This study was completed as part of the Architecture course at the University of the West of England. The work is my own. Where the work of others is used or drawn on, it is attributed to the relevant source.
This dissertation is protected by copyright. Do not copy any part of it for any purpose other than personal academic study without the permission of the author.
This work is dedicated to my parents, for their unparralleld support and their unmatched love.
ABSTRACT
Can designing for an identity build better cities?
Ahmed Abdelaziz, Architecture 2019 - 2020.
The objective of this study is to explore how building for social activities can reinforce identity and create happier cities through means of architectural and urban design. While providing evidence, the thesis will continue to illustrate how this power can be used to celebrate, build or maintain the identity of given city or town while making living therein increasingly enjoyable for residents.
The study will draw upon two case studies found across two different cities. It will thoroughly analyse the social nature and its relationship with architecture. The relationship of human interaction with architecture will be taken into consideration as well. An analysis of a built structure and its function will be compared to the identity of the named city.
Results prove when social activities are put into consideration of design, the result would contribute to creating or maintaining an identity of a city. Even more so, the promotion of congregational or social activities in nature are found to increase the quality of living therein, rendering residents happier. -
I would like to imprint my sincerest gratitude towards Dr. Louis Rice for his continuous support throughout the writing of this work, for allowing me to fully explore my interests and widen my view of a field I find myself and great passion within.
An ongoing debate in the architectural field questions whether new architectural structures reflect the identity and character of the city in question. It is often argued that globalisation has contributed towards the diminishing of a city's culture and identity. Such contemporary structures merely reflect the desire to show off wealth and architectural ingenuity. As a result, the city's identity, character and social fabric are neglected. A clear example of this issue would be the architectural structures found in the Arabian city of Dubai.
Across the Red Sea, a new plan has been mobilised to construct two new major cities in Egypt. Firstly, a new capital to replace Cairo's administrative role, which is currently in the process of being built. Secondly, 'Al-Alamein' city, Egypt's new jewel situated by the Mediterranean Sea, with public speculations for the city to follow the pathway of Dubai and in due course compete with the Emirati counter-part. A nation filled with rich historical context and a unique identity now begins to establish new cities. Looking at the proposed plans, will this country build for profit and international recognition? Will new world cities lack identity? A fundamental question which arises is how architecture and urban design can be utilised to enrich the identity and character of the city in question. The use of social and congregational activities may contribute towards reinforcing a city's identity, while simultaneously increasing the quality of living therein. Taking this notion into consideration, this study will therefore pursue the following research question;
In answering the research question, a focus will be put on the following cities;
- Vancouver, Canada
- Copenhagen, Denmark
The work contains a case study on how two different cities have created a unique identity through conscious designs promoting the active society within. The two cities have nonetheless, provided each respective place with its own unique character that in turn shape out a higher standard of living. The character and identity shaped throughout its architectural and urban design could provide one with a valuable lesson in the planning and design of future towns or cities.
The main research objective of the work is to analyse how the two cities have built a retaining character and identity through a social activity. The research will explore the consequences of a social activity on the making of a place, with evidence pointing towards increased happiness through social interactions.
"Whether the design for social and congregational activitycanreinforcetheidentityofthecityinquestion and contribute towards creating happier cities."
In conducting the research for the work at hand, the author adopts a desk study approach. By means of primary and secondary sources, both desk study and illustrative work were employed in order to support the author's conclusion.
A desk study was initialised to gather literature and understanding of architectural identity, with consistent reading executed to gain wider perspectives on what professional architects and designers think about the influence of global architecture and local architecture. Followed by an exploration of literature linking human psychology, sociology and happiness within spaces and buildings. Additional desk work was carried out to identify relating case studies to the thesis' research. Through the collected imagery, diagrams were created by the author and imported to visually support the context.
The methods outlined assisted the research to conclude that the use of social and congregational activity can contribute towards reinforcing an architectural identity of a place and simultaneously improve inhabitants' over-all happiness.
An abundance of reliable literature addressing the importance of identity in architecture was found to support the thesis’ conclusion. One great resource was Chris Abel’s ‘Architecture & Identity’. Abel’s writing in response to cultural and technological change within the built environment provided variety of theories debating the meaning of identity by several authors, like Norberg-Schulz as well as his. An influential piece of literature, Abel approaches the ideology of identity through philosophy which questions what makes up an identity of a place. Furthermore, as Abel continues to showcase other theorists’ hypothesis about the make-up of identity, it becomes evident that society and social activities are both an integral constituent for an architectural identity to take form. At one instance, Abel rightfully states ‘to experience architecture, it need be engaged with from a personal frame of reference’ (Abel, 2000). The prior statement became one of the few foundations of which this work is based on. The statement assumes architecture as an entity to which for it to attain meaning, depends on man’s use. Similarly, in juxtaposition, it is man’s use that can shape or give meaning to architecture. Marc Augé amends the notion through his published book in 1995 titled ‘Non-Place’. The idea that spaces can be a ‘non-place’ and a ‘place’.
Augé defines a place as a space that is relational, historical or concerned with identity. If the place in question cannot fulfil the criteria, it is a non-place.
The space of a ‘non-place’ does not establish identity nor foster relations. Rather they create solitude and similarity. ‘Non-places’ separate people from their identity, creating mass groups, such as commuters, passengers or shoppers. According to Augé, nonplaces produce visual and physical sameness. The French anthropologist’s hypothesis is that supermodernity produced non-places. Augé explains that a person who enters a non-place is relieved of his usual determinacy, the person becomes nothing more than what they do or experience in the nonplace. ‘A person without identity is condemned in a temporary world’ (Augé, 1995). Augé and Abel’s work provided a base from which this thesis could address the importance of architectural identity, and the repercussions of evading the issue.
It is arguable that more than a few global cities have become similar in design and appear to be incoherent with its genius loci. A number of professional architects and independent scholars took to publish online their thoughts regarding the matter. Zaheer and Zarrin Allam, both independent scholars with background in green architecture and project management, published an article stating ‘the current period is an era of modernisation’, that to continue in building tall sleek structures of glass and titanium is to ‘deny designers their rightful duty of enriching the cultural fabric of a place’ (Zaheer et al., 2013).
Another published work on the pages of the New York Times, was titled ‘The Franchising of Architecture’. The published article, by acclaimed architect Witold Rybczynski, strikes on the same topic. Rybczynski argues ‘that architecture is a social art, a reflection of a society and its values’ (Rybczynski, 2014). Another insightful writing was published by Jay Wickersham in 2015. Wickersham was once responsible for overseeing environmental reviews of all major private and public developments in Massachusetts, United States. Still a registered architect of the American Institute of Architects, Wickersham comes to question the same matter of identity in architecture. The architect writes to question the process, saying: “I sense an unease. Are we creating vital and original new architectures, or are we homogenizing cities and landscapes and obliterating regional differences?” (Wickersham, 2015).
With many publications suggesting the deterioration of identity and the negligence of the genius loci for ‘new modern’ builds, the gravity of the issue at hand becomes clear. Being a resident of a city of national economic power, and a city of ancient origin, it is poignant to witness the deconstruction of rich architecture for flat facades with no relation to place.
As Chris Abel and Norberg-Schulz addressed the issue in a philosophical approach, this study has also collected data from sociological and psychological
research that connects the built environment with two strong human emotions: happiness and depression. In relation to identity, research has provided evidence revealing that building for identityin other words empowering society with spaces that promotes interaction and beliefs- can lead to higher quality of living and happier residents. Not only is this an endeavour worth pursuing, but it is one that can preserve the identity of places. The data collected comes from published of the UCL Medical School of London in 2002, Population Association of America from 1985, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC, 2017). All research continues to support the fact that building spaces for social activities create a public feel of trust and increase general happiness.
The work of Witold Rybczynski, aided in the understanding of city identity and city activity. In one book, ‘City Life’, Rybczynski talks about how cities have evolved and how American and European cities took pride in their architectural and financial achievements. Which in due time, created a character unique to the city. Indirectly imposing the idea on the reader that identity was claimed through architectural achievements and advancements. Further on, Rybczynski mentions Daniel Burnham -the architect behind the White City of 1893.
buildings built the architectural identity of a city but within a specific spectrum of reference (Rybczynski, 1996). Burnham’s belief was quite evident, specifically in the book ‘Devil in the White City’ by Erik Larson. Burnham builds the Chicago Exposition in such manner of architectural and urban feat that denotes prominence and stature for Chicago, in the form of his preferred spectrum; the neoclassical style (Larson, 2002). The ornamentation and the use symmetry, in the eyes of Burnham, was a clear and prestigious expression of identity.
It was therefore crucial to understand how one can approach the issue with intentions of providing a method to mediate the matter. Although Burnham believed in the neoclassical style as an esteemed preview of identity, there is reason to differ to Burnham’s view. Today, with the technology made available, identity can find existence in other mediums, both in physical form and in immaterial form. There exist other methods in which identity can be reinforced without resorting to the neoclassical execution. The book ‘Happy City’ by Charles Montgomery published in 2013, provided new insights as to how small change can lead to qualitive results. Montgomery’s continuous travels to cities and town around the world, foretold stories of how urban design has brought communities together, and enlivened neighbours to one another. The simple acts of communities in turn created an identity unique to
them. In his published work, Montgomery records how realistic change was applied to mediate problems encountered. Implications such as adding public parks, removing fences, widening cycle lanes and pedestrianising roads all yielded great results. The book was a source that provided new perspective to find methods suitable for achieving the required result: happier cities, connected cities, and characteristic cities.
CHAPTER ONE: Identity and its importance
Understanding architectural identity
In the book ‘Image of a City’ by Kevin Lynch, the American urban planner claims, through justified research, that ‘places have character’. Lynch continues to elaborate on the meaning of character stating, “attributes which distinguish one place from another” (Lynch, 1960). Although the identity or character of oneself can be entirely subjective, that may not be the case with architectural identity, the latter is more of a collective result. Identity in of itself, is defined as: “the qualities of a person or a group that make them different from others” (Cambridge, 2019). For this reason, it is arguable for one to claim an architectural identity of a place is in part tangible to the person or the group inhabiting the contextual location. This would mean part of the identity of a place is reliant on the day to day life, the cultural or religious traditions, the food and drink, and even perhaps the social interactions with one another.
An example of how space and social life come in contact would be in the Egyptian city of Alexandria. Every morning fishermen set out to catch what the sea may provide for sustenance. While nets are pulled in, people gather on stone fences and watch. Creating a threshold between land and sea, the fence becomes a theatre, the fishermen become the cast and the shore becomes the stage. Later during the evening,
the fence changes its social role, instead the structure becomes a place for couples to enjoy the sound of the waves, the view of the horizon and the company of one another. Throughout the country, a national reputation identified the city as ‘the province of lovers and fishermen’. Further research conducted by Lynch, studying the mental images people hold of a city has provided evidence that the identity of a place is entitled to the experience, senses and social activity offered by the given place (Lynch, 1960). Could architecture be a medium of embodying the prior anomalies? “Architecture, however is a social art” wrote Witold Rybczynski a renowned Canadian-American architect, “a reflection of a society and its values” (Rybczynski, 2014).
Architecture therefore offers a manifestation of identity in physical form, and in order to properly experience the space, one must interact with the architecture on a personal level (Abel, 2000). Simple spaces, through their use and value to society or community, eventually become a fundamental part of the genius loci of the place.
Architecture has reflected and continues to take part in the social activities carried out by its inhabitants. That may be in dwellings, public spaces or public buildings. Norberg-Schulz, a Norwegian architect, educator and theorist, asserts this phenomenon
claiming that architecture alone can bring forth an ‘existential foothold’ in the landscape (NorbergSchulz, 1996). In sense, architecture allows an expression of social values and historical events should they occur. Yet again, Norberg-Schulz claimed that identity, when brought to physical existence through means of architecture, is shaped entirely by the active society in place (ibid, 1996).
Why
is it important?
1. Happier cities
One might ask what importance lies in an architectural identity? Research conducted has revealed the three most important factors contributing towards the quality of life. Subjects were identified as health, income and social connections. Social connections are those that encompass relationships of friends, spouse, community, local government, and religious groups (Layard, 2005).
For an identity to stem, an implication of belonging exists. Based on a survey completed in 2008, of the most important factors of happiness found in ten major cities, ‘feeling connected to the neighbourhood’ was only second to health, and superior to income (Goldberg, 2011). There is exceptional evidence pointing towards the fact that the social fabric of residents plays a vital role in the overall happiness of a place. That the social network of the town or city, in turn shapes the identity found within. Vafa Valapour, managing director of the United World Infrastructure organisation has specified that through happier communities, a wave of ‘incalculable social and economic benefits’ takes effect on the community (Valapour, 2018).
Urban philosopher Jane Jacobs argues the design of
cities play an essential role in the quality of living. An association connecting city safeness, and social interactions link back to the design of the city (Jacobs, 2002). Neighbourhoods built with the intent of active sidewalks, parks and civic buildings positively correlates with the well-being of residents. The active scape, providing social interactions render residents ‘less anonymous’, this in turn creates a sense of social connection (ibid, 1961). Consistency of interactions between one other evokes a feeling of public trust and connectedness between residents (Goldberg, 2011). One could argue as part of the identity of, say specific place, is their friendliness and hospitality. It is therefore safe to say not only does architecture become a constituent within the social life of people, but as Gordon Pask says, ‘a part of our social life is in architecture’ (Pask, 1976). The ability to provide spaces where inhabitants are provided the capability to meet people and make new friends will in turn shape out high community satisfaction (Landale et al., 1985). The data collected lies in coherence with sociological findings that confirm social interactions lead to a positive effect on community happiness (Putnam, 2000). A research by the department of Psychiatry and Behavioural Sciences of UCL Medical School has provided evidence that although the physical environment -if not built within aesthetic consideration can negatively influence inhabitants. Yet, the social environment is able to mediate the negative imposition of the
surrounding physical environment (Weich et al., 2002). Further implying the importance found within empowering social interactions. Designing, whether through architecture of buildings or the urban design of spaces, is an important medium through which the power of connecting people resides. Studies on planning for healthy communities have provided solid evidence on how to directly increase happiness of residents. The simple endeavour of providing access to open green spaces correlated directly with increased happiness. Specifically designing spaces that allow social interactions were yet again tangible to the findings claimed (Pfeiffer et al., 2016).
2. Why is the issue timely?
In 2014, Rem Koolhaas, the curator of the Venice Biennale opened the international event involving 65 countries with a question. “Has national identity been sacrificed to modernity?” (NZIA, 2014). Discussion surrounding the topic of modern designs from Western ‘starchitects’ has created a ‘global architectural uniformity’. Meaning different countries are becoming similar in design, slowly losing their architectural identity in the process (Allam, 2013). Identity stems therefore from the social background of the people. Marc Augé claims that a place which cannot be related to by the people, that has no historical content and that which is not concerned with identity, is a ‘non-place’ (Augé, 1995). A nonplace is incapable of creating identity and cannot therefore foster relation. Instead, a non-place provides the means of solitude. (ibid, 1995). A place which cannot cultivate identity, relation or historical context is bound to become a blank space. Where people are separated and exist only within whichever endeavours they partake. According to Augé, nonplaces are created in ‘visual and physical sameness’. The author’s conclusion is that super-modernity has produced non-places.
Considering the number of ongoing mega projects with promises of new modernised cities, it is worthwhile to consider whether an authentic identity will take form. Recently, the Egyptian
government decided to move an ancient Egyptian obelisk from Cairo to the new city of Al-Alamein. The obelisk, evidently a symbolic artefact, now resides in front of the presidential palace (El-Aref, 2019). Could that be an attempt of planting historical content within a new born city? Supplementing a space as such that it possesses historical context and therefore relatable.
The French anthropologist continues to state the ever-increasing similarity between world cities can lead to a specific feeling where the city is disappearing (Augé, 1995). Global input can easily shadow the local work. Yet again, Marc Augé rightfully states: “Architectural works are singularities, expressing the vision of an individual author and emancipated from local particularism” (ibid, 1995).
The built environment then becomes the canvas that reflects the identity of the given place. The social fabric of the contextual place are the colours that provide meaning to the image. As Akşehir describes, it is architecture and the built environment that become the key elements that act as a vessel for the transmission of cultural identities from one generation to the next (Akşehir, 2003).
When non-places exist, they are incapable of being related to, unable to assume identity and hence hold no historical context. Therefore, what better way
to design and build than in a way that stems from the identity of place and that of which incorporates people together. A method that incorporates social interactions or social values as such that the identity of place is preserved. Zaher Allam concludes his work stating designers and builders must take precedents from the community’s identity to create befitting work that would ‘bring glory to cities and their people’ (Allam 2013).
CHAPTER TWO: Bringing social activities and identity together
The relation of identity and social activities is a subtle interlink, better understood when one further investigates the make-up of an architectural identity. Several published works have warned towards a process that threatens to deteriorate identity of a place. The literature generally revolves around topics of modern architecture and globalisation. To briefly explain, modern architecture is a style of that which priority belongs to form and construction over ornament (Moffett, 2003). For instance, one writer express skyscrapers as modern architecture, that which is prescribed as having no relation identity. ‘A build of steel and glass’ (Allam, 2013). However, identity -shaped by the fabric of the active society- does not take form only within specific styles of architectural expression. One can understand the difficulty to express identity within facades that prioritise form and construction. However, this thesis argues identity can take place regardless of the architectural style. Identity can as well, take form outside buildings. This can be achieved through designs that promote social activities, social interactions, or cultural traditions.
Building for social activities bestows the community the opportunity to create an identity shaped by each individual. It is a collective result. Providing spaces, or structures that celebrate a common belief, history, or a way of life creates an identity felt within the community and expressed in the architecture.
Case Study: The City of Vancouver, Canada
Vancouver has, successfully, fought against reversing suburban retreat for the past three decades (Harris, 2003). The city has instead, attracted people into the density. Unexpectedly, the Canadian city has thus far rejected the idea of creating additional road space for vehicles (Monheim, 2003). To the city’s natural restriction, the land is corned by the ocean on two sides forming a peninsula. An agricultural strip of land further confines the ability of suburban expansion. Considering the limitations Vancouver faces, immigration has powered the construction of more buildings, with further demand over the course of many years. Compared to 1980, an additional 150 residential buildings were built (Montgomery, 2013). Data has proved as Vancouver becomes more populated, the higher the desirability to live therein becomes (ibid, 2013). Yet, the city continues to climb on the ‘best places to live’ index according to Forbes magazine (Forbes, 2019).
Montgomery claims what makes Vancouver unique is the city’s response of maintaining and designing with a biophilic mindset. As such, much of Vancouver’s identity was formed with paramount priority of incorporating nature both within and above the street. Municipal planners have worked with laws that in turn, have shaped the city skyline (Montgomery, 2013). The result is a succession of generous slits
that provide unobstructed views to the mountains and parks. Figure 01. provides an illustration of the architectural scene that takes form. A law passed by the federal government maintains a minimum of 24 metres exist between each tower (ibid, 2013). The feud between providing clear scenic views from residential towers and the public’s right of view from the streets have resulted in a mediated solution were both the tower residents and the public enjoy a rich scenic view.
Vancouver’s authority takes serious consideration to the social life of the city. For instance, should a new development request permission to construct higher, the city would only agree on the basis
that the developer would build a new public park, a plaza, or even a day-care centre (ibid, 2013). This method has indefinitely created an architectural identity unique to Vancouver. The city as such, is rich in places that help promote the social fabric of its inhabitants. Examining the city plan, one can easily notice the amount of public spaces that allow for the Vancouverite society to flourish. Its identity has taken form in the air-generous space between towers and the plentiful parks made available.
Case Study: The City of Copenhagen, Denmark.
Jan Gehl, architect, urban designer and author of several publications was once behind several projects that transformed the character of Copenhagen. Granted an award to study Italian towns, Gehl and his wife took to the streets of several Italian spaces to capture and record the life found within (Gehl, 1987). One might be under the assumption Gehl would invest in the major attractions found. Instead the couple began focusing on the vibrant life of the street, how one would say the Italians are renowned for.
One valuable study was the Piazza del Campo. The design of the Piazza formed a spacious semi-circular space. Surrounded by five storey buildings, the space would lure people and become a rich social hotspot. At one point, the coupled would remain for long hours recording the movement of people every halfhour (Montgomery, 2013). As the day started, the Piazza gradually hosted more people. Visitors would entertain the company of one another through restaurants -which filled the space with a warm aroma, cafes would welcome friends and families with coffee too. People would lean against bollards which were evenly placed between one another (Gehl, 2010). Montgomery would note the bollard had no purpose except that it would allow people to lean on it. As the day progressed, visitors and
residents would rest on the floor watching the Torre del Magnia. In the final hours of the day, Gel noted that the space would change to become more subtle. At night couples and families would enjoy an intimate walk and chat with one another (Gehl, 2010). Montgomery comments: “The Campo drew people together. It slowed them down. It held them in its palm.” (Montgomery, 2013).
Back in the home city of Gehl, Copenhagen started to become more crowded (GDCI, 2017). City planners and designers began debating the issue of increasing more roads to ease congestion (ibid, 2013). Taking his findings to serious consideration, Jan Gehl took the initiative of solving the issue Copenhagen now faced. Surprisingly, the Danish architect decided on pedestrianising streets, the exact opposite direction the authority would have undertook. Starting with the Strøget, a main street of 1150 metres, would become the first of many (ibid, 2017). Over the course of the following years, the city of Copenhagen would invest more into pedestrianising many of its busy streets (Montgomery, 2013).
Spending a year recording the results, Gehl watched the plan come to success. The architect noticed additional findings. For instance, a bench directed towards the crowd received 10 times more than a bench that was directed towards a flower bed. Through Gehl’s findings, Montgomery concluded that people attracted people, “things were happening, so more things happened” (ibid, 2013). Following the ripple of success, Copenhagen’s local business thrived. More activities took place and the city became vibrant with life even amidst the Scandinavian winter (ibid, 2013). Figure 04 illustrates a diagram extracted from Gehl’s work. The illustration shows the Kompagnistræde before and after pedestrianisation. More social interactions and cultural expression through spaces provided, became a medium of expressing Danish identity.
