing boundaries, accepting proportioned growth of this unit, and always treating new settlements as independent units to be combined within the general setting of the landscape of the traditional site. 2. Different areas must be defined according to the position of a new settlement, with different degrees of protection (protected area, respected area, etc). This information is to be included in the synthesis map (PL3 of the proposed Plan layout). 3. The aim of this protection is to regulate the impact of the buildings, installations, infrastructures, etc. which are constructed outside, or in the area surrounding the historic site and to strengthen the overall traditional image of the ensemble. In particular the location, shape (volume, height, etc.) and materials of new constructions (whether industrial, residential, or other) must be regulated so that they blend in with the existing ensemble, or they may even be prohibited. 4. The general idea is that no new construction will ever become a landmark, nor will it hide or mask the views of the existing elements—towers, castles, mosques—that traditionally form part of the balanced landscape. 5. Natural elements of value—woodland, gorges, streams, etc.—shall be respected and new constructions shall not restrict the views of them. 6. Panoramic corridors can be established along the approach routes, minimizing, hiding (using vegetation, for example) or even progressively eliminating those elements that are obstacles to the cultural and historic vision of the site (electric wiring, cables, etc.). When such installations are necessary, precise studies regarding the positioning of the elements will be carried out, to ensure that they do not change the character of the landscape. Special attention is to be paid to how these elements are connected to buildings. 7. In combination with protecting the views, care will need to be taken regarding the definition of the traditional landscape by encouraging native species, prohibiting large movements of earth, etc.

CHAPTER 2. MODES OF INTERVENTION Art. 10. Types of intervention 1. There are many possibilities for intervening in an existent territory and in traditional architecture, and they have a very varied range of impact: from a simple maintenance operation to demolition and the construction of a new building. The regulations must contemplate all the intervention possibilities and regulate the administrative procedure necessary to carry them out to guarantee their coherence and viability according to what is laid down in the planning and the by-laws. 2. The following list consists of four large groups of

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possible interventions in the physical configuration of the territory. They are ordered from that with the least to that with the greatest incidence on the existent physical setting.

MAINTENANCE PRESERVATION When the objective of the intervention is to maintain the building in good working order, without altering its structure or distribution, and without hiding or modifying constructive or formal features. MINOR REHABILITATION CONSOLIDATION When the objective is to consolidate, reinforce or substitute damaged elements to guarantee the stability of the building and/or ensure there is no degradation, while maintaining its current conditions of use, with possible slight alterations to its structure and distribution. REHABILITATION When the objective is to restore the building, or part of it, to its original state, including consolidation or partial demolition. Architectural and archaeological preservation. RECONDITIONING When the objective is to improve the living conditions of a building or part thereof, through redistribution of the internal space and/or replacing or modernizing the installations, always maintaining the morphological characteristics of the building but not intended use. COMPLETE REHABILITATION PARTIAL RESTRUCTURING When the objective is to intervene in structural elements, and thereby modify the morphology, partially affecting the building. COMPLETE RESTRUCTURING When the objective is to intervene in structural elements, and thereby modify the morphology of the building. It involves work that affects the building as a whole, with important demolition work, but which does not completely destroy the inside of the building. NEW CONSTRUCTION

AND

‘DECONSTRUCTION’

ADDITIONS When the objective is to increase the volume of the construction through the addition of storeys or through increasing the occupied floor space (annexing volumes, modifying patios, etc.) of the existent buildings. REPLACING A CONSTRUCTION When the objective is to demolish an existing construction, or part thereof, and replace it by a new building or construction. NEW CONSTRUCTION When the objective is to construct on plots or pieces of land that had not previously been built on. DECONSTRUCTION / DEMOLITION When the total or partial disappearance of an existing construction is involved.

3. For each type of intervention a specific administrative procedure will be required and it will be necessary to draw up a specific type of project as defined by this By-law. Art. 11. Allowed interventions according to the level of protection 1. Not all the modes of intervention detailed in the previous article shall be allowed for all buildings, but rather the level of intervention will depend on the level of heritage protection. 2. For buildings classified as Monuments and Buildings of Great Heritage Interest (see chapter 1) interventions shall be limited to maintenance operations and minor rehabilitation, allowing also for the reconstruction of buildings in a poor state of repair or which have been destroyed (always after proving their prior existence), the destruction of buildings and elements that have been added on and which detract from their character or their use, assuming that their use is compatible with the overall preservation of their morphology. For these categories, together with use and recovery of traditional construction systems, construction with current techniques should be allowed if they represent an improvement in the conditions of the building, so long as they do not detract from its heritage value. 3. In interventions in Buildings with elements of interest, necessary rehabilitation will be allowed, so long as all the elements that led to the building being listed in the catalogue are maintained, and these elements do not take on a residual or merely picturesque role and coherence is maintained between all parts of the building. 4. Newly designed buildings must blend in with the overall image of the ensemble of traditional buildings of the town or area where they are situated, with this requirement in no way conflicting with application of contemporary tendencies in architecture. To guarantee this minimum relationship with the surroundings, new buildings must follow the rules laid out in Section 3 of this By-law: “Characteristics of Traditional Constructions”.

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CHAPTER 3. USES OF THE TERRITORY The uses to which the territory, a building or part thereof can be put will be detailed in the planning, whether the planning is of a more general nature or that developed by this By-law, as is convenient, to adapt the possible dispositions of more general plans to the historical and socioeconomic specifics and dynamics of the traditional territory affected by the current planning. Art. 12. General considerations regarding uses 1. The By-law shall establish which uses are compatible with the territory, regulating recommended, tolerated and prohibited uses. In general, all those uses shall be allowed that are compatible with: the maintenance of the buildings in accordance with the level of protection that is applicable to them; the admissible modes of intervention; and the specific heritage characteristics (typological, stylistic, etc.) that shall be protected, depending on where the construction is situated.

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2. In rural population centres, where the character does not depend solely on the constructed elements but on the complementary activities that are carried out within them, such activities shall also be carefully regulated. 3. Recommended uses are to be understood as those that it is advisable to encourage or protect, since their special traditional characteristics and suitability reinforce the rural character of the population centres. Given that on many occasions these recommended uses can conflict with the dominant tendencies, they shall be promoted and protected with measures such as reduced tax burden, exemption from licence fees, subsidies, etc. 4. Tolerated uses are to be understood as those which, while not requiring protection or promotion, are perfectly compatible with the character of the rural population centres or historic quarters, even though in some case they may need to be restricted or regulated. 5. In general activities and uses are prohibited when they are not compatible with the recommended and tolerated uses in each situation, together with those uses and activities classified as annoying, unhealthy, toxic or dangerous. 6. In buildings declared of great heritage interest any change of use must be authorised by the authorities responsible for the protection of heritage.

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Art. 13. Zoning of uses 1. Beyond these general considerations, the urban maps (PL10 of the proposed Plan layout) must specify which uses are possible in each area. Criteria of density, proximity, etc. will be given for commercial and tourist uses, in order to prevent areas of excessive specialization and guarantee compatibility with residence. 2. Predominantly residential areas Those areas that have traditionally been residential shall be defined thus. Within these areas residential use shall still be recommended and the first priority, since it makes a decisive contribution to providing the traditional site with its characteristic values. In these areas other uses, such as residential services, small-scale commerce linked—or not—to housing, professional activities, commercial accommodation, agriculture and other productive activities linked to residence will be regulated (density, etc.) and simultaneously allowed. A distinction shall be made between permanent residential use and second residence, with the latter not always being recommended or without limitations since an excess of second residences can undermine the sustainability of the traditional site. In any case, second residences must fit in with traditional conditions. 3. Commercial or work areas Commercial or work areas (workshops, craftwork, etc.) are those that, while residential, currently house, have historically housed, or potentially house, a high level of work-related activities. The aim of the existence of these areas is to guarantee that historical population centres continue to function as a centres, or to polarize certain rural areas. They will also normally be classed as recommended. In these areas residential use shall be allowed, along with commercial uses in general, service provision, tourist activities, and administration, etc. with a greater density than in predominantly residential areas, but never to the detriment of the existing residential use.

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Commercial use shall preferably be located on ground floors and shall respect the quality of the façades. Areas of amenities and facilities Areas of amenities shall also comprise recommended uses, and they shall include land, buildings and installations destined to serve the community, whether they are publicly or privately owned, and in many cases housed in buildings of heritage interest. Tolerated uses will be those public or semi-public services that, while serving the population of the site where they are located, also have a broader range and serve population from the surrounding area. System of infrastructures Infrastructures, such as roads, water and electrical infrastructures, etc. shall be clearly detailed in the planning (development, limits, affectation, etc.) and they will be developed in accordance with the criteria of landscape and heritage protection laid out above. Systems of empty spaces These are areas which cannot be built on, with the exception of very specific cases to guarantee the correct functioning of services. In rural areas they shall be organized into a hierarchy according to the degree of protection and of landscape interest. Agricultural land can be considered part of the system of empty spaces in rural areas or they can be considered as a specific system separate from the more natural areas of landscape. Productive and industrial uses Much caution is required when it comes to regulating productive uses. They must be strictly limited to craft activity, agriculture, small-scale secondary industries, small workshops, etc. linked to traditional buildings, but at the same time allowing the installation of new productive activities capable of generating added value in the territory. Agricultural activities within rural population centres and in exclusively dedicated buildings will be a tolerated activity so long as they do not cause annoyance for the houses and, particularly in the case of farming, they provide sufficient guarantees of salubriousness. Warehouses and commerce in exclusively dedicated buildings shall also be tolerated so long as the activity is compatible with housing and related to the productive uses of the population (consumer cooperatives, agricultural or machinery warehouses, etc.).

Any intervention that affects the buildings of an site must be subject to requesting a licence, within the four modes of intervention described, so that the competent administration or the body to which it delegates authority can ensure that the action to be performed is so done in accordance with the objectives established by the planning and therefore, coherently with the conditions of the territorial site.

SECTION TWO / REGULATION OF INTERVENTIONS

Art. 16. Documentation necessary for a licence request 1. Apart from the documentation required by the legislation in each country and which the specific details of each local context may make it advisable to include in these regulations, it is advisable that in the licence application at least the following information is required: General documentation Deeds or document demonstrating ownership of the construction where the intervention is to happen. An intervention project, drawn up by one or more competent technicians, that includes at least: Plan of location and situation (recommended 1:500 scale) which relates the intervention to the

4.

5.

6.

7.

The aim of this section is to detail all those administrative aspects that must be considered to carry out an intervention in the physical setting of the territory. Although the aspects to be detailed and regulated may be very diverse, and more or less complex, in accordance with what the regulatory framework and the administrative reality of each country establishes, it is advisable to detail and require a certain minimum regulation for intervention in traditional territories.

CHAPTER 1. ADMINISTRATIVE PROCEDURE FOR REQUESTING A LICENCE

Art. 14. Types of procedure 1. Ordinary building maintenance and preservation shall be facilitated by minimizing the necessary bureaucratic procedures. 2. However, for other types of building interventions, the administrative procedure to be followed shall vary in accordance with the following three parameters: a/ The location of the plot of land and whether or not it belongs to a Rehabilitation Area. b/ The heritage value of the building. c/ The type of intervention to be carried out, within the four modes allowed for. 3. These three parameters will determine the administrative procedure necessary to carry out the rehabilitation or construction. Art. 15. Applying for a Licence 1. Before any intervention, the competent authority shall always be informed of the intention to carry out the intervention. This takes the form of an Intervention Licence Application. 2. The Intervention Licence Application shall appropriately describe the intervention proposal, making it clear which Mode of Intervention is to be performed. It will consist of the minimum documentation that the By-law shall detail (see the next point). 3. The competent authority, normally via a specific service comprising competent technicians, shall determine whether the Mode of Intervention described fits the criteria fixed in the regulations and immediately determine whether this corresponds to the level of protection of the construction where the intervention is to take place. 4. If the application fits in with the parameters of the territory, a licence will be granted, stating how long the licence holder has to perform and complete the intervention. Otherwise, a report will be drafted explaining why the licence was denied and either offering a period in which the applicant can revise the application and correct the deficiencies, or simply denying the possible intervention.


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roadways and important territorial elements that allow it to be easily located. In a rural setting (recommendable 1:2000 scale) it is advisable to require a map which clearly shows to scale the location of the intervention with respect to the nearest population centre. Intervention report, which will include at least: Archaeological, construction and historical overview of the founding and the existing values of the construction. Description and justification of the operation to be performed, which is precise and detailed enough to judge the desirability of the licence request. Apart from the description of the intervention and its intended use, clear evidence must be given to show that it complies with the conditions of the planning and of the these regulations.

Plans of the intervention to be performed: Explicative of the current state of the construction (with a scale of at least 1:100 for construction). Of the intervention, that are perfectly intelligible (with a scale of at least 1:100) showing floors, sections and elevations providing a clear description of the intervention to be carried out. Special attention shall be paid to the relation between the current state, the proposal, and the relation of the area affected by the work and the rest of the building and/or the adjoining buildings or the surrounding territory. If necessary, the intervention report mentioned above will also include an archaeological study. 2. The By-law shall specify whether it is necessary to perform an archaeological study for all operations or whether it is only necessary to provide an archaeological study in specific cases, because of their location or the legal nature of the land where the construction is situated. 3. An impact study must be presented to the competent body for all planned infrastructures, electricity supply lines, reforestation projects, housing estates, land division, industrial action, etc. This study must provide evidence of the environmental impact that the action supposes for the site or the territory. Art. 17. Technical Commission In some territories, because of the high degree of heritage interest they represent, and if it is economically and legally viable, it is advisable to set up a specific Technical Commission, formed of experts in architecture and heritage, which oversees the projects that fall within its jurisdiction and which is delegated by the higher competent body to award authorizations to intervene in any type of heritage. Above all, this commission shall aim at approving the best possible new constructions that blend in with the overall traditional surroundings, favouring their typological enrichment through accepting contemporary proposals. It shall meet when necessary and as indicated in the By-law.

CHAPTER 2. TOWN PLANNING INFORMATION Art. 18. Queries 1. Everybody shall have the right to be informed by the authority in writing of the urban planning regime that is applicable to any property included

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in the current Plan, and a maximum period shall be established for this. 2. Everybody shall be able to consult the characteristics and conditions of the interventions that may be performed on a specific property before requesting a licence.

SECTION THREE/ CHARACTERISTICS OF TRADITIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS Rehabilitation or reformation of an existing construction in a traditional territory, or any new construction, must be performed respecting the characteristics established in this chapter, so as to be coherent and blend in with the overall traditional setting.

CHAPTER 1. CONCERNING TYPES AND VOLUMETRIC PARAMETERS OF CONSTRUCTIONS Art.19. Plot or piece of land 1. Whatever the more common usage, the term “plot of land” shall be used herein to designate a land surface, whether built on or not, demarcated as a single unit and with one or several owners. Normally legally registered as such. 2. The plot of land must be the structural, functional and informational basis for any Plan and the entire set of them shall be shown graphically on the planning maps. The form and configuration of the set of plots of land defines the traditional character and form of a given fabric or territory and in a territory different structures of sets of plots of land can combine and merge. That is why it is important that the By-law recognizes and considers these physical units so that they cannot be transformed (through aggregation, segregation, etc.) into structures that are completely alien to the traditional fabric. 3. In each case, the conditions a plot of land must meet in order to allow it to be built on must be established. These conditions must regulate the minimum and maximum size, the minimum stretch of street-front, the mechanisms of segregation and aggregation of the plots of land and everything that is necessary for their type definition according to each fabric, bearing in mind traditional forms and as far as possible respecting the characteristics and densities of the local layout.

A mistaken definition of the parameters regulating the size, minimum frontages and plot segregation and aggregation mechanisms, paying little attention to the features of the traditional fabric and densities of immediate area, can alter the image of the site. Art. 20. Construction types and insertion into the landscape 1. The type of construction (detached, terraced, etc.) that can be developed in the regulated area shall be fixed in accordance with the characteristics of traditional constructions and how these types relate and overlap to make up the traditional fabric. 2. Since, there may be different types of buildings in one area, this regulation could be set by areas or plots of land. A detailed analysis of the territory is required to detect the different configurations of constructions to allow for them in the regulations and allow them to respond to the specific characteristics of the traditional fabric. 3. As a general rule, each type of construction will be defined by different parameters that are set out in general terms in this section and which are shown on the maps for each plot of land covered by the Plan (PL7).

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The By-law must specify the types of buildings that must be developed on the traditional site, in order to maintain the specific features of the area and prevent a situation where new buildings are not coherent with the rest of the site. Art. 21. Occupation and buildablity index 1. The buildablity index of each plot of land shall be set so that the density is homogenous throughout the whole constructed area. In general, in urban contexts, the number of floors and the occupation of the plot of land already define this density, but in rural contexts, these two coefficients are important for balancing the constructed density

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and the open space in accordance with the characteristics of the traditional landscape. 2. The buildablity index is used to denote the area of floor space that can be built on a plot of land compared to the total surface area of the plot. In an urban setting it is found by multiplying the inhabitable surface (not including patios, gardens, etc.) by the number of floors. The By-law shall set a coefficient for each plot of land. 3. The occupation of the plot of land, which is the surface of plot of land that can be occupied by constructions compared to the total surface area of the plot of land, shall be set. This parameter will depend to a great extent on the type of buildings in each place and on the use of the constructions. There are cases of 100% occupation in urban settings and cases of minimum occupation where there are isolated constructions linked to farming activities, for example. Whatever the case, the Bylaw must set limits in each case with the objective of consolidating the existing occupation.

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In compact centres, the depth of a plot that can be built on is a parameter to be regulated in order to maintain the relationship of the traditional site between building and internal open space in blocks and on built-up sites.. Art. 23. Patios, gardens and other such elements 1. In some traditional sites, patios (inside the middle of the building, behind the building, or in the centre of a block) gardens or other specific elements are important as they provide traditional structure building. In these cases, and to maintain the coherence and line of the built-up area as a whole, the By-law shall take them into consideration and lay out their morphological characteristics: their dimensions, proportions, height, relation with constructed bodies and so forth, in order to maintain their unitary appearance.

average height. Regulating by street widths could lead to a certain degree of disfiguration of the character of the site and generate dividing walls and other elements currently nonexistent. These regulations must be clearly expressed on the Plan maps. 3. The By-law must specify from where, and to where, this height is to be measured. Generally, the height of a construction is taken as the distance from the level of the ground floor to the start of the roof or just above the last storey. Therefore, it is necessary to define what is considered as the ground floor, placing it in relation to the level of the street or the natural ground, to the alignments, or topographic differences and so on. Along sloping streets or plots the ground level will be a stepped along each stretch of façade. It is necessary to limit the possibilities of modifying the natural land, above all in areas of very spread-out construction. 4. The height limit applies to all constructed volumes, whether external or internal. Only the design of the roof, and installed elements that for technological reasons or reasons of functioning require such a position (chimneys, pigeon lofts, water tanks, communal aerials, etc.) can extend beyond this height. In any case, their impact must be minimized through correct integration into the landscape. 5. It will also be necessary to regulate the minimum free heights of the different floors (ground floor flats, flats, etc.) taking into account the characteristics of the traditional construction. Excessive height in the ground floors for example, could lead to an irrevocable modification of the character of a traditional street. irréversible le caractère d’une rue traditionnelle.

In urban and rural centres, the By-law must fix the alignment of the streets so that new building does not distort the traditional street structure.

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Art. 22. Alignments and separations 1. In some urban fabrics, alignments need to be set (lines that define the edges of the buildings with respect to inner—the inside of a plot of land, for example—and outer urban spaces) so that the construction fits in with the physical configuration of the traditional site. The construction must not extend past these alignments so as not to alter the traditional structure of the street, with the exception of the protuberant parts, balconies, galleries etc. that this By-law regulates. 2. The alignments, shown on the regulation maps of the Plan, will be adapted to the specific characteristics of the buildings and the location. Sometimes it is only necessary to establish continuity at the ground-floor level or to regulate certain movements and breaks in the line at the level of the upper floors. 3. In areas of detached constructions, the separation between buildings, or between the construction and the limits of the plot of land need to be given.

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On sites where courtyards are an element configuring the typology, the by-law must regulate their shape. Art. 24. Height and storeys 1. The By-law shall specify the maximum number of storeys that a specific construction on a plot of land can have and the maximum height that the overall construction can reach. 2. In general, the height regulations must respond to a careful reading of the morphology of the ensemble of buildings, to maintain their profile and harmony. Although this regulation is normally set by considering the relation between the construction and the width of the road (the wider the road, the higher the buildings) it is advisable to set limits for storeys and heights for areas and ensembles with a traditional nature (a block, a street-front, etc.) considering, for example, the

Height regulation must correspond to a careful reading of the average existing heights in the set of nearby buildings. Art. 25. Roof 1. The type of roof any construction within the scope of the Plan can have will be defined in accordance with the characteristics of the local construction: that is, whether or not pitched roofs are allowed (specifying the maximum and/or minimum gradient) or flat roofs or roof-top terraces, or either solution indistinctly, or simultaneously and using what combining mechanisms. The possibility of topologies different from the traditional ones must not be ruled out in exceptional cases and after prior justification.


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2. The specifications that these elements must meet, in terms of the finish (finishing materials, colours, etc.) the starting point, incorporation of skylights, eaves (maximum overhang in relation to the width of the street for example) chimneys, etc. shall be given. 3. The restrictions will be particularized or guidelines will be drawn up for the location of installed elements (aerials, water tanks, etc.) so that they cause the least possible damage the harmony of the overall ensemble and the traditional landscape.

The by-law must specify appropriate parameters so that the shape of the roofs of the new buildings does not clash with those of the buildings of the area. Art. 26. Overhanging Bodies 1. Jutting elements, or overhanging bodies, are considered to be those that stick out from the plane of the façade, such as balconies, galleries, bay windows, etc, and which form a functional part of it. 2. As a general rule, new protuberant structures shall not be allowed, unless they form part of the traditional typology. Generally their presence, protuberance, the separation and distances between elements, the type of fastenings, handrails, etc. will all be regulated so that they blend into the image of the designs in the area, not permitting closed-in protuberant structures, for example, where they do not form part of the traditional construction. 3. The regulations will not only allow protruding structures but in some cases will oblige them to be adopted in new architectural projects that cover whole ensembles (squares, streets, neighbourhoods, etc) where these solutions form part of the traditional construction.

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CHAPTER 2. REGARDING COMPOSITIONAL AND FORMAL FEATURES Art. 27. Façades 1. Composition The regulations will set minimum mechanisms to regulate the creation and positioning of openings in façades in accordance with the characteristics of traditional construction in the area, setting—if possible and without compromising the possibilities of the architectural project—guidelines for their positioning (regularity, opening-to-wall ratio, etc.) their sizes and their proportions, regulating the presence of elements such as balconies, galleries, protuberant structures, lintels and covering elements such as blinds, shutters, etc. The configuration of balconies, protuberances, etc. shall be regulated beforehand by the restrictions on volumetric configuration. Since the regulation concerning composition and gaps may sometimes contradict the current housing requirements or new uses, the criterion to be followed is to always respect the vertical proportions rather than the horizontal ones, so that the solid part dominates over the openings. It is necessary to regulate, but always ensuring that the regulations do not hinder the adaptation of new housing to the current requirements. Wooden elements must also be detailed, together with the type of interventions that are allowed to replace wood by other materials, always in accordance with compositional and specific colour criteria.

Regulations must ensure that new building does not appear as a discordant element with respect to existing buildings, while avoiding excessive conditioning of the possibilities of architectural planning.

In added upward extensions or new bodies, stylistic imitation must not be sought. Instead, there should be integration with the built-up environment based on contemporary language. 3. Ornamental finishes and decorative designs If necessary, to provide the traditional ensemble with an overall unity, the presence of cornices, protuberances and other decorative elements will be regulated. In general, for new constructions, the decorative designs of the façades must be modest, simple, giving priority to contemporary interpretations rather than imitating existing designs. In general, no reproduction or imitation of an old building will be allowed, except when they are being replaced, or façades transposed, etc. 4. Additional elements Add-ons are taken to be those elements that are separate from the internal logic of the construction, such as sun shades, canopies, flowerpots, shop windows, posters, etc. Their location, dimensions, materials, etc. shall all be regulated so that they do not detract from the qualities of the building itself nor from the harmony of the ensemble of buildings. This regulation can be separate, forming part of the Urban Landscape Regulations (see D7 in the proposed Plan layout). As a general rule, advertising for commercial premises (shop windows, shop signs, etc.) shall be contained within the internal space of the openings on the ground floor, leaving the façade, arches, the frames between openings and the lintels over them, free from addition material. Loud or excessively large sunshades and canopies will not be allowed, neither will unauthorised advertising or posters. Painted elements must be finished in colours that match the solutions existing in the respective areas.

2. Materials, colours and textures The materials used to finish and/or form the façades must be detailed: which materials it shall be made of (brick, masonry, etc.) how they shall be used (sizes, tools, etc.) and how it shall be finished (plaster, stucco, whitewash, etc.), specifying the range of shades and colours, types of stone, textures, etc. New interventions must respect the traditional colourings. So a Colour Plan must be draw up where the colours of the different elements of the façade (metallic elements, blinds, etc.) and possible combinations are also given.

Projecting bodies must be permitted in places where their existence forms part of traditional typology.

Advertisements and hoardings must be integrated into façades without stridency and without overshadowing or hiding the original features.

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Art. 28. Common walls 1. In some traditional urban constructions, the divisions are an important element to consider and regulate, since a profusion of elements of different heights means that they can become the façade, and are an important part of the image of the construction and of the building ensemble. 2. They will be regulated so that the dividing walls are treated in the same way and with the same criteria as the façade (colours, textures, etc.). For divisions on neighbouring buildings, the promoter of a property being restored or worked on must also deal with those of the neighbouring buildings, but only those that for example have been exposed.

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In traditional areas, plot boundary elements define the traditional landscape and it is therefore important to regulate their form and materials.

CHAPTER 3. CONCERNING TECHNOLOGICAL AND CONSTRUCTIVE SYSTEMS

On some sites, where building typology configures common walls the by-law must ensure that these are not forgotten and are treated as façades.

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Art. 29. Layout and types of housing 1. The design of the layout of the construction must undoubtedly fulfil the functional requirements necessary to meet its intended use and in the case of dwellings, meet the current requirements for habitable premises. 2. The By-law shall consider the characteristics and the distribution layout of traditional constructions, which normally respond to an ancestral way of life and an organization between family relations and the surroundings. Through detailed analysis of the territory, before drawing up the By-law, the diversity and structures of the traditional types of building shall be appreciated (distribution layouts, elements relating interior and exterior, use of the different floors, privacy of the spaces, relation and connection between primary and secondary rooms, location of patios and stairways, etc.), and what shall be protected and maintained as expressions of local heritage. 3. The regulations must consider the diversity of types expressed in traditional constructions and regulate or recommend as far as possible, so that these traditional forms can take on new uses and new forms of life without large-scale modification. These recommendations or regulations can form part of a separate document, such as a Rehabilitation Manual (see D6 in the proposed Plan layout). Art. 30. Enclosing a plot of land For isolated constructions, in rural contexts, the heights, configuration and materials used to enclose a plot of land shall be given, in order to maintain the harmony of the unit.

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Art. 31. Facilities 1. The By-law shall guarantee that all homes meet the minimum standards of utilities and services, such as the supply of water, removal of waste waters, supply of electrical energy and domestic rubbish collection. The implementation of these services shall be integrated into the ensemble in a coherent way without excessively distorting the overall image. 2. The minimum supply of drinking water shall be defined, where drinking water is that which meets the health standards established in the legislation and is correctly treated. Therefore, a priority will be the removal of individual water tanks for accumulating drinking water. 3. All homes must be able to connect up to the public waste water disposal system, and local corporations must do everything possible to provide for the installation of toilets in homes that do not have them. The volume of flow to be taken into account for the connection with the sewer network will be the same as that indicated for the water supply. Generally, the use of septic tanks will not be allowed and if waste does not empty into a public disposal system, the corresponding treatment system must be implemented. 4. Electric power lines for domestic use shall be underground, and if for some warranted reason this is not possible aesthetic aspects must be protected. 5. A rubbish collection system shall be implemented, organized around the corresponding municipal service. Art. 32. Construction 1. Apart from the aesthetic considerations that materials in the façade and roof must meet, as explained in this section, all materials used in new constructions or in rehabilitation interventions, must meet the quality and technical requirements of the local legislation. 2. The rehabilitation manual must contain a set of traditional construction solutions to be considered in rehabilitation projects, paying special attention to those particular solutions with a great heritage interest due to their specific nature. 3. Materials for enclosing constructions, shall guarantee high resistance and be thermally inert, as well as ensuring appropriate damp protection, in accordance with the specific climate of each site.

In general, in the rehabilitation of existing constructions, and if necessary to meet legal requirements, current technological solutions will be accepted to improve the insulation of outer surfaces, to seal roofs, etc. so long as they are compatible and do not conflict with the traditional systems. 4. Interior materials and construction systems (dividing walls, ceilings, etc.) shall also meet the appropriate sound insulation requirements, particularly for the separation between homes belonging to different owners. If an improvement is necessary, solutions compatible with the existing traditional systems shall be adopted. Art. 33. Thermal comfort 1. In general, both the design and the materials used in new constructions, and rehabilitation and consolidation of old constructions, must above all else ensure good climatic behaviour that allows conditions of thermal comfort to be achieved, aiming at suitable energy savings for the specific climate conditions. 2. Sunlight The behaviour of the construction with regard to solar radiation must be considered due to the fundamental importance this has in achieving balanced thermal conditions that provide comfort with minimum energy expenditure. In new buildings, this condition shall, above all, be considered to ensure compatibility with the composition of the façade. The regulations shall define a minimum incidence of sunlight according to the use of the rooms, specifying surfaces coherent with the characteristics of existent traditional constructions. 3. Ventilation All housing shall have adequate ventilation for health and hygiene requirements. The regulations shall define minimum openings to ensure ventilation, according to the use of each room (bedroom, kitchen, etc.). Interconnected ventilation systems will be encouraged to reduce the impact of ventilation and artificial air conditioning systems. To achieve this, modifications will be allowed, so long as they conform to the transformation possibilities contained in the Rehabilitation Manuals based on the detailed study of the existing types in each site. 4. Heat and sound insulation All constructions shall meet the heat and sound insulation requirements (exterior and interior) established by each local legislation and sketched above. All intervention projects shall include precise calculations in this respect. Art. 34. Habitability 1. Rehabilitation projects and new building shall meet, as is logical, the conditions of habitability established in each country’s legislation concerning sanitation and hygiene conditions in homes, along with the general points mentioned previously (sunlight, ventilation, utilities, insulation, damp resistance, etc.) and with a minimum programme for housing, which specifies minimum surface areas, and heights or volumes for habitable spaces. 2. As mentioned above, and in order to improve the habitability of the ensemble, modifications to existing constructions will be allowed. 3. In buildings with a specific number of storeys or homes, the installation of a lift will be obligatory,


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both in new construction projects and in complete rehabilitation projects. In the latter case, although the installation of a lift undoubtedly represents an improvement and modernization of the traditional construction, it must be physically possible and it must not irreversibly damage the characteristic heritage.

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necessary and the expected occupation densities. 2. Social, assistance and recreational amenities shall be reinforced, in accordance with the forecasts of the Plan, encouraging their location on the ground floor, allowing other uses (such as commerce) as complementary uses. CHAPTER 2. SERVICES Art. 37. Distribution of goods With the aim of reducing door-to-door or the disorderly delivery of goods, it is advisable to establish distribution points for goods. These centres will be shown on the Plan maps and their purpose will be to store consumable products for their later distribution, together with reusable or waste material awaiting collection.

With small modifications, traditional housing types can be adapted to new habitability and comfort requirements.

Art. 38. Rubbish collection 1. The competent authority shall establish a system for rubbish collection which is most suitable according to the urban sector or the accessibility of the territory, clearly marking the collection points, the form of depositing rubbish and the timetables. 2. The accumulation of any type of rubbish or waste in public thoroughfares or streets will be expressly prohibited.

SECTION FIVE / MOBILITY INFRASTRUCTURE AND OPEN SPACE SECTION FOUR / AMENITIES AND SERVICES CHAPTER 1. PUBLIC ROADS CHAPTER 1. AMENITIES Art. 35. Definition and types 1. The Plan shall define the plots of land dedicated to amenities and services for the community. 2. In general, and except in cases of reusing existing constructions (in many cases recommendable) because of their public and representative nature, these amenities can be developed as individual pieces within the ensemble and adopt suitable, contemporary architectural forms, in order to enrich the ensemble. In this way, they can better respond to their functional requirements. So, the indications contained in the preceding section shall be taken as guidelines. Nevertheless, the project shall sufficiently justify the chosen architectural option and hear the recommendations of the Technical Commission of the Plan. 3. The By-law shall define those uses considered amenities and services (religious, cultural, socials, administrative, educational, etc.). They shall be clearly expressed on the Plan maps (map PL9 of the proposed Plan layout). Art. 36. Modification of use and complementary uses 1. For implementing or modifying uses and internal distribution in existing buildings dedicated to amenities, a complete rehabilitation project report must be drawn up that will be treated as a Design Guide, covering all the facilities that will comprise the uses and activities to be developed, the rehabilitation or extension work that will be

Art. 39. Types of Road 1. The system of roads is comprised of the installations and spaces reserved exclusively for the layout of the road network. The Plan organizes roads by type and use. Roads shall always be public, with the limitations of use that the competent authorities establish in each instance to guarantee their function and safety. A map shall contain all this information (PL4 of the proposed Plan layout). 2. In urban contexts and historical population centres, roads shall preferably be pedestrianized, with different degrees of pedestrianization an option: roads where motorized vehicles are totally restricted, or intermediate degrees with preference for pedestrians or mixed use with right of way for pedestrians, etc. 3. In rural contexts roads shall be differentiated (main roads, providing access to towns, etc.) from forest tracks and rural trails with a more local nature. The planning shall give the position, dimensions and priorities of each type of road, etc. along with the tress and landscape elements that accompany them, taking as priorities environmental quality and protection of urban areas, both in terms of their development and their route. In a similar way, special attention will be paid to the care and maintenance of rural trails and their relation with traditional constructed elements and auxiliary buildings (mills, fountains, barns, pigeon coops, granaries, etc.).

In urban contexts, roads must preferably be pedestrian, with the possibility of establishing different levels of pedestrianisation. Art. 40. Slopes and profiles The transversal profiles and slopes of roadways will adapt to the local topography and the regulations shall specify maximum gradients according to the use of the roadway. Art. 41. Traffic by-law The authority shall pass a special traffic and highways by-law, subject to the criteria established in the current Plan, organizing the use of roadways by vehicles, the management of goods, parking, etc. Art. 42. Car parks and public transport 1. In historical population centres, to combine the requirements of residential streets with the specific characteristics of the local fabric, collective parking areas must be provided. Their location, preferably on the outskirts of the historic centre, will be decided taking into consideration accessibility and connections with the rest of the internal roads. 2. The use of public transport is to be encouraged in the urban areas covered by the current Plan. This type of transport can use public roads in consonance with their other uses.

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In historic centres, to combine residents' needs with respect for the characteristics of the historic fabric, specific parking areas will be established, preferably on the perimeter.

CHAPTER 2. OPEN SPACES Art. 43. Open spaces 1. Land that cannot be built on shall be considered open space, to maintain the characteristics of the social fabric or the historic landscape. Public roadways will be established according to the previous chapter. 2. Open spaces can be public or private. In an urban context public squares, gardens and other such public spaces that cannot be built on are open spaces. In a rural context, they will consist of forest systems, the waterways, the arable land, etc. A map (PL5 of the Plan layout) will bring together all this information graphically.

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Art. 44. Conditions of use 1. In a territorial context, open spaces will generally be regulated by the specific legislation concerning each area (forests, waterways, etc.) that establishes their corresponding conditions of use. In general, continuing agricultural use will be encouraged to maintain the traditional character of the landscape. 2. In towns, the use of open space must be fundamentally pedestrian, since this is the use most coherent with the traditional rural fabric, but there will be spaces dedicated to road traffic, which shall be adequately differentiated. The movement and parking of vehicles will be limited to that which is strictly necessary, in accordance with the regulations passed by the competent authority. 3. The uses made of all public open spaces and the corresponding urban fixtures and furniture will be considered provisional. 4. Private installations for public services that are authorized in these spaces, such as kiosks, commercial stalls and suchlike, will require the corresponding licence or permission to use the public space for private purposes. These installations must always respect the monumental character and the landscape of the surroundings in which they are set. 5. If new electric or telecommunications installations are required, the installation must be underground, and telegraph poles, cables, fittings attached to faรงades, and similar elements of existing installations must gradually be replaced by underground installations.

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Art. 45. Road surfaces, pavements and urban fixtures and furniture 1. In these spaces, those urban fixtures and furniture that strengthen the identification and character of the traditional fabric shall be given priority. This can be further detailed in the Urban Landscape Regulations. 2. Town planning, gardening, public street lighting and similar projects, shall harmonize with the character and essence of their respective population centres and combine a suitable aesthetic quality with their basic function. This Bylaw, without impeding the possibility of contemporary projects, may specify materials and certain design variables. 3. Road surfaces In urban areas a distinction shall be made between hard road surfaces (paving stones, cobbles, etc.) and soft road surfaces (earth, grass areas, etc.). Hard road surfaces are suitable for roadways and areas of heavy traffic while soft road surfaces are advisable for areas of light traffic and slight erosion. An adequate drainage mechanism shall be contemplated (surface drains with channels, etc.) generally connected to a network. As a general criterion, roadways designed for vehicles will be kept to a bare minimum. In narrow streets the tendency shall be to remove kerbstones and pavements, paving the entire street in the same fashion. As far as possible existing road surfaces will be maintained, ensuring that they meet suitable accessibility conditions (guarding against landslides, allowing disabled access, etc.). 4. Urban fixtures and furniture Urban fixtures and furniture (streetlights, fountains, litterbins, benches, etc.) together with

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decorative elements (fountains, flowerbeds, etc.) shall be the subject of minimum regulations (design, material, colour, placement criteria, plants, etc.) without this impeding the architectural project for the open space, which, on the other hand, will recognise the local conditions and be resolved in a straightforward manner, discreetly fitting into the surroundings. 5. Street lighting and road signals Lighting and signalling elements shall respect the local scale. Local lighting conditions will be considered when arranging the lighting. Urban signposts shall be brought together, thus reducing the spread of obstacles for pedestrians. 6. Trees Trees, as a primordial element in the makeup of the landscape, will take their place on the maps regulating the open space. Town planning projects shall expressly consider tress, taking into account their different uses to demarcate areas, protect from sun and wind, channel perspectives, complement urban fixtures and furniture, facilitate landscaping, etc. 7. Public utility networks These shall be underground.

looked after by their owners. When the owners do not act to meet the conditions described above, the administration responsible for heritage may order the required actions to be performed with subsidies. It may also grant assistance and carry out the necessary work directly, if the most effective preservation of the property requires such action. 4. Failure to meet the obligations established in this article will be considered a reason for the forced expropriation of the property declared of cultural interest. Art. 47. Declaration of a ruin 1. The regulations shall establish the possibility of declaring a construction a ruin, and under what conditions this is contemplated, in order to restore it urgently, or partially or totally demolish it. The declaration of a ruin or the adoption of urgent measures will not relieve the owners of any of the responsibilities that they may have incurred, deriving from negligence in their preservation obligations. 2. The procedure, to be initiated by the competent authority, will be detailed in the Regulations and may include the obligation to restore the property, with the right to grants referred to in this section of the By-law. Demolition will only be agreed to in exceptional circumstances and must be justified in terms of protection of the environment or of an improvement in the overall preservation of the character of the territory. Art. 48. Forced construction 1. Once this By-law comes into force, the competent authority may require the owners of land that has not been built on and that is covered by the current Plan, to request a licence to construct within a given period of time. 2. Failure to comply with such an order will lead to expropriation or the mandatory sale of the land in question.

Urban development schemes must be in tune with the character of the traditional area and combine functionality with an appropriate aesthetic treatment.

SECTION SIX / MANAGERIAL INSTRUMENTS

CHAPTER 1. RELATING TO THE PRESERVATION OF CONSTRUCTIONS Art. 46. Preservation, use and rehabilitation obligations 1. The owners of all types of land and constructions shall use them in each case for the purpose established in this Plan and maintain them in safe and healthy conditions. 2. The cost of work deriving from the contents of this By-law are to be met by the owners or the Administration. As a matter of course or at the insistence of any interested party, the competent authority will order the execution of the work necessary to preserve the conditions established above and will insist on the fulfilment of the legal obligations to which this article refers. 3. Protected buildings appearing in the heritage catalogue must be preserved, maintained and

CHAPTER 2. RELATING TO MANAGING THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PLAN Art. 49. Encouraging private initiative 1. In keeping with the goal of protecting heritage that inspires the current Plan, the competent authority shall encourage the rehabilitation of the buildings covered by the Plan, through awarding grants and providing necessary technical and legal assistance. Such grants shall be regulated in a specific by-law and can be offset against grants available from higher level authorities. 2. The grants may be economic or of another nature. Economic grants can consist of: Direct subsidies for work and projects Indirect subsidies or exemptions from local taxes, licences fees and other obligations. Loans of scaffolding and other items necessary for the work. 3. Grants which are not of an economic nature can consist of technical and legal assistance for estimates, technical solutions, etc. without affecting the town planning information that the administration is obliged to provide. Art. 50. Collaboration and agreements To help achieve the objectives of the Plan, the authority


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shall promote agreements with other public and private bodies. Art. 51. Office of the Plan 1. A Plan Office will be created, which will be in charge of managing and coordinating the actions that are to be carried out as part of said Plan, together with the corresponding monitoring and follow-up work. 2. The Office shall be configured as a special management body, without its own legal identity, but with functional autonomy that does not jeopardise its direct link to the public administration it depends on. The Office will have the human and materials resources necessary to achieve its goals. Art. 52. Execution of the Plan The actions envisaged by the Plan will be carried out in accordance with the Action Programme that shall form part of the documentation of the Plan. This Action Programme can be divided into different thematic plans as has been done in this proposed Plan layout, by way of example. Art. 53. Drawing up complementary by-laws 1. Once the Plan has been brought into effect, it is important to draw up a series of complementary by-laws as soon as possible, that will make the implementation of the Plan more effective. These by-laws are: – Special rehabilitation grants by-law – Special traffic and movement of vehicles by-law – Special by-law to regulate activities and installations in public highways and open spaces. 2. Likewise, the current By-law shall be complemented with the following provisions: – Landscape regulations which include a Colour Plan. – An advertising and public signs by-law.

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Renovation Manuals. In Italy and the Mediterranean countries

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The cultural tradition linked to issues of conservation and rehabilitation of architectural and historic/traditional heritage, and particularly the heritage of rural centres and environments, began in the context of the rehabilitation manuals and codes of practice that appeared in Italy at the beginning of the 1980s, thanks to the work of specialists such as Paolo Marconi, Francesco Giovanetti and Antonino Giuffrè. The main aim of the rehabilitation manuals was to develop a new culture of the conservation of the pre-modern architectural heritage, based on a "[...] conviction of the crucial importance of the rehabilitation of this type of asset in order to preserve and develop the historical identity of the town"1. The main idea of all the research underlying these documents is to highlight the importance of an in-depth knowledge of traditional architecture, from the point of view of its implementation on the ground, typologies and distribution. In all cases, very special attention is paid to the aspects of materials and technologies, as a prior essential condition for supervising and conserving such heritage. The cognitive approach is considered as the basis of a new way of designing a rehabilitation project for existing buildings which, based on the critical analysis of traditional architecture, is capable on reading and understanding the relationships involved in the different building, structural and constructive typologies; the purpose of all this is to be able to act on buildings and preserve their character by selecting techniques and materials compatible with the techniques and materials used in the original. Raffaele Panella clearly expresses the scale of the problem in the introduction of the Manual de Cittá di Castello, indicating "[...] the exasperation of the theoreticians and operators involved in 'great restorations' when it came to confronting the problem of conserving millions of examples [...]" of historic buildings with their elements of construction, and he puts on the table the "conceptual limits and practices of restoration in the face of the quantitative dimension of the problem […]"2. A few years later, in accordance with the premises of publications preceding the manuals, Francesco Giovanetti stoutly defended the need not to interrupt dialogue with the universe of construction in the past, not as an option involving technical regression but in order to be able to provide convincing solutions to the main problems, at least in harmony with traditional construction. On one hand, new maintenance actions must be compatible with the pre-modern method of building and, on the other, a paradox appears with the "[…] [continuously growing] demand shown in

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Carlo Atzeni Civil engineer Lecturer in the Department of Architecture at the University of Cagliari Italy

Rome, analysis of the wall structure of a historic building (Manuale del Recupero del Comune di Roma, 2nd edition, 2000).

the market for the recovery of the specific material qualities of historical construction […]"3 continuing not to be met because of the inability of technicians and businesses to properly deal with the construction world of the past. Rehabilitation manuals are designed as tools with eminently practical characteristics, without attempting to answer all the questions arising when it comes to tackling a historic building. Among the best known, linked to the historic architecture of a specific urban area, those drawn up for the cities of Rome (two editions) Città di Castello, Palermo, Matera and Ortigia, must undoubtedly be mentioned, to which must be added the more recent experiments undertaken at Castel del Monte and Gênes. In addition, during the last decade, more extensive studies have appeared, associated with larger territorial areas, such as counties, regions and even States. This is the case, for example, with the


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Tools for typological cataloguing facilitate knowledge of the basic architectural heritage: abacus of the types of building of Marmilla on Sardinia (Manuale del recupero dei centri storici della Marmilla, del Sarcidano, dell’Arci e del Grighine, 2006).

Rehabilitation Manual for the Abruzzo region, published in 2004, the guide to the maintenance and rehabilitation of buildings for Aveto, in Liguria, the Manual for the rehabilitation of architecture and landscape in Irpinia, and the Manual for the recovery of historic centres in Marmilla, Sarcidano, Arci and Grighine, in Sardinia, to limit ourselves to Italian territory. Nor should the interesting experiments carried out to draw up rehabilitation and maintenance manuals for the traditional architecture of Syria and Lebanon, created as part of the CORPUS Community research programme be forgotten, or the Manual for the rehabilitation of the architecture of the pre-Saharan valleys of Morocco be forgotten. The building culture of a particular local area (which almost always coincides with a well-defined urban context within precise time limits) is the purpose of the studies for these manuals. The reason for choosing this method, which might seem excessively selective,

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must be sought in the endemic nature of local forms of the premodern art of building. "Manuals always refer to a defined vocabulary for a reference geographical and historical area. They present the rules of the art of building existing in a specific cultural area, which are determined based on the characteristics of the available materials, typological models acquired from knowledge and the set of technological answers given to existing demands. Their validity is generally confirmed by the survival of the constructed items down to our time."4 The aims of rehabilitation manuals can be summarised under the headings of culture and usage. Firstly, the fact that the manual includes a wide range of elements typical of traditional construction (covering structures, crowns, walls, openings, etc.), thanks to detailed illustrations as well as graphic and written tables, makes it possible to read them as documents and to present them as a kind of directory of houses based on which it is possible to identify existing construction types. According to this view "[...] the manual is more of a catalogue and the majority of its content is, without doubt, the development of knowledge of the characteristics of old buildings, with special reference to construction and the culture of materials it incorporates."5 However, there is another very important aspect linked to the interpretive way in which the manual can be consulted: in fact, the manual provides technicians, as professionals, with a method of approaching knowledge of traditional construction, but it also constitutes a useful tool for envisaging intervention strategies for actively conserving heritage. Panella further clarifies his proposition, saying that "according to this [...] viewpoint, a working profile inherent in the manual itself is revealed. This reveals the original intentions and indicates later developments. These are, undoubtedly, the development of the catalogue, which will be carried out through the involvement of new families [...] and, above all, to enrich historic implementation techniques (which most cultural sources – architects, historians and the authors of treatises – often forget). But these manuals essentially represent a successive definition of criteria for active supervision; that is, technical conditions guiding rehabilitation action, largely intended for the maintenance and repair of ancient buildings."6 On one hand, the manual is aimed at the community in the area it refers to and, on the other, at specialists, with their dual theoretical and practical aspects; that is to say, as much at technicians as at professionals. As for residents, the manual should stimulate their desire to become closer to and appreciate the value of historic centres because of the expressiveness of their buildings, summing up the essence of traditional buildings, which is not always appreciated in everyday life. For experts, the aim consists of promoting awareness as well as knowledge of the values of traditional construction, encoding the principal rules transmitted down to the present thanks to the

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Palermo, axonometry, showing the details of the structure of a building in the historic centre. The table highlights different aspects concerning the construction and the materials used. (Manuale del Recupero del centro storico di Palermo, 1997).

CittĂ di Castello, axonometry of a vault (Manuale del recupero del Comune di CittĂ  di Castello, 1992).

practical experience and know-how of workers on sites, making it possible to "[...] pass on this literature to future generations without its meaning being either lost or twisted."7 For planners, the manual constitutes guidelines and support when it comes to defining the rehabilitation action, guiding the choice of materials and techniques which will be coherent with local constructive tradition, according to a planning logic which will operate with continuity and not in opposition to the past. "A rehabilitation manual does not, and is not meant to, lay down the law. Designed to provide a response to gaps in certain supervisory regulations which are essentially limiting, its aim is to open the way to attitudes and propositions. [....] It is a challenge to the public authorities, in their various forms, to adopt a new attitude concerning supervision; not designed to say what must not be done, but rather to suggest what should be done."8 Manuals are not meant to be documents providing rules, at least

in the intentions of the authors of the early versions, but rather to have merely indicative functions, maintaining their natural purpose as constituting a complement to town planning intervention tools (such as urban plans for renovating historic centres) regulating rehabilitation activity. Thanks to prescribed techniques and materials and by comparing the existing building with the body of rules involved, the manual makes it possible for historic centres to develop naturally, in accordance with the logic of practical maintenance. From this point of view, public local administrations, and, in particular, the competent bodies, such as municipal technical offices, are other potential users who manuals are aimed at. In addition, we might highlight the fact that, at a point like the time we are now living in, when conservation and the supervision of traditional heritage of historic buildings are the subject of significant investment by the European Community, it would be

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Nureci, Marmilla, analysis of the construction system of a traditional house (Manuale del recupero dei centri storici della Marmilla, del Sarcidano, dell’Arci e del Grighine, 2006).

absolutely desirable to be able to be able to rely on tools such as manuals, which can provide clear, coherent indications to professionals concerning interventions on buildings. The implications of a manual when it comes to a rehabilitation action bring the relationship between rules and plans to the fore, taking into account a more mature, aware conception of the need to recover common ground for dialogue between tradition and innovation. The authors of the manuals take a view associating rules with practice, strictly concerning the restoration of traditional architectural heritage, leaving room for a plan when the intervention – regardless of whether it forms part of a rehabilitation programme - needs to include the recomposition of destroyed or obsolete forms and structures. According to this position, rules and plans are the two integral parts of a single general rehabilitation programme and "[...] as they refer to different actions"9 there can be no conflict between them.

The manuals' support function, concerning matters of urban supervision, may be expressed according to different orientations: forming a link to the changing or replacement of construction materials and supervised elements of construction worthy of preservation; taking on a prescriptive connotation concerning the materials and techniques to be used in interventions on existing buildings, and, finally, thanks to the case study directory, providing indications on the forms and strategies to be followed in the rehabilitation scheme. The research method followed to draw up the manuals deals with the nature of old buildings from a particular viewpoint, getting away from the logic of typification and making individuality its strong point. The choice of unusual cases takes into account the fact that construction characteristics are very general in the reference area. To put it another way, the examples chosen, despite their individual nature, can represent a huge number of buildings with similar properties and characteristics10.

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Tool 13 Outil x Defining legal and planning instruments x Renovation Manuals. In Italy and the Mediterranean countries

Genoa, diagram summarising the different ways of constructing wooden ceilings.

Rome, details of the wooden structure of a roof. (Manuale del recupero del Comune di Roma, 2nd edition, 2000).

The most important construction elements, according to a technical architectural classification, are studied, included and represented with the help of graphic tables to show: "[...] their structural capacity, that is, their ability [...] to support common or pathological demands; technological features, that is, the presence of elements, their combination and implementation solutions; architectural quality; that is, the care taken with decoration and finishing elements."11 In a parallel line of research to that of the renewal manuals, one has recently seen appearing experimental codes of practice, coordinated by Antonino GiuffrĂŠ in the cities of Palermo, Ortigia and Matera. Codes of practice have a fundamental vision in common with rehabilitation manuals but are different from them in terms of the specific direction of the study. In effect, codes of practice are interested in the structural behaviour of old constructions and the analysis of the building is intended to provide a reading and

interpretation of the construction logic in order to understand the static arrangement that relates this to the different structural elements. The purpose of the codes of practice consists of studying the safety and stability conditions of the building, above all in relation to the problems of earthquake zones, and it makes it possible to provide an intervention method seeking the key to compatibility between old and new with a knowledge of the rules of traditional construction. This perspective developed from the conviction that, with rehabilitation actions, one must "[...] reconstitute a structural homogeneity that new materials cannot achieve, and this, of course [it is what must be required] means preserving the cultural significance of works from the past"12. In addition, it has been possible to see that old structures, if they are well built, can perfectly well stand up to critical situations, even those possibly caused by an earthquake.

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Pre-Saharan Morocco, diagram summarising the different construction types for wooden beam and cane roofs. (Manual for the conservation of the architectural heritage for the pre-Saharan valleys of Morocco, 2005)

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Marmilla, diagram for the strengthening an under-sized wooden roof-bearing structure. (Manuale del recupero dei centri storici della Marmilla, del Sarcidano, dell’Arci e del Grighine, 2006).

13 In GiuffrĂŠ's view, "the quality of a well-built building, that is, a better adapted one, built according to the rules of the art, is the result of proper organisation of all the different structural elements and the static efficiency of each one of them. A building constructed in this way will not only be stable when faced with exceptional demands but will also be able to take on new functions without them altering its shape or the nature of its construction"13. This is where its strength and vitality lies. The code of practice has been created as a tool to aid town planning instruments and, from this point of view, it performs its function as a guide for interventions on existing buildings, ensuring a certain uniformity of method. Its exclusively operational purpose is, however, a double one: to ensure projects are conducted in accordance with the structural principles of old buildings and, alongside this, check their capacity to stand up to earthquakes. To meet this objective, a building diagnosis will be

carried out beforehand in a similar way to that done to prepare the manuals, which will make it possible to predict possible damage. This means that once the structural safety of the building has been assessed (field work playing an essential role here) along with the level of earthquake for which resistance is to be ensured, it would be possible to identify the building's weak points, and, consequently, the points where action is necessary, on the basis of analysing damage caused by previous earthquakes. This view, which assumes an orientation aimed almost exclusively at intervention on existing buildings as a preventive supervision measure, makes operational practice the principal tool for conserving heritage buildings. The capacity buildings have to adapt to the changing requirements of society and the way in which they permit maintenance operations has already been highlighted, in all cases provided that these are compatible with the technological and construction principles that guided their

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Tool 13 Outil x Defining legal and planning instruments x Renovation Manuals. In Italy and the Mediterranean countries

construction. The manuals are offered to transmit just this message. If the aim is to renovate heritage buildings by ensuring they have an active role within the evolutionary processes of a community (which can in no way be taken for granted), the reuse of buildings constructed with traditional architecture and the practice of rehabilitation supported by knowledge of traditional techniques and materials seem to be inevitable.

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Raffaele Panella, Manuale del recupero del Comune di Roma, p.15, Edizioni DEI Tipografia del Genio Civile, Rome 1989.

2 Raffale Panella, "Per un contenuto conservativo del recupero", in Manuale del recupero del Comune di Città di Castello, p. 9, Edizioni DEI Tipografia del Genio Civile, Rome 2000. 3 Francesco Giovanetti, Manuale del Recupero del Comune di Roma, 2nd expanded edition, p. 20, Edizioni DEI Tipografia del Genio Civile, Rome. 4 Previous reference, p. 16. 5 Raffaele Panella, Manuale del recupero del Comune di Roma, cit. p. 15. 6 Previous reference, p. 15-16. 7 Francesco Giovanetti, Manuale del Recupero del Comune di Roma – 2nd expanded edition, cit. p. 19. 8 Francesco Giovanetti, Manuale del recupero del Comune di Roma, Ist edition, p. 45-46, Edizioni DEI Tipografia del Genio Civile, Rome 1989. 9 Raffaele Panella, Manuale del recupero del Comune di Roma, cit. p. 13.

The renovation of historical-traditional architecture: Sassi di Matera, detailed diagram with indications of techniques and materials for intervention on a historic building. (Codice di pratica per la sicurezza dei Sassi di Matera, 2000).

10 In "Per un contenuto conservativo del recupero", cit. p.13, Raffale Panella clarifies this aspect of manuals, declaring that these are case studies from a construction and architectural viewpoint that "[...] avoid the normal abstractions and simplification processes, directing the operator's attention to the inevitably individual nature of each site he will work on [...]. If there is a wish that the traits of simplification and abstraction of the current typological action should not appear, the classification operation - the typology - is revealed in full as showing the range of fashions, at least those expressing the culture of the town or city at a particular time. This is why one speaks of typification." 11 Francesco Giovanetti, Manuale del recupero del Comune di Roma – 2nd expanded edition, p. 19, Edizioni DEI Tipografia del Genio Civile, Rome.

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12 Antonino Giuffrè, Caterina Carocci, Codice di pratica per la sicurezza e la conservazione del centro storico di Palermo, p. 3, Editori Laterza, Rome-Bari 1999. 13 Previous reference, p. 4.

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Cataloguing heritage. A methodological process

There are two definitions of the term patrimony. One is related to the concept of patrimony in an economic context. The other involves the establishment of values -some unwritten- by which a certain element (architectural, archaeological or natural) is worthy of being included in a protection catalogue. Society also understands this differentiation between a simple economic-material criteria and a set of nuances labeled “artistic” and/or “architectural” which confer a level of appreciation. According to these values each person can identify with, admire or be emotionally moved in the contemplation of a building, sculpture, painting or landscape. When patrimony, in capital letters, is spoken of it is understood that it meets a set of assumed values. Upon these values, it is felt that the property in question should be protected. This expression translated to a legislative framework means that it must form a part of or be included in a Catalogue. The inclusion or membership to a Catalogue symbolizes that a certain material good or property has been considered by the experts as an element to protect. Most frequently, this protection, in the case of architectural patrimony, reference is made to a building group, a certain construction or even a ruin. Generally, the cataloging of a public property is well accepted. On the other hand, the protection of a private property can generate a conflict of interests between the owner and the government. These questions effect the carrying out of some duties and the redaction of some criteria on its protection. One must underline, especially, the use of the property and its maintenance and management conditions derived from the regulation that determines the protection plan or general area of planning. In relation to the creation of any catalogue or derived planning linked to the patrimony one must separate two lines of action within the so-called previous analysis: the protected or easily accepted patrimony and the proclaimed patrimony. The later is the one that generates a greater discussion between all involved parties: the government, the protection plan redaction team, citizens at large including experts in the field of study of that patrimony and the owner. Under these two concepts, it is possible to state that the assumed elements possess important values, generally linked to religious interests (monasteries, churches, hermitages); military interests (forts, castles, watch towers); buildings with a recognized style (modernist, for example) or that possess some singular or symbolic element (treatment of a facade: paintings, graffito), presence of traditional forged elements or artistic details linked to the tradition

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Antoni VILANOVA Architect Spain

The catalogue should highlight the idiosyncratic aspects of the configuration of the territory: course of streets, sections of streets or ways, form of lots or types of buildings.

of the place. Another general line in the analysis of the physical and territorial framework previous to the drawing up of regulations is represented by the group of elements that must justify their values. It must be done previous to their inclusion and incorporation into a catalogue or other type of patrimonial protection. Some of these elements will fall outside of the first line of protection attributed in the catalogue, but should have, at least, a presence in other protection figures. To them are attributed, for the most part, social values rising from concepts such as sentimentality or historical memory.

Evaluating patrimony today In a city setting, one cannot only consider the patrimonial value from the viewpoint of an urban model or from that of a certain architectural element. The planning must have an imminently wide vision, capable of reading and interpreting the development and the transformation

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In the catalogue of traditional architecture, the assumed elements present in the territory with important values (churches, castles...) are as important as the elements without significant values by themselves, but are crucial in the forming of a unified image of the enclave.

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of a city as a non-homogenous territory, formed of pieces, groupings and surroundings with well defined criteria so that diverse areas of protection can be differentiated. From these areas of protection will be established the criteria of protection that will permit their rehabilitation, renovation or transformation within the physical framework where they are located. It is necessary then to advance in the idea of the surroundings and the interrelation of the diverse elements in global image that permits the quality of an urban landscape to be determined where the singular elements are also appreciated. Form this generalist reflection, the drawing up of any type of planning that implies the endowment of protection measures for the patrimony, should be founded upon multi-disciplinary criteria, paying special heed to a global conception of the patrimony. The three frameworks of action and reflection are: the architecturalarcheological, the environmental-landscape and the historicalsocial. For these reasons, in the present moment, the historical patrimony should be considered and analyzed not just from the architectural angle, but rather that it should be understood as giving structure to an interwoven urban fabric and, also, as an archive of the collective memory.

The methodological structure and the procedure for the drawing up of the document The creation of a protection plan should begin from a general, territorial and historical approximation, to conclude in a detailed formulation of a conjunct of specific regulations for each element or group to be protected.

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It is well known that in recent years the concept of the protection of patrimony has evolved from positions that we could call “defensive” and that often have failed, leading to the immobilization and progressive degradation of some buildings that were intended to be safeguarded, toward more “dynamic” postures with which revitalization interventions are promoted, preserving the most remarkable characteristics. This form of action must coincide with the willingness of the governing bodies in order to agglutinate the concept of the protection a whole patrimony, centered not only in the values of the historical centers but treating the whole area, be it urban or rural. The act of contemplating a general vision in the planning of protection must permit a better posterior management, as well as the definition of new public equipment, open spaces and their interrelation. In the general framework of the drawing up and in accordance with the premises of action defined in the previous analysis, aspects such as mobility, differentiating spaces with pedestrian priority or exclusivity, or other means of circulation, in function with its location within the urban fabric. The idea of a city or urban or rural landscape as a depository of values to be preserved, frequently pits public and private rights and interests against each other. For this reason a majority acceptation of the regulating document by all interested parties (public and private) should always be sought out. Property owners, experts, neighbors, associations and cultural entities, governing bodies and promoters must understand the necessity of having a technical-judicial regulating framework, which facilitated the management of all the elements which form a part of it. It is also necessary to establish the limits of initiative of all intervening parties, stimulating their collaboration and participation, with the objective of preserving the persistent and characteristic values of a determined urban or rural space. In this way the definitive document will constitute an agile tool for the regulation of the interventions and must make possible an easy understanding by any citizen. The need to conjure up, between themselves, different areas of protection, allows buildings, groups, elements or surroundings, which are deserving of some form of conservation or protection, to be valued under this unified vision, without attaining the level of protection which is normally understood as “catalogable”, in a purely individualized reading. The protection by means of urban planning regulations permits the guaranteeing of real conservation by the accumulation of more than one assigned value, specifying the form of intervention and the elements to be preserved. The implied mechanisms contained in a protection catalogue permit the regulation of the presence of significant elements and surroundings, not just at the level of a determined historical conjunct, but in the materialization of better surroundings. One


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must work methodically, in superior surroundings and ones that permit the establishment of aspects of visual continuity and of dialogue, in order to relate actions between older structures and contemporary interventions. In the same way other aspects of the urban configuration must be highlighted, such as: thoroughfares, sections of streets or other throughways, forms of lots, building types and, finally, the works or singular elements, directly or indirectly linked to the objectives of a plan for their protection. In all cases, the coordination must be guaranteed between the protection effort, and the regulation which is derived from it, with the urban planning determinations of the general planning, in order that they do not enter into contradiction. All catalogues or special plans for the preservation of patrimony, as much in their general structure as in the individualized indexing, of the conjunct or of the surrounding area, as well as in the

Fes (Morocco)

Caravanserai at Akko (Israel)

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planimetric documentation, must establish some criteria of determined qualification, not only thinking of a single particular element but in its interaction within the area of intervention. To achieve these objectives it is necessary to establish some work phases which are detailed below. Establishment of the physical surroundings In a first approximation the geographical framework of the intervention must be defined. The catalogue must focus itself, recognizing the morphologic unity upon which it acts with the goal of promoting the measures and actuations directed toward the preservation and revaluing of its elements in its conjunct. The idea of protection must be accompanied by the knowledge of the surroundings and the establishment of a determined perimeter. Analysis of previous and antecedent documents Next, it is necessary to begin the investigation phase, which consists of analyzing the available material and complementing the documental and historical search. All the studies and works realized in the determined area shall be utilized, especially those that affect the history and the formation process of the historical center or nucleus upon which the drawing up of the catalogue shall pivot. Besides, all cartographic sources should be consulted; the evolutions derived from the different planning, with special mention of the photomaps and the historical images. All this work must be undertaken following a methodology of previous consultation and an examination of the documents in order to open the investigation process, tending to complete to the maximum level the knowledge of the historical area. Judicial, economic and urban planning analysis The present state of the geographical area, objective of the protection plan or formulation of a catalogue, must be evaluated. It is necessary to be conscious of the established majority uses in the area; the property systems and, evidently, the urban planning in force. For this, it is necessary to consult the existent data bases. These bases will be complemented at the time of the realization of the inventory of all the objective buildings of the study. Determination of the general criteria of intervention The very genesis of the geographical area and the different elements subject to criteria of protection, give rise to the formulation of some more or less generalized values, which configure a good number of generalist intervention proposals. In this way, some parameters homologous with the conjunct and others individualized for each element will appear, without losing sight of the history of the place and aspects conditioned by the orography and the surroundings. On some occasions architectural elements (mainly buildings or

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facades) will need to be protected, which for themselves do not have any considerable value. Their value is found in their relation or juxtaposition with other similar ones, with which they form a conjunct difficult to separate. It can be assured that many pieces do not have any sense without these surroundings which have conditioned them and continue to condition them in their conception. The decontextualization in this case would act in detriment of the same piece: a bridge, without the water's course which motivated its spanning the two banks, would not have any sense as an isolated object even though its intrinsic value would not be questioned; an isolated house cannot totally lose its immediate yard, even though there not be any interest for its configuration beyond the strictly atmospheric; a suburban type of house is reinforced by the existence of others of the same type next door (houses between fenced yards). With attention to the previously mentioned standards, a outline document must be established where the desired model of a city or territory is being defined. In it the qualitative urban improvements will be reached with the protection of the patrimony and, definitively, the determinations to be incorporated in the planning.

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Determining the levels of protection (general and specific) The public administration has an obligation and right to protect, conserve and restore cultural property. The judicial framework that regulates the competencies of the city governments for the protection of patrimony in Catalonia are made up of local laws, the urban planning legislation and the Law of Catalan Cultural Patrimony (LPCC, 9/1993) Of these three, the legal instrument that can, with the greatest transparency, preserve the essential characteristics of the municipalities and resolve the problems derived from the cultural and economic speculation is the general and derived urban planning. The regulations based in the development of each one of the processed instruments present different levels of approximation and in some cases do not address the specifics of each setting. For this reason, this heterogeneous situation creates dysfunctions in the very systems of verification of the prescriptions of protection and even insecurity and urban planning ambiguity for the properties that should be resolved, in many cases, avoiding interpretations which could be contradictory. Another aspect that needs attention is the ephemeral quality of the elements to be protected. This factor, from the point of view of the criteria in force which instruct the urban planning proposals, can be understood in two ways. One, the urban planning proposal of protection can be modified in time be it because the evolving character of the planning has so advised it. The criteria of evaluation have been modified or because the element being protected can lose those values that advised its initial inclusion, or simply to incorporate new ones. Two, the main

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difficulty in the exclusion of pieces in a specific moment rests in, unlike other urban planning options that can be reproposed in time, the irreversibility of the loss of the element which is protected. The reason for this is that a construction must enjoy the criteria of protection, with a certain prevalence, with respect to other urban planning arguments. The identification of the alternatives allows the lines of action to be established, in which the relationship of catalogue and protection will be defined precisely for each case. In the case of Catalonia, for example, the declaration of Cultural Property of Catalan National Interest (BCIN) carries with it a determined policy, as much as for the formulation of the protection, as for the criteria of intervention. This concrete case deals with buildings, historical gardens or other constructions of singular character that, for their undeniable patrimonial wealth, are considered “monuments�. This specification clearly marks the line separating it from other elements, of lesser status, that could be considered of this level. For this reason, the assigned protection is total and the restoration actions should not result in reinventions or changes in design. The elements, catalogued with this level of protection, are the object of conservation, consolidation and rehabilitation works and actions; whenever its state requires it in order to safeguard its values. For the rest of the elements susceptible of being protected, the Catalan legislation determines a generic concept: other elements of the catalogue. Under this denomination are incorporated into the catalogue list all the remaining pieces with individual values of interest. The specifications of the values of protection are established in a three level scale: Local Level Cultural Property (BCIL), Properties with elements of interest and Properties of documental interest. The catalog level B or BCIL is designed for the protection of buildings of constructions of singular value that, capable of being incorporated in the superior category (A or BCIN), from a comparative scale of values, it has been taken into consideration that the element in question offers singularities appreciable at the local level and not at the national. Formally, it could be indicated that the elements susceptible of being catalogued with a level A (BCIN) or B (BCIL), are different only in their scale of values in the area of legislation or territory. For this reason, philosophically, they should enjoy the same type of protection which will be detailed in each of the specific indexes which a patrimony catalogue must contain. At this level may also be included buildings or constructions that have lost their unitary and genuine coherence, as a result of interventions upon the original model; that have suffered a process of degradation; that have suffered an irreversible change of use or, simply that their patrimonial values and their singularity of origin have been affected.


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The permitted interventions in these elements are those of rehabilitation of their original values with unified reform and rehabilitation projects. These proposals must be accompanied by, just as in the higher category, a historical, archeological and architectural record of the building or associated construction, including environmental aspects in the corresponding cases. In this type of documents, after a patrimonial analysis, the elements that confer its singularity are detailed. Also accompanying should be, in the majority of cases, a photographic report and drawings of the present state of the construction, previous to any dismantling. The usefulness of this record lies in having available a very useful and even necessary tool as previous phase to the formulation of intervention proposals. In this way, many of the criteria of the project are justifiable upon the basis of the previously drawn up record. The so-called properties with elements of interest are buildings and constructions, or spaces in the territorial area, which have specific values, destined to be adequately protected. With that in mind, an attempt is made to forestall the loss of a determined structural type, mainly expressed in its facade, without forgetting singular aspects as are, for example, the vestibules, stairways and its position or the very material structure. At this level of protection, it is possible to inventory and catalogue elements of interest incorporated in buildings of doubtful globally considered value. The buildings themselves may be modernized as long as the functionality or intrinsic sense of the protected element is not altered. The description of the parts to be preserved, as differs from others that do not possess this estimation, should permit that development of rehabilitation actions revalue the elements specifically detailed. These properties should be the object of conservation, consolidation and rehabilitation works and actions, keeping in mind the safeguarding of its essential values. Finally, there is a fourth level of cataloguing: the properties of documental interest. These represent a series of buildings or other elements, susceptible of maintaining their memory. It deals with constructions with a certain historic or architectural distinction that, for some motive (physical state, urban planning effectuation...) cannot be preserved. For this, they are buildings which can be substituted and from which must be previously removed, whenever it is specified, the significant elements that may be of interest. In these cases the historic record and the graphic documentation which accompany it are fundamental for maintaining the objective of its “documental� cataloguing. Closely linked to this level of cataloguing is the chapter on interests of environmental or local history. It represents a category that allows the inclusion of elements of specifically local value, aspects of the historical and documental report capable of being explained and identified by

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means of a specific marking. In a second stage there is the possibility of determining itineraries or routes, for example through a historic center, in order to show the architectural, patrimonial and landscape values of the conjunct. The diffusion of the catalogued elements at a global level, be it symbolic or intangible, allows for the establishment of an understanding of the conjunct that helps to rationalize the proposals in future urban, general or derived planning. The definition of pieces and of surroundings, as well as the diverse urban types and setting configure the true values of the urban landscape that are the synthesis and the object of the protection.

Sectoring of the surroundings with attention to the established criteria With the wish that the interventions of regeneration and preservation, derived from the application of the catalogue, fulfill the capacity of definition demandable in a historic conjunct, it is necessary to determine some sub-areas or work areas from the morphologic, historic, typological and urban planning analysis of the very fabric, previously realized. In this way, within each area the singular buildings which characterize it can be determined and all the elements which make it up inventoried. The technological contribution, an indispensable resource in the making and managing of a patrimony plan The appearance of the new technologies applied to the drawing up of the patrimony protection plans and catalogues is orientated two ways. The first establishes the formulation of the work bases in Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in order to facilitate, later on, the elaboration of another system, called Consultation and Visualization of the Catalogue. The second, which is the most substantial, represents the elaboration of the general information by way of the rendering of the historic conjunct in 3D. The implementation of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) geared toward the management of inventories and cataloguing of historic properties is renovating procedures, methods and traditional techniques. The functionality of GIS as data bases, with georeferenced elements that can be visualized and analyzed in varied and interactive ways, allows the urban space to be broken down into layers of study on those few patrimonial buildings of great historic value to be referenced (from a suitable cadastral base). The main contributions can be resumed as: Ease in the process of information capture and entry related to the location and surroundings of a determined historic conjunct, thanks to the use of digital cartography (cadastral) using systems of consultations that allow the crossing of information and the generation of thematic layers upon the age of the buildings.

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Georeferenciation of historic bases and the superimposition with modern cartography. A method which brings a new order and rationality to the evolving configuration of the historic nucleus, the detection and correction of interpretive errors and, at the same time, an increase in the precision of the marking of the catalogable elements. Identification and geometric definition of the entities.Using these techniques it is possible to identify a determined historic building, as well as establish and link its relationship of proximity, neighboring, street front and other typological aspects. Capability of consultation upon reference entities, keeping in mind criteria of spatial character -of location on a street or proximity- or thematic (age). Ease of integration of information, based on the capacity to consult external sources, or also the presentation of results upon more realistic and representative images of the landscape. Appropriateness for the systems of cartographic representation (composition and design of maps). Improvements in the systems of analysis (generation of thematic cartography, analytic for combination of different variables by means of map algebra.). ETo sum up, the creation of a digital data base compatible with GIS, where the singular architectural characteristics of some of the emblematic or historic-artistic buildings are described and referenced, today represents an inestimable advance for the generation of a catalogue of protection of the architectural, archaeological or environmental patrimony, which is also capable of incorporating the elaboration of a Consultation and Visualization System of the same catalogue. A practical case of the application of the new technologies: the Special Urban Planning of the Historic Conjunct of Cadaques The special plan circumscribes the historic nucleus of Cadaques and its area of protection. It was drawn up by a team directed by the architects Antoni Vilanova and Susanna Moya, with the technologic contribution of the Laboratori de Modelizació Virtual de la Ciutat (LMVC)7 del Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, of the Escola d’Arquitectura de Barcelona (ETSAB) and of the Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC). One of its manifested objectives has been the desire to create a document that, from a wide and multidisciplinary formulation, could undertake with detail and precision all the mechanisms for a later dynamic and simplified management. The rendering in 3D of the morphologic conjunct of the historic center of Cadaques, using a high-precision instrument such as the terrestrial laser scanner, constitutes an important technological aid in the analysis and posterior diagnosis of the present state of the historic conjunct. The modeling in 3D, as well as the rendering of all the building fronts in an extensive historic conjunct, has allowed us to work deftly and upon a base of high resolution. The threedimensional format, with great level of detail and a precise

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Safranboulu (Turkey)

Ia, Santorini (Greece)

Sidi Bou Saïd (Tunisia)


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Replacement of a row of faรงades using a scanner as a stage prior to making an inventory and catalogue of them

geometric disposition offers a clear visualization of the area of study. In this way it is possible to distinguish the course of the streets, the different pavements, the slopes, as well as the characteristics of all and every one of the buildings and their elements. Today the analytic capacity and rigor in the methodology in the creating of a patrimony catalogue is as important as the application of the technical means that facilitate its creation and presentation, as well as the management of protection plan. All this is geared toward the improvement of management which allows a correct urban planning, applicable to any historic center or patrimonial conjunct.

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Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean 1. Cyprus. The necessary development of local plans

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Kyriakos Koundouros and Irene Hadjisavva-Adam Architects Department of Town Planning and Housing, Ministry of the Interior Cyprus

A Brief Overview of the Planning System

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The need to protect the natural and built environment from the pressures of uncontrolled tourist growth, the massive influx of population in urban centres, land speculation and increasing levels of traffic congestion in the inner cities led to a heated debate during the late sixties on the need to introduce a planning framework to control development through the preparation and adoption of development plans. And although the Planning Act had been prepared as early as 1972, it was not introduced until December 1990, due to conflicting interests between various groups of the population, but mainly as a result of the 1974 events which led to the occupation of the northern half of the island. The State was then called to address more pressing issues, such as the restructuring of the economy and the provision of housing for more than 200,000 refugees. Building development in the years that followed, up to the introduction of the Town and Country Planning Law (1990), has caused irreversible environmental damage to the island’s sensitive ecosystems and built heritage, but also to its capacity to grow and develop in a sustainable manner. The main instrument of land use control in Cyprus is the Local Plan. Most municipal areas are covered by local plans, which usually refer to wide geographical areas functioning as unitary entities. Area Schemes have been introduced to cover smaller areas – mainly conservation areas or areas with high development pressures within local plan boundaries – with policy measures and provisions substantially more detailed than those contained in the local plans themselves. The Minister of the Interior – designated by Law as the competent Planning Authority for the preparation of development plans (local plans and area schemes) – has delegated his powers to the Planning Board, an independent body appointed by the government. In practice, plans are still prepared – in their draft form – by Central Government (the Town Planning and Housing Department of the Ministry of the Interior) in consultation with a Joint Board (where local agents, pressure groups and professional bodies are represented) and submitted to the Planning Board to be decided, before being referred to the Minister for approval. Generally, draft plans are adopted with minor modifications.

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In Cyprus, the first plans proposed the limiting of growth in concrete areas of rural municipalities and, for the first time, generated great rejection. Local authorities and proprietors that saw their possibilities to build and speculate with the land reduced.

For the rest of the territory of the State – i.e. areas not covered by local plans – the promotion and control of development is considered within the framework provided by the Statement of Policy for the Countryside, a document prepared by the Minister directly. An eight-month period for objections follows the publication of any development plan (which comes in force from the date of its publication – in this case on March 21st, 2003). Objections are considered by a Committee set up by official representatives at central and local level, which submits its Report to the Minister of the Interior. The Report, accompanied by the Minister’s remarks, is then referred to the Council of Ministers which proceeds with the formal adoption of the plan. Development Plans consist of two parts:- the written text describing the general development strategy and specific policy measures for the area, and a series of plans and maps defining planning zones and land uses for distinct localities within the area. The plans are revised and amended (where necessary) at periods not exceeding five years. The planning system operates without a higher tier plan that is necessary to address planning issues of national significance. The preparation of an Island Plan – a coherent, unifying plan of strategic status originally intended to operate as a planning


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instrument for the socio-economic development of the whole of the island – has not been feasible due to the fact that half of the island is under military occupation. This is undoubtedly the major drawback of the system, especially with respect to matters concerned with the design and provision of transport infrastructure on a national level, the overall distribution of population and employment, coastal development management as well as other planning issues of strategic importance. In general, public participation in the development plan preparation processes is barely an issue, being limited to indirect representation via local authority officials in the Joint Board, and the formal submission of objections following the plan’s publication.

Development of Sustainable Communities (Structural Funds) In the framework of the Structural Funds, Regulatory Plans for 15 settlements are currently under preparation funded by the Structural Funds of the EU and the Cyprus Government. Moreover, projects for the rehabilitation of historic areas and infrastructure improvement for the rural areas are to be included in the framework. Revitalization Plans for downgraded urban areas are also prepared for the city of Nicosia and its historic suburbs. These projects will be prepared in 2006.

Case Study: Nicosia Local Plan Nicosia Local Plan has been prepared according to the relevant provisions of the Town and Country Planning Law, and its origins lie in the Nicosia Master Plan, a project carried out during the eighties by Central Government in co-operation with the Nicosia City Council and the United Nations Development Program. It was first published in December 1990, to be reviewed in October 1996 and, just recently, in March 2003. The plan covers an area of 19.000 hectares within which fall the boundaries of nine municipal councils The Plan looks ten years into the future (setting 2012 as the “horizon year”) and attempts to set the framework for a rational and coordinated distribution of land uses, providing a suitable environment to stimulate economic activity, produce a high quality urban environment, introduce measures to meet the housing needs of the whole of the community, resolve traffic, car parking and public transport issues, and ensure that future development is as sustainable as possible. A central strategy of the Plan towards achieving its objectives is to strengthen the approach of urban regeneration in order to maintain the viability of residential use within the boundaries of the Central Area and the Walled City, protect areas with a high concentration of ancient monuments,

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listed buildings and important structures, and introduce and/ or sustain uses and activities that are compatible with the historic character of the city. The main purpose/ aim of the Plan is to set and apply a suitable framework for the long-term sustainable growth and coordinated development of the city of Nicosia, up to the year 2012. The plan aims for compact urban growth and the restraint of urban sprawl, placing particular emphasis on regeneration. The Plan’s main objectives are: Rational distribution of land uses to sustain economic growth, and preserve and improve the quality of life Conservation of natural resources and development in a sustainable manner Sensible planning in order to safeguard the potential for the reunification of the city Provision of an efficient transport network system, accessible to all Consolidation of the Central Business District within identifiable boundaries, enhancing the area’s economic base and competitiveness in attracting private development and financial resources Protection of the built heritage of the city Regeneration / rehabilitation of the Walled City Some of the objectives appear to conflict with each other; this is an expected phenomenon since land-use planning is concerned with resolving claims for the use of land. Also, several are general and highly abstract statements, thus failing to provide the required level of detail for the formulation of a framework within which policies can be derived, and against which the success of their implementation can be tested. The Plan attempts to anticipate changes, and its policies are intended to help guide development in ways that help secure the overall aim and objectives. It is accepted, however, that many objectives – and certainly the all-embracing aim – cannot be satisfied by the plan alone, largely because the plan only has effect where development changes are proposed.

Built Heritage and the Walled City Most of the buildings of cultural, historic and archaeological value in Cyprus, from the medieval period onwards, are concentrated within the Walled City of Nicosia. The built heritage of the city is addressed in no less than five chapters of the revised Local Plan. The Plan identifies a series of problem areas associated with the core of the city and its built heritage: The existence of the Buffer Zone dissecting the city and undermining its centrality

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Plan for the centre of Limassol (Cyprus)

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Physical decay and economic decline Lack of identifiable city centre or focal points of congregation Accelerating sprawl of shops, offices and recreation out of the city centre Traffic congestion, inadequate public transport infrastructure, poor road access and limited parking provisions Limited facilities for safe pedestrian movement and disabled access Lack of squares and green / open spaces There are several mechanisms aiming at the protection of the built heritage, mainly through legislation with respect to ancient monuments and listed buildings. Nicosia Local Plan goes further in introducing strict development control policies for listed buildings and conservation areas. Designated archaeological sites, ancient monuments and listed buildings are expected to be preserved in their setting and historic context. Alterations and additions to a listed building should respect and relate to its character and appearance and be designed so as to enhance its principal architectural features and use of materials. The re-use of a redundant listed building must ensure that a balance is maintained between the introduction of a suitable alternative use and the need to protect the character and appearance of the building. In conservation areas the aim is to retain and enhance historic buildings, groups of buildings, or other features including

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open spaces and views which contribute to their special character or interest. The emphasis will be on control rather than prevention, to allow the area to prosper and at the same time ensure that any new development accords with its special architectural and visual qualities. The Plan’s conservation philosophy does not only recognise the need to protect, preserve and enhance the built heritage of the historic city but also to encourage its beneficial use through the introduction of suitable and sustainable activities within and around its fabric. Over the last few years, medium-sized retailers and food-store owners, artisans and craftsmen, located within the walled city, have been calling for decisive government intervention for the implementation of infrastructure projects and stricter regulations with respect to out-of-town large-scale retail development. A great number of them are now out of business. The Plan introduces a series of actions / proposals in order to stimulate the physical, functional, economic and cultural redevelopment of the walled city: Express the uniqueness of the capital city and its historical importance, its climate, people, traditions, architecture and economic development opportunities. Foster rapid development while respecting those areas and buildings which have historic, cultural and visual significance,


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Plan for the centre of Stovrolos (Cyprus)

with an emphasis on the protection of the City’s Walls, Moat and Bastions. Promote the tourist / historic attractions of Nicosia to compete with the coastal towns. Stimulate and satisfy the diverse physical, economic and aesthetic needs of the city’s inhabitants and visitors. Maintain the viability of residential use within the boundaries of the Central Area / Walled City. Allow, where suitable, mixed use development (housing – including student housing – shops, workshops, leisure, entertainment, galleries, cultural activities etc) to encourage the creation of a sustainable microenvironment within the city’s walls. Resolve traffic, car parking and public transport issues. Address urban design issues through the visual and functional restructuring of the city centre by articulating major focuses of public places, important civic buildings, areas of recreation, and the development of an efficient system of movement along roads, pedestrian routes and open spaces. Demonstrate commitment to the future of the divided city of Nicosia and the role it can play in social, economic, cultural and physical development as well as in inter-communal relations. Initiate a process of public participation and discussion as a means of securing the support and co-operation of the residents for the proposed planning framework and urban intervention.

An important means for the preservation of traditional building is the Listed Building Law of 1992. For the walled city of Nicosia 3 Group Preservations Orders have been issued to date, encompassing 867 listed buildings. For restoration work, as well as any alteration, change of use, partial demolition etc, carried out on a listed building, a special Consent is required, in addition to the regular planning and building permits, with 90 such Consents having been granted in the last five years. To encourage the restoration and revitalization of listed buildings, a package of incentives has been introduced since 1985. Incentives provided through the Listed Building Law of 1992 are upgraded periodically to accommodate inevitable rises in restoration costs and other needs that arise. The incentives include direct cash grant for up to 50% of restoration costs, generous tax deduction, including the exemption of restoration costs and rent obtained thereupon from income tax, the refund of property registration fees, and the exemption from the property tax, the transfer of development rights and the «provided plot ratio». These measures have been very effective and have resulted in creating owners interest for preservation works. Up to now, approximately 70 buildings have benefited from these incentives, while a further 25 applications have been approved for restoration projects currently under way. Considerable grants and subsidies, the transfer of property development rights as well as other benefits are available for the

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restoration and renovation of listed buildings and structures in conservation areas. In addition, special provisions apply for the walled city and its residents such as the Investment Programme for the Revitalisation of Inner City Areas by the Buffer Zone. A number of major projects have been successfully completed within the walled city with central government funding:

Master Plan of Nicosia (Cyprus)

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Square in the centre of Nicosia (Cyprus)

Nicosia (Cyprus)

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The Tahtakalas Housing Project, a pilot project to create a selfsufficient community in a devastated part of the historic core along the buffer zone. The Chrysaliniotissa Rehabilitation Project, a project of restructuring a derelict residential neighborhood of significant architectural value through conservation, reconstruction, infrastructure provision and introduction of supporting activities, uses and public open spaces. The Ledra – Onasagoras Pedestrianisation Project, a project aimed at providing the necessary infrastructure and public amenity to the main commercial route of the walled city in order to enhance the street’s economic base and competitiveness in attracting private development. The Phaneromeni and Ariadne Public Car Parks for the provision of short stay parking, combined with the introduction of frequent mini-bus services. Priority schemes, as considered by the Plan, include the completion of the pedestrian network within the city , along with the peripheral cycle route along the city walls, the Eleftheria Square Project, and the integration of the New Town Hall with the adjacent archaeological site currently under excavation. The Local Plan accepts that the heart of the problem of evolving a central place for Nicosia lies in the revitalisation of the Walled City itself. The Walled City is the geometric centre of Nicosia where the north-south axis of Ledra Street intersects the Buffer Zone. In the future, it could provide the greatest opportunity to physically and socially unite the city and its residents. The Local Plan’s aim towards achieving its objectives through urban regeneration initiatives focuses in maintaining the viability of residential use within the boundaries of the Central Area and the Walled City, protecting areas with a high concentration of ancient monuments, listed buildings and important structures, and introducing and/ or sustaining uses and activities that are compatible with the historic character of the city. As stated in the Nicosia Master Plan, (A bi-communal multidisciplinary team of national and international experts was formed in 1981, in order to handle the difficult task of preparing a joint Master Plan and securing the harmonious development of Nicosia. It was agreed that the two sides should co-operate closely for the purpose of preparing a common Master Plan for the proper unified development of the city. The development objective


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of the subsequently agreed Project document focused on the improvement of the existing and future habitat and human settlement conditions of all the inhabitants of the city. For this project, technical assistance was requested and obtained from the United Nations Development program UNDP. This team consisted of town planners, architects, civil engineers, sociologist, economists, and experts in traffic and transportation, conservation, landscape, urban finance and other technical staff from both sides. The formation of this bi-communal team was one of the first attempts at technical co-operation between the two communities.), the nature of urban development in Cyprus, as much as in Nicosia, reflects the dominant role of the private sector in the economy and the limited legal and fiscal capacity of the authorities to assume effective management functions. However desirable it may be, in many other respects, for a country blessed with a dynamic business community and private enterprise, the result has been that private financial interests and aims have tended to prevail over public priorities and considerations of general welfare. In the sphere of urban planning policy, this has meant limited scope for implementation of laws and regulations and extremely restricted urban development budgets. Another major initiative is the preparation of a new strategic plan for the regeneration of Nicosia, the so-called “New Vision for the centre of Nicosia”, currently underway. The State needs to demonstrate commitment to tackle the complex issues of an integrated urban regeneration strategy. This requires the formulation of a pro-active planning policy framework, the encouragement of partnerships between public authorities, the private sector and voluntary organisations, the involvement of the community through the introduction of public participation processes at all stages of plan-making and in development control, and a sincere commitment to the environmental, social and economic objectives of sustainability. The Local Plan could be the vehicle for achieving these objectives.

Case Study: Lefkara Local Plan The Lefkara Local Plan (LLP) was published in 2003 and has been prepared according to the relevant provisions of the Town and Country Planning Law by the Planning Board (an independent body, appointed by the President, that has been delegated with the power to prepare Development Plans), through the Department of Town Planning and Housing. Its aim is to provide the legal framework for the regulation and the control of development in the Lefkara area, that covers the municipal area of Pano Lefkara and the area of the Community Council of Kato Lefkara, with a total of 6000 hectares and 1,039 residents (according to the 2000 Census). It is the smallest area covered by a local plan in Cyprus.

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The LLP seeks to answer to the main problems of the area such as the degradation of the built environment due to the desertion and the ageing of the building stock, scattered development and parcelation, traffic congestion due to the excessive number of cars, the inadequate road system and the lack of parking spaces as well as the absence of a development control tool, such as the present local plan, and of a holistic approach to planning in view for sustainable development. To do so, it uses the significant development opportunities that the area presents: its central geographical position in the island and easy access from the national road network the remarkable and well preserved architectural heritage the traditional crafts of lace and silver the uniqueness of the landscape and the surrounding environment. The main objectives of the LLP are: Preservation of the outstanding architectural heritage Introduction of land use zones, sensible to the traditional architectural character and to the natural and cultural landscape that surrounds them. Provision for a flexible transport network system Protection, management and enhancement of the natural environment Development of the opportunities for leisure provided through the natural environment and enhancing the tourist product

Rehabilitation of the built environment The objectives are focused on the protection of the natural and built environment and the opportunities for development that they present. Furthermore, all policies of the LLP are focused on three axes: the environment, built heritage and traditional crafts. Policies are interrelated with the aim to achieve sustainable development versus short-time economic gain through exploiting these three main assets. Thus, the main and dominant objectives seem to be in harmony with each other. That makes objectives more tangible. A serious omission of the plan is that the need to reverse the depopulation trend is not included in the objectives’ statement. Depopulation is a major problem for rural communities and deserves more consideration than that given to it in the policies of the present plan for attracting population, stated in the relevant chapter. The Plan incorporates policies derived from European Conventions. For example the LLP Policy for the Landscape is based on the European Landscape Convention (Florence, 2000), while the Conservation Policy is based on the European Convention for the Protection of Architectural Heritage (Granada 1985).

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Conservation The architectural heritage is the symbol of Pano and Kato Lefkara, in both the conscious of the residents and the people in general. Thus, the preservation of the architectural heritage is the main axis of planning in the area covered by the LLP. The LLP seeks to address conservation related problems through policies of Integrated Preservation, based on the following main directions: Restoration of individual listed buildings by utilising the available grants The issue of a Preservation Order for all traditional buildings Identification of Conservation Areas Introducing appropriate control and management tools Organizing workshops and providing further education for architects and builders on traditional skills and methods. Introduction of specific guidelines Readjustment of the Housing Zones Programming and promoting public investment in infrastructure

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In Conservation Areas, strict development control policies and guidelines are introduced so as to ensure that the two historic settlements will be preserved and enhanced by the correct rehabilitation and additions on traditional and listed buildings. The new buildings will be harmonically incorporated in the existing pattern and the settlement structure and character, road pattern or the relation of open-closed space will not be disturbed. The guidelines include provisions for the volumes, forms, architectural detail, materials, colours, urban free spaces, landscape elements, infrastructure provisions, etc. Regarding new development, they allow for a more innovative approach, through specific guidelines. They provide an important and necessary tool for ensuring better quality design, since a big part of the development is undertaken by civil engineers or technicians. The central government places preservation high on its agenda and promotes it through considerable economic incentives that are available for the rehabilitation of listed buildings. A major programme for agro-tourism development in traditional buildings is currently on the way (with a big success), using funds from the central government and the Structural Fund of the European Union. The Rehabimed programme for the rehabilitation of a streetscape and for the education of craftsmen and architects in Lefkara is also a proof of the consistency of the LLP intentions, alongside with the actions undertaken by the government and a presupposition for a considerable success of the policies (unlike most of the other Cypriot local plans, where the initiative is left only on the private sector). The implementation potential of the LLP and the dynamism towards rehabilitation created by these

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Plan for Lefkara (Cyprus)

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initiatives undertaken by the public sector in cooperation with the private sector is a major achievement.

Related provisions The consideration for the environment (built and natural) is not only covered in the relevant chapters, but also determines the policies on other topics as well, since any development in an area outside the village limits has an impact on both the natural and the built environment. The way that the LLP addresses conflicts through interrelated policies is demonstrated in the following examples: Since the development sprawl and ribbon development along the main roads leading to the settlements can be considered as a major drawback on the preservation of both the natural environment and the traditional cores, limiting development sprawl outside the designated “Development Zones” is a policy of fundamental importance for the LLP. Moreover, the LLP has made a brave step in identifying Areas of Special Policy. In these areas, the LLP has reduced and even annihilated the building ratio - for the first time in Cyprus planning history - and introduced strict guidelines for the volume and the morphology of buildings, both within “Areas of Special Character” (Conservation Areas) and in the outskirts. With these policies, it attempts to prevent development in the empty space in between the settlements and thus protects the environment and the nominated “NATURA 2000” area, as well as the spatial character of the complex. This policy was met with big hostility from the Local Authorities and local land owners since, as they claim, this policy was followed by a big change on property values and speculation. They also claim that it will contribute to a further depopulation, since it will be difficult (in other words, too expensive) to build a house in the properties they own (and thus in conflict with the policy for the augmentation of the population). Another major problem is the out-of centre retail development that has a “domino” effect on both the natural and the built environment. Retail related to tourism is the first source of income in Lefkara. The majority of businesses are family owned and are trading lace and silver. Historically, commerce was developed along the major road axes of the traditional core, where the typology of the houses reflects the activity; the ground floor was a shop, while the upper floor was a residence. Today, retail development tends to concentrate on the main peripheral road since traders prefer to set up their business at the outskirts of the settlement, hoping to attract buyers. The sloping mountain is then cut to accommodate the building and the necessary parking space, thus destroying the immediate environment, causing circulation problems due to the entrance of the shops and moving commercial activity away from the historic core, where these activities were

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traditionally taking place. In order to limit this chain of events, the main peripheral road is designated, as another Area of Special Policy. The abandonment of the commercial use in the core reflects on the abandonment of the historic properties and traditional uses. The LLP seeks to further reverse the trend in favour of the out-of town retail development by restricting the commercial use on the outskirts and by forbidding the creation of superstores and shopping centres. It also seeks to further strengthen the commercial centre by adding to it administrative and cultural uses. The recognition of the tourist industry as the driving force for development further strengthens the need to protect the natural and built environment. Lefkara has a big potential for cultural tourism and agrotourism. The LLP seeks to achieve sustainable tourist development through an overall policy towards preservation of cultural heritage and promoting cultural infrastructure and activities. Furthermore, an Integrated Tourism Model is adopted through relevant policies.

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Lefkara, Cyprus

Lefkara, Cyprus

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Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean 2. Lebanon. The lack of ad hoc legal tools

Beyond their cultural and identity dimensions, the built-up heritage and archaeological sites of Lebanon constitute nonreplenishable resources, vital for relaunching the tourist economy. In fact, despite the demolition of a large proportion of this heritage and the numerous attacks on the character of sites by anarchic construction projects, they remain a basic asset to the country's economy. The establishment of coherent policies for acting on Lebanon's heritage (protection, improvement, revitalisation of ancient fabric, etc.) largely depends, firstly, on legal and regulatory tools made available to public and private agents and, secondly, on the practical use made of these tools by the public administration in its relations with private-sector agents. Lebanon has an arsenal of regulatory tools which have proved ineffective, inappropriate in practice or even clearly encouraging the destruction of heritage:

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Habib Debs Architect American University of Beirut Lebanon

In Lebanon the urban regulations allow construction of four-story buildings upon all lots without specific planning. In the historic centers, generally with constructions of two stories, the development of a protection plan is viewed as an unpopular measure since it means the loss of the possibility to construct two more stories.

The law on antiquities: The classification procedure ultimately involves the purchase by the State of classified houses. It is therefore not used in the majority of cases because of the State's very limited means. Tax incentives: Given the weakness of Lebanon's tax system, the various tax exemptions are not enough to constitute a tangible incentive to owners. The law on old rented properties is an incitement to the destruction of heritage in as much as it authorises the owners of old buildings to end lease contracts (generally very low ones) with their tenants on the sole condition that the building is demolished. The regulations on land rights (planning law of 1983): The procedure for putting in place local plans (called "detailed schemes") theoretically allows the protection of historical urban sites thanks to measures that can be based on land occupation coefficients ultimately to the prohibition of demolition, without any obligation on the State to compensate the owner. However, this type of protection runs up against the practice of lobbying by landowners. We will now discuss the improvements that can be made to this procedure in order to avoid the obstacles mentioned above and to allow the establishment of real urban projects. Beirut at the beginning of XXth century

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Gemmayzeh district in Beirut. Urban façade and impact of one of the residential tower blocks planned in the historic centre.

Regulations on land rights

centres, which have largely disappeared because of this, with the exception of some notable examples, such as the souks of Tripoli and Saida or certain districts of Beirut (Zoqaq-el-Blat, Bachoura, Gemmayzé) saved until now by their social image which is judged negative by property developers. A development of these tools therefore seems inevitable in order to adapt them to the power relationships in force and to introduce the notion of "Urban project" placing agreement on a local scale at the base of drawing up urban policies and organisation projects. The directive scheme procedure and, more particularly, the provisions of paragraphs 4 and 6 of article 8 concerning detailed schemes, theoretically allow such projects to be put in place. However, in practice, recourse to existing regulations here runs up, as before, against the lack of political will to limit the right to build on land.

Concerning the regulation of land rights, all policies to protect groups of buildings in Lebanon run into two big problems linked to two types of measures with many consequences that have been taken by the administration in the past: 1. The principle of "generalised construction": article 17 of the construction code guarantees the owner of any plot on national territory the possibility of constructing a building of up to four storeys - with a land occupation coefficient (called a C.O.S.) of 80% - apart from some exceptions, that is, apart from sectors covered by a zoning plan (land occupation plan, called a P.O.S.). As the majority of old town centres outside P.O.S. coverage are made up of buildings whose height does not exceed two storeys, this makes any policy to protect this heritage dependant on reducing rights to build on these plots – a very unpopular measure which is generally rejected by the landowners and the elected representatives who largely represent them. 2. The increased zoning principle in the centre of towns and villages: The central zones, generally corresponding to the historic fabric, benefit from the highest land occupation coefficients (up to six times the size of the plot in the centre of Beirut). The effect of this has been to strongly increase land pressure and the destruction of the built-up heritage and to make protection of these districts very improbable, if not impossible, as none of the governments that have succeeded one another since Lebanese independence has been able to decree a basis of coefficients that can stand up to the land interests in these sectors, even if they had ever had the intention of doing so.

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Improvement of existing tools The impact of these regulations on the urban form has clearly been translated into a growth of land pressure in the historic

Historic site in the Gemmayzeh district of Beirut. In black, the 11 tower blocks planned for this district. In colour, the historic buildings.

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In order to get round this obstacle, in January 2002, the Minister of Culture presented a bill providing for different ways of compensating land and property owners through a transfer of the right to build from their plot in a preserved sector (called the "transmission" zone) to plots in less sensitive areas, declared to be "receiving zones". It is along these lines that a proposed decree affecting the organisation of the territory (proposed by the CDR) and a heritage bill (proposed by the Ministry of Culture) have been drawn up, but their chances of adoption by the Council of Ministers or the Chamber of Deputies are still uncertain.

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Tripoli. The suffering of traditional architecture.

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Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean 3 Italy. A dense web of legislation.

Article n° 9 of the Italian Constitution declares that "The Republic supervises the cultural heritage and ensures it is improved" and then specifies the State's powers concerning such supervision (art. nº 117). However, there are no real specific regulations on traditional architecture. Everything concerning this matter is instead integrated into a series of laws that specifically concern town planning, cultural heritage or, more recently, territorial government. “Territorial government" is carried out by local administrations based on a large body of national and local laws, rules and regulations that are superimposed on one another over time. Certain provisions which still apply have their origins even before the unification of the State (1870); this is why it is necessary to renew and, above all to unify all the different planning rules into "sole texts”. During the last decade, an attempt has been made to move towards a simplification of the regulations, while certain reforms were introduced which have instead created problems at management and organisation level, notably concerning local administrations and their relationship with the public. Local administrations have been invested with important new responsibilities, on one hand, and, on the other, they have been called on to provide more effective answers to old classic problems. The different cultural issues and the new regulations of the last few years can be summarised in a few points: A reform process covering all the regulations concerning the planning and organisation of territory which has been developed alongside growing awareness of issues of preserving the environment through planning the use of territory; A move from interest in issues of urban growth towards issues of urban and territorial renovation and reclassification; A new vision of the territory, previously perceived as an independent physical space and now instead considered as a real place capable of being promoted; The difficult reform of the public works system beginning with Act n° 109/94 ("Merloni Act”). Besides these considerations, certain regulatory operations also carried out with the intention of simplifying procedures must also be mentioned.

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Michelangelo Dragone Architecte, Italie

In Italy, where the legislative framework is very dense, a new law protects the buildings and traditional rural landscapes, including aspects such as the roads, watering systems and terraces.

The “unified text” concerning compulsory purchase (DPR n° 327/2001) eliminates all preceding regulations going back to 1865 and defines a "single procedure" where procedural powers over the matter are attributed to officers. Here, elements of participation are introduced where private agents are subject to notification at the launch of each stage of the procedure. The “unified text”, concerning construction (DPR n° 380/2001) reorganises all regulations concerning the construction sector. This text introduces the "one-stop shop for construction" whose function is to simplify and accelerate the permission procedures for private buildings. The importance of obtaining "permission to build" is underlined, but also the importance of the "D.I.A." (declaration of the opening of a construction site), corresponding to permission that is quicker to obtain, is added. This authorisation involves direct exemption from responsibility of the owner and his/her architect; it is a tool intended for modest operations (no extension of volume or significant changes to façades) granted for the demolition and "identical reconstruction" on one hand and, on the other, to new constructions on condition

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they are carried out within operational implementation plans and on a sufficiently precise scale to ensure good progress on the site. In Italy, the supervision of cultural and environmental heritage has for a long time been governed by two main laws: Act n° 1497/1939 concerning natural and landscape beauty; Act n° 1089/1939 on the protection of "assets of artistic and historical interest, including archaeological remains”. These two laws are today brought together in the “unified text” on cultural heritage (d. Lgs n° 42/2004) which, in 166 articles, includes all legislation concerning cultural and environmental heritage. The text specifies and expands the concept of heritage based on the principle that each asset representing "material remains with the value of civilisation" may be classified as a "cultural asset". At the same time, besides the conservation and supervision functions assigned to the ministry and the superintendancies on the ground, functions concerning the improvement and promotion of heritage are underlined. The thread running through this text is that of making the relationship between citizens and institutions as simple and effective as possible, through easier procedures. The 1950s saw a negative assessment of pre-war plans and the need for protection of historic town centres was underlined, with a strong trend to go beyond the classical concept of "monument" (the urban area as a whole, not just exceptional, isolated works). Act n° 457/1978, intended to restore public and private heritage buildings, defines types of intervention:

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ordinary intervention extraordinary intervention conservational restoration and renovation restructuring of the building urban restructuring.

Tool 13 Defining legal and planning instruments Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean. Italy

PII – integrated intervention programmes PRU – urban renovation programmes PRiU – urban reclassification programmes C.dQ – district contracts PRUSST - urban reclassification and sustainable territorial development programmes. These practices have taken over in the last few years as an alternative to the individual operational town planning tools which preceded them and lacked much effect except for their extremely protective nature, paralysing capacity to express a clear position on architectural objects and their future.

Village in Sardinia (Italy)

As a complement to this, Act n° 457/78 introduced the need for renovation plans; however, attention remained exclusively centred on the built-up sectors of towns: rural areas were governed by protection criteria based exclusively on their productive character. The 1990s saw the concept of restructuring at urban level brought up to date, based on a new approach to renovation, introducing a new view of the relationships between urban and rural areas, alongside a growing concern for environmental issues. These concerns ultimately tend to change the scale: from historic sectors to whole towns to rural areas, with their complexity and the different relationships that are established between them. Finally, traditional architecture is taken into account in a number of complex plans: Village of Gangi, Sicily (Italy)

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These plans can be considered as the end of a journey which has seen the interest in the physical expansion of towns move towards the renovation of heritage. These plans are called "complex" because they are characterised by various aspects, such as promotion, drafting, and operational action, which the local administrations must consider and which correspond to a change in mentality: the public authorities cannot content themselves with defining the core elements of the general programme. Instead, they must be compared to private agents, with agreements on deadlines, costs and ways of carrying out the programmes. This requires great capacity for negotiation, previously unthinkable for public administrations, as well as, of course, a clear vision of development and, therefore, building conservation policies. It is also important to highlight, and by no means in last place, Act n° 378/2003 – “Provision for the supervision and improvement of rural architecture”, whose aim is to preserve and improve the different types of rural architecture, such as farmhouses and rural buildings constructed between the 13th and 19th centuries. This law concerns enclosures, spaces intended for residence and work, traditional coverings of outdoor spaces, historic roads, water channelling systems and terraces. Act n° 378/2003 identifies admissible actions, determines the technical work concerned (materials, masonry, flooring, coverings, façades, carpentry, etc.) and establishes a joint committee to carry it out.

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Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean 4. Tunisia. The difficult of applying the law in practice

Current Tunisian legislation concerning heritage is the result of a long evolution, comparable to that in other countries, particularly European ones. The notion of protection and conservation has dominated until recent times. During the last few years, this legislation has developed to take into account notions of natural and urban sites and to provide an important place for improvement conditions. This outlook has been expressed in Acts 86-35 of 9th May 1986 and 88-44 of 19th May 1988, and, above all, in the promulgation of the heritage code in 1994. However, this development is marked by a paradox, as the will clearly expressed by those in charge in Tunisia to run cultural heritage with a dynamic development and promotion policy runs up against the constraints resulting from the inheritance of a legal system not adapted to the requirements of the urgency of protecting heritage from aggression and handicapped by the absence of applicable texts.

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Rammah Mourad Secretary General of the Association for the Conservation of Kairouan Medina Tunisia

In Tunisia, the lack of managerial bodies translates as a serious handicap in putting the new instruments of protection into practice.

D. 12 August 1923, forbidding a change in occupancy of urban residential properties in protection areas without prior authorisation.

The current situation in the legislation The main legislative texts organising the protection and improvement of Tunisia's cultural heritage are the following: 13

Beylical decree of 7 March 1886 concerning the ownership and conservation of monuments, objets d'art and antiquities, Beylical decree of 8 January 1920 concerning antiquities predating the Arab conquest, Beylical decree of 3 June 1929 guaranteeing properties classed as historic monuments, as well as certain protected sites and areas in urban agglomerations, against all advertising.

Sidi Bou SaĂŻd D. 6 August 1915, on the protection of Arab constructions. D. 6 April 1925 on the protection of Arab constructions. A. 4 September 1996, affecting the creation and delimitation of historic and traditional sites.

Since the end of the 19th century, specific protection measures have been decreed for medinas and their traditional urban fabrics. This has allowed Tunisia to legally preserve certain urban areas threatened by the evolution of modern life. These measures essentially concern the following towns and cities: Tunis D. 3rd March 1920, establishing a protection area for souks in the Arab city. D. 13 September 1921, extending the souk protection area.

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Kairouan (Tunisia)


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Sfax D. 27 January 1925, on the conservation of old towns and cities. Bizerte D. 20 January 1926, on the conservation of old towns and cities. Kairouan D. 31 March 1914, forbidding building and planting around the Great Mosque. D. 18 October 1921, protecting souks and picturesque districts. D. 6 May 1986, affecting the declaration of certain zones in classified sites. However, the first important legislative texts concerning the protection of urban sites are relatively recent. They involve: the Beylical decree of 17 September 1953 concerning the protection of sites Act 86-35 of 9 May 1986 This act declares the need to protect archaeological assets, historic monuments and natural and urban sites in order to preserve cultural heritage and that of the civilisations of Tunisia, as well as the beauty of its landscapes inherited from the generations who have succeeded one another in the country. Their field of application extends to established archaeological assets, to historic buildings and monuments, to historic urban sites and to natural sites. The law redirects the classification

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mechanism instituted by the Beylical decree of 7 March 1886 and introduces the procedure of recording it in an inventory. Act 88-44, 19 May 1988 concerning cultural assets This law establishes the legal category of "cultural assets of public utility" which are, under the terms of the law, archaeological remains, whole buildings, sites, hand written and printed documents, items of artistic interest and archives. The law establishes that cultural assets that are the property of private individuals should continue to belong to them and that they should continue to enjoy them as long as they enter them in a special register. This law establishes the higher council for the preservation of cultural assets and encourages the creation of action and preservation associations. the Heritage Code - Act 35-94 of 24 February 1994 The Heritage Code introduces new categories of heritage established from a perspective of development and historical or natural coherence. These are "cultural sites", "historic and traditional sites" and "movable objects". After their boundaries have been set, the cultural sites are subject to a procedure of establishment by decree, as well as a protection and improvement plan (PPMV). The regulatory part of the plan defines authorised activities according to the zones, conditions of implementation and the easements involved in each area. Once approved, the plan fully replaces the urban organisation plan. Certain works, such as the installation of advertising, are subject to a system of prior authorisation.

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View of Sousse (Tunisia)

Sidi Bou Said (Tunisia)

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Historic and traditional sites, including urban sites and villages "with character" can form part of a protected sector. These sectors are subject to a protection and improvement plan (PSMV), covering division into plots as well as regulations indicating the properties to be preserved, the properties to be renovated and those which can wholly or partly be destroyed. The PSMV also involves specifications determining architectural and organisational rules and regulations, forbidden activities, infrastructures and the necessary facilities. Within the protected sector, certain works are subject to prior administrative authorisation. Since then, historic monuments have been subject to three levels of protection: an ordinary protection order, a classification decree made in an emergency, and a preventive order made in order to prevent the threat of ruin, demolition or alteration. Works carried out on a building protected by order require prior administrative authorisation. In properties classified by decree, works are paid for by the State to a maximum of 50%. The owners can benefit from grants and tax exemptions. The provisions of the law concerning relationships between owners and tenants cannot be applied to owners who undertake works at their own expense on a classified historic monument, except for work considered as "sumptuary". In the zones within 200m around classified or protected properties, all properties, whether or not they are buildings, must obey protection provisions defined by articles 26 to 44 of the heritage code (prior administrative authorisation for undertaking

works, ban on putting up signs, ban on certain activities). The State has the right to compulsorily purchase classified historic monuments for the public good and benefits from a priority right to purchase any classified or protected historic monument. It is noticeable that the text of article 1 of the code attaches the condition of heritage to remains left by previous civilisations or generations, dating from ‘proto-historic’ or prehistoric periods, whose national or universal value has been shown. Reference to national or universal value risks becoming somewhat reductionist when cultural assets whose importance does not go beyond local or regional limits are concerned. This risks damaging the interest that must be attributed to vernacular architecture and to modest buildings. The second paragraph of article 1 indicates that the archaeological, historical or traditional heritage is part of the State's public domain, except where private ownership has been legally established. This general rule, the need for which can easily be seen in the face of a sometimes very uncertain situation (failure to identify owners, many situations of indivisibility, strong population, economic and tourist pressure), ought to be given fine detail by specifying in an appropriate legal means or tenet the conditions under which the State may, in certain cases, transfer to the public sector (regional communities) or the private sector (associations and commercial organisations) the management of this heritage without giving away ownership of it. However, it can be stated that currently only the site of Carthage – Sidi Bou Saïd has been delimited by a joint order by the ministers

Invasion of tourists at Sidi Bou Said (Tunisia)

Medina of Sfax (Tunisia)

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of culture and public works, signed on 4 September 1996. To date, the decree approving the protection and improvement plan (PPMV) of the site of Carthage - Sidi Bou SaĂŽd has not been made, although its specifications have been established. The lack of precise definition of procedures, documents and the respective roles of operators, as well as the absence of administrative structures capable of overseeing land and property procedures (changes, permission to demolish and build, respect for regulations linked to the existence of a protection plan) form the major handicaps to the establishment of new protection tools. Ultimately, the fact that the delimitation procedure should have been made by an order of the ministers of culture and public works, without consultation with the local councils, shows that it is not the kind of action making it easy to put operations into practice.

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Sidi bou Said (Tunisia)

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Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean 5. Palestine. Protection as a priority

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Farhat Muhawi Architect Head of the Planning Department of RIWAQ Palestine

Introduction

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This paper attempts to identify and analyze the legal system and instruments, both existing and proposed, for the protection of cultural heritage in Palestine,. The existing legal system and instruments for the protection of cultural heritage in Palestine are obsolete and fragmented. To date, only archeological sites and buildings dated before 1700 AD, or 600 AD for human and animal remains, are protected by law; the 1966 Antiquities Law. This Law, applicable in the West Bank, is an insignificant amendment to the 1929 Antiquity law, which is still applicable in the Gaza Strip. Both laws are to a great extent outdated and imply a fragmented legal system, and in this context; different antiquity laws apply in the two Palestinian territories. For this reason a New Law for Cultural Heritage Protection was prepared in 2003. This proposed law aims to protect, manage and enhance cultural heritage properties in Palestine, covering all components of cultural heritage1. This is consistent with international law and regulations. Unfortunately, this law has not yet been ratified by the Palestinian Legislative Council. As a result of this, and due to many other factors such as urban sprawl, the scarcity of land in the areas A,B2, the lack of efficient cultural heritage bodies, the Palestinian cultural heritage and more specifically the immovable cultural heritage stand at the threshold of destruction. Moreover, cultural heritage has not yet been put as a priority on the national agenda, and is still seen as a liability rather than an economic and social development factor.

The Existing Legal System and Instruments The Antiquity Laws fail to protect the various components and parts of cultural heritage, leaving other components like Historic Centers and Monuments unprotected. These legal instruments lack coherence with international laws, standards and conventions, and are very centralized; hence most of the authority is centralized in the hands of the Director of the Department Antiquities. In spite of the need for new laws and legal instruments, one can say that many of the cultural heritage components can be protected simply by the enforcement of the existing legal regime.

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In Palestine, more than the plans of development and revitalization, the worrisome state of abandonment of the traditional architecture urgently demands instruments of protection.

In other words, the problem of protecting the cultural heritage lies not only with an obsolete, and fragmented legal system, but also in failing to make the maximum out of the existing legal instruments; this in addition to a lack of human and financial resources, and the inability to implement such mechanisms as a result of lake of jurisdiction in areas, which are still under the full military control of Israel. Failing to implement the existing legal instruments can be demonstrated under the following two headings:

Failure to maximize the use of the Antiquity Laws; 1. Since 1944, not a single cultural heritage property has been declared as protected; both Antiquity Laws (that of 1966 and that of 1929) allow for “the Director of Antiquity Department to declare [in the Gazette] a list of archeological sites and buildings, and he/she may add new items or amend the list�.


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The law also allows the Director to “delineate the borders of those sites and buildings”3. This provision in the law has not been used since the year 1944, and even though the Oslo agreement (1993) gave the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), total jurisdiction over areas A and B, unfortunately the PNA has not made use of it. 2. Failure to activate the Consultative Board stated in both Antiquity laws; “the Director of Antiquity Department consults the council on matters both relating to and having archeological value”4. This Board has been created by the law with the intention of directing and consulting the performance and plans of the Antiquity Department, and it has not been activated to this date. By the end of 2005, the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities has established a new board with unclear responsibilities.

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This team included experts in the field of cultural and natural heritage, legal experts and international experts in both heritage and legislations. The new law for CNH protection suggests a system of registration that allows the Cultural Heritage Authority to declare a cultural heritage asset as protected in the duration of one year. This duration gives the authority the time to study, identify the significance and delineate the exact borders of cultural heritage assets to be included in the National Register of Declared Cultural Heritage Properties. Once a cultural heritage property is listed in the National Register a set of by-laws, regulations and guidelines are applied to this property. This system of registration is considered as the main legal instrument for the protection of cultural heritage properties. Other legal instruments and tools can be identified in the proposed Law for Cultural Heritage Protection:

Failure to make use of other relevant laws and instruments such as the Planning Law of 1966; The 1966 Planning Law allows for the delineation of areas (zones) and the proposing of by-laws and regulations for the purposes of planning, and building works within the delineated areas of master plans borders of cities, towns and villages. Traditionally the Antiquity Department was, and still is, the official body responsible for the delineation of archeological sites that are protected by the Antiquity Law. In 2005 the Antiquity Department has started to delineate historic centers of cities, towns and villages, within the limits of master plans area, although this action does not have any legal reference. Furthermore, there has not been any attempt to propose any bylaws and regulations for the protection of those delineated historic centers.

1. Protection and Development Plans: the New Law for Cultural Heritage Protection stipulates that the suggested Cultural Heritage Authority must prepare a Protection and Development Plan for declared immovable cultural heritage properties within five years starting from declaration date. If five years passed without preparing a protection plan for Historic Areas, and monument of local significance, protection will lapse and cultural heritage assets will be dropped off the National Register of Declared Cultural Heritage assets. Protection will stay after the five years period for archeological sites and monuments of national significance. This legal instrument will be explained in more details later on in this paper. 2. Emergency procedures for protection: the law gives the director of the Cultural Heritage Authority the power for an immediate 13

The Proposed Legal System and Instruments: The project for realizing a National Law for the Protection of Cultural Heritage was an initiative of the Palestinian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities (MTA) (through the Bethlehem 2000 Project Committee). The aim of the project was the improvement of the cultural heritage management and its protection for generations to come. This project was divided into three phases, all of which were carried out in 2003, these are: first, the preparation of a policy framework document that guided the drafting process of the law, second, the actual drafting of the law, and finally the preparation of a memorandum of interpretation for the law, as well as preparing the chart of secondary legislations that already exist or newly drafted ones. An interdisciplinary team that included Palestinian as well as international experts was formed.

Domestic possessions in a home in Jenin, Nazlat Ash-Sheikh Zeid, PNA / Idioms Film, file Riwaq

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Map #1: The delineation of protected immovable cultural heritage properties in the Town of Deir Ghassaneh

decision to declare a cultural heritage property as protected, only when this cultural heritage property is under the danger of collapse or/and destruction. This legal instrument, though conditional to the state of conservation of a cultural property, would give the cultural heritage body the ability to protect cultural heritage properties in emergency cases. 13

Second: The Preparation of Protection Plans for Historic Centres It is worth mentioning at this stage that the built cultural heritage in Palestine occupies 1% of the inhabited areas (area of master plans) in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and around 0.01% of the total land area. This minute area of land is considered Palestine’s genuine treasure and therefore should be protected for the generations to come. There are more than 422 historic centers found in cities, towns and villages in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. According to Riwaq Registry for Historic Buildings in Palestine, those historic centers contain 50,230 historic buildings. The preparation of protection and development plans for this huge number of historical centers is a tremendous burden on the official Cultural Heritage Authority that would be in charge of this task. Pending the final ratification of the proposed new Law for Cultural Heritage Protection in Palestine and the creation of the Cultural

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Heritage Authority, Riwaq - Center for Architectural Conservation, started working on preparing Protection Plans for culturally significant historical centers, on the basis of laws currently in place, particularly the law regulating urban planning (Planning and Zoning Law 1966, # 79). Although the new law states the need to prepare a protection and development plans, under the existing planning law, only protection plans can be prepared. This initiative of preparing protection plans (and in some cases development and rehabilitation plans) for historic centers has been a non governmental one. Working on a national level, Riwaq as well as other non or semi governmental local organizations like the Hebron Rehabilitation Committee, Center for Cultural Heritage Preservation in Bethlehem, the Cultural Heritage Department in Nablus Municipality and the Welfare Association in Jerusalem has been trying to utilize all possible legal and technical means towards the protection of cultural heritage in Palestine, while relevant governmental organizations are restrained by the existing legal system and instruments which only protects archeological sites. The main objectives of preparing Protection Plans are to identify, classify and delineate the borders of historic town and village centers, and to propose by-laws for protection for those delineated historic centers. Protection Plans also aims at forming partnership with the Ministry of Local Government, and


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concerned Municipalities and Village Councils, and empowering local governments and communities on issues related to the protection, management and enhancement of Cultural Heritage. The preparation of a Protection Plan includes the following three phases: First, reviewing, updating and analyzing available literature, documents and plans (maps) concerning architectural heritage. Second, classifying historic buildings and identifying the significance of historic center, historic buildings and monuments. Third, consolidating a Protection Plan that defines the borders of historic center, group of historic buildings and monuments, and propose by-laws for their protection, based on their significance (see map number 1 and 2). The team responsible for the preparation of these Protection Plans consists of experts in the various fields of cultural heritage, including architects, Urban Planners, archeologists, naturalists, field researchers as well as experts from Riwaq’s Registry of Historical Buildings. Due to the complexity of ownership patterns, the British Mandate (1923-1947) has excluded the "old cores" from the process of land settlement. This resulted in the exclusion of old cores (historic centers) from all master plans prepared for cities, towns and villages in Palestine. The Protection Plans prepared by Riwaq in partnership with local municipalities and village councils must be submitted for the Higher Planning Council at the Ministry of Local Government for approval.

Map #2: Protection Plan for Deir Ghassaneh Historic Center

Protection Plan Manual and the drafting of Architectural Heritage Ordinance in Palestine Riwaq is currently in the process of preparing a Protection Plan Manual. This Manual will be based on Riwaq's Planning Unit past experiences in preparing six protection plans for Deir Ghassaneh, Deir Istia, Birzeit, Al-Taybeh, Ajjoul, and Mazare' Al Nubani. The Manual will include the steps needed for the preparation of protection plans: The formation of the team and the preparation of a work plan. Gathering, updating, and analyzing of collected data and maps. The identification of significance. The delineation procedures of cultural heritage properties. The enforcement of existing planning ordinance.

The degradation of the traditional Palestinian historic heritage is considerable. Hebron

It is hoped that this manual will be used by all parties involved in the preparation of protection plans; Ministry of Local Governments, cultural heritage NGOs as well as private architectural practices. The Higher Planning Council has recently (March 2006), and in accordance with the Planning Law, passed a set of general and

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specific ordinances for the protection of historic centers and buildings. These ordinances have been prepared by Riwaq in close co-ordination with the Ministry of Local Governments. The general ordinances5 will be applied for all historic centers and monuments within the borders of cities, towns, village's master plans, whereas specific ordinances will serve as a reference for the preparation of protection plans.

1 Movable and immovable cultural heritage, where immovable cultural heritage covers Sites (archeological and natural sites), Historical Areas and Monuments. 2 Areas A: Area which was under the security and administrative control of Palestinian National Authority (PNA) after Oslo peace process. Areas B: only administrative control o PNA. 3 Antiquity Law of 1966, provision number 9 4 Antiquity Law of 1966, provisions number 4,5 and 6. 5 Higher Planning Council Decision number 54, 11th of march 2006

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Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean 6. Turkey. Conservation plans

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Nur Akin Architect Lecturer at the Technical University of Istanbul Turkey

General view In Turkey, the conservation of urban sites is more recent than architectural rehabilitation. The first decision made concerning this level of intervention dates from 1970. It was a decision related to the protection of traditional houses overlooking the Bosphorus in Istanbul. And, based on the first detailed law on historic monuments of 1973, it was above all between 1973 and 1980 that a series of conservation decisions were taken at urban level. Nowadays, many historic centres are recorded as urban sites, with some having a conservation and improvement plan. According to current legislation, these conservation plans are prepared, taking into account the areas surrounding the defined boundaries of the site. The aim of these plans is the lasting conservation of the architectural and natural heritage of the site. Conservation plans are based on a deep analysis of the site. In this context, research at regional level and in cities, as well as at the level of the planned site, are enterprises completed by analytical studies at plot or building level. This research is followed by a summary and assessments, then by decisions and propositions for conserving the site. A detailed report, including the conditions defined for the construction of traditional elements, as well as reference typologies for the integration of works, always accompany this plan. Besides conservation and physical renovation, the essential point concerns the improvement in the social and economic standards of resident populations. In an area declared an "urban site" all construction activity is suspended until the approval of a conservation plan. The historic monuments commission of the place concerned must, within 3 months, define the conditions providing for the conservation and use of the site, until a plan can be drawn up within a period of 2 years. Although plans are generally worked out in considerable detail, the biggest problem concerns their application. After the approval of the plan, responsibility passes to the historic monuments commissions of municipalities. And, most of the time, snags occur during the process of drawing up these plans. Socio-economic changes in historic centres lead to accelerated urban development, with a huge effect on historic centres, where house rents are quite low. Some local residents prefer not to live on the “urban site”, while others, who are happy to spend their lives there, do not have the means to renovate their houses and,

In Turkey, in the zones declared “urban enclaves”, all construction activity has been suspended until the safeguarding Plan has been approved.

without financial or technical aid from the State, they do not manage to do what is necessary to preserve their properties. This is why tourism becomes the sole objective of conservation, notably in the historic towns and villages of the coasts, greatly changing the traditional physical appearance of the“urban sites”. In addition, there is the problem of seasonal activity in these places. These historic centres, which are extremely busy in the summer months, are almost empty in winter.

Antalya One of the first conservation plans put into practice in Turkey is the rehabilitation of the “urban site” of Antalya, the historic town located on the Mediterranean coast. This is a town whose port and walled area, including traditional houses, have been quite well known for centuries. Under the renovation work, the part overlooking the sea has been revitalised with the establishment of a marina. This decision was taken in 1974, just after the approval of the first detailed law on conservation, following a protocol signed between the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Antalya Town Council and the Higher Council of Historic Monuments of the time, marking the

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beginning of this first stage. The majority of historic buildings on the coast used as warehouses, workshops for building or repairing small ships and boats, restaurants and cafes for taxi drivers or fishermen are restored or rebuilt with tourist purposes. A threestorey cotton warehouse dating from the end of the 19th century was converted into a luxury hotel. A summer capacity for 4,000 people is planned for this renovated sector.

Rehabilitated house in Antalya (Turkey)

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Traditional house rehabilitated for touristic use (Turkey)

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The works ended in 1984, the second stage of conservation of the “urban site” of Antalya, consisting of renovating the historic walled town located right beside the marina, began immediately, to complete the revitalisation process. This new area included most of Antalya's traditional houses, whose owners or tenants were generally local people with limited means. The essential aim of the renovation of this district was to keep the residents in place, allowing them to participate in developing tourism and turning their homes into summer guest houses. But tourism - the fundamental objective of the first renovated area - had so influenced the walled sector that life there was no longer as it had been before, and the residents no longer wanted to live in such a tourist-dominated environment. Some almost completely converted their houses for tourism, while others sold them to newcomers from other towns in Turkey. So these houses - largely destroyed and rebuilt under the pretext of being restored to be used as hotels, guest houses, restaurants, cafes, tourist shops, etc. - have gradually altered the authenticity of this walled sector. Besides the irreparable damage to traditional houses, because of the seasonal frequentation of this walled sector the busy streets that are so busy in summer are almost completely deserted in winter and the majority of buildings are closed up or half used during the winter. Despite all these drawbacks, the conservation plan for the “marina” and of the "walled area" of Antalya are the first examples of fully implemented renovation in Turkey. This is why, after thirty years, this plan and its implementation are still subjects for discussion.


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Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean 7. France. A policy of planned interventions

In France, the main action along these lines has consisted of the invention in 1977 of the Planned Housing Improvement Operations (OPAH). These are rehabilitation programmes launched on the initiative of local groups. They are preceded by a study phase (1 year) during which the needs of the districts or rural areas concerned are specified, together with the objectives to be achieved. When the OPAH itself is launched: it lasts between 3 and 5 years, within well-defined boundaries. During the period of the programme, a promotion team is recruited, which plays an essential role: it meets the owners and residents, informs them of the aid they can apply for (subsidies, tax breaks, etc.), it advises them on the technical plan, helps them to produce files for subsidy applications, planning files, etc. This team also meets the need to carry out specific missions: convincing owners to put empty housing on the market, diagnosing the presence of lead-based paint and providing useful information for saving energy, adapting housing for handicapped or very elderly people, etc. OPAHs are initiative actions: they do not mean imposing works, but rather convincing owners of the usefulness of undertaking them and of the aid available to do so. Almost 30 years after it appeared, this procedure remains the basic tool for rehabilitation in France for the public powers dealing with private housing (of course, property rights are not called into question). At the moment about 600 programmes (OPAHs and comparable procedures) are "alive" each year in France. This policy of planned action is largely encouraged by the existence of public aid for rehabilitating the private stock: most importantly, the National Housing Improvement Agency (ANAH), which subsidises the work of owners and local groups for their engineering needs (studies, cost of running the promotion teams).

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Michel Polge Architect and town planner Technical director of the National Housing Improvement Agency (ANAH), France

In France, the OPAH are initiative actions: it does not have to do with imposing rehabilitation, but rather convincing the proprietors of their usefulness.

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Village in Corbières (France)


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Brief notes on the current situation of heritage and planning legislation in the Mediterranean 8. Greece. Traditional heritage is not a priority

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One of the first laws established by the newly founded Greek State in 1833 (after four centuries of ottoman occupation) was the “archaeological law” protecting all ancient Greek vestiges. This was codified later, in1932, to law 5351 providing for the protection of: a) all works of art (including architecture) dating before 1453 (year of the fall of Constantinople to the Turks) and b) medieval and post-medieval structures and historic monuments prior to 1830. Only in 1950 was the conservation policy extended to the protection of the cultural heritage posterior to 1830. This law provided for the conservation of buildings and settlements in places termed as “sites of natural beauty”. This made possible, from a legislative point of view, the protection and listing of traditional settlements and sites. In addition to these two basic laws, the general building code of 1973, revised in 1985, determined the legislative framework for all building activity in Greece. The code was issued by the Ministry of the Environment, Regional Planning and Public Works. It was imposing limitations in the architectural morphology of buildings in settlements or complexes of “particular historic, folkloric, town planning, aesthetic or architectural character”. A series of additional decrees (mostly not used in practice) also provided clauses determining conservation action to be taken at an urban scale. Finally, in a new conservation law recently issued in 2002, the Ministry of Culture improved the definition of “historic site” and that of “protected settlement”, imposing new conditions for their conservation. The new law is also proposing the elaboration of a registry of all monuments and sites, a major gap for the implementation of a coherent conservation policy so far. It is evident that despite delays and omissions, Greek legislation provided the framework for regulating and conserving built space in traditional settlements. Impossibility of implementation was the result of lack of coordination between the institutions responsible as well as the insufficiency of specialized personnel employed. It would also have been necessary to decentralize services responsible for controlling urban scale conservation operations. Lack of funds, however, can be considered as the most serious reason, together with the fact that the protection of the country’s traditional heritage had never been a priority within the regional and urban planning policies of the state until today. Urban scale conservation has always been fragmentary, incomplete, limited and inefficient.

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Nikos Kalogirou and Alkmini Pakka Architects Lecturers at Salonika Architecture College Greece

In Greece, as in the majority of Mediterranean countries, rehabilitation on an urban scale has been fragmentary, incomplete, limited and inefficient. .

Agios Artemios, Santorini, Greece


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The necessary financial instruments

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Xavier Benoist Economist and town planner General director of PACT ARIM France

Available financial means The existence of financial means is an indispensable condition for the feasibility of all renovation projects. There must be a real match between the financial means available and the operations envisaged, so that the renovation scheme is realistic and actually works. Following the diagnosis of the existing situation, then, the authorities need to proceed with an inventory of the means available or which can be mobilised. These means come from the local authorities themselves (tax revenue, public aid, loans) and also regional, national and even European and international sources. These different public means may be considerably increased by the financial contribution of the private sector, as part of partnerships with the public sector or strictly private interventions respecting the guidelines governing the renovation scheme. The maintenance or strengthening of public participation in renovation operations is essential in order to overcome the rules of the land market and guarantee the social aims of the project, particularly concerning housing. The success of renovation operations largely depends on the creation of effective partnerships between public institutions and private enterprises or property owners, as well as any non-governmental organisations and European or international partners backing the schemes. These partnerships make it possible to substantially increase the financial and human means for the operations and therefore to multiply the results as part of a snowball effect. This partnership approach involves new means of "governance" depending on the creation of ad hoc co-ordination groups bringing together the various organisations making up the project (agents and means). They are organised according to contractual forms that could prefigure future institutional arrangements. They also assume other functions, as mediators, interfaces or coproducers. Urban renovation is a contribution of resources and a two-way process: from the bottom up and from the top down. In effect, the consequences of renovation operations are not strictly limited to the district. They also affect the whole town, and the region too. Conversely, most national and/or regional policies (housing, territorial arrangement, cultural heritage, environmental, transport, economic) have a direct impact on local policies. Certain European policies - like regional development, cultural or social cohesion – can affect local policies.

Even though the base of the financing of the rehabilitation operations should be public, in order to guarantee the social objectives, more and more the success of rehabilitation operations rests upon the creation of patrons between public institutions and businesses or private proprietors..

The financial instruments resulting from these regional, national or European policies can provide the local authorities and the private sector with considerable support for renovation operations. There are various kinds of this finance: bank guarantees and loans with advantageous financial conditions, allowances, grants and a variety of tax breaks. This finance must be adapted to the needs identified locally: particular aims of owner occupiers, new buyers and public or private landlords, so that they function as medium- or long-term investment or as assistance with preserving their assets. The establishment of finance must be accompanied by specific rules to take into account the needs of people, and particularly those of people who are vulnerable because of their level of resources or living conditions. In this way, the level of rents covered by assisted operations can be regulated for periods of variable length and tax advantages given while loans are being granted. One of the variables determining the parameters of aid mechanisms for investment in rented property will be whether or not there are aid mechanisms for individuals in the rental sector. These aids for individuals are intended to make profitable rents from operations compatible with the resources of modest and disadvantaged households. These aids for individuals can also

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allow the repayment of loans taken out by owner occupiers or tenants carrying out works on their homes. The establishment of such aid presupposes account being taken, wherever possible, of market rents in the local or national plan. Depending on these levels, rent ceilings can be specified. Based on these rent ceilings, aid mechanisms will be put in place and opened up to people whose resources do not allow them to pay market rents. These mechanisms may be put in place for variable periods, at least equivalent to the periods necessary for the technical and financial depreciation of renovation operations. In the public sector, these periods will always be longer than in the private sector; generally more than 25 years in the public sector and around 10 to 12 years in the private sector. It is therefore a case of putting finance mechanisms in place from the beginning and co-ordinating the sectorial policies carried out at the different authority levels in order to draw the maximum possible benefit from their respective means of finance.

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respect the specific constraints linked to maintaining people with modest incomes in the districts. These constraints will be easier to accept if the mechanisms for compensation for the effort of moderating rents agreed by the owners are established (aid to individuals, subsidies for works, etc.) and if public policies are set up to provide the long-terms establishment of populations with modest means in properties at moderate rents compatible with the resources of ordinary tenants in the districts. Clearly, the public powers must lead the projects initially, with the private sector joining later, when the improvement of the sectors will be achieved. In addition, public local authorities must be present throughout the renovation processes to ensure the social objectives, notably the maintenance of population balances. To maintain these balances, it is a good idea to match all aid mechanisms to the private sector with a constraint on rent levels and on the resources of tenants moving into the accommodation and with respect for the rules for maintaining renovated heritage.

The necessary maintenance of a public-private balance The main types of aid and their mobilisation in practice In effect, the private sector's part in urban renovation today seems a fundamental issue. The private sector must participate and contribute to the improvement of the urban heritage and property assets in districts involved in urban renovation by accepting its technical constraints and, during and after the works, it must

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Rehabilitation works at Peralada (Catalonia, Spain)

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Aid to owner occupiers. In many countries, the profile of public aid for renovating the private housing stock is based on the idea that owner occupiers or tenants of property do not need it or need very little. So, aid is often limited and reserved for very poor households. In fact it turns out that their needs are considerable if their contribution to the improvement is going to be high. The stabilising effect of owner occupiers on districts is very considerable – stabilising because they are consumers of services and often occupy their homes for long periods. They form an important part of the citizen base of districts. In some very degraded districts, a low-quality new buyer market has been able to develop alongside a rented market organised by slum landlords. The operation of these "low quality" markets is often in conflict with the possibility of strong improvement. A good part of these homes belonging to owners and new property buyers generally need average or considerable renovation to install elements of comfort (where the connections from networks are often problematic) to proceed with major repairs (façades and roofs, among others) or to re-equip homes that have become obsolete in terms of facilities (toilets, etc). Suitable aid is necessary to encourage these occupants to carry out works. In fact, the cost of the works required will often exceed the financial capacity of the owners if appropriate financial systems are not put in place to help pay for them. In the case of very low quality markets, it is a matter of putting in place the means for maximum financial assistance, whether this is direct (grants) or indirect (loans accessible to people who generally have


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little or nothing to do with banks), accompanied by methods of providing them in the form of advance payment funds. Existing landlords Landlords are key agents in the renovation of housing in districts. There are two kinds of attitudes and behaviours among landlords: landlords who behave like investors and inheriting landlords. The former seek the profitability of the rented property; their behaviour basically corresponds to an economic rationale. Some hard-nosed investors – we might even say slum landlords – are strictly looking for profits from the rent without caring about the quality or usage conditions of the housing. This will be the type most often be excluded from renovation processes, and attempts will be made to prevent these practices through specific enforceable rules intended to control, limit or forbid these practices, based on legal regulations preventing renting of housing if it is unsafe or there is a health risk. Inheriting landlords may, often despite themselves, hesitate over how they should behave. Obligations to carry out works often lead them to abandon their properties, sometimes making room for private or public investors who should be supervised to facilitate quality operations, accessible to people with modest or low incomes. The new investors are those the policy can rely on to provide a new range of housing. Two categories should be distinguished: local investor landlords and professional investor landlords. The former are more attached to the property and its quality, while the

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latter will be more interested in the financial or investment return on their operations. The former will be more sensitive to aid for building, the latter to tax aid mechanisms. New buyers Depending on the configuration of the local market, the implementation of policies intended to encourage or supervise processes of achieving property ownership may become a target set for operations. In this case, it is important to dimension the market, particularly compared to other competing operations going on outside the centre. Beyond traditional clienteles of small households and elderly people wanting to come back to town centres, the question arises of old districts for young households with children. These operations, not often carried out today, could, in certain block structure configurations, be encouraged by types of loan adapted to older housing. The assessment of the solvency of existing households and their capacity to carry out quality works (referring to predefined standards of work) An assessment of the potential for renovation by investors (existing landlords, potential landlords, new buyers). The definition of an improvement guide suitable for optimising the financial means of existing households (works programmes, necessary financial means).

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Example of intervention strategy (the case of France)

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The quantification of the average volume of operations forecast and the level of each operation will make it possible to establish the overall amount of aid and means to be mobilised during the operation. Organising a technical, social and financial assistance service for people The co-ordination of finance (loans, grants, advance payment funds, establishment of guarantees) and their implementation requires the establishment of a specific distribution structure as part of the process of drawing up renovation files: technical achievement, cost estimates, finance plans, tax position, financial means to be mobilised. This overall financial service must be determined for each individual project. It may be accompanied by social services to assist the households in greatest difficulties or those requiring rehousing.

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Poster with information on the plan for the centre of Nicosia created with European Union funds (Cyprus)


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Public participation strategy

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Irene Marzo Architect and town planner Spain

1. Participation at the heart of the strategy In all types of urban regeneration plans the decisions should enjoy the complicity of all the effected parties in order to satisfy their present and future necessities. This necessary implication is what makes citizen participation a capital element in a mature democratic society, guaranteeing the implication of residents as well as users in the management of their city, town, territory, etc... The Declaration of Rio for Development and the Environment, unanimously approved in 1992 by the 178 represented states, recognizes, in one of its 28 principles, citizen participation as a fundamental aspect in the achievement of sustainable development. Before beginning the procedure we must define the rules and modalities of the citizen participation. Citizen participation must be understood as an expression of citizen democracy, as a continued and progressive process. In order that this process be possible and effective two things are needed mainly: to begin with, a permanent political willingness from the institutions, political representatives and experts; and also a necessary apprenticeship and education of society, not only before, but during and after the realization of the plans and projects. The limits must be defined and, above all, a culture (of participation) must be developed. Each initiative must be built from the previous practices, with the willingness to incorporate a higher level of participation. This participation must be taken into account in each of the levels of the project's process, with the help of the most appropriate experts, often times as spokesmen between social agents and politicians. This is a really important stage in the diagnostic process, in which are defined the short, medium and long term objectives and priorities. Citizen participation is a necessary condition in the achievement of sustainable development in the plans and projects of urban regeneration; given that only with the participation of all citizens can successful results be guaranteed in the long term. In general, the process of citizen participation must evolve in three dimensions in order for it to be fully satisfactory: the type, moment and the contents of the participation. Advancement in each of these dimensions will enrichen the participation process.

The strategy of citizen participation should be progressively distanced from the methods of coercion or simple information in favor of models of consensus and cooperation.

1. Type of participation. We can resume in the following levels, from lesser to greater citizen implication. a. Coercive, when the politicians have no need to inform and the residents do not have access to the making of decisions. b. Informing of the projects to the citizenry, without them being able to participate in the elaboration nor in the decisions. c. Improving awareness of the citizenry toward the problem, in order that it understand the objectives and the goals, and so its behavior be coherent with the decided projects. d. Consulting the citizenry in order that its opinions be taken into consideration before elaborating plans and projects. e. Encounter of the experts and political representatives with the citizenry, establishing a process of negotiation before decisions are taken, reconciling the different points of view, even though the decision remains in the hands of the formers. f. Cooperation of citizens in the entire decision-making process and elaboration of the project, from co-production to auto-management.

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Tool 14 Outil x Defining the operational framework x Public participation strategy

2. The moment of participation. Four moments in the development and implementation of a project, where the processes of participation must be applied, have been established. a. b. c. d.

Elaboration of the diagnosis. Proposal of the lines of action and the projects. Implementation of the project. Follow-up and monitoring process once the project is finished.

3. The contents of the participation. Perhaps the most important point, but the most difficult to guarantee, given that it requires the greatest learning effort on all parts. It deals with moving the discussion from local issues and the short term (easier to understand and assume) to consider problems and collective needs in the longer term and to think more globally.

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In order that a participative process be a success it is necessary to grow in all the mentioned dimensions and guarantee an optimum level of implication of the experts as well as of the citizenry and the conjuncts of social agents. It is essential that the framework of participation be clearly defined, the type of participation possible in each action, the limits of the local government and of the local community, the situation taken into account at each moment and the type of cooperation possible between the different agents in order that it be efficient, limiting the responsibilities of each. Citizen participation in its maximum exponent, which signifies the implication of the habitants in the process and taking of decision between political representatives, experts and citizens, the search for consensus and a common project shared by all, should be situated in the center of any development and urban reform procedure. Citizens should be involved not only in the decisions of the project but also in its posterior follow-up, in order to detect the problems that the realized interventions can originate and be able to make changes in concrete actions, insuring a true sustainability of the action realized.

Social cohesion improve participation. Barcelona (Spain)

Working session in Istanbul (Turkey)

2. Recommendations for the improvement of the participative process First stage: improving education in order to foment participation The starting point of any participative process is the foment of the level of awareness, of consciousness, and the knowledge of the population. Informing and educating constitute the first stage of any participative procedure. For this reason, it must have a structure and be given the means necessary.

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Animation with the inhabitants in Marrakech (Morocco)


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Second stage: The Participation as a continued process of listening The second stage of the participation is the listening to residents and users and the consideration of all of their needs and expectations. The expression of the population must help to define the priority objectives of an urban project. Third stage: integrating the participation to the problems of organization (of the city, of the districts) The advance from “social treatment� of the problems expressed by the citizenry to the definition of the urban invention from a sustainable perspective is imminently difficult. In a way, it is necessary to integrate the different actors in the administrative organization on the district's scale. Fourth stage: Defining the rules of participation The traditional hierarchical structures have to be rethought, defining new rules by way of a Carta Local of participation where all the local actors have their role to play in the decision-making process. Fifth stage: Making participation a process of knowledge acquisition Citizen participation must evolve within the framework of an apprenticeship and knowledge acquisition process. The follow-up and monitoring of the projects must constitute a strong element of the participation, since it is in the concrete actions where behaviors can change, often the initial cause of problems. Sixth stage: Participation versus individualism? Citizen participation enters into contradiction with the individualist values that define our present-day societies, links to a city without territory, defined by the coexistence of networks. How to guarantee the participation in projects which are linked to the territory? 14

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The organisation of the decision-making process in Palestinian communities

Kaldhun Bashra Architect Head of the Conservation Department of RIWAQ Palestine

Introduction The decision-making process usually aims at adequately addressing the local community needs by enlarging the circle of the stakeholders. This is possible to be achieved through the involvement of local institutions and active bodies including women, elderly, youth... Decision-making processes involve both the subject and the stakeholders. As far as the cultural heritage rehabilitation is concerned, the subject is usually a building or a monument to be restored or rehabilitated to host certain activity. The stakeholders are variety of actors or players. While the first is clear, the later is usually complex, resulting in a complicated decision-making process. There are also legal and social issues that make the process troublesome.

Limitations on Decision-making processes

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It is quite important to note three important issues concerning cultural heritage rehabilitation as an introduction to the decisionmaking process; these are the ownership, renting law and the role of the elders in the community. The system of inheritance in Islamic world (true to Palestine) led to the fragmentation of ownership of the built heritage, because the ownership is transferred systematically from father to his heirs (sons and daughters) and then to their heirs... The fragmentation of the ownership is a two-face sword; on one hand it protects the property from being demolished because consensus is needed, and on the other hand it prevents the property from being developed because a consensus is as well needed. The renting law in Palestine is an old law that goes back to the British Mandate period. The law protects tenants; they cannot be evacuated, and the renting sums may not be increased. As a result, the rented built heritage lacks maintenance, which is under the responsibility of the owner, who benefits nothing from his property (because of the very low rent price compared to the maintenance price). Nevertheless, the owner, according to the same law, may prevent any restoration works carried out by the tenant. This similarly led to further deterioration of these historic buildings. The role of the elders in Palestinian community is impressive; even with the emerging modern nuclei family based community, still there is a role for the elder of the family and the elder son to play in the community. Based on tradition (mainly nomadic, while the

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The Islamic system of inheritance brings with it an enormous fragmentation of the ownership of patrimony. This is a factor that on one hand avoids that it be demolished but on the other complicates any rehabilitation, requiring an enormous effort to agree upon decisions.

sheikhs kept in their hands the fate of individuals for the benefit of the extended family), or on religion (where respect of father and mother is a must). The built heritage is therefore controlled by a traditional social relation rather than a rigid legal system. This affects the cultural heritage in different ways, mostly positive. Elders are capable to donate or promote the protection and rehabilitation of their ancestors' edifices or houses for the sake of their communities. The role of the elders contributed, for example, to the Hebron rehabilitation committee's works in restoring and rehabilitating much of the old town of Hebron, a project which might not have been possible without engaging the elders to solve the delicate issue of fragmented ownership mentioned earlier.


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Stakeholders in Decision-making process According to the Palestinian experience, which is quite peculiar, the decision-making process involves several players with their own agendas. These are: The owners of the built cultural heritage: both public and private aim at suppressing their agendas that favor their prospects and expectations, which are mostly economic potentials and interest. The promoter of the rehabilitation activity: this may include the owners themselves and any other institution or community (village or municipal councils, cultural centers, women associations…) driven by political or social agenda. Both aim at enhancing the living conditions of their community and improving the environment of their localities, to attract investment. The responsible body of the cultural heritage in question: this may be the competent Ministry, the Muslim or Christian endowments; the local governorate… this body bears in mind development and protection, as an output of restoration or rehabilitation activities. It is driven by political (national or religious) agenda. The implementing agency: this could be a governmental organization such as the competent ministry; a nongovernmental organization working on local or national level; or international organizations such as UNESCO, UNDP… The implementing agency aims at executing restoration or rehabilitation projects in accordance with the promoter's and responsible body’s wishes. They work on different levels: management, conservation consultancy and contractor procurement. The Donor: this stakeholder aims at contributing to the protection or development projects driven mainly by a political (in the case of development and restoration projects) or scientific agenda (in the case of research or archaeological expeditions). It has been noted that the donors are interested in both monitoring the transparency of the process and the visibility of the donor and its contribution in the community. The end-users: these are the local community or segments from them. They are concerned with their needs, functionality, utilization, respect of their habits and traditions, in addition to the direct economic benefits from the execution of the project.

Ramallah, Bil'in, PNA / Idioms Film, RIWAQ photo archive

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Old City of Jerusalem / Emil Ashrawi, RIWAQ photo archive

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Complexity of Decision-making process

NABLUS, BURQA, / Mia Grondahl, RIWAQ photo archive

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Ramallah, Al-Mazra'a Al-Qibliya, PNA / Tom Kay, RIWAQ photo archive

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A process that involves so many stakeholders, with different agendas, is indeed a complicated one. The main complexity rose from considering the Built Cultural Heritage for what it sells and not for what it constitutes for Palestinians as nationally contested items. The owner believes very little in old "not civilized" structures as a possible economic lifting agent. And hence owners may contribute negatively to the process because they themselves are not persuaded. The responsible agency on the one hand wants to develop the BCH while bearing in mind on the other hand the importance of this material culture, as a document from the past not to be touched. The promoter has usually enthusiastic approach (less conservative) to rehabilitation, thus demanding alterations, renovation, and reconstruction‌ The implementing agency, with whatsoever status, bears in mind both the restoration standards while creating the promoters vision that shouldn't come across with the responsible agency criteria's and the owners expectations. The donor has been looked upon as a colonial power who has a political agenda, and thus the donor strive to make his tax-payers' money visible on one hand and to clarify on the other hand his intentions towards the local community, a community that considers the history of cultural heritage as a history of colonization. The end-users try, during the process of planning and during the implementation, to modify and interfere in the conservation consultant work to accommodate their aspirations coming across with the consultant and with the contractor. Politics, religion, nationalism, economy, science, function, respect of local tradition‌ and some other concerns come usually across in the process of the decision-making process. It has been approved that hegemonic decisions are not sustainable and defeat the goals, while a process that involves all the stakeholders from the very beginning to the very end is a logical and potential success story.


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The bodies and agents involved: the Greek experience

As mentioned above, the many institutions and services involved in listing and protecting the traditional architectural heritage of the country have been quite inefficient, due to lack of coordination and cooperation. Absence of a well trained and sufficient, in number, personnel employed by these services was also an important negative element. The existing legislative framework, despite inefficiencies, could have provided the implementation of a conservation policy if there was a better operational scheme. It is evident though that the main reason for the incapacity of putting in practice urban scale conservation projects was the lack of sufficient financing and additionally, the bad use of available economic sources, mainly from the European Community. Land speculation, at urban scale, made impossible the expropriation by the state, of sites and buildings, while there were very few conservation projects carried out and even less being realized. For the few though urban scale projects that have been realized, there was a special service set up explicitly for them, as in the cases of Plaka and the Operation for the Unification of the Archaeological Sites of Athens. These services were managing the projects, informing the local community and securing its consent while supervising all actual works. It is evident then that there is a need of additional services with exclusive and full control of conservation operations outside the existing central offices of the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of the Environment, Regional Planning and Public Works (E.R.P.P.W.). Most survey projects of traditional architecture have been carried out by the Schools of Architecture of the country, either by students or through research projects supervised by faculty members. The services of Recent Monuments of the Ministry of Culture have still today limited personnel in relationship with the needs and responsibilities they are facing. The Ministry of E.R.P.P.W., responsible also for listing, protecting and providing special building codes for the traditional settlements, is lacking also specialized personnel while recently, part of its authority has been decentralized and taken over by the local authorities. The Ministry of E.R.P.P.W., despite managing urban conservation issues, has very rarely provided urban scale regulations, and even in cases when it did, they have scarcely been implemented. So despite the major issue of financing a conservation project, the institutions responsible for the rehabilitation of traditional architecture in Greece would need reforming. An important priority would be the involvement of local communities through local authorities. There, of course, lays a risk concerning the

III. Strategy

Nikos Kalogirou and Alkmini Pakka Architects Lecturers at Salonika Architecture College Greece

As is proclaimed in Greece, the decentralization of the authorities, with competence in the politics of rehabilitation, would facilitate the application of appropriate policies. .

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Renovated street in an historical centre in Greece

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potential susceptibility of local authorities to political pressures by local communities, in cases of restriction of property rights for promoting conservation issues. Control of local governments by central services will be always necessary, as well as an appropriate legal framework. Appreciating the major values of local traditions should be made through special services formed by the communities involved, interested in preserving their local tradition and the way the built space relates to the natural environment.

Salonika (Greece)

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Outil Tool 14 x Defining the operational framework xThe bodies and agents involved: the Greek experience

Local techniques should be studied, evaluated,, and eventually applied in modern construction. Informing the public and increasing the awareness of the local population in terms of the qualities and values of traditional architecture should be assured through programs at all levels of public education. Decentralization of the authorities managing conservation issues could make the application of relevant policies more efficient. Projects for the survey and systematic study of traditional architecture should also be carried out by specialized institutions providing the data necessary for rehabilitation interventions. In addition to all operational modifications, and above all, the state should revise its policy towards the private sector, which is the major regulating element of built space in Greece. A consistent policy should provide motivation and promote private conservation projects, while controlling incompatible interventions through thorough knowledge and appreciation of traditional built space.


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Tool 15 Models for the inclusion of new architecture


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Tool 15 Models for the inclusion of new architecture

The inclusion of new architecture: between the historic and the contemporary

Why preserve, and for whom? What deserves to be preserved? Is it possible to define the limits of a transformation that would specify the parts to be eliminated and those to be added? The use of existing architecture to turn it over to different functions is established in the continuing process of transforming buildings, with the double intention of creating new architectures for new uses and preserving those already existing in their current uses. Here we will present two extreme cases, one an addition and the other a subtraction, involving two buildings with monument status surviving in two run-down historic centres: the Brigittines church theatre in Brussels, Belgium, and the Roman circus at Tarragona in Spain. An infinite number of cases and situations arise. Each conservation intervention is clearly a project that cannot be a neutral, preestablished, codified entity, because the transformations carried out are never identical and affect the use of the building – and therefore its shape – differently. Such transformations must be compatible with the ethical principles of identity and authenticity. In the design of the project, these principles must be applied not only when acting on what already exists but even more so when new architecture is introduced into a historic centre. Failure to observe these principles leads to the creation of places that always have the tendency to become provisional "non-places", where the continuous transformation does not allow the formulation of any thought inviting one to preserve them in the memory. One of the latent threats in transformation processes is the creation of areas for construction in historic centres where low properties are demolished and replaced with skyscrapers. In historic centres, landmarks such as cathedrals and bell towers, which emerged in other times as spiritual symbols, are today designed to exalt the new icons of the consumer society. This attitude irreversibly transforms the appearance of the places that make up the urban identity which, on the contrary, one would like to see protected. Judging the validity of out-of-scale interventions based solely on socio-economic and political considerations which have approved their modes and volumes, is an undertaking which can only lead to a unilateral verdict of approval or disapproval. It is clear that, if one judges on the basis of principles of preserving the values of historic sites and environments and not on the architectural characteristics that define them, one will end up expressing a negative judgement. In the absence of very precise links universally or occasionally shared at local level, it seems very difficult to establish absolute rules and limits for construction. The

IV. Action

Andrea Bruno Architect UNESCO councillor for the restoration of world cultural heritage, Italy

The new edifications should be projected from the contemporary upon the base of comprehension of the specifics of the enclave, avoiding postures of excessive codification, absolute indifference, “radical imitation” or historic distortion.

economic interests and speculation sustaining these operations are such that they block the best intentions to maintain established situations of historical value over time; moreover, these declared interests tend to demonstrate that history continues, producing perpetual transformations with a logic that is not always coherent with the past. Having said that, it is quite possible to imagine the harmonious development of built environments and the spaces surrounding them. Nothing is immutable over time; but anyone planning transformations must have a good knowledge of the architectural and social fabric he or she is working on, adapting to it, respecting its original authenticity and also all the important authenticities stratified on top of that. The control of transformations, attributed to specialists in various disciplines found in the processes of constructing a town, represents the only way of ensuring the survival of memory and allowing it to evolve in the present and future. From this basic consideration stems firm condemnation not only of certain inappropriate demolitions but also of new buildings that do not follow these principles. The condemnation also covers sly stylistic or "com’era dov’era" reconstruction operations which please those nostalgic for the past with their gentile image while betraying the historical truth. Here I would like to recall the lucid

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thoughts, not of an architect but of a poet and man of culture called Alberto Savinio on the "tragedy of reconstructions":

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church with its square, all forming one sacred unit. The main aim of the extension scheme is, from now on, to offer the chapel a new significance, a new life, sustained by the layout of the public

"What is tragic about the 'reconstructed' is, however, that it is condemned to move within its own irresolution in the form of a heart-rending conflict of identity. Perpetually suspended in its half dead state, the 'reconstructed' cannot escape its destiny of proximity to and distance from that which it can only resemble and can never be. Why do people pine for their past? It is silly to want to go back to what one has been." (Alberto Savinio, Ascolto il tuo cuore in città, 1944).

An intervention of addition: Extension of the Brigittines Chapel in Brussels The church of the Brigittines is in a critical area in the urban fabric of Brussels. It lies between, on one hand, the railway and, on the other, a particularly destructured district. It seems to be overwhelmed by the block of social housing that dominates it from behind. Its value as a monument is thereby almost annihilated and its resulting historical and artistic value is also heavily reduced. This was the origin of the idea of reinforcing its existence and underlining its presence – its "being there" - to reiterate its image in its double. This doubling alters not only the perception of the church but also the significance of the urban space surrounding it. It is necessary to reaffirm the existence of the church in a context now very different from its original one, which conceived it as the spiritual centre of the old district. Current planning sets the scene for a

Preliminary draw of the project for the extension of the Chapelle des Brigittines in Brussels

Situation of the extension for the Chapelle des Brigittines in Brussels

Render image of the extension to the Chapelle des Brigittines in Brussels

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space surrounding it. It is a matter of breathing new vitality into this ancient structure. The new building established beside the church is a light structure which neatly recalls the general lines of the masonry mass, without opposition to it. This contrast, however, does not destroy the original identity of the church; on the contrary, it strengthens and develops it. It is presented as a simplified image in which the fundamental constructional elements of the old building are references, reinterpreted in contemporary language. So, a new façade is added to the old one. Half of it is made up of a transparent inner wall, leaving the main structural cut of the new building open to view, while the other half is dressed in Cor-Ten steel panels whose design recalls the main lines of the existing façade. Between these two halves a third constructed volume is inserted as an attempt to join the negation of the façade and its material expression. On the main façade, the jutting steel profiles sketch out dark-andlight shadow plays recalling those of the cornices of the church. On the sides, the girders are, at all levels in UPN profiles aligned with the exterior back wall. The ground floor, directly accessible from the square, is reserved for the public. In the evening, it functions as the theatre foyer, while, during the day, it becomes a covered square, a meeting place. The apse area is reserved for exhibitions. From the ground floor it is possible to perceive the organisation of the entire volume through full-height glass. The main staircase and lift are organised in the void that separates the main old building from the new service building. On the upper floor, a space for multiple uses has been arranged, open to full height – a kind of winter garden as an alternative and complement to the ground floor spaces. Thus, the building becomes a living element, attractive not only because of the shows, but also thanks to the presence of new activities; giving life to the district but independent of the theatrical activities. A new synergy is thereby achieved, capable of transforming all this into a centre to promote culture in the name of the old church, which is displayed as the key to the matter.

IV. Action

morphology. The intervention was developed around two main poles at the entrance to the higher part of the town: on one side, the circus, inside the Roman citadel, and, on the other side, the amphitheatre, near the surrounding wall and inserted into a hollow sliding towards the sea. The two monuments, separated by the ancient Via Augusta, are linked by a pedestrian walkway putting into practice the intention to return the two sites to visitors. So, a great archaeological park is imagined in which the construction of a new museum is also planned. The part of the project that has now been carried out fully evokes the overall spirit. Through liberation from parasite buildings, or even demolition, the works have made it possible to highlight the complex layers of the site. At the time of the discovery, behind the medieval city wall, of three arcades of a Roman circus, against the demand to knock down the wall, it was proposed to empty the earth that filled in the space between these two important pages in the city's history. The narrow passage between earth and sky becomes an observatory, allowing an understanding of the passage of time. To cross this page of history, a 12-metre-high opening was made in the medieval city wall, sacrificing a small quantity of its material. Avoiding any fear of adding elements compatible with the spirit of the place, it was necessary to construct a stainless steel and

15 Demolishing to preserve: the Roman circus and medieval wall of Tarragona This is a project that opens up on an urban scale to develop the complexity of a monumental site, preserving the richness of the different phases of the transformations history has handed down to us. The principles the project is based on flow from the difficulty of understanding the urban development of the city of Tarragona without reference to the remains from the Roman period. These remains, which have conditioned the growth of the town, must still today be considered as powerful symbols of the city's urban

View of the Roman circus and medieval wall in Tarragona

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bronze gate. This archaeological architecture is preserved with the same care as an object placed in a glass case. Between the two walls, a neutral, metaphysical section preserves a void in space and time to be crossed to return to the city of today. The gate also marks the point where the pedestrian walkway linking the arcades of the circus to the Rambla arrives. It expresses the desire to cross a boundary, to pass through an ancient monument without

destroying it, to show a still more ancient episode. The gate - a clean, precise vertical cut – is made diagonally to avoid the perception of the actual thickness of the wall and prevent a nondirectional view, sliding along the wall and offering the possibility of inferring, through a fissure, that something is to be found behind, while, at the same time offering the possibility of taking in the monument at first glance, the glance of discovery.

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3 1, 2 and 3. Details of the Roman circus and medieval wall in Tarragona

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Architecture and identity: the Tal es Safa project – learning from the past1

The Palestinian Israeli struggle over space and identity of the Holy Land is expressed not only violently but also peacefully. Two examples of this symbolic struggle are the planned An-Nakba (the Catastrophe 1948) Museum, to be executed by the Palestinian Ministry of Culture, and the Palestinian Museum of Natural History and Humankind, an ongoing art project by Khalil Rabah. Both museums strive to make Palestinian history visible and struggle against the silencing of the Israeli state. Other examples of this symbolic struggle include the growing interest among Palestinians in indigenous cultural life including folklore, popular arts, food, as well as the documentation and restoration of heritage sites. The recreation of Palestinian identity through the reproduction of traditional architectural forms and the reapplication of traditional building techniques has particular salience in a political and historical reality that has denied Palestinians their home. By restoring and rebuilding Palestinian pre-Nakba homes, Palestinian architects and planners are engaged in casting memories in concrete. The community village of Tal es-Safa is one of these projects. "The red tiled roof represents the impeccable design and meticulous craftsmanship of our stone homes. The green hills suggest our tranquil natural landscape. The olive tree stands for deep roots and the enduring Palestinian heritage" (Live the Memories from the 19th century … in Tal es Safa, 2005). Two rows of spacious stone apartment buildings and villas cling to the hillside, with arcade walkways and stone staircases running between them. Olive trees are scattered throughout the project area. The 11,000m2 project, which consists of homes, plazas and a community centre, is perched on one of the western ridges of Ramallah with a view that stretches to Jaffa (in reality to Tel Aviv) on a clear day. Built in the architectural style of late 19th century that can be found in Jerusalem, Nablus or Jaffa, it seeks to recreate the feel of a traditional terraced Palestinian village combined with the highest standards of modern amenities of contemporary life (electronic access gates, Jacuzzis, air conditioning, under-floor heating, underground parking, a fitness center with a swimming pool and aerobics hall and many other conveniences of 21st century living); "The quality of life in the village is in itself an invitation to luxury and comfort" . Classic features in each individually designed home include domed ceilings, decorative ironwork, hand-carved stone pillars and internal courtyards with fountains. In this way, the village stands

IV. Action

Khaldun BSHARA Architect Head of the Conservation Department of RIWAQ, Palestine

In Tal es Safa, the new architecture is expressed in a schizophrenic manner, combining façades that recreate an “authentic” traditional Palestinian town with interiors that resolve the needs of the 21st century.

on the edge of modernity and tradition, not fully belonging to either. Tel es Safa Project sheds light on the dialectic of tradition and modernity in the process of re-creating the "authentic" Palestinian village and shows the significance of, as well as the contradictions within a project that aims to reuse traditional Palestinian architectural forms and techniques for identity and memory retrieving processes in the Palestinian community. Tel es Safa raises the question whether the reproduction of ancient models of architecture strengthens or weakens the Palestinian identity during their nation-state building process. The importance of preserving their roots through preserving or creating ancient forms of architecture is still not clear, because Palestinians experience a very intense geo-political day-to-day life that distracts their attention from the problematic issue of history. However, in the last two decades, and in particular after the Oslo Agreement (1993), Palestinians have witnessed a new era in which a lot of attention is paid to the material reminders æ the built form in particular æ through the founding of many institutions and organizations that aim at the protection, restoration and revitalization of historic towns and buildings, following a universal trend. Palestinians are catching up with this "movement" as they embark on their project to create a material national identity. Tel es Safa is traditional and modern in the same time; this schizophrenic character resulted from combining the traditional

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image of the façades and form with the 21st century contemporary internal need. Until the mid twentieth century, the typical Palestinian village and the peasant house maintained their architectural characteristics and features. Both spatial organization as well as functional divisions (reflecting kingship and gender divisions) went through critical physical transformations as the village was economically transformed from an inwardly looking agrarian community into an outward-looking wage labour community. In towns, urban architecture reflects the needs of communities whose livelihood depended mostly on commerce and trade. Good examples of such towns are the coastal towns of Acre, Haifa, Jaffa, Lod, Ramleh, ‘Asqalan, Ashdoud and Gaza, and the inland towns of Jerusalem, Nablus, and to a great extent Hebron. One should remember that coastal towns were part of an important Mediterranean cultural basin and hence planning and architectural forms were comparable to other port towns located along the Mediterranean such as Beirut, Sidon, Tyre, Alexandria, and Istanbul. Backed by Diaspora Palestinian investors, "Tal es Safa is the dream of many Palestinians, who look back with nostalgia on foregone days of childhood and youth — a time past that is now brought to life. These, too, are the memories of Mr. Zahi Khouri who came up with the idea of Tal es Safa project". The Diaspora nostalgia for a particular form of life æ that is the former social relations or community, or forms of built environment æ that is the home or the neighborhood, is quite understandable and could be compared to other cases in which nostalgia for a space/place played a major role in peoples' identity formation, for instance in Zionism. According to Suad Amiry, the lead design architect, the project shows different kinds of linkages to nostalgia; on one hand the village represents the nostalgia of Palestinians æ mainly Diaspora Palestinians æ towards their homeland lost during the 1948 War, and on the other hand the village evokes nostalgia for the tranquil towns and villages that were being destroyed by urbanization over the last two decades. Thus, Tal es Safa is Mr. Zahi's virtual return on one hand and the architects' recreation of desired architecture and atmosphere on the other. "In traditional cultures, the past is honored and symbols are valued because they contain and perpetuate the experience of generations. Tradition is not wholly static, because it has to be reinvented by each new generation as it takes over its cultural inheritance from those preceding it". Politically speaking, the architects were involved in a project that has been looked upon by others as patriotic work that aims to revive the Palestinian building style as a material reminder of the pre-Nakba Palestine. It was also viewed as a way of rooting Palestinians back in their traditional forms as material evidence of their existence and as an act of resistance against the Israeli occupation and narrative domination. For the designers, Tal es Safa has been an experimental project of

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what a post-modern Palestine -architecturally speaking- might look like. According to Jean-François Lyotard, the author who popularized the notion of post-modernity, post-modernity refers to a shift away from faith in humanly engineered progress. Tal es Safa is an example of post-modern Palestinian architecture which aims to build on earlier traditions and takes one step beyond modernity, by relying heavily on the Palestinian legacy and knowhow in the building process and related crafts. In so doing, Tal es Safa attempts to reproduce a spatial model of a Palestinian town (the architecture of Jaffa and Jerusalem…) in which one can feel what a Palestinian town might have looked like before the Palestinian Catastrophe (An-Nakba) in 1948.

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This contribution is an excerpt from a longer academic research entitled “Casting Roots in Stones: The Tal es Safa Project in Ramallah” presented in Seventh Mediterranean Social and Political Research Meeting at the European University Institute / Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Mediterranean Programme, Florence – Montecatini Terme, 22–26 March 2006.

New buildings in Hebron (Palestine)


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The “open space issue” in renovation culture and policies in Spain Premises for intervention in open space in historic Mediterranean centres

IV. Action

Francisco Pol Architect and town planner Lecturer at the Higher Education College of Architecture in Madrid (ETSAM) Spain

1. Introduction 1.1 The degradation of open spaces in the processes of decadence and predatory speculation in historic centres. Particularly in the '60s and '70s, the historic centres in this country were subject to the confluence of processes of deterioration and predatory speculation, in various degrees and combinations but always involving, as a common feature, the degradation of their open spaces. This process was due, above all, to the exaggerated predominance of the car in all aspects of urban life, from the ideological references of supposed "modernisation" to everyday preferences; from planning to works, involving, both in centres of the great cities and the smallest historic sites, the mean-spirited squeezing of the spaces dedicated to pedestrians and the disproportionate growth of space for traffic and parking. And, all this in a general climate of administrations caring little for criteria imposing any formal quality on public space, was reflected in the routine application of asphalt even in the most valuable old centres, the ruinous state of paving of the minimal pavements and few spaces safe from the car, the crudity of the street furniture, the general use of "functional" types of lighting meant to serve the traffic...together with permissiveness towards drivers’ most abusive attitudes to other road users, multiplying environmental damage caused by the car. To complete this picture, it should be said that the formal degradation of the "floor plane" was accompanied by the debasement of the "vertical plane", with the babble of commercial façades, the screeching advertisements and the emergence – still more serious because of their irreversible nature – of uncontrolled, discordant buildings. However, renovation policies for historic centres begun since the victory of municipal democracy at the end of the '70s and beginning of the '80s, took time to dedicate attention to open space, concentrating their efforts in actions on buildings, an understandable priority because of the extent and intensity of the problems of deterioration of buildings in working class districts (we must indicate the exceptional cases of Barcelona and some other cities, whose local councils, after the establishment of municipal democracy in 1979, began significant programmes of bringing open spaces up to standard, committing themselves not only to their intrinsic value, but also to their capacity to induce and irradiate processes of urban renovation).

In the operations on an urban scale, the configuration of the new spaces should reflect the historic and cultural specifics of the fabric where they act.

In projects of singular spaces one of the premises of the project is contention and moderation, avoiding exuberance and formal stridence.

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1.2. The recent spread of improvement policies: Confidence and uncertainty in projects. For some years the situation has been very different, with the rapid spread across the country of actions with the common feature of being "environmental or urban improvements" with very diverse characteristics: in some very specific cases they affected "singular spaces" and, in others, through broader

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programmes, they were almost always linked to new schemes for reorganising mobility and accessibility. But, in all cases, the planners' questions have been very similar ones: What design criteria should be applied to the spaces recovered from the car? How should they intervene in singular spaces that had been deformed? How far should attitudes of respect for the context go? How and when should they resort to contemporary languages? ... Such doubts and uncertainties, much more accentuated than those surrounding similar processes in other nearby countries, would have been affected, in my opinion, by the following motivations: the very weak Spanish tradition in this field, deriving above all from poverty and the civil backwardness into which the two great periods when European cities were beautified – the Baroque and the bourgeois culture of the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries – had to be fitted. in the '60s and '70s, with the particular context of technocratic desarrollismo, the almost generalised municipal assignation of powers in this field to the "roads and works" departments, where dismissive attitudes towards matters related to architecture and to the shape of the old city predominated. lack of attention to these planning fields in architectural and town planning training, a problem aggravated by the absence of alternative professional profiles, such as the different academic training structures in landscaping in France, Great

Tool 16 Recommendations for planning open space Premises for intervention in open space in historic Mediterranean centres

Britain or the northern European countries (a lack of institutional attention that survives today). the very low level of importance of bodies which, since the '40s, had among their explicit objectives the conservation and improvement of historic urban environments, that is, the successive Directorates General of Fine Arts responsible for supervising historic-artistic sites (a weakness that had prevented the establishment of even a minimal body of methods and procedures other than in some meritorious works). finally, the lack of valuable experiences in other countries that could be "imported" as examples and references (by contrast to urban renovation policies and methods, where other models from nearby countries, above all Italian ones, had a great effect). Because of this, it cannot be surprising that, despite the advantages that measures to restrict cars have had for the urban environment and for daily life, and the corresponding expansion of areas for walking and sitting, its formal results have sometimes been vulgar and even deplorable. There is also an aggravating factor: the likelihood that this will remain so for many years, as it will be difficult for future administrations (even if they achieve particular cultural sensitivity) to justify to the public the carrying out of new, costly and reforms always causing inconvenience, solely because of aesthetic considerations. The purpose of my account is precisely to reveal the roots of these mistakes in the compositional and formal field, and then to

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The periphery of many cities, especially those that were located at the foot of walls historically used for defensive ends, or at river banks, experience processes of degradation due to the original “weakness” of the urban fabric. In such cases the strategies of requalification of the open spaces must necessarily be incorporated within complex urban planning projects. The image, which corresponds to the fringes of the historic center of Almeria toward San Cristobel hill and the Alcazaba in 2000, is a good example of this type of problem. .

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The impact of the automobile upon the urban landscape was especially great in the squares, that is, where the most singular architecture was generally concentrated. In the image, Born Square of the Cuitadella of Minorca in 1995..


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attempt to sketch out some indications of planning routes which I consider more appropriate. But first I believe it is essential to indicate how often I have noticed mistakes that could not be put down to theoretical uncertainties or methodologies but which were simply rooted in spectacular professional incompetence, administrative neglect or outside intrusion from decision-making areas or the influences of local powers. 1.3. Establishing initial boundaries: mistakes through professional incompetence/incongruence due to the intrusion of town planning "amateurs" and "do-ityourselfers". Attempts to identify successes and mistakes must, in fact, take account of aspects concerning "competences" in all senses of the term: both professional skills and capacity for administrative decisions. As these are generally works falling within municipal competences, we cannot ignore the fact that it will be difficult to achieve appropriate quality in planning them if they are assigned to internal technicians – not so much because of the stereotyped (but so many times justified) mistrust of the planning quality of the technical structures of local councils, but rather because of the very particular requirements of this type of action, which require special planning refinement and a certain accumulation/sedimentation of experience (again we must qualify such forthright declarations a little, as some local councils, like Barcelona, have based their very valuable action processes on solid technical departments). The absence of specialised professional profiles makes it difficult for the administrations to tackle jobs. In this respect, it is very significant that it is in Catalonia where the majority of the highest quality actions have been carried out, because of various connected political, academic and cultural factors that have generated a demand from an interested public as well as a notable density of professionals. Ultimately, we should indicate that the fact that it is apparently "easy" to make decisions concerning the external shape of open spaces, as there are no legal requirements for professional competences, has, on more than a few occasions, encouraged the "amateurish" intrusions of political leaders. More than a few vulgarities and extravagances occurring in some centres have had their origin, in effect, in "dictates" by political leaders, transcribed by servile officers attached to the local councils or required by the profession or by construction companies with an obvious interest. They are jointly motivated by vanity and fear, always trying to avoid any kind of controversy and to "butter up" the voters, thereby achieving

IV. Action

the most vulgar common denominators of "taste"... These attitudes are further strengthened by the insistent demands of companies constantly tempting the politicians, stimulating the extension of the very popular "do it yourself" hobby to extend to the town planning field, offering to support this task with the comfortable certainties of "catalogue buying".

2. A first distinction for the analysis for these new fields of planning: operations on an "urban scale" and singular projects. Having given these caveats, we can now go into the full argument, which will refer only to the field of professional actions and which we assume enjoy their full quota of competences, regardless of our degree of agreement with the different approaches and results. We will structure the account by distinguishing various fields: operations on an "urban scale" coming within fairly complex urban strategies. one-off actions, generally limited to very particular spheres and constituting "works schemes" only. In turn, in both the fields, we should distinguish: minor schemes. actions in singular spaces.

3. "Urban scale" operations forming part of complex strategies. 3.1. An essential step: examining the "internal" coherence conditions of the planning approaches and methods. These operations are usually linked to Special Urban Plans or Full Renovation Programmes, with complex implications always related to plans to reorganise transport lay-outs. The assessment of these operations will, as a first step, require the examination of the initial criteria and approaches on which the planning processes will be based. The coherence of these assumptions will in my opinion, be determined, by whether they meet the following requirements: Appropriate and efficient expression among structural and formal, components, understanding structural aspects not only in a town planning sense, but also concerning the way they respect the social and economic structures of the town. The adoption of forms capable of reflecting the specific historical and cultural features of the various fabrics being

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clearly fixed at a certain "cultural moment" (and, therefore, likely to be difficult to comprehend in the future); in these types of spaces, both views can be legitimate. But, if we are referring to small-scale actions, in my opinion, these fine distinctions are not necessary as the preferred route should be to contain expression, opting for the capacity for lasting absorption of future changes in taste.

worked upon; that is, rejecting formal solutions that make what the urban development of our cities has left us as differentiated banal and homogenised. This warning is particularly important in our country, for various reasons: the original modelling of our centres by very diverse urban cultures (Roman, Arab, Christian...with all their variations throughout history); because of the diversity of geographical contexts, highly accentuated even in Mediterranean regions, with what this implies for the differentiation of all aspects of open spaces; and, finally, because of the frequent and almost kaleidoscopic successive modifications, superimpositions and additions on top of original structures...

3.2. Looking at mistakes: wrong answers or poorly formulated questions? The most frequent mistakes can easily be deduced from a comparison with these criteria:

The consideration of links and hierarchies in urban spaces, which must, above all, affect the adoption of different formal treatments of small-scale schemes and singular spaces. Finally, the requirement for the necessary technical efficiency. This aspect will be essential in operations on extensive areas, which must never by carried out without at the same time incorporating works to improve infrastructures or include new networks and technical services. The insertion of projects into precise time perspectives with respect to their material – and also formal – durability. The first caveat does not require justification, but the second does. In effect, in a singular space we can always opt for formal approaches with a degree of "atemporality" or, on the contrary, those attached to a discourse or to tastes that are

Concerning the first of the conditions indicated above, we will note that operations have frequently been carried out getting only one of the required components - structural or formal right. For example, pedestrianisation operations or those reorganising transport with beneficial effects for the structuring of urban activities but with weak or even negative forms; or, on the other hand, "decorative" actions without any effect on the structural order; and even cases that are defective in both aspects. On the latter point, we could highlight numerous cases of the homogenous treatment of fabrics of very diverse origins, which have had the inevitable effect of creating banal perceptions of cities, with the deployment everywhere of scenery that flattens or even distorts the diversity of urban representations.

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The Special Plan for Rehabilitation of the center of Minorca, from the late 90's, constitutes a good example of the insertion of strategies of qualification of the open spaces and of the urban landscape within a framework of urban planning. Those strategies were articulated in several stages: at a general scale of the city, reordering the systems of mobility with an aim to “unload” the old center of the excessive pressure of the automobile; at the scale of the historic center, defining different areas with regards to accessibility and foreseeing underground parking; and, finally, at a detailed scale, advancing proposals of redesign of the main public spaces, style of pavements, definition of urban elements, illumination, commercial scene, etc... In the image, aerial view of the zone with the Born and the port at focal points..

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Appearance of the traditional pavements in one of the main streets.


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For the third aspect, we have noted all possible types of imbalance: over-emphasis on certain singular spaces and devaluation of other no less valuable ones for no other reason than poor planning or incomprehension by public decisionmakers; shocking contrasts between the richness of certain singular spaces and the poverty or coarseness of the minor works; and even paradoxical effects of "inverted emphasis" resulting from treating small streets, squares and alleys with dense designs and extravagant, costly materials... while forgetting the singular spaces (almost always because of the confluence of two attitudes in the municipal administrations: on one hand, fear of the complexity usually involved in action in important spaces; and, on the other, by seeking "compensatory" spectacular effects in "minor" areas where the action does not raise problems or questions.

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4. Actions limited to adapting minor areas. 4.1 Some proposals on planning criteria. The approach and methods in this field of action largely coincide with those which we noted before for complex and "urban scale" operations, as they will always involve a general background of minor interventions regardless of the degree of density of their implications and synergies. But we believe it is necessary to go a little deeper into this issue because of its importance in improvement policies. So, to the conditions indicated above for the "urban scale" programmes I would add the following specific recommendations for these actions: Understanding these works as being meant to improve the historic built-up fabric in which they are situated and never as "autonomous" schemes. This involves attitudes of respectful insertion in context, expressing its specific historical and urban nature, as we indicated earlier. A preference for using all kinds of traditional materials and elements. This does not mean it is not possible to opt legitimately for other solutions in a thoughtful and justified way, for example, applying industrialised elements or combining them with traditional procedures. The adoption of approaches showing containment of forms, economy of materials... and also economy of expression, with design procedures oriented towards rigour and precision in details (there are few aspects of town planning where we are so justified in our support for the lesson that “less is more�). Attention to the typification of elements (kerbs and boundaries, paving slabs, dropped kerbs, manhole covers, joints between pavements and buildings, planters...) considering them as keys to urban syntax and therefore taking

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16 3 1, 2 and 3. Different problems with the pavements, 1: deterioration and abandonment of the majority of the popular areas. 2. Characteristic scene of the first pedestrian interventions of the 60-70's, with paving stones of absurd geometries and loud colors. 3. A municipal urban planning program, with a completely miscalculated design, has damaged the scenery of a large portion of the city center. We see the massive application of a grey cement paving, completely foreign to the traditional solutions and in contrast to the architecture.

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extreme care with their capacity to generate specific images and identities for the town. A severe approach in applying street furniture, shunning its use without good reason, assessing its strict functional justification and, in all cases, opting for succinct formal elements (nothing is more deserving of rejection more than the process of making a beautiful centre banal with the thoughtless and profuse arrangement of furniture, regardless of its design quality and its contemporary or historicist attachments). Extreme attention to lighting, an issue normally forgotten in town planning regulations or relegated to technical department routines, although sometimes trivialised in the choice of lamps, with the sterile clash between "historic lamps" and "contemporary" elements. Faced with these limitations and gaps, the lighting plan must intelligently use the very broad range of options now technically possible to adapt to all the criteria indicated above, for example, in terms of the "differentiating the historically different", the hierarchisation of spaces, adherence to architectural contexts, etc.

4.2. Mistakes: the difficulty of "getting the little things right", of "caring for the fragile"... Once again, it is almost unnecessary to refer to the mistakes detected in this area as they can be gleaned almost directly, in a negative sense, from the indications and recommendations we have given. But, almost symbolically, we would like to refer to some cases of getting it spectacularly wrong. For example, there is the case of Ciudadela de Menorca, a magnificent old centre, with an architectural scene marked by the presence of stone, in golden limestone blocks for the mansions and churches and, particularly, in the special marés sandstone of the island, protected with terracotta or pastel coloured lime wash. And with a few historic pavements also in slabs of golden limestone, with refined quartering and combinations, although limited to certain streets, with precarious and heavily deteriorated asphalt largely predominating in the centre. Well, in that context a public programme went ahead a few years ago with the declared aim of urban improvement, paving a large part of the centre, with the massive and homogeneous application of probably the least suitable material that could have been chosen – prefabricated concrete paving stones – in the least appropriate colour - grey extending it through the network of small streets and the most valuable squares, clashing ominously with the delicate colour of the architecture and the strong Mediterranean light.

Proposal of the Special Plan for the “smaller portions”, based upon the reinterpretation of the traditional models..

Proposal of the Special Plan in the central part of the city center. Directing architect of the Plan: Francisco Pol.

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5. The main idea of the argument: planning "singular spaces" " – Could you tell me what direction I should take? – That depends on where you want to go..." from Lewis Carroll, Alice in Wonderland We finally reach the central theme of the argument, the planning of singular spaces, which I shall approach by differentiating two planes: a first plane on which I will sketch the premises that, I believe, should be essential as "rules governing methods" or "coherence conditions" for schemes; and, a second plane which will refer to the formal aspects of actions and for which I will critically examine the validity and relevance of the different approaches that have been deployed in this field over the last few years. I will conclude the explanation by supporting the expressive and formal perspectives which, from my point of view, can bring together analytical coherence, methodical rigour and capacity for aesthetic significance or seduction, and which, because of this, should preferably guide our working approaches.

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5.1. Some proposals on starting points: the "planning intelligence" needed for analysis work. Among the premises which, in my opinion, would mark that first plane of the conceptual basis, I would highlight the following: Considering the specific features of “the local” (that is, the specific features of the city where the action is to be carried out and its regional environment), and using this reflection in many directions: its impregnation with history (in all forms - cultural, social, architectural history...), the conditions of the urban and natural landscape, the tradition of building, images of the city... But with the caveat that, on occasion, perhaps the most stimulating indications are derived from the intelligent combination of local features with a backcloth of global ones... With this same approach but using a “zoom lens”, we should try to decipher what is “specific” about the actual place where the actions are being carried out, in all the forms indicated above, paying special attention to the conditions of the builtup surroundings and also introducing some samples of its past and present meanings and uses, its position in the "city's imagination", its impregnation by historical events, its possible reminiscences as "a literary place"); its sedimentation in tastes and sensitivities...

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Proposals for the area of Plà de Sant Joan, of extreme singularity for the presence of the city wall and bulwarks of the port and of the Plà, a peculiar passage in which is centered the spectacular Festival of the Horsemen, in San Juan.

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Stone pavement in a narrow street of the Ciudadela. Examples of actuations based in the quality of the design of the pavements, with minimizing criteria and refined solutions of detail.

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1, 2 and 3. Stone borders in Granada.

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4 and 5. Surroundings of Larios Street in the center of Mรกlaga. 2004.


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6, 7 and 8. Monells, Catalonia. Pavement and illumination, Architects: J. Fuses and J.M. Viader. 1996.

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Trying to get the scheme to establish some significant relationships with these contextual conditions, both local and specific, of the actual place. We should clarify that we will consider as significant relationships those which might be stimulated by the scheme, activating thoughts, feelings or emotions... that is, relationships with a certain capacity to turn on social subjectivity. Understanding that the examination of these multiple conditions of the place and its context will be of little use if it leads only to a systemisation of information and will be of no use at all if it is limited to their routine acceptance "because of the requirements of the script" of "culturally correct" methodologies. This approach will only be valid based on planning intelligence; that is, introducing into the course of the analysis concerns and intentions about the features of the place that we might use to induce "significant" perceptions in the sense indicated above and which could also be modelled with the expressive resources of urban architecture and design. Assessing the conditions of coherence between the possible usage programmes and the contextual and the characteristics of the space where the action is being carried out. Final premise: preference for containment and moderation in all elements of the scheme. Perhaps this last assumption appears more arguable than the previous ones, more derived from personal opinions. But I believe it is possible to back it with various arguments: firstly by simple reference to the characterisation of open spaces throughout history, where whispers have predominated much more than shouts (even at moments of formal exuberance, like the Baroque period, we find more games of counterpoint or choral resources than strident arias of ornate elements); secondly because we understand that, conceptually, historic open spaces must adopt appropriate forms so that multiple confluences and very diverse resonances can occur over time; and, thirdly, because the scenarios of our historic centres are almost always modestly deployed, with fragile balances that could easily be destroyed if the elements making up the open spaces are given an outlandishly prominent role. It should be said that this cautious attitude, which some might label Puritan, would also allow exceptions; for example faced with scenarios that have almost vanished or become disjointed, where the use of dense discourses can be justified in order to contribute to giving them significance. 5.2. Some kinds of loss. As with the comments we have made concerning the other forms of action, in this case, too, a simple explanation of the premises makes it possible to characterise the mistakes generated by failing to follow them. So, a scheme guided by a reading of the context

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and sticking to conventional coded characterisations will very easily fall into tiresome stereotyped repetition and, it is worth repeating, will make the place where it is carried out a commonplace. A mistake in the choice of references, assigning excessive importance to irrelevant themes, can lead to distorting or extravagant configurations. Basing the scheme on a poor understanding of the specific conditions and significances can lead to mistaken or false expressions. Proud distancing or indifference in reading the contextual conditions will very probably be translated into unnaturally vain "cries for attention" to the contribution of the author... In the interests of keeping the argument flowing, we will avoid more detailed criticisms bar a few notes concerning two issues which cannot be directly deduced from failure to comply with the premises set out above:

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The first issue concerns the frequent contradictions between the functional programme and formal responses, with two frequent and very different attitudes: on one hand, those who attempt to tie the project strictly to supposedly "objectivised" functional requirements; and, on the other, those who arbitrarily try to tie subsequent uses to the capricious impositions of the scheme. Secondly, the preference for the profusion of materials, elements or constructions, an expression of a certain "fear of vacuum" caused, I believe, by various factors: firstly, many planners' lack of theoretical understanding of the essential shape of open spaces as vacuums, giving rise to the automatic reaction of the architect, who tends to deploy "constructions", considering them the only way of giving the project impact. Secondly, the tendency to consider open space as a sectorial and, therefore attrezzato facility. And, finally, the inertia of the "domestic taste" which for so long impregnated the traditional bourgeoisie, with its conception of home as a setting for a multi-coloured accumulation of objects (in passing, we invite the reader to look at the masterly analyses of Baudrillard or Moles concerning systems of objects, and compare the explanations in these of the motivations in the traditional bourgeois home with what happens in many of our public spaces, which seem to be meant to appear like an interior crammed with furniture, decoration and knick-knacks).

6. Formal languages in planning "singular spaces”. Considering these brief comments on the premises and criteria on which all schemes for singular spaces should be based, we can now deal with the central theme of my account: the analysis of the different formal perspectives for tackling interventions.

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6.1. An initial warning: the paradoxical fact that historical spaces offer few opportunities for "ripristino" schemes. I will begin with a warning which I consider essential to the argument: there is very little scope for basing schemes on rehabilitation criteria and ripristino methods. At first sight, perhaps such a bald statement might appear unjustified, as the possibility of applying methods similar to those of rehabilitation interventions on historic buildings to this field might appear reasonable. However, nothing could be further from what is revealed to us by an analysis of the issue. In fact, because of the particular features of Spanish urban history, there are very few spaces that have been created with single worthwhile schemes and which have then undergone negative transformations that would justify actions aimed at recovering or reinterpreting such a pristine layout. In contrast with the firm and refined architectural and ornamental characterisation acquired by many spaces in European cities in the 16th and, above all, in the 17th and 18th centuries, with the great formal resources of the Baroque and then Neoclassicism, in Spain the majority of the most important urban spaces had still not, by the middle of the 19th century, been brought up to standard. So, what would be revealed to us by an analysis of the historical evolution of many singular spaces would not be a valuable basic configuration but rather successive adaptations, without an imprint of any great value towards which we might direct attempts at rehabilitation. The abundant iconography on the urban landscapes most representative of our centres in the first half of the 19th century very clearly illustrates these claims (see, for example, the collections of views created by French and English Romantic travellers of the first half of the 19th century, such as Laborde in 1810, Taylor in 1823, Chapuy in 1844... showing the predominance of irregular, neglected pavements of bare earth or, in the best cases, disorderly flush stones or slabs in many of the spaces with greatest historical value) des cas, empierrés ou dallés de manière chaotique). 6.2. The diversity of formal approaches: from "historicist routes" to the deployment of contemporary languages with no intention of inserting them into the context. The implications of the above considerations when it comes to approaching a scheme are very clear: if material or documentary traces with sufficient, convincing value cannot be found in the past to be revived or reconstructed with any certainty, the tensions that characterise any "ex novo" design tend to arise. However, noting that the ripristino does not work does not mean we can approach schemes as "free experiments". Instead we are in situations similar to those marking a scheme for a new building within a historic fabric; that is, having to work with the criteria and methods of contextual insertion which have become attached to modern architectural culture (although in the case of open spaces there is rarely such detailed organisation as in building


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schemes). It should not need to be said that these considerations will never lead to single formal solutions or even common general guidelines. For this reason, it is not surprising that the trails the actions carried out in Spain since the early '80s have been blazing are very different ones. A first basic scheme of analysis would be to distinguish two general orientations that clash violently (because they are rooted not so much in reflections and opinions but in tastes that are deeply embedded in personal subjectivity and social preferences): languages predominantly linked to continuity with tradition, rooted in the tastes and forms of historical architecture and the old city. languages where contemporary resources from both architectural languages and those of the artistic avant-garde predominate. 6.3. Planning orientations following "historical forms" We can distinguish various nuances within these attitudes:

The Plaza Mayor of Madrid in the 17th century. J. De la Corte, 1623. The plaza was unpaved until the mid 19th century, period in which it was adapted first as a type of French royal square, with its pavement and installation of the equestrian statue of Felipe III in its center. Later, following reports of Anglo-Saxon squares, it would initiate a process of displacements which would continue until recent dates. Engravings by Nicolas Chapuy, in Vues de Espagne, edited in Paris in 1844.

preferences for renovation or conservative adaptation. the routes of imitation. interpretation procedures. 6.3.1. Preferences for "conservative adaptation". Conservative actions motivated by the requirements of repair or partial recovery or the functional or technical adaptation of spaces, maintaining some valuable features, have been frequent. We would highlight, for example, that carried out in the Plaรงa del Mercat in Vic, consolidating and functionally improving its very unusual and attractive bare earth surface. This approach, if developed coherently, will make it possible to achieve some interesting results precisely because it brings together three very unusual aspects: the honesty involved in accepting the pre-eminence of "inherited" values; modesty in renouncing personal expressiveness; and the search for quality in the refinement and precision of construction. 6.3.2. The "historicist imitation" routes. These routes include "ex novo" actions with notable planning density resorting to forms imitating historical languages. They are culturally legitimate options provided they are developed based on rigorous knowledge. This will clearly differentiate them from the stage sets proposed by amateurs or incompetent professionals. They will be advisable above all in very significant settings, with architectural surroundings that have a strong historical character which have been treated in an unfortunate or incongruous way and which require notable transformation. The choice of specific historical references for modelling the scheme could correspond to different motivations, for example,

Seville, Plaza de la Constituciรณn.

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Madrid, Plaza de Santa Cruz.

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the intention to link with the dominant architectural languages in the area; the interest in highlighting a certain type of architecture considered as the focus; the will to evoke a certain historical period considered particularly important for the place, etc. It is true that the results of these approaches can be dull if they lazily rely on the simple application of a repertoire, but they in no way exclude inventive planning work. Maurice Culot, who championed this route with the slogan “imitation, an adventure in creation” provided more than a few reasons to support its coherence. The recovery of the Plaça Reial in Barcelona, the work of Correa y Milá, which involved important elements of conservation, would be a successful example of these approaches. 6.3.3. The "historicist interpretation" procedures These are close to the imitation routes but there are subtle differences, perhaps more because of the attitudes of the planners than because of the actual results (to use a theatrical simile, we might speak in these cases of preferences for the distancing that Brecht called for in representations of his works). They do not attempt to be accurate, like the imitative projects, but rather intellectually convincing. They try to be severely didactic rather than cheerfully narrative... We might indicate the Plaza del Ayuntamiento in Murcia as a successful example of this route. This work by Rafael Moneo, carried out at the same time as his scheme for the new City Hall, is based on a pavement with a geometrical layout linking the three big pieces of architecture making up the square, using an old resource of Baroque, although with contemporary quartering and details. The intervention in the Plaza de la Catedral in Almería, by Alberto Campo Baeza, would also correspond to this approach. It consists of a broad horizontal plane paved in white marble slabs, structured in a grid following the internal modulation of the cathedral, with slim palm trees situated at the crossing points interpreting the structures of pillars and columns.

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6.3.4. Some caveats: the difficult balances of historicist orientations between the rigour of the analogies and distortion of "the antique". The intrusions of incompetent professionals or amateur political leaders that we have already mentioned are usually expressed in images with a supposedly "antique" flavour, for obvious reasons: firstly, because they trust in these being "in tune" with the most widespread public tastes; and, secondly, because these languages are apparently easy to use, backed by repertoires of street furniture, street lamps and all kinds of knick-knacks (including the advertising artefacts that have distorted the scene in so many centres). Those resources have, on many occasions, created images we might describe as grotesque, in the sense Valle Inclán gave to this

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term: in the same way as grotesque in literature consisted of reflecting the models of the classical heroes in the distorting mirrors of the Callejón del Gato in Madrid, these urban grotesques would turn out as fatter or thinner – but always deformed and vulgar – reflections of the historic city's models of open space. 6.4. The pre-eminence of contemporary languages, without attention or intention concerning historic contexts. Within these perspectives we can distinguish many lines of planning, almost as many as the different tendencies that have become ingrained in architectural languages since the days of the avant-garde. But, for the purposes of this argument, the most important thing will perhaps be to identify two, very different, attitudes: "minimising" approaches, with extreme expressive reduction. preferences for deploying forms with a “strong presence”. 6.4.1. “No illusions, no allusions”: the contained resources of minimalism. These attitudes would above all fit into the extensive field of minimalism, which for many years has occupied an important position on the architectural scene. Because of this, we might characterise them by paraphrasing what is probably the most precise definition of this artistic tendency: “no illusions, no allusions” with respect to the historical contexts in which they are set. These formal schemes prefer coldness to warmth; the correct greeting to the cordial conversation; neutrality to sympathy; figures to stories... These are attitudes which, at times, can end in indifference or distant contempt, but which in other cases reach the level of elegant respect. The majority of actions included in these approaches have basically limited themselves to the "ground plane" sometimes, but only for good reasons, including succinct protuberances: because of this they can be justified in very heterogeneous environments; generators of architectural babble before which any "absorbent layer" will be received with gratitude. But they can also be appropriate on sites bounded by extraordinary singular or tumultuously expressive architecture, before which they play the role of musical silences in relation to moments of pathos. We would highlight some interesting actions coming within these criteria, like the Passeig del Angel, work of Rafael de Cáceres, or the Plaça de la Catedral, both in the centre of Barcelona. 6.4.2. Exasperation and exacerbation in the prevalence of contemporary languages. In common with minimalist approaches, these have a certain disinterest in expressing the significances of the context and a refusal to assume the improvement and highlighting of the


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Appearance of the Plaza de Vic, Catalonia, at the end of the 90's, after its rehabilitation, traditionally unpaved.

The front of the new city hall in the plaza was conceived as a contemporary reelaboration of the traditional plans of the “retable-facades”, with tones of geometric abstraction.

The Plaza Real of Barcelona. Rehabilitation project by Correa and Milá (1982). The plaza was formed at the beginning of the 19th century as a result of the demolition of a convent during the Desamortización. Originally it did not have any vegetation. At the end of the 19th century, palm trees were planted and in the mid 20th century it was reformed with a topical solution of flower beds, while still maintaining its aggressive automobile use. The project “cleansed” this space, eliminating the flower beds, valuing the palm trees and accenting the presence of the original Gaudí street lamps. At the same time it projected a new pavement of stone, redesigned the benches, etc...

Adaptation project of the Plaza del Cardinal Belluga in Murcia developed in parallel to the project of the new municipal seat. Rafael Moneo, 1993-98. The design of the pavement is based on a system of spokes that link the most valued buildings -the Cathedral, the new city hall, the Palace of the cardinal Belluga- also highlighting the visual elements of the streets which lead to the setting.

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historic surroundings as a central aim of the scheme. But they are differentiated from them because of their greater "density of objects" (regardless of whether they opt for one contemporary language or another), and, above all, by their desire for autonomy, which often ends up achieving excessive pre-eminence over the surrounding contexts. The deployment of these projects has often corresponded to emphatic self-affirmation or "affirmation of the author", coming within the attitudes of "exaltation" that Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter so caustically identify when referring to the arrogant attitudes of the "heroic" avant-garde. And, in some cases, we can also identify malicious attempts to use context as a pretext to make the text of the project shine even more. As at many other points of this explanation, we do not want these critical warnings to be understood as dogmatic rejections for all times and places. Nor can we exclude the possibility that these approaches could lead to interesting results in cases of very poorly delineated or altered environments (never, of course, in places of high value). And, of course, provided they are entrusted to planners of recognised solidity and come within a public debate.

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But, even in these circumstances, we should be aware that these options perhaps do not compensate for the risks involved. Too many cases sadly justify these warnings: from the reckless disappointment of the reform of Les Halles in Paris to the very many projects scattered in so many historic cities in our country, competing to exalt "innovation" and modern "rupture". We were talking before about the grotesque in terms of certain "neo-antique" orientations which clumsily tried to imitate great classical models. But we should also speak of modern grotesques in so many works which, despite their pretensions, remain clumsy imitations of great landmarks of contemporary architecture. In Seville, this option has recently been tried, with a hypertrophied and tumultuous proposal for the Plaza de la Encarnaci贸n, a place of very complex and contradictory historical and urban conditioning factors. We hope the obvious risks of this proposal will be overcome satisfactorily, finally resolving an environment which has been the subject of so many and such different ideas since the '80s and which we might consider as a "laboratory in extreme conditions" of the issues that concern us.

1 1 and 2. Rehabilitation of the Portal del Angel in Barcelona. This avenue took its present form with successive reforms of the original historic course. It is an important communication from the old city to the central enclave of the Plaza de Catalonia, acting also as an important commercial axis with a dense flow of pedestrians. The project tries to adapt to these conditions with a neutral formal solution, based on the horizontal continuity of a homogenous paving, and accenting lineality with a new disposition of the old street lamps, in an extensive line duplicated by new lighting, characteristic of that of sports events. Architects: A. Montes and J. Alemany, 1992.

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6.4.3. A mistaken route fortunately now closed off: erroneously resorting to the post-modern. Between fidelity to tradition and combative enlistment in contemporaneity, in the '70s a trend emerged which took on a certain resonance until the beginning of the '90s and which was based on an attempt to revise architectural modernity (and also the formulas of modern town planning, rooted in functionalism) attempting to overcome its supposed "failures" by reinventing "other" modern forms providing continuity with history. As is well known, very diverse formulas were brought together in this form of planning (or, to put it better, in this fashion) resulting from the process of criticism of the codification of the Modern Movement which erupted in the '70s and which – let's not forget – made its accusations and proposals in a climate extended to many other fields (philosophy, literary analysis, art, even politics) included under the very appropriate term post-modernism. It would be wildly pretentious to try, in this small-scale context, to offer a serious assessment of such a complex phenomenon. We can mention some accurate contributions on the matter that concerns us: firstly, the full justification of its criticism of the

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codifications of modernity for the way it had relegated the concepts and images of historic open spaces and, in general, traditional cities; its caustic denunciation of the "unbearable lightness" or even "negative energies" (to use two clichéd slogans of the language of those years) of the urban open spaces generated from these codifications; thirdly, the call for attention to suggestions of historically established resources and forms of construction and, fourthly, the support for "material" and "mental" models of the traditional city to come up with essential ways to link the disparate urban proliferations of the so-called boom period and to structure new growth. However, barring some exceptions, in practice they did not live up to the expectations these theoretical discourses had generated. In our field, the coincidence of the deployment of this tendency with the emergence of the new improvement policies for open spaces from the end of the '70s to the end of the '80s explains its effect on the language of many interventions. It is not possible to make a general judgment, as interesting works were carried out from these perspectives, as well as some conventional ones and others worthy of rejection, occasionally

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3 3 and 4. Avenida de la Catedral, Barcelona. This Avenue is the result of an urban reformation, unconcluded because of the interruption of the opening of the Gran Via. The actuation wanted to respond to the confusing collection of inherited spaces, and build a huge underground parking garage at the same time. A solution of great formal simplicity was adopted, accenting the value of the great flat central “emptiness”, paved in light-colored granite, which links the diverse architecture of the plaza. The interior of the parking garage is linked environmentally with the exterior by way of the continuity of the pavements and of the transparency of the access and ventilation elements.Architects: M. Quintana and M.Periel. 1990.

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bordering on the kitsch. Undoubtedly these differences are partly derived from the level of talent of their authors but also from the "dose" of historical references (with the contained having a very different effect from the prolix, and allusion from reiteration) and from its means of expression (as the justified quotation or restrained re-elaboration is not the same as the arbitrary digression or shocking piece of irony). So, at one extreme we might place works like the local squares in Gracia, by Bach y Mora,

with restrained resources in a post-modern key but with elegant design and within a discourse dedicated to highlighting the contexts, or the Moll de la Fusta, by M. SolĂ Morales, in Barcelona, also with some post-modern re-elaborations of Catalan Modernism but well integrated into the central objective of the work: resolving complex problems of contact between the city and the port. And, at the opposite extreme, we would place works such as the reform of the Plaza del Pilar and its surroundings in

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1 and 2. Examples of interventions in the old center of Tarragona, in archeological areas of the Roman Tarraco, realized in the late 90's, with the participation of different architects.

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Zaragoza based on disseminated anecdotes (geographical reliefs alluding to the Discovery of America and to "Spanishness" with all kinds of sheets of water and arches alluding to the Roman past), the reckless use of functional elements elevated to the level of compositional markers (lamps), heavy and unnecessary stage sets attempting to compensate for the irregularities and discontinuities in the fabric, etc.

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3, 4 and 5. Remodeling of the Plaza de la Encarnación. Project by Jürgen Mayer, winner of the 2004 Contest. The succession of debates and proposals over this place, in the center of Seville, shows the special complexity of the interventions in areas with existing archeology. At the beginning of the 80's the reordering of the zone was trusted to a project by G. Vázquez Consuegra, that resolved the most difficult demands of the program – a parking garage and a new structuring of the market implanted in the zone – with a measured project with the traditional/modern resources characteristic of the “Seville school” of that time. The previous archeological excavations unearthed a substrate of great value of the Roman and Arab cities. After years of strong polemics, an international contest was held which demanded the simultaneous fulfilling of evaluation criteria of the archeological remains, of the implantation of a market and of the formation of substantial public spaces. Mayer's project was based on a 30 m. tall structure in the form of an aluminum “mushroom”, crowning the roof with a vegetative mat.

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7. Other arguments, other indications. The context as incitement to contemporary planning 7.1. Working with "materials of memory" based on sensitivities and languages committed to contemporaneity. We can now finally deal with the crux of the matter that most interests us: proposing a planning route that would be different from the ones mentioned above because of its attention and tension towards "the historical", "the contextual", "the local", but committed in its expression to contemporary architectural and artistic languages. This perspective, whose first approaches are found in some works by Gregotti and other Italian critics, clearly corresponds to the propositions and debates on the links between innovation and contextuality of new building in historic environments which have punctuated this field of the architectural debate from the "other avant-gardes" of the '30s (Asplund, Lewerentz, etc.) or the Italian architecture of the '50s to increasingly varied recent experiments. But, beyond the perception of some common aspects, we will soon have to point out that the notable differences between the two objects - "construction" and "open space" - will, from a certain point, require the promotion of some specific lines of method and planning in this latter field. These differences above all concern: the lower level of tension between function and form. In effect, while in architectural planning formal modelling will be situated as part of a complex set of responses to use, in open spaces functional requirements for formalisation will almost always be much less pronounced (in the majority of cases reorganisation of surfaces previously dedicated to parking or traffic, or occupied by spurious installations). a shorter timescale than that for buildings. New architecture in a singular historical context will almost always be intended to last, both in the planning of the developer and in the intentions of the planner. By contrast, this desire will rarely be expressed in intervention in an open space, largely because of the cultural assumptions concerning the very flexibility intrinsic in open spaces... as spaces for communication, providing significance. But, speaking of this characterisation as creating significance takes us right to the heart of the debate. In effect, the strength of this method of planning will essentially lie in the sequential elaboration of significances and forms, in which the tension will concern the following issues: the identification of the "themes" or "significant references", a task which will hardly ever be deduced mechanically from an analysis of the place but instead will require a certain intelligence of argument.

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the choice of the "means" or "resources" to express these themes. the setting of objectives related to improvements in the urban structure. the formal elaborations, in all their aspects of design, materials, vegetation, urban elements, works of "urban art", etc. In the first aspect, we must underline that the “materials of memory” of the place may be of very different kinds: urban or architectural traces – persistent, poorly drawn or faded; events of the past; impregnations from certain uses; the very varied expressions of the imagination of a city or a history; even literary "atmospheres"... The dispersal and heterogeneity of these aspects, which sometimes even contradict one another, will require a certain selection, as in any operation involving memory: the work of Borges is a constant warning of the fraud of lack of memory but also of the suffocation of life caused by excess memory (Funes el memorioso). Our task in this field – which is actually the first part of the planning process – will be precisely to extract the aspects that could contribute to a more rigorous knowledge of the past by our contemporaries, something which could open up new

perspectives on history or on the present day, which could overturn inherited stereotypes and, above all, which could surprise and therefore encourage curiosity and interest, stimulating new tastes (remember Nietzche's accurate aphorism on the greater importance in history of changes in taste than changes in opinion) On the second aspect, and while we are talking about procedures providing significance, we will surely find the clearest suggestions concerning expressive "means" in literary resources. So, the possibility of using the subtlety of allusion, or the delicate nuances of evocation will be sketched out for us... ; or the route with the strictest limits of transcription, of didactic explanation or the "critical commentary on texts"; or games of mixing up, détournement; and why not the unpicking of digression...; or the experimentation of transtextuality... But, always, one way or another, a story will be sketched out or poetic figures deployed.... Now dealing with the last aspect, it is very important to underline that, sometimes, it will not be possible to model our expressive intentions only with the resources of architectural languages. But, these cases, which in my opinion are the most frequent ones, can lie within other much broader fields of formal ideas: those explored by the contemporary arts, from the first avant-garde to

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1 and 2. “The plazas of Gracia”. One of the most important programs in the urban requalification strategy taken on by the City government of Barcelona in the beginning of the 80's. It was centered in the old village of Gracia, characterized by a tight urban fabric, punctuated by a few plazas of nearly domestic scale. The projects were entrusted to Jaume Bach and Gabriel Mora.

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the latest contributions. So, a certain "theme of argument" can suggest the use of a collage based on Cubism. Another perhaps incites a game involving assemblage or the Dadaist objet trouvé. Another place perhaps incites metaphysical kinds of taste, while still others perhaps call for a tough expressionist emphasis. But, above all, it will be the most recent trends that will incite the most suggestive explorations: conceptual art, the minimal, and the povera; the very varied claims of the event versus the work, from the happening to performance; the extended territory of installations, and land art with its many branches and still open derivations... We are advocating a route which is undoubtedly a biased and therefore a risky one. But it is obvious that these risks are no different from those always taken by new architecture in historic surroundings, from the moment it attempts to go beyond imitative languages while at the same time attending to contextual significance. They are the attractions and also the risks that always derive from using imagination in planning and which are so well expressed in André Breton's phrase: “Chére imagination: ce que j’aime plus de toi ce que tu ne pardonnes pas”. (Dear imagination: what I like most about you is that you do not forgive).

16 “El Moll de la Fusta”, Barcelona. Project: Manuel de Solá-Morales, 1981 One of the most important actuations in the urban policies of City Hall, oriented toward the idea of “opening Barcelona to the sea”. It effected an extensive area of nearly 10 ha. The rigid and aggressive barrier of the Ronda Litoral was eliminated by forcing it underground. A pedestrian passage-way was created with a series of connections for its linking with the level lower pier. It was developed in several phases. The photograph corresponds to the initial phase of the construction. The solution of the “facade” toward the pier, in stone and with its succession of parabolic arches, as well as the finishing bulwarks, in glazed ceramic elements, alludes to the characteristic solutions of the traditional architecture and, above all, to the Catalan modernism.

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1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. Intervention in the city wall of Cartegena and its surroundings. J.M. Torres Nadal. 1994. The project articulates several objectives: valuing the weaving of the wall and adapting the land that extends from its base; re-qualifying the upper open space as a passage, stimulating its magnificent views of the bay and valuing its urban facade; and facilitating the connections between the two planes with a series of central stairways forming attractive “wells of light” 1 and 2. Aspects of the city wall. 3. Details of new “railings” and pavement of the Paseo de borde. 4. In order to “signal” the position of the linking nucleus with the lower level a plastic element has been used which achieves the designation of insignia of that component of the project. 5. Design of illumination elements which play a formal role, “punctuating” the contact with the urban facade of the Passage.

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6, 7, 8 and 9. Rehabilitation of the Paseo de Ronda of the city walls of Palma de Mallorca. E. Torres and J.A. Martínez Lapeña. 1983-93. As William Curtis points out, it deals with an “orchestration of a series of events in an unfolding of transformations disposed upon a precise geometry of triangulation. In that lineal order are inserted curiosities and fragments which open up association of ideas and interrelations”. For example, in the theatre, references foreign to the chapel of Ronchamp can be seen in the disposition of the benches and the scenery, such as in the tarp... In this element the reference to sailing ships is reinforced by the use of the colors of the old Mallorcan navy. Also, however, the intention of re-elaborating an exceptional work of Gaudí and Jujol can be perceived, close to this place: the baldachin of the Cathedral. At the border of the “theatre”. the imprints of seats in the “boxes” formed by an inclined plane of cement explore resources of surreal roots. The cells of the wood of the background, with pieces whose profiles recall the traditional balustrades of the city, transport us to gestalt perceptions of background/figure, the same as with other elements, such as the tunnel, of cut section with a similar silhouette. This skillful unfolding of the projected imagination is extended to all the detail: we distinguish the pieces of concrete that form the pavement, which the authors named “stone of Palma”, in which we can perceive the image of two crisscrossed palm trees and at the same time an allusion to the rough trunk of the nearby palm trees. It is true that this type of interventions runs the risk to falling into a “constructed literature” with the weakness of a postmodern anecdote. But as Curtis points out, these risks are saved, in this case, by a rigorous work of abstraction, by wise attitudes of ambiguity and by a clear ordering of the projected intentions.

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1 and 2. Ramps of the Castle of Castelldefells. E.Torres and J.A. Martínez Lapeña, 1990. The project organizes the pedestrian accesses to the castle with a prolonged zigzag of ramps, defined by a repetitive element which acts simultaneously as a constructive and formal function: folded weathering steel panels which serve as molds for the retaining walls and give a strong contemporary image to this historic landscape.

3. Maritime passage of the Barceloneta. Project by J. Henrich and O. Tarrassó. 1992-95. Actuation of special transcendence in the recuperation of the maritime front of Barcelona toward the beach of the Barceloneta. It is formed by a series of levels with jagged profiles, which toward the interior embrace the geometry of the outline of the district, and toward the beach with the serpentine and ever changing profiles of the encounter with the sand of the sea.

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4, 5, 6 and 7. Plaza de la Marina, Málaga. Manuel de Solá-Morales. This actuation responded to some of the most frequent functional objectives in the adaptation of large open spaces in the old city centers: the reordering of the course of thoroughfares and the construction of a large underground parking, basis for the vital recuperation of the exterior areas. The reordering of the area converts what before was a transportation link into a space for being, which links with the underground space of the parking garage by way of diverse design resources, among which stands out a large double level fountain, which acts as a focus of light and freshness and which maintains the “memory” of a pre-existing fountain. The project uses, with a certain eclecticism, resources alluding to different languages: from roof gardens, with allusions to ripe grain; to the fountain, a contemporary reelaboration of classic models or the benches and walls with tiles of regional references.

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The role of open space: two projects on Crete and Cyprus

Tool 16 Recommendations for planning open space

Socrates Stratis PhD architect and town planner Lecturer in the Department of Architecture at the University of Cyprus

Reprogramming urban voids through a project based logic action in architecture : a self reflective comparative analysis of a project in Athienou, Cyprus and a project in Heraklion, Crete, Greece.

Generating voids as a transitional political act One of the pre-election promises of the mayor of Heraklion, Crete, Greece, (200,000 inhabitants), was to get rid of the Redistribution Centre of Fruits and Vegetables (built in the 50s), located near the waterfront of the historical city of Heraklion, Crete. Through an European architectural competition (Europan 4, 1995-96)1 the city had formulated concerns and asked for proposals for the regeneration of a large part of the old city waterfront including the site of the Redistribution Centre of Fruits and Vegetables. In Athienou, Cyprus (5,000 inhabitants), the very well planned municipality bought a private parcel in the historical centre of the community through an investment policy. In the parcel there was a house built in the 50s and around it there were mostly residences, a few shops and a cooperative bank. In the case of Heraklion we won the competition2 through a strategic plan of re-inserting limits (mostly temporal), between the city and the sea. We were assigned among other things to study the site of the former Redistribution Centre of Fruits and Vegetables. Meanwhile, the mayor had been reelected and the building was demolished leaving behind a void. In the case of Athienou, the municipality demolished the private house and was wondering what to do with the void left behind in the centre of the community. In the mean time, both of the sites were being used as parking places. In Heraklion, it is in fact being used as an organized municipal parking area and in Athienou it was used as parking for the users of the nearby shops and Cooperative Bank. Two voids with a potential undefined urban role. 16 A project based logic action in architecture When one refers to a project based logic action in architecture, there is an emphasis on non linear processes that take place between the various actors that are involved into the making of architecture. In this case there is an emphasis on a non linear process into the reprogramming of urban voids. Actors in this case regarding Athienou are the study team (architect, engineers)3, the

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Often, the vacuums generated by demolitions are used as parking lots. The architectural project should give motives for recuperating them as public spaces.

mayor and the technical services of the municipality, the Department of Planning and Housing (co-funding the project), the Cooperative Bank (co-funding the land purchase), the users. In the case of Heraklion, Crete the actors are the study team (architects, engineers)4, two mayors and a few assistant mayors, (in the range of ten years we had the experience of shifting of political actors), the technical services of the municipality, the institutions that fund the project (regional government, European funding through the Central Greek government), the local architects organization, a scientific committee that supervises the project and consists of representatives of relevant government services, etc. The reason I am referring to all these actors is to demonstrate in fact the difficulties of proposing re-programming of existing situations and having it approved and complied through various actors. Usually what we encounter in these cases is a rigid set of problems handed out by the client to the architects, seeking a rigid set of answers from the architectural team involved. The process of giving the answer and having it approved is rather linear with the various actors being involved in a linear chronological manner.


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Tool 16 Recommendations for planning open space The role of open space: two projects on Crete and Cyprus

In both projects we proposed in fact, implicitly and explicitly a non linear process of making things through flexible frameworks of directions for defining and implementing the projects. We shifted indeed, our role beyond the classical role of the architect and we found ourselves involved directly or indirectly in processes before and after what we were supposed to be normally doing.

The political difficulties of reprogramming voids After a few years of winning the competition in Heraklion and thanks to a positive for us political condition we were called to talk to the client about the redevelopment of the void left behind after the demolition of the Fruits and Vegetables Distribution Centre. We faced then a monolithic vision for the future of the void which was a “green balcony of the city facing the sea” (Heraklion lies 7 meters above sea level). A political slogan used in fact for the preelection period. We were called indeed, to “green” the void that was generated by the municipality of the city (the client). For the case of Athienou, we had to persuade the municipality that to give an urban role to the void they generated in the centre of their community could not be done by the placement of a water fountain in the centre and parking around. In the meantime, the role given to the new voids as parking places was thriving. For Athienou, the shop owner and his clients as well

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as the bank users and employees were more than happy to the informal new status of the void. In Heraklion, the neighbors started paying visits to the mayor insisting on the “voidness” of their adjacent open space. Shifting roles of an architect for reprogramming voids In both cases we shifted our role in re-questioning the role of such voids and their capacity to regenerate new urban conditions. With an excellent collaboration with both municipalities we reworked the program that usually is given fixed to the architects. For the case of Athienou it was much simpler and in a smaller scale than that of Heraklion. The question for the Athienou case was in fact, how a void created by the demolition of a private house can get an urban role, more than just a parking spot? We proposed in that logic, a hybrid building that could function as a mediator between private and public domain related to space, time and uses. A small linear building is placed actually, at the one edge of the open space creating a filter with the adjacent road and opening out to the rest of the open space. Its role for creating conditions of reconciliation between the public and the private is concentrated on periodic and everyday uses of the space (see diagrams 1-4). The building is a structure of enclosed and covered spaces housing open-air theatre events (changing-rooms, toilets), a coffee shop and a playground, (see images).

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Model of the scheme for Athienou

Model of the scheme for Athienou

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Tool 16 Recommendations for planning open space The role of open space: two projects on Crete and Cyprus

Diagram of the proposal for Heraklion

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For the case of Heraklion the process of shifting roles for the architectural team has been much more complex. Our studies started long before the contract was assigned to us thanks to a Europan culture of winners’ enthusiasm5. We developed in fact, a series of scenarios of reprogramming the void of the former Redistribution Centre of Fruits and Vegetables. These scenarios facilitated the municipality to direct their own priorities and mostly to persuade the State and European funding institutions for funding a possible project. Early on, the municipality joined our point of view of searching for possible uses that could give an active urban role to the void. The politics of “greening” the void stayed aside giving the possibility to propose possible reprogramming of the void. Part of the program has been adapted and re-adjusted by the European funding program, Urban II, (Centre of Rehabilitation and Re-education and public square facilities). Succeeding of getting funds through Urban II became indeed, the catalyst for further funding from various sources. In this case, the role of the architectural team was double: firstly to assure the coherence of the project which was funded by at least four different funding sources and secondly to take into account the political “vision” of the openness of the void. Both of the tasks were rather complex and tricky. For the first case, the architectural team was put into a sort of managing the limits between the areas funded by different sources. Those areas were both juxtaposed and even more difficult, superimposed in order to activate the void. A quite rich program was approved after our proposals for re-programming the void: Centre of Rehabilitation and Re-education, neighborhood centre, parking garage for 132 cars, annexed

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building of a Municipal Youth Centre (internet café), periodic market for antiques, info kiosks and kiosks for selling the products of the Rehabilitation and Re-education Centre. For the second case, that was taking into account the political “vision” of the openness of the void most of the program has been put under the street level (the Rehabilitation / Re-educational Centre and the parking garage). The void on the street level became a surface where the complex program is registered in various ways. The Rehabilitation / Re-educational Centre registers with a large linear covered space. It becomes a point of reference for the re-programming of the void and an entrance space for the program under the street level. The rest of the site is developed in such a way as to give importance to the under street main spaces. A lowered public space functions as an intermediate space between the street level and the Rehabilitation / Re-educational Centre. A sort of garden and a kids’ playground is proposed in that space taking into account its protection from car traffic and strong northern winds. The Internet Café and the periodic market activate the open space on street level, (see images)

Difficulties in shifting the status of the void In Athienou the project was implemented in 2000. The first reaction came from the users of the void as a parking area. A clever response from the municipality was to let the users to park for a while in the public space until the new users would have evolved and take over: kids playing in the playground guarded by their grandparents, coffee shop tenants etc.) Then, they were forced to move to the adjacent parking area. There are still indeed,


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disputes amongst the inhabitants who would have preferred a “non active void”. Nevertheless, they all attend the open air theatrical events that take place as well as the New Year’s Eve celebration. One major point to stress is that the actual re-programming of the void is taking place in various levels. One level refers to the decisions taken about the program by the municipality with the implication of the architectural team. The second level refers to the layout of the program by the architectural team and how it creates conditions of activating the void. The third level of reprogramming takes places on a daily and on periodic base by the users themselves. A sort of re-programming that lets its traces on the space completing in fact the public space. In the case of Heraklion the project will be implemented in phases. The first phase will be ready by the end of 2006 and the rest by the end of 2007-2008. The shifting of the status of the void into its new condition remains to be seen as well as the way it will be re-programmed by its users on a daily base.

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Europan: European Architectural Competition for architects under 40 years old. It takes place every two years. Europan 8 is running in 2006. Winning Team : Socrates Stratis, Kyriakos Koundouros, Akis Ioannides, Maria Loizidou Socrates Stratis, architect-urbanist, Chrisos Touloupis, civil engineer, GEMAC electrical and mechanical engineers. Socrates Stratis, Kyriakos Koundouros, Architectoniki Epe – architects, Mylonas & Tzivanakis – civil engineers, LDK – electrical and mechanical engineers. Usually the winners of each session of the Europan competition are full of energy and more than willing to participate in the further development of their winning project even if rather frequently the implementation process is long.

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Tool 17 Renovation of buildings


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Tool 17 Renovation of buildings

For the introduction of a METHODOLOGICAL GUIDE to control building renovation schemes

The public authorities have the capacity and the duty to ensure the quality of public and private interventions in the buildings of a municipality. Commonly, a Public Administration's control mechanisms and urban policy are based on the control of building permits. This mechanism, which has become more sophisticated over the years, involves the builder showing a proposal for building work and the municipality checking that this meets town planning laws. In most cases, a project is required, which usually includes a report, plans and a budget. The level of detail demanded varies and on occasions the minimal scale of the plans is indicated. However some countries have established areas with special levels of protection for their architectural heritage in which additional material is also required which justifies the suitability of the solution proposed. In some cases the project may require an archaeological dig, the presentation of a historical study or the preparation of a chromatic study of the façade. Evidently, and following the concepts-guide of the RehabiMed project, each step which enables a more precise understanding of the reality of the building, will favour the quality of the intervention and, therefore, the use of these studies should always be considered positive. Looking at this idea in more detail, the systematic use of a methodological guide (see RehabiMed Guide for the rehabilitation of traditional buildings in vol.2 of this work) would enable a global vision of the whole restoration process of a building and, therefore, would improve the quality of the final intervention. In the Guide, four consecutive stages are proposed: I. Knowledge, II. Reflection and project, III. The building work, and IV. Useful life. It is precisely in each of these stages where it is possible to act in order to improve the restoration work. Briefly, we shall show the methodological possibilities of using the guide: I. Knowledge. In the guide, a planned approach to the building is proposed based on a prior diagnosis and a campaign of multidisciplinary studies tailored to the needs (including the chromatic, archaeological and historical studies, etc). The Administration can steer the restoration of a neighbourhood/city following these principles (for example in some countries grants are not available from the Administration for the restoration of buildings if an independent, pre-diagnosis study has not been carried out). II. Reflection and the project. The Public Administration plays an important role here, not only in the already commonplace

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Ramon GRAUS Architect Lecturer at the Technical University of Catalonia Spain

The administration should watch out for the correct state of the buildings of the area, promoting periodic inspections to verify their state of maintenance and security, in order to avoid possible accidents.

control of the project itself, but also by setting out criteria on the changes of use of traditional architecture and preventing those which inevitably would harm it. III. The work. Improving the restoration involves ensuring that the building work is done with permits, and also demanding that for certain types of restoration the firms involved have enough experience and professional skills. IV. Lifespan. When the restoration of the building is completed, it begins to age again and it becomes increasingly necessary to design policies which favour its maintenance. In this line, some initiatives are interesting (le "ravalement" in France, the ITE (“Periodic Technical Inspection”, in Spain), which promote the frequent presence of the architect/engineer so that he/she can inspect the state of the building, prevent accidents (masonry falling off façades, electrical short circuits, etc.) and encourage maintenance work.

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It is clear that the occasional application on the part of the Administration of some of these measures would help to raise the quality of the restoration work, but we should stress here that it is precisely by applying a guide which encompasses the whole process in its entirety, when the results tend to be most satisfactory.

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Tool 18 Implementation of new infrastructures


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Tool 18 Implementation of new infrastructures


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Tool 18 Implementation of new infrastructures

In the territory: new infrastructures, new landscapes?

The act of building neither belongs nor is exclusive to the urban world; interventions in the countryside have been constant throughout history with the aim of deriving maximum efficiency from it. The traditional medieval concept of the universe already distinguished between three different spaces on Earth, known in Latin, ager, for places where man lived; saltus, for the rural world transformed by man: and silva, for untouched areas –today inexistent. In order to both live and to farm, it has been necessary to build and transform the landscape, and this is full of examples; travelling through the history of agriculture, we can come across terraces which made farming possible in the mountains, crops grown in depressions formed by deltas, greenhouses..., all of which are accessible through a system of networks comprising of communication routes which break up the landscape with the objective of making it accessible and manageable. We can state that with the exception of the major landforms which form relief, almost all the rest of the territory is conditioned by human beings, and herein we can see the territory as an artifice, fruit of countless interventions carried by the successive societies. At present, the quantity and complexity of the changes introduced in the territory, due to the new needs demanded by society and the production system, are emerging as a danger for the landscape, due to the loss of landscapes themselves, due to the depersonalisation to which they are submitted or due to impacts resulting from their natural functioning, which are frequently irreversible. The point of departure for an intelligent placing of infrastructures lies in land use planning. This should not only serve for the protection and preservation of unique spaces (historical, natural...) but also should be used as a tool with which the administration can create an ordered framework –which takes into account the past, present and future-, in which the new infrastructures are placed, making them compatible with the uses existing in the territory and which protect the landscape values and their historical memory. A series of guidelines for action and infrastructure placing should be established for all types of infrastructures, taking into account the place in question. In this case, the government of Catalonia, through the Head Office of Architecture and Landscape, is promoting codes for good practices for the different types of landscape. Land use planning and the guidelines for action must arise from the analysis and prior knowledge of the territory.

IV. Action

Emilio Ramiro Geographer and landscape expert Spain

The administration should define the criteria for setting up and developing infrastructures in accordance with the specifics of each type of landscape.

The current trend, in terms of the introduction of the new infrastructures, is to impose building and engineering models, which transfer the human dynamic onto the landscape –when this knows nothing of fashions- which ends up globalising the landscape and making it banal, erasing its original essence and creating new landscapes, copied one from another, which reflect the current importance of economic development above the real territorial problems. These new infrastructures, whether they are commercial, industrial or residential estates or roads or bridges, etc. often respond to pre-established models which in addition to erasing the identity of landscapes, are crude and naïve interventions which solely obey the advances of modernity and new building fashions. Economic development can and must be compatible with a solution for territorial problems and the conservation and improvement of the landscape through other ways of acting upon the territory which instead of creating these new impersonal landscapes, promote already existing landscapes, and even in many cases rediscover them. When we intervene in the territory, it is essential to support our work in the history of the places involved, in their construction forms and in pre-existing forms of land-use planning, in order to bring about a better approach to territorial projects, and consequently to prevent the signs of the past (old roads and

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tracks, field divisions...) from being erased, so that they can still continue to have a raison de ĂŞtre. If we showed more concern for history, this would teach us how to act in the present. For example, vernacular architecture: that which was designed by people from a place, using local techniques and materials, and which took into account the environment, the traditions and the local economy, is much closer to what we understand as sustainable building, integrated in the landscape than current architecture. This does not mean that we have to return to the past as many of the traditional materials and techniques are no longer suitable for modern activities which are today transforming the landscape. However, the project creator must consider historical influences in so far as they are useful to solving the problems of harmony with regard to the landscape environment, making it compatible with the functionality of the project. With regards to aesthetic value or the beauty of the design of infrastructures in the landscape, these are highly related to their landscape integration, at a chromatic, material, formal, texturised and volumetric level.

Landscape affected by human activity in Greece

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Landscape developed without town planning in Hasbaya, Lebanon

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Tool 18 Implementation of new infrastructures In the territory: new infrastructures, new landscapes?

In addition to historical sensitivity and landscape integration, a physical and ecological sensitivity towards the territory is necessary in order to recognise an area’s natural values along with its dynamic, with the aim of preventing the destruction of places of value. -due to its forests, the quality and quantity of the ecosystem, its physical beauty...-, or that in any case, they are re-valued without harming them; so as not to commit aggressions which not only affect the environment but all living creatures, and even in order to prevent the construction of infrastructures which end up becoming obsolete before their time from having disobeyed the processes and physical and natural determining factors of the territory. As an example, the River Llobregat has deposited over the eons more than 100 km2 of alluvial land in the delta which it ended up forming. Far from understanding this and acting in tune with this natural process, the Port of Barcelona has been expanded on land reclaimed from sea, as a result of which it has also been necessary to re-route the mouth of the river. This intervention, which only responds to economic motives, has represented an ecological and biological tragedy in which huge numbers of fish have died, when they were trapped in a river without an outlet during the building work, seriously damaging the food chain and the ecosystem in general, in add