The Alabama Policy Review: Dec. 2, 2016

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THE ALABAMA POLICY REVIEW

A weekly compendium of what we have read, reviewed, and written, as well as an omnium-gatherum of insights, announcements, and amplifications. VOLUME 1, NUMBER 1

What We’re Reading ━━━━━ New York Times

Trump’s SCOTUS: Ivy League? Out. Heartland? In. One name that continues to stand out on the list for President-elect Trump’s first Supreme Court pick is Alabama’s own Judge William H. Pryor of the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit. ━━━━━ Wall Street Journal

Fidel Castro’s Communist Utopia Though the Cuba that he inherited was relatively prosperous, Fidel Castro turned his country into an impoverished prison. He was a dictator who “invoked socialist ideals to hammer human beings into nails for the state.” ━━━━━ National Review

Jeff Sessions, the Attorney General America Needs With a staunch conservative record and a reputation for upholding the rule of law, Jeff Sessions as United States attorney general would have only a single downside: no Jeff Sessions as United States senator. ━━━━━ Texas Observer

Don Willett’s Quiet Revolution The most famous judge on Twitter (and the keynote speaker at API’s 2016 Annual Birmingham Dinner), Texas Supreme Court Justice Don Willett is doing more than sharing dad jokes with his tweets. ━━━━━ Cato Institute

In Defense of the Electoral College The Founders of the United States fashioned a republic, not a pure democracy. In The Federalist No. 68, Alexander Hamilton famously argued, “If the manner of it be not perfect, it is at least excellent.” ━━━━━ New York Times

Trump Returns to Trail, Triumphant President-elect Donald J. Trump has kicked off his pre-inauguration “thank you” tour in his singular style, traveling through key battleground states with Vice President-elect Mike Pence to thank their supporters. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

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ALABAMA POLICY INSTITUTE

BOOK REVIEW | By Caleb Crosby

Hillbillies and the American Dream Hillbilly Elegy By J. D. Vance

(Harper, 264 pages, $27.99)

T

he life of J. D. Vance is the stuff of a bestseller. His is a real-world “rags to riches” success story, an exemplification of the American Dream, the type of tale that we Americans never tire of hearing—that continues to speak to us nearly two and a half centuries after the Declaration of Independence articulated our national ideal. Vance has written a book about his life and the American Dream, and it indeed has become a bestseller, but not for the inspirational reasons one might expect. That book, Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis, is part autobiography and part sociology, less a story of Vance’s success than an unblinking attempt to explain how he escaped poverty and to examine why others like him—fellow “hillbillies,” a label he uses to endearingly describe the white-working-class inhabitants of the areas of Appalachia like the one he once called home—remain ensnared in poverty. Vance was born to an overadventurous mother in rural Kentucky, and reared by his grandparents in the Rust Belt city of Middletown, Ohio. Surrounded by joblessness, idleness, and hopelessness, Vance’s future seemed certain to be bleak. There were two likely outcomes for a young man in his situation: if “lucky,” he would “manage to avoid welfare”; if “unlucky,” he would “die of a heroin overdose.” The way out—and up—from Middletown started when Vance joined the United States Marine Corps, where he received a rigorous, and desperately needed, education in self-discipline, self-management, and character. After four years in the military, with the G.I. Bill helping him afford the cost, Vance enrolled in Ohio State University, where—even with a full-time course load and two jobs—he excelled. “By the time I started at Ohio State,” Vance writes, “the Marine Corps had instilled in me an incredible sense of invincibility.” And so it had. Vance would go on to be accepted by, and graduate from, Yale Law School, the most selective law school in the country. He is now thirty-one years old and a principal at a leading Silicon Valley investment firm, far from the strife and struggles of Middletown But this is not a feel-good story about the American Dream; nor, however, is it a feel-bad story about the American Dream. Vance recognizes that our national ideal is still readily attainable—he is living proof of this—and struggles with the fact that it is increasingly unattained by his family, friends, and neighbors. Is this a personal failing of their making? Is this a systematic failing not of their making? These are not always yes-or-no questions, Vance suggests, even if conservatives and liberals often answer them that way (conservatives tend to answer the former in the affirmative, liberals tend to answer the latter in the affirmative, and both tend to ignore the other). This is not to imply that Vance paints with gray all of the problems plaguing “hillbillies”—certainly not. For example, an acquaintance of Vance’s once explained to him that he quit his job because he did not like waking up early, and then took to Facebook to complain about the effect of the “Obama economy” on his livelihood. Vance is unsympathetic to this blame-everything-on-society-or-government mentality. “His status in life,” Vance says about the man, “is directly attributable to the choices he’s made, and his life will improve only through better decisions.” While not lessening the blame owed to the man himself, Vance notes that other factors should not be overlooked. There is, after all, both correlation and causation between the strength of families and the values of the men they produce. Vance is brutally honest in his account and assessments, whether he is discussing himself, the problems of the white working class, or the failures of our political parties. He is a conservative who can be extremely critical of modern conservatism, such as when it comes to an unfortunate trend in our rhetoric: “Instead of encouraging engagement, conservatives increasingly foment the kind of detachment that has sapped the ambition of so many of my peers. I have watched some friends blossom into successful adults and others fall victim to the worst of Middletown’s temptations—premature parenthood, drugs, incarceration. What separates the successful from the unsuccessful are the expectations that they had for their own lives. Yet the message of the right is increasingly: It’s not your fault that you’re a loser; it’s the government’s fault.” We should judge less and learn more about the people struggling in our communities and country, while never hesitating to hold them accountable for their own actions. That is an important takeaway from Hillbilly Elegy­—a fascinating memoir that, a month after reading it, reLast Friday, the Birmingham Busimains on my mind. ness Journal published a version of (Note: This book contains material that is offensive. the essay “License to Kill OpportuThe author has not airbrushed his account, and includes nity,” written by Andrew A. Yerbey, quotations of explicit language. If it were a film, it would Senior Policy Counsel of API. The receive an R rating.) digital edition of that issue is avail-

IN CASE YOU MISSED IT

Caleb Crosby is President and CEO of the Alabama Policy Institute.

able on the BBJ website.

Words and Phrases (You’d Like to Know) immanentize the eschaton \ im-uh-nuhn-tahyz thee es-kuh-tahn \ phrase : to attempt to make that which belongs to the afterlife happen here and now; to seek to create heaven on earth; to endeavor for utopia.

_______ etymology immanentize, from immanent + -ize; eschaton, from Greek ἔσχατον, neuter of ἔσχατος, “last.” origin coined by Eric Voegelin in The New Science of Politics in 1952, popularized by William F. Buckley Jr., and consequently turned into a political slogan (“Don’t Immanentize the Eschaton!”) by Young Americans for Freedom.

“The Christian knows the rules of the game. Worldly approaches to the Christian vision are in the nature of things asymptotic. We can aspire to the goodness of Mother Teresa, but the realization of goodness is for another world. Meanwhile secular metabolism quickens the appetite for the achievement of earthly ends. Any confusion between the two visions runs the risk identified by Eric Voegelin when he warned against immanentizing the eschaton. . . . It is illusory to suppose the problem can be erased, but surely not illusory to suppose it can be reduced, and that American conservatives are best endowed to confront it.” —William F. Buckley Jr.


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