Promotional Booklet - Izki

Izki

Harat al Yemen Ministry of Heritage & Culture, Sultanate of Oman

Professor Soumyen Bandyopadhyay Dr Giamila Quattrone Dr Martin Goffriller Dr Habib Reza John Harrison Dr Haitham al-Abri Contributors to fieldwork documentation and masterplanning

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Contents Introduction

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Harat al-Yemen 14 Heritage Management and Development Master Plan

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1 Introduction Izki has had a special place in Omani history. Many think of this straggling oasis as the oldest continuously inhabited town oasis in Oman. Hafit-type tombs – known by their distinctive form – in the nearby Wadi Halfayn have been dated to around the 3rd millennium BCE. Izki is also the likely subject of a text from the famed ‘Ishtar Slab’ inscription dating to around 640 BCE. It outlines the visit of a certain ruler, Pade of the kingdom of Qade residing in the town of Iske, who brought tributes to the Assyrian king, Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. Numerous archaeological finds indicate that this was one of the most important points of transit through the Oman Mountains.

The oasis of Izki, which at its peak was certainly one of the largest in central Oman, lies about 120 km to the southwest of Muscat in the upper reaches of the great Wadi Halfayn. The oasis is located on the southern end of the Sama’il pass, which connects the Batinah coast to central Oman. The location of Izki is not only strategically important, but also affords it with a large amount of water from a number of falaj (pl. aflaj) irrigation channels. These originate from the Falaj al-Malki – one of the five Omani aflaj inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage Site (WHS) list, which is said to originally have had over 120 feeders.

The oasis originally extended for almost 15 km, 9

from Imti (also known as Muti) in the north to Zukayt in the south. Today, however, due to climatic change and changed modes of livelihood the agricultural area is reduced to a core area comprising the palm groves around the settlement quarters (s. harah, pl. harat) of al-Yemen, al-Nizar, Seddi, al-Raha, Maghyuth and Bani Hussain. The two main settlements al-Nizar and al-Yemen, located atop a conglomerate ridge 10 m above the level of Wadi Halfayn, runs roughly north-south along the western bank of the wadi. This location allowed the inhabitants of both settlements to occupy the high ground while remaining close to their farm lands and water sources. Neither settle10 Introduction

ment has direct access to flowing water, though a number of communal wells are present in both locations.

Located in the vicinity of the settlements are a number of Islamic and pre-Islamic cemeteries, the largest of which lies across from al-Yemen and al-Nizar on the eastern bank of Wadi Halfayn. The earliest graves at this location have been dated to as early as the Early Iron Age (EIA, about 1300 BCE), often consisting of enclosures made from large rounded boulders. Their unique appearance has led archaeologists to call these ‘Izki graves’.

This short account on one of the main settlement

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areas of Izki oasis, Harat al-Yemen, aims to provide an overview of its architectural and urban qualities.

This outline is based on extensive documentation work undertaken by the Ministry of Heritage and Culture (MHC), in collaboration with the UK-based research centre, Architecture and Cultural Heritage of India, Arabia and the Maghreb (ArCHIAM; www.archiam-centre.com), attached to the Manchester School of Architecture. The historical account is followed by an overview of the proposed Heritage Management Plan (HMP), resulting in a master plan with explicit focus on how heritage could remain meaningful for future generations.

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2 Harat al-Yemen Harat al-Yemen is a clearly defined and self-contained urban unit located within a well-preserved walled enclosure of roughly trapezoidal form.

There has been no modern development within the enclosure itself, allowing Harat al-Yemen to retain its vernacular fabric in its entirety and making it appropriate for a detailed study of the urban and architectural character, and the social structure that existed immediately before 1970. The surrounding area, however, has seen significant change – especially through the rapid growth of new areas of housing. These have extended far into the palm groves and outlying agricultural lands, impacting heavily on the traditional agrarian structure of the oasis.

The settlement is located on a relatively level plateau, at around 550 m above sea level. Though the terrain drops slightly on its eastern edge, the generally flat ground allowed for a regular organization of the site. Divided into neatly arranged blocks, al-Yemen is unusual in its orthogonal organisation when compared to the highly irregular and organic standard usually observed in Omani urban environments (e.g., Bahla WHS, Nizwa and

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Manah).

Al-Yemen is currently accessible from north and east via two gates, although there are clear evidences of two additional access points: one on the western side and another on the southwestern corner, which are now blocked. There may be the archaeological evidence of yet another gate on the eastern side. The site contains indications of various phases of destruction, reconstruction and expansion, with successive layers often building upon earlier foundations. The oldest buildings appear to have been concentrated on its southern end, as a cluster of irregular houses with single-course, large stone foundations. This early settlement may have once extended as far south as the northern end of al-Nizar, as suggested by Iron Age pottery and isolated masonry foundations identified by Schreiber in this area.

The unusual grid-like plan of al-Yemen – a later, possibly a late-eighteenth or even nineteenth century CE imposition – is dictated by a series of straight avenues running at more or less right angles to each other. The western avenue (Sikkat al‘Ali), running north-south from the Friday Mosque (Masjid al-Jama’a/ Jami‘) to the northern gate, clearly lines up with the eastern enclosure wall of the mosque, suggesting a conscious relationship established between these two features at some point. Crossing this dominant passage, two streets running east-west, broadly follow the northern boundary wall. The northernmost of these streets, Sikkat as-Sharq, connects with the eastern gate, hence its name. This eastern entrance is flanked externally on the south by a communal meeting hall (s. sablah, pl. sbal), and inside on the north by the mosque, Masjid Bani Sabt.

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Further south, closer of the Friday Mosque, another street originating from the now-blocked western gate, turns south after it crosses Sikkat al-‘Ali. A number of lanes and passages break down the urban fabric further and provide access to houses and communal structures.

On entry through the northern gate, a large open space is first visible, defined mainly by the extensive area of houses belonging to the Daramikah tribe. Sablat al-‘Ali, a prominent communal meeting hall fronted by an accessible, raised terrace, is to the east of the entrance and define the northern edge of the square. Given the extensive destruction and rebuilding that took place at al-Yemen, this square is likely to have changed configuration on several occasions. Over time, it played an important role during communal festivities, weddings and eid celebrations. At the southern end of Sikkat al-‘Ali, closer to the Friday Mosque, the street widens again into an open space, defined on the south by the low enclosure of the mosque and on the west by the well associated with it (Tawi al-Jama’a) and the raised channel that extends from it. The eastern gate does not have an entrance square within the settlement, although this has been partially established outside with the extended sablah defining a raised terrace.

Apart from the blocked western gate near the Friday Mosque, a further blocked off ramped access – possibly for bringing in cattle – at the southwest corner existed in the area behind the mosque qiblah wall, where the cattle was kept overnight (the area known as Haram al-Jama’a). The inclusion of the Friday Mosque within the walled quarter is yet another unusual feature of settlement layout in al-Yemen.

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Defence The trapezoidal form of the defensive wall broadens towards the north. The enclosure consists of a solid masonry wall, which at its maximum is around 3m in height and 2m in thickness. The wall itself is built in a ‘double-shell’ technique – medium sized boulders forming the inner and outer faces with an aggregate, sand and clay infill. At some partially collapsed sections a third interior shell is visible,

hinting at a gradual strengthening process of the walls. A broad sentry walk ran behind most parts of the wall, which had a crenelated parapet made from mud brick.

Three towers, different in shape and size suggesting separate developments, protected the corners of the settlement. The largest and most impressive of these was the tower, al-Qal’at, positioned in the southeastern corner to control the no-man’s-land between al-Yemen and al-Nizar and overlooked the Ya’aribah fort. Apart from serving as a defensive structure this tower appears to have also functioned as a prison. The upper levels contained a number of embrasures and gun loops covering the southern approaches, and a stairwell leading to the roof. The tower at the northwestern corner contains at its centre a well, Tawi al-Burj, accessible through a low vaulted passage from the Daramikah area.

In addition to strong urban fortifications in the form of walls, towers and gatehouses, the oasis as a whole was protected from incursions by a system of around fifteen to twenty visually connected watch towers located on hilltops which provided a complete overview of the surrounding territory.

Finally there was also the large Ya’aribah period fort located close to the southern edge of al-Yemen, which was reconstructed during the early-19th century.

Communal Structures

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Among the most prominent public buildings of al-Yemen were the two mosques, the largest of which was a Friday Mosque (Masjid al-Jama’a) that probably started life as an independ-

Left: View into a dwelling's courtyard space

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ent mosque outside the settlement. This is a large mosque with three transversal bays separated by two rows of substantial mud-brick columns. The shallow-niched mihrab and the qiblah wall are still in good condition, though the roof has collapsed in large parts. The other mosque, Masjid Bani Sabt – much smaller in size – was restored fairly recently. The access to the high, east-facing terrace is through a reconstructed ramp (the access originally might have been stepped) running alongside Sikkat as-Sharq. The prayer hall is accessed frontally from the terrace. Neither mosque remains in use today.

Associated with the grand mosque is a well house, Tawi al-Jama’a, which used to provide water for ablution during prayer time, and probably also for domestic purposes. Another well, Tawi al-Ma’iwa, located on a wide street running parallel to and south of Sikkat as-Sharq, appears to have been the major source of water within the walled quarter. A third well, Tawi al-Burj, is present at the centre of the northwestern tower, as already indicated.

In addition, there is one private well, which might have begun life as a communal facility. However, the women generally collected water from the falaj channel, Falaj al-Ma’hduth nearby, and it would appear that the wells were conceived mainly with long periods of strife in mind.

There also remain a number of communal meeting halls, which were usually associated with specific tribes and their associated client groups. Distinctively, at least 3 of these were placed against the defensive city walls with their plinths raised to the level of the sentry walk. Sablat al-‘Ali, next to the northern gate, was for the use of the entire settlement, as was the sablah immediately out24

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side the eastern gate. In addition, these semi-public spaces served as reception halls and meeting places for guests and as overnight accommodation for visitors. Another, located close to the southeast corner, was used as a temporary confinement place for minor offenders. In addition, rooms within houses were used as tribal and family receptions.

Within the settlement there were also a small number of shops, a Qur’anic school (madrasah) and four grinding facilities (raha), of which three were located in open air.

largely following the spatial type prevalent in this part, some dwellings however show typological affinity with Bowshar and other coastal areas, suggesting possible political connections and emulation. With certain exceptions there is an urgent need for the preservation of al-Yemen’s dwellings.

Dwellings The dwellings of al-Yemen were all built exclusively from mud brick, though the shallow topsoil necessitated the construction of at times substantial masonry foundations to counteract rising damp and erosion. Unlike at other sites in the region, such as Birkat al-Mawz, for example, the local stone usually comes in the form of rounded boulders of varying sizes. This was usually quarried out of the conglomerate or collected from the wadi bed, and often required significant amount of mud mortar to maintain structural cohesion.

Most dwellings throughout the settlement were single storied and often with open courtyards, though several of the higher status structures, such as the Daramikah quarter, were spatially substantial with upper floors, at times set onto the city wall.

Compared to other settlements in the region the architecture of al-Yemen appears to have been less distinctive, although this is most likely due to the successive rebuilding phases the settlement underwent. This also explains the existence of an unusually high number of courtyards compared to other settlements of the Dakhiliyah region. While

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3 Heritage Management and Development Master Plan The eventual expectation for the future of the numerous vernacular settlements of central Oman is their reoccupation in some form, and their reuse and reintegration into the country’s urban landscape as active participants in its economy.

In the long term, tourism, energy production, agriculture, as well as a host of associated creative industries, will ensure not just the survival of these ancient towns and villages, but also their sustained growth over future ages into a post-oil economy.

Their varied nature in terms of morphology, location and size demands a high degree of adaptability in the measures proposed for their revitalisation, the foundation of which must lie in a clear understanding of their past usage, their historical and socio-cultural significance, and their individualised future potential.

The master plan aims to take a holistic approach to development and conservation in al-Yemen, keeping in mind an even broader context of the need to consider such issues for the entire oasis of Izki and current approaches being adopted within the Dakhiliyah region (e.g., in the Bahla WHS, Nizwa, Manah, Birkat al-Mawz, etc.) as a whole.

However, to optimise the use of resources and keeping in mind time constraints, the master plan

would emphasise a phased approach to address and safeguard key development and conservation needs of al-Yemen. The phasing plan would take into account the established priority action areas and structures. Furthermore, a key issue would be the physical state of individual structures, their ownership and the diverse approaches to conservation and development those would demand.

There would be a focus on tourism as the key economic driver of development, consisting of a cultural experience zone, short-stay accommodation, infrastructure, and associated business opportunities, such as catering and commercial outlets. Local tourism and appreciation of the rich built heritage would be encouraged by allowing erstwhile al-Yemen residents now residing elsewhere the opportunity to buy ‘holiday homes’. Associated with tourism, and forming an integral part of the proposal, would be the emphasis given to traditional crafts production, where tourists would have the opportunity to observe such craft production at first hand and buy artefacts produced on site through traditional methods.

Parts of the site would to be devoted to the de29

velopment and use of alternative technology related to agricultural production and energy generation. The term technology, here, is used in the broadest sense, ranging from the reduction of over-reliance on technology to the embracing of sophisticated scientific and technological processes and methods. Such technology will focus on developing intelligent, alternative ways of food production, small-scale and ‘low-tech’ cropping, to the harnessing of solar energy for meeting the energy needs of the community. Alternative ways of achieving comfort within dwellings by moving away from heavy reliance on air conditioning is to be implemented in the eco-housing development.

A parallel concentration on education and training in the fields of tourism, traditional crafts, agriculture and energy production would be established, possibly in conjunction with the local higher education institution, the University of Nizwa and other governmental (e.g., the Public Authority for Craft Industries, PACI) and non-governmental (e.g., Omani Association for the Arts, Historical Association, Oman Photographic Society, etc.) bodies. A secondary focus on providing public spaces for events for the local community, such as weddings and other festivities, would also form part of the proposal.

Settlement infrastructure Development of an integrated modern infrastructure provision of water and electricity supply, and waste management system was crucial to elevate environmental standards within the settlement and to attract and manage tourism. All new and existing infrastructural elements related to electrical and water supply provisions would be laid 30

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Heritage Management and Development Master Plan

underground or buried within walls. Appropriately located and concealed solar panels are envisaged to provide for at least part of the electricity demand. Given the presence of fresh water in the falaj no significant piped water supply system is envisaged. However, new programmatic insertions will require water storage and purification facilities.

A new infrastructure of ecological toilets and waterless urinals are to be installed for individual properties and public toilets, as and where necessary. Removal of all debris and waste (organic and inorganic) and the creation of defined points of (modern) waste disposal along the streets, passages and civic spaces would be a priority. Appropriate collecting and channelling measures should be put in place to divert storm water from the settlement into the gardens and to prevent falaj water contamination.

The western gate will be unblocked to ease access to the interior of the settlement and allow for a one-way system for transport vehicles. To retain the urban layout and spatial appearance al-Yemen will not be publicly accessible to cars. Instead, two parking opportunities will be constructed outside the northern gate and at the western gate for visitors and workers. A paved route will enter through the eastern gate and give access to the principal quarters and public spaces before exiting again via the west gate. The rest of the settlement will remain pedestrianized with designated paths and ‘discovery routes’ for visitors.

The square inside the northern gate would provide the first experience of the settlement’s heritage, with information and heritage management 33

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centre located within this area. The aim would be to bring back the original definition and characteristic of the square, employing a combination of consolidation and redevelopment measures to the northern gate and its ancillary structures.

The visitors would walk in through this gate on to the square with a hard-standing surface for occasional car parking. The remains of the sablah are to be consolidated; however, the structure is to be largely rebuilt to provide reception to, and the main information point for, arriving tourists and as backdrop for outdoor performances and talks.

The square will host both tourism related activities and performances, as well as reintroduce its traditional role as a setting for some communal festivities and performances.

A tannur or ceremonial ‘roasting pit’ located immediately next to the north-eastern tower could be utilised as part of providing Omani food during receptions held in the square. The surrounding buildings are to be developed variously and the fabric restored, with the experience enhanced through atmospheric lighting to provide a traditional spatial experience. To the east, the Daramikah quarter – the most distinguished ensemble of buildings near the northern gate – will form the core of the cultural experience. Beyond this the courtyard-focused buildings will provide opportunities for tourists to observe craft production at first hand and the shops fronting the streets will offer on sale the goods produced.

A communal event area is being proposed at the heart of the settlement, which would cater for local other civic and religious celebrations (e.g., weddings, eid, etc.), bringing the tourist community in direct contact with the local population. The 35

cultural exchange dimension through this would be significant.

The Daramikah quarter is among the most architecturally significant quarters in al-Yemen and it is proposed to that this area be restored and rebuilt to its original character. There may be a need for redevelopment in certain areas, where additional accommodation could be introduced through sensitive design. Important ceiling decorations will require careful restoration. The area will serve an important role in interpreting the settlement’s past through installations, spatial evocations, artefacts, photographs and reconstruction images, adequately supported by library and museum collections. The first floors of houses within the Daramikah quarter will be used for short-term accommodation for distinguished guests, visiting artists and scholars. A variety of supporting facilities, including a food-court in this area, will complete the cultural experience quarter and will cater to the needs of visitors and locals alike. The foodcourt will create additional cultural performance and event space close to the main entrance square. Additional facilities are to be located close to the eastern gate as well as the reopened western gate. These gates will also allow service vehicle access within the settlement.

Short stay tourist accommodation would be located in the central area of the settlement. The general spatial organisation and external appearance of the buildings will be retained though interiors will necessarily be adapted to requirements through sensitive interventions and redevelopment. Upper stories may be expanded and roof spaces could be used for open-air accommodation in conjunction with semi-open spaces and 36

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terraces. Inner courtyards will serve to ventilate and illuminate ground floors. The expectation is to provide accommodation and services for no more than fifty beds within this zone.

The master plan proposes that portions of the settlement be devoted to holiday homes to be developed and offered to returning al-Yemen residents. The chosen location for ‘holiday homes’ would provide excellent views east across the oasis to the Jabal Al Akhdar Mountains. These homes will be supported by communal facilities located between them but will also be in proximity to the communal event space and commercial outlets.

In addition, an area is allocated for the development of ‘eco-houses’ to be used as additional short-stay accommodation or holiday homes for private purchase or leasing. The ‘eco-houses’ will be designed and built to state-of-the-art ecological knowledge and technology, adhering to their heritage context.

The settlement of al-Yemen would offer opportunities for local craftsmen and artisans to showcase and sell their works to visitors. In order to provide not only shop-front space but also production space on site, an entire zone would be allocated for this purpose, integrating the northern street into an ambulatory route of experiential and commercial value. This is to be extended south along selected streets to provide enhanced commercial capacity.

One of the prime foci of the al-Yemen heritage management plan is to create a sustainable local economy based on a variety of sources of income and a qualified work force. The plan aims to establish at al-Yemen education and training 38

facilities for the fields of tourism, crafts, agriculture and alternative energy, to function in conjunction with the immediate centres of production within the settlement and in collaboration with national institutions, such as ministries and universities.

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Bibliography and further reading ArCHIAM. 2012. Heritage Management and Development Plan for Hārat al-Yemen, Izkī (Oman). Ministry of Heritage and Culture, Oman. 305pp. ISBN: 978-99969-0-307-6 Damluji, S.S. 1998. The Architecture of Oman. Reading: Garnett.

Bandyopadhyay 2005.

The Deconstructed Courtyard: Dwellings of Central Oman. In Edwards, B., Sibley, M., Hakimi, M. & Land, P. (eds.)

Courtyard Housing: Past, Present and Future: 109-121. Abingdon (Oxon) & New York: Taylor & Francis.

Cleuziou S., & Tosi M., 2008, In the Shadow of the Ancestors: The Prehistoric Foundations of the Early Arabian Civilization in Oman, by, Ministry of Heritage & Culture, Sultanate of Oman Wilkinson J.,. Water and Tribal Settlement in South-East Arabia: A Study of the Aflāj of Oman. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1977

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