?hm GUARD OCTOBER
THE MAGAZINE OF Y O U N G AMERICANS FOR FREEDOM
by wiiiam f. Buckley, jr.
Fall Book Issue four pages of reviews ir The Foxglove Saga by Auberon Waugh
* Citizen Hearst by W. A. Swanberg
â€˘ House Without a Roof by Maurice Hindus
* The Quest for Being by Sidney Hook
Where the Iron Curtain
by Lee Edwards
and old stand side by side as i n so many West German cities. T w o hundred farms still exist w i t h i n the city limits, which include 346 square miles, making Berlin the third largest city i n area i n the world. I t would take you seven days to walk around its circumference (assuming you could persuade the East German Communist guards who encircle the city to approve such a trip.)
Where the Iron Curtain Begins By
Mr. Edwards has been traveling in Europe during the month of September, and in place of his regular ''Capital" column, sends us an article from West Berlin. The very next day after this writing, he tells us, he will tour East Berlin, ''just hoping that it's melodramatic and nothing else." West Berlin, September 12, 1 9 6 1 On the sidewalk before 48 Bernauer Strasse i n the French sector of this divided city, lie several garlands of flowers mounted w i t h the simple i n scription, " I n M e m o r i u m . " There is no name, but West Berliners know the flowers honor an East Berlin woman who jumped from her t h i r d floor apartment seeking freedom. I n her nervousness and fear, she missed the mattresses and other bed clothing waiting beneath her and died on the sidewalk w i t h i n a few minutes. Across the city i n the shadow of the Berlin H i l t o n , a handsome hotel w i t h its softly shining blue spotlights and penthouse cocktail lounge. West Berliners drink and dance and gambol at the carnival version of their Oktoberfest. I t is possible to visit West Berlin and, providing that you are careful where you go, to be unaware of the Cold War, communism or the closed border between East and West. There are many diversions i n this lovely city which has never apologized for its pursuit of pleasure. Off the Kudam i n all directions are night clubs and cabarets w h i c h present their specialte de la maison until the large hours of the next morning (one club opens at 10 P M and closes its doors reluctantly at 10 A M the next day.) Indeed, sitting on the terrace of Kranzler's, sipping a cup of delicious coffee and dipping your spoon into a large serving of rich creamy ice cream, it is hard to believe that such unpleasant things as East German Communists exist. But they do. A n d West Berliners do not deny their existence, despite a seemingly indifferent air. The habitual self-confidence of the West Berliner has been shaken by the five-foot high concrete w a l l w h i c h has separated East and West Berlin since the middle of August. The barrier, nicknamed the "Chinese W a l l " i n t y p i cally sarcastic fashion, is important for obvious physical reasons. I t has 2
cut the torrent of East German refugees to the barest of trickles. I t also prevents anything but the sketchiest of contacts between friends and relatives on either side of the border. Even more telling is the psychological impact of the w a l l and the implacable way i t reminds the West Berliner that he is trapped. Before the erection of the wall he could take great comfort from the "invasion" of great numbers of East German refugees desiring freedom. N o w he must squeeze what consolation he can out of the two or three who daily risk imprisonment and death to cross the border. I n addition, many famihes include members on both sides of the wall. Father and son, mother and daughter may not see each other for months or years or forever. I n such an uncompromising situation, i t is only natural that West Berliners seek amusement and distraction. But all the while they wait for the next turning of the screw by the Soviets and their puppets, the East German Communists. The most obvious Soviet move w o u l d be to cut off access by air. A t present there are three air corridors into the city through which commercial airlines such as Pan American, A i r France and British European Airways send 200,000 flights annually. Several tentative harassments have already been executed. Some pilots have complained about static interference w i t h their radios on the approach to Berlin. Others have commented that large East Berlin searchlights have distracted them on their crossing East Berlin preparatory to landing. Recently a prominent East German Communist asserted that after the final treaty w i t h the Soviet Union has been signed, all commercial airlines w i l l have to deal directly w i t h the East German Communist Government (he used the euphonius phrase, "German Democratic R e p u b l i c " ) W i t h o u t the comforting sound of airliners passing only a few thousand feet overhead, West Berliners w o u l d indeed be isolated. The city, however, is prepared. U n der the direction of Mayor W i l l y Brandt, West Berlin has stocked months and even years of food staples and supplies. But the city is not self-supporting and could not endure without assistance from the outside. Meanwhile, i n a Teutonic variation of que sera, sera. West Berliners b u i l d and plan for tomorrow, and the new
But always, on any tour, your attention is drawn to the "Chinese W a l l , " 30 miles long, covering every inch of the border (except directly under the Brandenburg Gate) between East and West Berlin.
The French sector ( i t is necessary to remember that West Berlin is not part of the West German Federal Republic but still under Aflied Trusteeship) has been the scene of most of the spectacular escapes. I t is here that East and West literally meet without a "no man's l a n d " as exists in the British and American sectors. The woman who jumped from the third floor lived in an East Berlin apartment, but the street on which she died was i n West Berlin. Here on a weekend West Berliners w i l l gather to wave colored handkerchiefs or signal w i t h umbrellas to friends or relatives a few hundred feet away. Here an old man w i l l yell a few words of encouragement to a friend leaning out of a second floor window (the w a l l runs along the street level and everyone and everything have been moved out of the first floor.) Here East and West Berliners relieve their frustration under the eyes of East German police (wearing rifles) and West Berlin police (wearing pistols). A West Berliner said bitterly as he stared east over the w a l l : "Lookâ€”there you see the biggest concentration camp in the world, 16 m f l lion people, and among them, my own parents." Yes, and yet, what is he living in? If the United States and its allies do not stand firm, the concentration camp w i l l soon add another two million inmates who presently live in West Berlin. THE
N E W GUARD
NSA: The Opposition
p r a i s i n g Castro f o r r e s t o r i n g academic f r e e d o m to C u b a and
l a u n c h i n g last spring's Bay of Pigs i n v a s i o n . )
T h e N a t i o n a l Student Association has h e l d its 14th
3. T h e l e f t - w i n g — " i n c l u d i n g the C o m m u n i s t s " ( ! ! ) —
a n n u a l congress at t h e U n i v e r s i t y of W i s c o n s i n a n d ,
has disappeared f r o m the A m e r i c a n scene, l e a v i n g the
i n spite of the efforts of a h a n d f u l of conservatives to
reason w i t h delegates w i t h a v i e w t o r e f o r m i n g
d i s c o u n t e d ) as the o n l y t h r e a t to A m e r i c a n democracy.
o r g a n i z a t i o n , the liberals are s t i l l i n
c o n t r o l of
the N S A .
( w h i c h a m o m e n t before t h e Times
K n o w i n g t h a t the Times
is n o t l i k e l y to take our
advice o n the m a t t e r of w h e t h e r N S A is or is n o t t r u l y
W h a t was i n f a c t o n l y an e f f o r t to impress u p o n the
representative of the t h i n k i n g of A m e r i c a n y o u t h , w e
delegates t h a t t h e y w e r e n o t accurately r e p r e s e n t i n g
refer its editors t o an a r t i c l e i n the September
t h e t h i n k i n g of the t y p i c a l A m e r i c a n student, h o w e v e r ,
issue of the Nation
has n o w been t u r n e d i n t o a crusade to d i s c r e d i t the
magazine. W r i t i n g o n the N S A con-
M c W i l l i a m s , Jr.
e d i t o r a n d a g o v e r n m e n t teacher at O b e r l i n
Society of I n d i v i d u a l i s t s a n d other conservative y o u t h
groups. I g n o r i n g the f a c t t h a t t h e conservatives h a d no
i n t e n t i o n of t a k i n g over N S A ( t h e y s i m p l y d i d n ' t have
the v o t e s ) , most of the n a t i o n s press—if i t has covered
disputes i t . . . the figure of 1.3 m i l l i o n student m e m b e r s
t h e event at a l l - h a s seized u p o n i t to shout " f a i l u r e . "
u s u a l l y g i v e n b y N S A apologists is specious
L e a d i n g the p a c k has been the New
basic t h e m e of a l e n g t h y a r t i c l e w h i c h appeared i n the A u g u s t 2 9 t h " N e w s of t h e W e e k i n R e v i e w " section of the
t h a t t h e f a i l u r e of conservatives
M a d i s o n t o take over the N S A p r o v e d g r a p h i c a l l y w h a t the Times
has been saying a l l a l o n g : t h a t a conservative
g r o u n d s w e l l i n A m e r i c a n colleges
a n d universities is
b u t a figment of r i g h t - w i n g i m a g i n a t i o n . F r o m this basic theme,
h o w e v e r , t h e Times
( i n the
a r t i c l e ) t o m a k e t h r e e observations:
is n o t representative "is t r u e , a n d n o b o d y r e a l l y . . .
m a j o r i t y of t h e m have no i d e a w h a t the o r g a n i z a t i o n is, a n d p r o b a b l y c o u l d n o t care less. T h e p e o p l e w h o come to the Congresses, w h e r e N S A p o l i c y is f o r m e d , are n o t representatives of t h e i r s t u d e n t bodies, n o r are t h e five n a t i o n a l officers a n d a b o u t t e n staff m e n w h o 'execute' p o l i c y . . ." Roberts a n d M c W i l l i a m s q u o t e NSA's n e w president, E d Garvey, on t h e f u t u r e role of the o r g a n i z a t i o n a n d his concept of h o w the n a t i o n a l headquarters a n d the a n n u a l congress delegates s h o u l d impose t h e i r w i l l o n the students b e l o w : ". . . he e m p h a sized the n e e d f o r b r i n g i n g the experience of a Congress
1. " A r c h - c o n s e r v a t i v e s " i n M a d i s o n w e r e u s i n g tactics w h i c h "used to b e " e m p l o y e d b y the f a r - l e f t . 2. M e m b e r s
state t h a t the charge b y conservatives
of N S A are
D e m o c r a t s a n d Rockefeller RepubHcans, hence " m o d e r -
—the deliberations a n d , most i m p o r t a n t , the defense of an i d e a l in the face of strong to
(italics ours) —
a l l students. T h i s can o n l y b e done, he said, *by
s t r u c t u r i n g the Congress so t h a t delegates w o n ' t leave
ates" w h o are "safely i n the m i d d l e . " ( N o m e n t i o n of
and f o r g e t w h a t has h a p p e n e d , b u t w i l l go back to t h e i r
the f a c t t h a t the N S A congress, earlier t h a t week, h a d
passed resolutions c a l l i n g f o r the a b o l i t i o n of H U A C ,
translate p o l i c y i n t o specific p r o g r a m s . ' "
THE N E W 1961
I , No.
Table of Contents
ARTICLES When Freedom is Threatened.-William F. Buckley, Jr. White Knight of the FCC Bruce Barr
The House That Bilked Jack A Closer Look at Sukarno
Distressed Politicians U.N. Blackmail in the Congo To Develop Leaders
Robert Bauman William Schuiz
Theodore L. Humes 10 Carol D. Bauman 1 1 David Franke 13
DEPARTMENTS Dateline Berlin The Press Books Films Letters OCTOBER
f o r the stands t h e y have taken, a n d
Editor: Lee Edwards Managing Editor: Carol D . Bauman Editorial Board: Kenneth E. Thompson, W i l l i a m M . Schuiz, Allan Ryskind, Antoni E. Gollan, Mary Weatherly Book Editor: Robert Ritchie Art Editor: Denis Larkin
The Magazine of Young Americans for Freedom Inc. OCTOBER
Allan Ryskind 14 15 18 19
The N e w Guard is published monthly by Young Americans for Freedom Inc. i n Washington, D . C. Copyright 1961 in the U.S.A. by Young Americans for Freedom Inc. A l l subscription orders, changes of address and undeHverable copies should be sent to: THE N E W GUARD 79 Madison Ave., N e w York 16, N . Y. Telephone: Murray H i l l 5-0190 A l l manuscripts, cartoons, and letters should be sent to: THE N E W GUARD, P.O. Box 1731, Washington 13, D.C.; Lincoln 7-0406. Rates: $3 a year. The editors welcome unsolicited manuscripts but request the enclosure of a self-addressed return envelope. Opinions expressed i n signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors.
A Bitter Pill for Walter
T h e idea t h a t W e s t e r n c i v i H z a t i o n totters o n the b r i n k
W a l t e r Reuther's
head is s t i l l r e e l i n g , a n d i t w i l l
of catastrophe is constantly discussed i n t h e classroom,
p r o b a b l y be a l o n g t i m e before he recovers f r o m the
i n t h e h o m e , i n scholarly journals, a n d f r o m t h e p u l p i t .
severe l i c k i n g he was g i v e n last m o n t h b y the voters
T h e k e y w o r d is s u r v i v a l .
of his h o m e state of M i c h i g a n . T h e b e a t i n g was a d m i n -
As President K e n n e d y p o i n t e d o u t i n his I n a u g u r a l
istered i n a statewide election of delegates to M i c h i g a n ' s
Address, w e m u s t have a " s t r a t e g y " f o r s u r v i v a l i n the
O c t o b e r 3 c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n v e n t i o n . A strong resurgence
nuclear age. A n d , as R i c h a r d N i x o n w o u l d have said,
of the state's G O P o r g a n i z a t i o n a n d a grassroots rejec-
w e disagree
t i o n of an obvious p o w e r grab b y a R e u t h e r - d o m i n a t e d
o n l y w i t h t h e means to t h a t e n d .
B u t i n s u r v i v i n g , t h e means are a l l i m p o r t a n t . So f a r as w e k n o w , t h e o n l y means advanced b y the l i b e r a l camp
is a v a g u e strategy w h i c h can o n l y be
surrender. A t t h e same t i m e , the liberals w o u l d have us revise o u r domestic economics so as to remake A m e r i c a floor
of t h e House
September 7, 14 f r e s h m e n Congressmen
called f o r a
h a l t t o this p o l i c y of surrender a n d the t r e n d t o w a r d c o l l e c t i v i s m . L e d b y I n d i a n a Congressman t h e 14 f r e s h m e n are members
D o n Bruce,
of a loosely o r g a n i z e d ,
i n f o r m a l g r o u p c a l l e d the "Conservative C l u b , " b o u n d together b y a c o m m o n d e d i c a t i o n to p r e s e r v i n g A m e r i can p r i n c i p l e s a n d A m e r i c a n security i n a chaotic w o r l d . These 14 y o u n g Congressmen, most of t h e m u n d e r 40, presented the conservative v i e w o n every issue f r o m the
a g r i c u l t u r e to nuclear
f r a m e w o r k of i n d i v i d u a l
o r g a n i z a t i o n c o m b i n e d to effect
t h a n t w o - t o - o n e defeat of the U A W boss. T h e R e p u b l i cans w o n 99 of the 144 delegates to the c o n v e n t i o n a n d p i c k e d u p seven delegates i n heavy U A W - D e m o c r a t i c D e t r o i t districts. T h e O c t o b e r 3 c o n v e n t i o n was to consider changes i n
i n the i m a g e of a Socialist-State. O n the
testing, a l l
t h e state's c o n s t i t u t i o n , u n a m e n d e d since 1908.
supporters w e r e h o p i n g to w i n a b i g m a j o r i t y of the delegates so t h a t t h e y c o u l d carry o u t a scheme t o replace t h e state's b i c a m e r a l legislature w i t h a singlehouse—based on p o p u l a t i o n alone. T h i s w o u l d g i v e n D e t r o i t , a n d Reuther,
sufficient p o w e r to r u l e
the state unchecked. T h e result of the election was t h e statewide sweep since 1946,
a n d is b e i n g i n t e r p r e t e d
as a sign of things to come i n other areas of the c o u n t r y w h e r e voters
are b e c o m i n g
d o m i n a t i o n of t h e D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y apparatus.
It W a s No Picnic
speeches m a k e
A m e r i c a n , f o r t h e y p r o v i d e t h e concrete strategy w h i c h is u r g e n t l y needed i f A m e r i c a is to survive, a n d i f i t survives, to prosper a n d 14
i n the
T h e f u l l texts of a l l
T h e t r a d i t i o n a l Sunday afternoon p i c n i c , an innocent pastime f o r most Americans, became the scene of a d e m o n s t r a t i o n staged b y the M i n n e s o t a Y o u n g A m e r i cans f o r F r e e d o m early last m o n t h . B i l l e d as a " f r e e d o m of the press" p i c n i c , the affair
Box Office Barometor
f e a t u r e d Samuel K . D a v i s , secretary of the M i n n e s o t a -
F o r those w h o have b o t h e r e d to take an interest i n
recent t r i p to M o s c o w .
the m a t t e r of manners a n d morals a n d h o w t h e y have been effected b y H o l l y w o o d , a w e l c o m e piece of i n t e l ligence
has been r e p o r t e d o u t of t h a t c i t y of stars.
M e t r o - G o l d w y n - M a y e r , the largest U.S. m o v i e - m a k i n g company,
d e c i d e d to q u i t p r o d u c i n g
U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the decision was based n o t o n
a l t r u i s t i c m o t i v e of l o o k i n g o u t f o r the w e l f a r e of the p u b l i c conscience, b u t o n — w h a t else?—the b o x I n m a k i n g the announcement,
T h e lovers of f r e e d o m of the
press, however, b a r r e d reporters f r o m the p i c n i c .
fact, this C o m m u n i s t i d y l l c o u l d have gone u n n o t i c e d b u t f o r the alert Y A F members
f r o m nearby
apolis. John Greenagel,
c h a i r m a n of M i n n e s o t a Y A F ,
ganized a leaflet d i s t r i b u t i o n c a m p a i g n t h a t m o r n i n g .
sex p e r v e r s i o n angles a n d r a c i a l themes.
D a k o t a C o m m u n i s t p a r t y , w h o was to speak a b o u t his
Sunday drivers w e r e g i v e n leaflets w a r n i n g of the R e d picnic: " E n j o y i n g y o u r Sunday
d r i v e ? " they said.
Sol C. Siegel,
y o u feel secure i n the s t r e n g t h a n d f r e e d o m of y o u r
M - G - M ' s p r o d u c t i o n chief, said the c o m p a n y was scrap-
b e l o v e d c o u n t r y , agents of the Soviet U n i o n are h o l d i n g
p i n g sex a n d race films o n l y because i t was l o s i n g m o n e y
a m e e t i n g just I/2 miles f r o m this p o i n t . "
on t h e m . H e said t h a t t h e y h a d no interest i n p l a c i n g
T h e Y A F pickets f o r m e d a peaceful demonstration on the r o a d outside the p i c n i c grounds, c a r r y i n g signs r e a d i n g " A m e r i c a — W a k e U p ! " a n d "Better D e a d t h a n Red."
a " t a b o o " o n a n y t h i n g , a n d e x p l a i n e d , i n fact, t h a t "such pictures s h o u l d be m a d e , b u t , b y somebody
It's e n c o u r a g i n g , at least, to k n o w t h a t the public's taste is i m p r o v i n g . 4
F o r c e d f r o m t h e i r m i d - a f t e r n o o n respite b y sheriff's THE N E W
deputies a n d the caretaker of the p r i v a t e p i c n i c g r o u n d s , the Communist picnickers were indignant. Ralph W . T a y l o r , c h a i r m a n of the " F r e e d o m of the Press C o m -
• T h e House C o m m i t t e e o n U n - A m e r i c a n A c t i v i ties, cynosure of Hberal scorn, is analyzed a n d
m i t t e e " issued a statement a t t a c k i n g Y A F members a n d
c h a m p i o n e d o n page 6 b y W i l l i a m F . B u c k l e y ,
"leaders of the A m e r i c a n N a z i P a r t y . "
e d i t o r - i n - c h i e f , a n d one of
our f a v o r i t e Yale m e n .
He claimed that the Communists were being denied
• N e w t o n M i n o w , p a n j a n d r u m of the F C C
the f r e e d o m w h i c h Y A F c l a i m e d to s u p p o r t . W e feel
T V - d o m , is g i v e n a dispassionate
t h a t b o t h b e l i e f i n f r e e d o m of the i n d i v i d u a l a n d expo-
scrutiny b y
Bruce Barr on page 7.
sition a n d p r o s e c u t i o n of the enemies of f r e e d o m are
• T h e House T h a t B i l k e d Jack, or b a l k e d Jack, or to be m o r e specific, the D e m o c r a t i c - c o n t r o l l e d House of Representatives, w h i c h has t h r o w n legislative m o n k e y - w r e n c h e s i n t o JFK's w e l l o i l e d N e w F r o n t i e r m o b i l e , is discussed a n d its r e c o r d r e v i e w e d b y R o b e r t B a u m a n o n page 8.
h a p p e n e d i f an a n t i - C o m m u n i s t " F r e e d o m of t h e Press
• Just h o w n e u t r a l is " n e u t r a l i s t " Sukarno, w h o
C o m m i t t e e " t r i e d to h o l d a p i c n i c o n the banks of the
received b o t h Soviet a n d U.S. h e l p to c r u s h the
p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y defensible. W i l l i a m F . Buckley's defense of the H o u s e
Un-American Activities Committee on
page 6 of this issue gives
s o u n d reasoning
f o r our
d o n ' t even have to w o n d e r w h a t w o u l d
a n t i - C o m m u n i s t r e b e l l i o n i n his country?
l i a m Schuiz tells h o w a n d explains the sorry state of affairs i n the f o r m e r D u t c h colony o n
page 9. • W h y d i d the U . N . forces i n v a d e a n t i - C o m m u President
nist, p r o - w e s t e r n Katanga? W h a t has been U.S.
b e f o r e the U n i t e d N a t i o n s w o u l d no d o u b t have been
p o l i c y t o w a r d one of the staunchest Red-fighters
g l i t t e r i n g phrases tossed off b y the
i n Black A f r i c a ?
treasured b y Plato a n d t h e sentiments expressed seem
swers o n page 11.
w o r t h y of T h o m a s M o r e a n d other U t o p i a n s . B u t , alas,
• W a l t e r L i p p m a n n , D r e w Pearson, a n d D r . R a l p h K . W h i t e — w h a t a t r i u m v i r a t e ! O r to q u o t e A l l a n R y s k i n d — w h a t a t r o i k a ! W h a t do these three persons have i n common? See page 14 f o r the answer.
w h a t d i d the President say t h a t was i n the interest of the U n i t e d States a n d the as y e t u n - c o m m u n i z e d countries e x i s t i n g i n the w o r l d today?
H o w w o u l d we, for
instance take care of the menace of Soviet i m p e r i a l i s m ? WeU,
said the President, the U.S. w o u l d s t r o n g l y resist
any C o m m u n i s t aggression, b u t , m e a n w h i l e , w e s h o u l d sign a nuclear test-ban w i t h the Soviets,
nuclear arsenal, a n d t h e n cast aside our atomic d e l i v e r y system.
I t w o u l d seem t h a t the President feels w e can
stand u p to the t h r e a t of c o m m u n i s m b y first severing our
C a r o l B a u m a n gives the an-
A n d Berlin? President
H o v e r i n g o n the t h i n n e s t of fences, t h e
resolutely declared t h a t w e w o u l d
B e r l i n w h i l e " r e c o g n i z i n g the historic a n d l e g i t i m a t e interests of others i n assuring E u r o p e a n s e c u r i t y . " W h o , p r a y t e l l , are the " o t h e r s " w i t h w h o m w e m u s t assure European
As far as w e are i n f o r m e d the
Soviet U n i o n a n d its satellites have been the o n l y entiles
this wasn't a l l the President h a d to say.
H e de-
v o t e d a great p a r t of his speech to c o m m i t t i n g the heart and
soul of the U n i t e d States to t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s .
A l l the king's horses a n d m e n , w e fear, let alone Presid e n t K e n n e d y , w o u l d find i t d i f f i c u l t to m a k e the glass house on the East R i v e r an effective i n s t r u m e n t f o r w o r l d peace. Does the President r e a l l y p l a n to p u t our nation's f u t u r e i n t o the hands of a 99-member
m a j o r i t y , a n d , i n m a n y cases, a m a j o r i t y ? A r e w e r e a l l y g o i n g to stake our f u t u r e — a n d the free w o r l d ' s — o n an o r g a n i z a t i o n w h i c h recently o r d e r e d an attack u p o n the
s h o u t i n g t h a t W e s t G e r m a n y is a t h r e a t to E u r o p e a n
p r o - W e s t e r n forces i n K a t a n g a a n d c o u l d n ' t even c a r r y
out the j o b successfully?
H o w , w e w o u l d l i k e to ask, does K e n n e d y
D o w e p l a n to a i d this " w o r l d -
p l a n to assure t h e m t h a t G e r m a n y w i l l no longer dis-
b o d y " so i t could have c a r r i e d o u t this p l a n successfully?
t u r b the boundaries of E u r o p e — b y i n s u r i n g t h a t Ger-
T h e President, w e f e r v e n t l y hope, has n o t been so mes-
m a n y w i l l no longer t h r e a t e n Soviet
Russia a n d its
m e r i z e d b y his flowery phrases a n d the r a r i f i e d atmos-
satellites? Is this the w a y w e p l a n to take the offensive
phere at the U N t h a t he w i l l be u n a b l e to d e c e n d i n t o
against c o m m u n i s m ?
the w o r l d of r e a l i t y .
When Freedom is Threatened Bij
The House Committee on Un-American Activities, I venture to say, is responsible for the development of more serious information, of a didactically useful kind, than the typical department of political science i n the typical university. The reader w h o is shocked by what appears so exorbitant a claim should, before rejecting i t out of hand, read closely a catalogue of the hearings held by H U A C during the past 15 years, and the reports i t has published.
The scope is extraordinary. W h a t is the current strength of the Communists in the waterfront unions i n Hawaii? W h a t connection do the Communists maintain w i t h organized gambling i n Miami? H o w much money is the Soviet Union probably spending on paid propaganda i n the Western hemisphere? W h a t is the opinion of a dozen Soviet academicians on the impact of the Twentieth Congress on Communist Thought? W h a t loopholes have the Communists uncovered i n the immigration laws? W h a t is the role of political assassination i n the advancement of Communist Revolution? W h a t is the biographical background of the dramatis personnae of international Communism? W h a t does Professor D a v i d Dallin's extensively documented graph of the movements i n the Party line suggest is i n store for the West? Hundreds of hearings, a thousand publications, a library of expert testimony, qualify the work of the Committee as a supremely valuable repository of expert knowledge on the scope and meaning and particularities of the Communist enterprise, a source more valuable by far than what the typical student, taking every course i n the curriculum, is likely to come up against i n a major university i n his quest for a profound understanding of the most 6
vital problem of our time. Supplement it w i t h a reading of the relevant works of Koestler, Camus, Burnham, Chambers, Sperber, Orwell, Malraux, Conrad, and you w i l l arrive at something like a true understanding of the problem. H o w one wishes that the last three presidents of the United States had read and understood some of the literature H U A C has made available! The scholar may scorn some of H U A C ' s reports as simplistic, but these are, in the main, merely simple expressions of profound studies to w h i c h some of the best informed minds i n the country have contributed. The members of the House Committee on U n American Activities are not qualified to earn doctoral degrees i n political science. But they seem nevertheless to have shown an intuitive apprehension of communism which by empirical standards seems truer than that which the refined perceptions of some of our most conspicuous and learned academic and journalistic Kremlinologists have lavished upon us. No doubt i t would do the members and staff of H U A C good to spend a year at Harvard perfecting their knowledge of the history and theory of Communism. But i t might be more i n point for some of the professors at Harvard to spend a year studying the literature of the House Committee on Un-American Activities— or, even better, sitting through a dozen of the Committee's hearings, and reflecting on their context. We grope for the critical delinquency of the intellectuals as i t relates to the House Committee on Un-American Activities and the national effort against internal-external subversion. There has been, I believe, a default by the academic-profession, which has failed to put its enormous intellectual resources to work on the problem of how to craft sensitive and relevant and enforceable legislation which can be counted upon to make the necessary distinction between the heretic and the conspirator, to guide a Committee w h i c h for afl its experience, has failed to come up w i t h truly satisfactory legislation aimed at encumbering and neutralizing the operations of the Soviet apparatus, covert and overt. The legislation that has been passed at the instigation of the Committee is, to be sure, much of i t , useful. But much of i t is not, and a certain amount of i t is a mess. I t took eleven years for the Supreme Court to uphold the constitutionality of the Internal
Security Act. Yet even now, i t is by no means ascertained whether the law w i l l prove an enforceable impediment against the Communists i n an age when subversion is so critical an instrument in international affairs. Here is where the intellectual community might have come to the nation's rescue, by putting forth its best efforts, much as i t tried to do i n attempting to prepare the postwar world for the special problems of international government, and continues to try to do w i t h respect to the problems of public policy as regards the relationship between the races, and the workings of the economy. The literature on the problem of internal security has been almost exclusively antagonistic and irrelevant: a mechanical and abstract projection of the platonic principles of John Stuart Mills' open society, a hostile and ideologized refusal to understand that the problems of internal security do exist, that they are real, that the members of Congress are truly and justly concerned w i t h the morphological innocence of our present laws— in the age of scientific revelation. They might, i n a word, have helped the Committee along, more than they have done. Instead, their operating premise (cf., the works on the subject by Robert Carr, Henry Steel Commager, James Wechsler, Alan Barth, Zechariah Chafee, Telford Taylor, et al) seems to be: How shall we make i t painless for an American citizen to contribute to the subversion of his country? Mr. Buckley, editor of National Review, author of "God and Man at Yale," and "Up From Liberalism," is at work on a book on the House Un-American Activities Committee to be published in February. He was kind enough to provide the New Guard with a few of his preliminary thoughts on the committee. He deplores the name of the committee, he tells us—prefering to call it the Committee on Communist Activities. The profoundest question at issue is whether the open society can tolerate an unassimilable pohtical minority if i t is i n league w i t h great and powerful and hostfle foreign forces; specifically, whether the open society can tolerate Communists-at-large. The answer one most often hears at centers of elevated thought is a complacent pooh-pooh— based on the conspiracy's admittedly smafl membership. Another response, more congruent w i t h reality some of us THE N E W
believe, focuses not on the exiguous membership of the Communist Party, but on its capacity, considering always its great international resources and contemporary concentrations of power, to do irreparable damage, h i his dreams, Archimedes could not have fancied a lever greater than modern technology has given to the critically situated saboteur. The relatively new science of opinion-subversion can have—indeed, has had—lethal consequences for m i l lions of people. There are fewer Communists i n America today than 20 years ago, but America is i n greater peril f r o m Communists i n general, and as the power of the enemy abroad increases, so necessarily does his arm here, unless we chop it off. I t may be that the West is going to lose this one because of an organic sickness of w h i c h the First W o r l d War was the most drastic symptom. Marxist theology may be wrong i n its diagnosis of the causes of the Western decline, while still being right i n believing that the West's illness is terminal. One of our problems is our enslavement to abstractions. I t is an empirical question, not to be answered by liberal dogmatic invocations, whether a Western nation can pursue a truly effective proWestern policy while adhering to conventional libertarian attitudes towards the rights and privileges of dissent. Our Republic was forged on the assumption—to be sure, explicitly skeptical—that all points of view were, if not equally honorable, at least equally tolerable. Yet even Jefferson lifted himself up f r o m some of his abstractions about the free society, far enough to denounce some of his contemporaries and their views as "swinish," and to consider tampering w i t h the judiciary, i n order to diminish their influence. Lincoln arrived painfully at the conclusion that some points of view were intolerable. These were men who, notwithstanding their devotion to the generally useful principle of freedom for dissenters, even for conspiratorial dissenters, acknowledged, w i t h their pragmatic turn of mind, that requirements of reality transcend at the margin the workaday i m peratives of the free society. I t is only i n our time that the idea of the open society was transmuted into Holy W r i t , put forward as the first loyalty of free men. Before, the first loyalty of free men was to freedom—and freedom is not served by extending to the enemies of freedom freedom to mine the city, and whistle while they work. I t is an ancient problem, how to deal w i t h the enemies of freedom. The superstition that the hounds of truth w i l l rout the vermin of error seems, like a fragment of Victorian lace, quaint, but (Continued on page 12) OCTOBER
Hew Frontier Ethics
White Knight of the FCC By
Kennedy at Springfield, October
regulatory agency shall represent a n y view other than the public interest. . . .
above criminality is not enough. They must be,
The self-appointed knight errant of the Federal Communications Commission, Newton M i n o w , recently took time off from his quest for the Grail of Balanced Programming to observe a rather small creature of the forest. Visor askew, the F C C Chairman apparently judged the little thing to be a dragon. At any rate, his brother commissioners bore down and slew the tiny fellow. The victory began to stink last month when the broadcasting industry took a closer look at the dead body of Community Telecasting Corporation, Moline, Illinois. I t seems that last year ( A p r i l 22, 1960) an F C C hearing examiner recommended the award of Channel 8 in Moline to the reputable Community Telecasting firm. The company had made plans for increasing public service programming i n the area, taking unique surveys of local civic and religious leaders to locate areas where T V could both inform and entertain.
The applications of four other companies, including an outfit called Moline Television Corporation, were denied. The FCC examiner had written that of the five applicants, the least desirable of all from a programming standpoint was Moline Television, whose executives called surveys of local needs (required by the F C C ) mere eyewash. Moline's owners, i n fact, seemed to know intuitively what was best for the city! Unknown to—and unfortunate for— Community Telecasting, a principal owner of the rebuffed Moline Television
Corp. was a liberal Democratic Party workhorse, Richard Stengel, whose friends included members of the Round Table itself. For Newton M i n o w h i m self had campaigned i n Stengel's behalf during the latter's -unsuccessful Senate race against Everett Dirksen i n 1956. Even John F. Kennedy had stumped to raise $53,000 for Stengel's campaign fund before a meeting of wealthy Chicago Democrats. So on June 28, 1961, Minow's F C C reversed itself and slated the award of Channel 8 to Stengel and his Moline Television Corporation. Illinois Congressman Bob Michel said he "had to gag" when he read Minow's recent speech to the National Association of Broadcasters: "Second, let me start a rumor. Like you, I have carefully read President Kennedy's messages about the regulatory agencies, conflict of interest and the dangers of ex parte contracts. A n d , of course, we at Federal Communications Commission w i l l do our part. Indeed, I may suggest that we change the name of the FCC to the Seven Untouchables." D u r i n g the subsequent (and littlenoticed) Congressional hearings, M i n o w told members of Congress: " I d i d not vote i n the case. A n d i n view of the seriousness of the charge, my fellow commissioners have authorized me to make public the minutes taken when the votes were cast. I decided, after attending oral communications, not to vote i n the case nor to participate i n the deliberations about i t because I knew of the applicant and had worked in his behalf when he was a candidate for public office." M i n o w omitted to mention that he had broken precedent by taking part i n attending oral arguments. "For that reason, I stayed out of the case. O n behalf of the commissioners and myself, I resent this type of careless accusation. We make every effort to decide each case fairly and squarely —that's the only way to conduct this i m portant work before the commission." Meanwhile, M e l Foster, President of little Community Telecasting, has only his record as a civic leader—President of the P.T.A., Chamber of Commerce, Community Chest, Trustee of the local Y.M.C.A.—to fall back upon. Apparently not enough to match those of a party workhorse i n the eyes of the honest, fearless young crusader—the white night of the FCC. 7
87th Congress-A Round-Up
The House That Bilked Jack " I t was a heady, exciting time i n Washhad said on the day after election "The ington. The days had the tang of high farmers voted for Nixon and they can "\t to be a President who is willing to adventure, and the men around h i m go to hell.") Strike Agenda Item take the responsibility for getting things done, and to take the blame if they are not done found the President's enthusiasm conNo. 1 ( B . ) right . . . a President who will formulate and tagious." But now the heat of a Capitol When Congress really got down to fight for his legislative policies . . . who will not back down under pressure. . . . I am not H i l l summer has changed the tang to a work i n early summer, victory followed promising you action in the first 100 days alone . . . I am promising you 1000 days of exacting twinge. victory; the House threw out the JFK Presidential leadership. . . . " proposals for re-organization of the One forecast i n Kennedy's January —John Fitzgerald Kennedy, New York City, November 5, 1960 F.C.C. and the N.L.R.B., while the State of the Union address has proven Senate, i n a rare display of petulance, dismally correct: " T h e news w i l l be As autumn crosses the land, and the rejected similar plans for the S.E.C. worse before i t is better." By May the nights are chill, the words echo as i f and came w i t h i n 5 votes of killing the end of "The First Hundred Days" had muffled b y distant time. Though less Kennedy $9 billion dollar Housing Bill. come, preceded b y reams of Presidenthan a year since their utterance i n that tial messages sent to Congress (they Aid-to-depressed areas sailed through Harvard-Yankee twang, full-throated both Houses, and, w i t h no Profile of and compelling, the phrases n o w are came to be known as One-A-Day Courage to veto i t this time, became desolate; faded like the browning i n k Brand) containing over 150 requests for law, further adding to the growing of letters from a dusty attic. Go back more Federal spending. T h e schemes ranged from the Peace Corps to aged deficit. and listen . . . widows. Agenda Item N o . 1 ( C . ) Civil A t Los Angeles, September 9, 1960— Rights, somehow got lost i n the shuffle. W i t h the topheavy Democrat major"\e asked Senator Clark of Pennsylvania Said Senator Clark at an N A A C P Rally: ity i n the Senate (65-35) that august and Congressman Celler of New York to embody all the (civil rights) pledges of the Democratic " W i t h o u t Presidential support there w i l l body gave JFK less trouble. The slings platform in a bill, and that will be among the first orders of business when the new Congress and arrows that punctured the N e w be no bill, and we do not have that meets in January. . . support." Frontier came from the House, a body notorious for its evil coalition of folksA t LaCrosse, Wisconsin, back-home and Congressmen. October 23, 1 9 6 0 Robert Bauman has been a close obAs the Senate quietly shoved the "if I am elected I will give the farm problem server of the Congress for the past nine top priority in the opening weeks of my Admin- filibuster Rule change under its thick istration." years, having served there as a page carpet (for a later death i n September), beginning in 1953. A graduate of Again, Los Angeles, November 1 , 1960— the House joined the issue w i t h JFK Georgetown University s School of For"I have pledged myself and my party to immeon expansion of the Rules Committee. diate enactment of a program for medical care eign Service, he now attends Georgefor the aged through Social Security . . . that By a Kennedy-Rayburn majority of 5 pledge will not be filed away with old unmeant town Law School at night while workwhole votes (out of 429 cast), the Comcampaign promises . . . it will be at the very ing as a Minority employee of the top of the agenda for action." mittee was packed w i t h a Kennedy House of Representatives. majority. N o w we could move ahead. A n d i n Washington, January 15, 1961— (Later the critter was t o turn on its "Aid to education is the most important bill —Federal aid—So one of the first items on the creator and bite h i m soundly on his Agenda Item N o . 1 ( D . ) was a Democratic agenda in 1961 is the passage of an adequate bill for school construction . . . Federal aid to education bill.) tougher problem: Federal aid-to-educa(and) to raise teachers' salaries. . . ." tion. The story is well known by now, The minimum wage was to be raised Reahsm is like rigor mortis. I t not to $1.25 an hour; then came the first w i t h its cacophony of voices about only stiffens, b u t is also a symptom of jolt—the House notched its g u n and Church and State, need and desire, an acute personal problem, at least for voted $1.15. The net compromise was black and white, N E A and JFK, salaries the victim. A n d JFK has plenty of proband buildings, >Adam and Clayton and $1.15 now, $1.25 later (two years later, lems, not the least being his record w i t h Powell. for tliose workers expecting this as the overwhelmingly Democratic 87th Agenda Item No. 1 ) . What finally came before the ConCongress. I n the snowy Capital days of gress, not i n January b u t August, was Next came the Farmer, w h o m you late winter past one writer could exult: may recall was also Agenda Item No. 1 . a watered-down pitch for Federal aid for school construction leaving out The Feed Grains Bill squeaked through teachers' salaries entirely. (He had said the House b y 7 votes. JFK was gratiin January: " I am confident that a fied. I t w o u l d mean higher farm prices. Democratic Congress w i l l pass a b i l l to Farm prices have slid down and down, raise teachers' salaries . . .") The vote while consumer food costs are at an of National Review's in the House was crushing, 242 to 169. all time high. Chairman Powell of the Education The remainder of the JFK do-itSPECIAL STUDENT RATE Committee pronounced the benediction: yourself Farm Program was a victim of " I t is dead." dumping b y Congressional Committees. FOR THE ACADEMIC YEAR In a last minute face-saving operaThe idea was to let Secretary Freeman Don't miss another issue'. and the farmers work i t out themselves, tion JFK whispered that he w o u l d accept an education b i l l extending the aid w i t h Congress having a veto power. Write to: Notional NOW ONLY Review, Student I t never saw the light of day. Congress to Federally impacted areas program $389 Subscription Dept., and the National Defense Education passed what amounted to extensions of 150 East 35th St., (Continued on page 12) previous Benson programs. (As Truman New York 16, N. Y. By
ROBERT E . B A U M A N
THE N E W GUARD
What is a Neutral?
A Closer Look at Sukarno By
Indonesian President Sukarno is a bronzed little man of 60, a beaming, self-appointed lobbyist for the world's neutral colony. A cursory glance at his past, however, w o u l d indicate that Sukarno (he has no first name) has been considerably less than neutral i n the years gone by. D u r i n g the Second W o r l d War, for instance, he turned two million of his countrymen over to the Japanese to be treated, i n the words of Gen. Charles Willoughby, "like coolie slaves." Sukarno held down the title of General Political Advisor to the Japanese M i l i t a r y Government. I n that post, he regularly exhorted the Indonesians to greater war efforts: "Amerika kitta tarika" ( W e shall flatten out America) and "Ingriss kitta linggis" ( W e shall overturn E n g l a n d ) . Ever the political opportunist, Sukarno jumped the sinking Japanese ship in 1945, and hooked up w i t h the Soviets. He telegraphed Stalin asking support and pledging himself to "the ultimate attainment of Russian aspirations." That was the year i n w h i c h Sukarno became President of the Indonesian Republic. He has ruled the sprawling collection of islands w i t h an iron hand ever since. For sixteen years Sukarno has guided Indonesian affairs w i t h a flair that enabled h i m to w i n the Order of Lenin and to chortle i n Jakarta: "Thus I am a Communist of the Highest Order." W i t h i n the United Nations, his nation has followed almost perfectly the twisting, turning Communist Line. His attacks upon the imperialist butchers of the West have been i n the oldest tradition. Nevertheless, Sukarno has managed to hoodwink an American Government into supplying his regime w i t h more than $400 million i n military and economic aid. He has addressed Congress and w o n the accolades of two U . S. Presidents. O n an earlier Washington visit this year, Sukarno conferred for two days w i t h President Kennedy and reportedly received new promises of U.S. aid. He is said to have been told that diplomatic support would be forthcoming for his campaign to drive the D u t c h from D u t c h N e w Guinea. Sukarno then left for Moscow where he compared notes w i t h Premier OCTOBER
Khrushchev and signed an agreement for additional military aid w i t h which to p u t down an anti-Communist rebellion that had been smoldering for three years. Early i n that t r i p , according to intelligence reports, Sukarno visited Leningrad and then journeyed w i t h Premier Khrushchev to the Kronstadt submarine base. There he declared that Kronstadt was " k n o w n i n Indonensia not only as a Soviet naval base but also as a center of the revolutionary movement." Shortly thereafter TASS announced that Indonesia w o u l d receive shipments of natural uranium for use at the "Academic Atomic Center" set up at Gadja Mada University i n Jogjakarta. Soviet nuclear specialists, tlie announcement continued, would be dispatched to help run the center. Following his journey to Moscow, Sukarno hot-footed i t to Red China, where he wasâ€”in the words of Radio Peipingâ€”mobbed by millions of Chinese " f r o m all walks of l i f e . " He promised to work w i t h Mao i n the joint struggle "to create a world socialist society," an aim "impossible to realize if imperialism still exists i n this w o r l d . " He pledged support for the Communist campaign to "liberate" Formosa and asked additional aid to boot " D u t c h Royalists" from the Pacific. Sukarno left China for Belgrade where he steered through the Uncommitted Summit Conference a series of anti-American resolutions, then dedeparted for Washington to confer w i t h Kennedy once again. The President, i t is reported, is less than enchanted w i t h Sukarno's peculiar brand of neutralism. But there seems little that can be done at this late date. Several years ago, the Central Intelligence Agency supported the so-called Colonel's Rebellion against Sukarno. The revolution, so dubbed for its m i l i tary leaders, broke out i n February of 1958. Included i n the revolutionary government were three ex-Prime Ministers, former Cabinet members and ambassadors. A l l fought the Red-lining policies of Sukarno's government. Despite C I A aid, the Rebel cause was hopeless: the U.S. State Department openly backed Sukarno. W h e n the embattled President asked for aid, the U.S. concluded a military sales agreement w i t h Indonesia. Arms were to be paid for i n "dollars or i n Indonesian rupiahs"; s o m e t h i n g that
prompted Sen. Styles Bridges to declare we might as well have accepted play money in return. I n the next few months the U.S. arranged to deliver Sukarno enough light weapons and vehicles to equip 20 new batallions, or 14,000 troops. Naval and air equipment was also earmarked for Indonesia at a "special discount rate." Indonesian officers were to be trained by U.S. military men. I n the spring of 1959 the U.S. inked another aid agreement w i t h Sukarno, and began shipping combat aircraft to the A r m y for use i n crushing the still-raging revolution. Included were ten Lockheed C-130Bs, powered by turbo-prop engines. So were fifteen B-25 bombers and 35 F-51 Mustang fighters. Steady shipments of small arms, machine guns, jeeps and similar equipment were regularly dispatched to Indonesia. State Department officials approved the shipment of larger arms, including aircraft, by American gunrunners and war surplus agents. A t the very time the U.S. was shipping arms to Sukarno, the Indonesian ruler was accepting military equipment from the Communist bloc. The total amount of Red aid has not been disclosed, but it is known Indonesian pilots fly M I G - 1 5 fighter-trainers, MIG-17 fighters, Ilyushin-28 bombers and Avia transports, purchased from Czechoslovakia. Late this summer, after three years of battling, the rebel leaders were crushed by the joint forces of Nikita Khrushchev and D w i g h t Eisenhower. The smiling Sukarno announced that Indonesia could now continue on the road to socialism, unhampered by attacks from imperialist warmongers. 9
The Keystone State
Distressed Politicians By
HUMES (AP)â€”William the
Congressmen today that up to now no request for distressed a r e a a i d has reached his office from Pennsylvania. Batt and the group concluded that a possible reason for this is that
development agency provides loans for new or expanded
at a lower interest rate. A spokesman for the group said that this w a s a n embarrassing situation for Pennsylvania congressmen who worked so hard in the year-long battle to enact the Depressed Areas bill."
The foregoing item is eloquent testimony to the sheer lunacy of government intervention. The 'Depressed Areas' b i l l became a rallying point last year, for every labor boss, politician and urban renewal 'expert' i n the state. The public was told that unless the distressed areas b i l l was passed, Pennsylvania w o u l d become an economic desert. The b i l l , i t was said, w o u l d lead depressed communities to some sumptuous Parnassus. These arguments clearly revealed the type of economic illiteracy w h i c h characterizes appeals to federal aid as a means of solving every conceivable type of economic i l l which afflicts us as a nation. Pennsylvania, long the citadel of heavy manufacturing, still enjoys tremendous natural assets as a locale for industry. I t contains abundant basic raw materials, ample water supply and power, excellent transportation facilities, proximity to markets, and most important, a large reservoir of skilled manpower. I n spite of these obvious attributes, i t has failed to keep pace w i t h other states i n the keen post-war competition for new plants. True, i t has attracted some sizeable industrial facilities, notably the huge Fairless Works of the U.S. Steel i n Eastern Pennsylvania, but this decision was dictated more by the proximity of the plant to sources of foreign ores than anything else. Other companies planning new facilities have by-passed the state i n favor of locations i n the Deep South and the Southwest and Southeast. To compound the ills, considerable unemployment has resulted from plant relocations from the state as well as advances i n technology i n the basic i n dustries, coal, steel and the railroads. From a high of 175,000 miners i n the 10
peak year of 1947, the number has dropped to less than 50,000. This can be attributed to the loss of two important markets: 100 million tons of railroad fuel as the result of dieselization, and 50 million tons lost i n retail sales as the result of inroads of natural gas after W o r l d War I I . Steel unemployment, although not as drastic as coal, was sufflcient to reflect a drop of 50% in the ten year period 1950-60. Unrestricted imports of steel products, automation, and aggressive sales efforts of competing metals are largely responsible for steel unemployment. By now everybody is familiar w i t h the plight of the rails. Over-regulated by antiquated federal laws, subject to hard-hitting competition from trucks and airlines, the railroads employ but a fraction of what they once d i d ; many small towns now classified as 'distressed areas' at one time claimed a thriving car repair shop as the sole source of jobs. The heavy reliance therefore, upon mining, steel and railroads, all of w h i c h have been affected adversely by post war advances i n technology, changes i n buying oatterns and transportation methods, las contributed substantially to higher than average unemployment i n the State and the existence of 'distressed areas.' These are the basic economic factors w h i c h have influenced the decline i n employment i n the state.
A great deal of the responsibility for the chronic unemployment i n the State occasioned by plant relocations and the inability to attract new facilities is labor union militancy. Hardly an area of Pennsylvania has not been affected by picket line violence and the total breakdown of law and order, or the refusal of local poHce officials to enforce the law against the disorders. The unholy alliance between the state's New Deal politicians and the labor hierarchy can DC illustrated by the spectacle of Westinghouse employees being kicked and beaten i n Sharon, Pa., i n 1954, while State police looked on from squad cars parked across the street â€” effectively muzzled on orders from (then) Democratic Gov. George Leader who was soundly beaten i n his b i d for the Senate. The same pattern has prevailed i n Philadelphia, Erie, Pittsburgh-that of unbridled labor union violence and wildcat work stoppages. These are conditions which no amount of money soured i n from Washington can ever lope to amehorate.
Theodore L. Humes, an economist by profession, lives in Bridgeville, Pennsylvania, and works for the well-known industrialist, Philip McKenna. He has contributed in the past to National Review and H u m a n Events.
The state has a number of municipal and private regional industrial development groups operating throughout the state. They offer everything from free land to prefabricated bufldings and lowinterest financing to induce plants to locate i n the State. H o w possibly could even the most naive New Deal congressman expect to succeed through the medium of federal handouts, where aggressive private initiative had not? Can anybody reasonably believe that a plant is going to be attracted to a particular area because of the disbursement of federal funds? Local municipal and private groups have done exceedingly well, although not near the necessary level to sustain the existing work force and allow for new arrivals i n the labor market, not to mention those laid off from established industries shut down for one reason or another.
I t would be unfair, however, to ascribe Pennsylvania's plight solely to changes in technology and competition. Foreign aid programs which built up the industrial and economic power of competing nations, have also placed such burdens on Americans that business costs have skyrocketed, and those businesses unable to compete w i t h foreign products made by cheap labor were compelled to shut down. 'One Way' reciprocal trade agreements, opening the doors for foreign goods have also contributed to the closing of many a local industry. Heavy taxes borne by employer and employee alike, necessary to carry on the government's welfarestate programs, have added greatly to the cost of doing business and resulting plant shutdowns.
Despite all the agitation for 'distressed areas' legislation, despite imaginative planning on the part of private and local groups, no sensible corporation w i l l locate a sizeable plant w i t h i n the confines of any state w i t h a history of collusion between the forces of organized labor and political machines; where private property is at the mercy of irresponsible goon squads protected in their acts by cowering police officials, where government labor boards are stacked against the employer, where compulsory unionism means excessive rigidity i n labor costs which don't permit the manufacturer to compete on equal terms; where a judge is apt to tell a worker he'll have to 'take his chances' i n crossing a picket line of menacing mobsters. THE N E W
U.N. Blackmail in the Congo By
I t is not surprising, when one views the capitulations i n U.S. foreign policy for the past twenty-five years, that this country supports without reservation the blackmail attack by the U n i t e d Nations on anti-Communist Katanga Province i n the Congo. Moise Tshombe, courageous prowestern president of prosperous and peaceful Katanga, has sworn to "fight to the e n d " the U . N . aggressors. Since the Congo was granted its independence in June, 1960, Moise Tshombe has been the one dependable friend of the West. H e has resisted L u m u m b a and Gizenga, Communist stooges who attempted to make the Congo Red, and the leftistneutralist Adoula. N o w the U . N . , on the pretext of "averting civil w a r , " has created a war so violent that normally passive British correspondents have called its tactics "brutal savagery." Thirteen Katanganese soldiers were found shot i n the back; U . N . troops fired on Red Cross ambulances i n Elisabethville. On the day i t invaded, the U . N . command lost no time i n appointing another leftist opportunist as the new premier of Katanga. Egide Bocheley-Davidson, early reports said, was known to be "strongly pro-Communist." S e n a t o r Thomas D o d d ( D . - C o n n . ) , was not so delicate. " I have information from a private and highly reliable source that Bocheley-Davidson is, i n fact, an agent of the Soviet secret police," he said. Through i t all, the State Department has adhered to its pohcy of f u l l support for the U n i t e d Nations. Since January alone, the U.S. has contributed more than $32 million to finance the proSoviet U . N . military operations i n the Congo, more than half the total cost. The Soviets have yet to contribute one cent. A t this w r i t i n g , the U . N . has announced plans to ship still more equipment and funds to crush Katanga's bid for independence. The irony of the situation is brought home even further when i t is recalled that our State Department, under both the previous and present Administrations, is pledged to "self-determination" for emerging nations i n Africa, and has religiously supported the anti-colonialist forces w h i c h fought for independence. I t recognized the independence of Senegal, formerly part of the M a l i Federation, and i t has steadfastly supOCTOBER
ported the independence of Ghana, Guinea, and Chad. Katanga is equal i n size to the total area of four independent nations: Ghana, Guinea, Senegal, and Liberia, and, more important, has proved that i t can govern itself sensibly. Thus, our foreign policy i n Africa seems to be based on a double-standard, i.e., what was good for Senegal isn't good for Katanga. Although the U . N . and our own State Department piously refer to the need for " u n i t y " and stability w i t h i n the former Belgian Congo, underlying reasons are far from innocently pacific. Katanga is the wealthiest Congo province, producing about 45 percent of the Congo's revenues and about 60 percent of its export income. The newly-established Congo Central Government w o u l d be hard-pressed to survive w i t h out tax revenue f r o m Katanga, and i n deed the U.N.—more correctly the U.S. —has been picking up the tab for most of the Congo government's expenses since independence was declared on June 30, 1960. Soviet interest i n the rich plateauland in the eastern half of the Congo has no doubt been stimulated by the fact that Katanga produces nearly 70 percent of the world's cobalt—a valuable mineral used i n its radioactive form for hydrogen bombs, and i n its non-radioactive form for steel alloys for missile casings. There is no doubt i n anyone's m i n d that the Communist conspiracy w i l l claim another v i c t i m if the U . N . operation i n Katanga is successful. I n fact, the Moscow New Times for Sept. 8 boasts that Gizenga, the pro-Marxist and Communist-backed leader of L u mumbist followers i n Stanleyville, called for an end to "separatist activity i n Katanga" i n a telegram to Premier Adoula of the Central Congo Government. The dispatch i n the Moscow paper does not hide its delight at recent developments i n the Congo. I t is jubilant over the Lumumbist majority i n the Congo Parliament—a parliament w h i c h undoubtedly w i l l bring the new African nation more firmly into the Soviet fold. A l l of these facts are known to the "peace-loving" U . N . , and to our own State Department. A few outcries have been heard i n Congress, comparing the current betrayal i n the Congo to the betrayal of Chiang Kai-shek, of Yugoslavia's Mikhailovitch, and of General Pal Maleter and his Hungarian freedom fighters.
Senator Thomas D o d d (D.-Conn.) has called for the naming of a Senate Committee to investigate the Congo situation; Congressman Bruce of I n d i ana has called for a full-scale investigation into the State Department's role i n the Communist-take-over i n the Congo by both the Senate and House Committees on Foreign Affairs. Before the untimely death of U . N . Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold in an airplane accident on his way to discuss a cease-fire w i t h Tshombe, L o r d Lansdowne, Britain's undersecretary for foreign affairs, met w i t h h i m i n the Congo to discuss Britain's demands for a cease-fire. A French Foreign Ministry spokesman said Hammarskjold "exceeded his authority i n authorizing the Katanga operation." Ireland is sending its Foreign Minister to the Congo to confront U . N . oflBcials w i t h questions about the role played by Irish soldiers in the Katanga invasion. Sir Roy Welensky. Prime Minister of the Central African Federation, has been aiding Tshombe's Katanga government and has called for a halt to the U . N . attacks on the independent province.
From the beginning, the presence of U . N . troops and "representatives" has added to the general chaos and has undeniably advanced the Communists' plans for a Soviet Congo. W h e n Russian-backed Patrice Lumumba was Premier of the newly-emergent Congo nation, Katanga's Tshombe wisely w i t h drew his province from the Central government. Dag Hammarskjold's personal representative i n the Congo, the Indian Rajeshwar Dayal, threw U . N . support to Antoine Gizenga when Gizenga tried to take over Katanga. Gizenga has been described as "a cadre Communist." I n no time at all, Dayal became the most hated man i n the Congo w i t h only Patrice Lumumba's forces happy about him. Kasavubu, leader of the Leopoldville Government, and Tshombe both regarded Dayal as the real troublemaker i n the Congo. Just as abruptly as he was sent, Dayal was called back to New York for further "conferences," never to return. The U . N . high command realized Dayal's presence prevented a split between Kasavubu and Tshombe. (Continued on next page) 11
B l a c k m a i l in
The present U . N . representative i n the Congo, the Swede D r . Sture Linner, was responsible for forcing Congolese leaders to accept as the new premier of the Central Congo Government the leftist-neutralist Cyrille Adoula, who promptly named a cabinet filled w i t h pro-Lumumbists and followers of A n toine Gizenga. Gizenga himself was named Deputy Premier, and the Interior Secretary is one Christopher Gbneye, described as a "Prague-trained" Communist by Sen. D o d d . The one hopeful sign for Congo unity was squelched by the U.S. and the U . N . i n M a r c h of this year. Tshombe and other leaders of the various provinces met on the neutral ground of Tananarive, Malagasy, to draft an agreement for a confederation of statesagreeable to all the provinces except the pro-Communist Stanleyville regime of Gizenga. The U.S., i n spite of the obvious advantages of a pro-western coalition i n the Congo, refused to accept anything less than a strong centralized government. W i t h o u t U.S. support
The 8 7 t h
for a Congolese federation, Leopoldville Premier Kasavubu reneged on the Tananarive agreement, and agreed w i t h the U . N . on forcing Katanga to join the Central Government. The authority under w h i c h U . N . forces invaded Katanga was a resolution passed by the Security Council calling for the removal of all foreign advisors not on the payroll of the Leopoldville g o v e r n m e n t . W h e n Tshombe refused to comply, U . N . troops headed by the Irishman, D r . Conor Cruse O'Brien, moved into Elisabethville on August 28 i n a pre-dawn raid called "savage" by a British correspondent who was wounded i n the leg by U . N . machine-gun fire. Obviously, O'Brien miscalculated the strength of Katanga's resistance. Immediately after reaching the capital of Katanga, he issued a statement saying, "Katanga is now part of the Congo." Two days later, his troops wounded and weakened, reports filtered from Katanga telling of severe losses among U . N . forces. Moise Tshombe's anti-Commu-
Act scholarship program, both Eisenhower measures. But, said Jack, w i t h his eye on fighting again another day, we need extend i t for only one year. And so. Congress passed a two year extension, and that was that. A n d could anyone escape the sounds of battle on the H i l l over L o n g T e r m Foreign Aid? JFK called for five-year loan authority and back-door Treasury
; I : • S
bond issues to finance the aid. He was told clearly by House Republican Leader Halleck and others who knew the facts that he could get five-year loan authori t y , but not the financing provision. The House w o u l d never stand for circumvention of its Constitutional right to appropriate annual sums carefully scrutinized and examined. The foreign aid bill, i n the form Charlie Halleck had predicted, passed the House by a large majority, w i t h the Kennedyites ^^^^ceding defeat on the key provision on financing without even a roll call. CHARGE ike left us w i t h a projected 1961 ...—.•....•••...„ budget i n balance, w i t h an $80 million : surplus. JFK wound up the fiscal year ^"^ ^^^^^ \n June w i t h a deficit of $3.9 billion. 7 9 Madison Avenue J Eisenhower had planned a 1962 budget ^^"^ ^^'•'^ ^I that would have had a $1.5 billion Please send a free copy of "THE NEW \ Kennedy's advisors admit to a G U A R D " with my compliments to the per- : 19^2 deficit of $5.3 billion, and Consons listed below: \l experts say i t w i l l be closer s to $7 bilHon plus. Of course 44% of the To ; Kennedy increase is for defense spend5 ing, but that means 56% is for the JFK: liberal domestic programs, a large part Ity z State J ^^]-^|^]^ |g financed by back-door . • • • spending. A n d yet no new taxes have : been requested. "Ask not what your To ; country, etc., etc."
SEND A COPY TO YOUR FRIENDS—WITHOUT J • • :
1 ! !
\ : \s
• • z
• I : •
z 2 Sender Address
: _. j • 5
As JFK has signed w i t h a flourish each of his mutilated legislative " t r i umphs" he has crowed about his victorics in Congress. His salivating press admirers have echoed the line. Outside the W h i t e House sanctum we stand i n
nist troops fought w i t h unrelenting fury to defend their homeland against the United Nations, supposedly the "rescuers" of Congolese freemen. The United Nations, instead of promoting peace and restoring stability, has precipitated another war, not just civil war, i n the Congo. More important, it could not have been done without U.S. financial support. H o w ironic are U . N . Ambassador Adlai Stevenson's remarks of a few weeks ago: "The Republic of the Congo, which was mortally threatened w i t h new conquest by outside powers, has w i t h the massive help (sic) of the United Nations regained its unity and its hopes for the future. Long may i t live! A n d long may the world remember the triumphant achievement of the United Nations." Clearly, a complete reversal of U.S. policy toward the Congo is needed if the African bloc is to be brought into the Western camp. Present U.S. policy in the Congo may well be the beginning of the loss of the entire continent of Africa to W o r l d Communism. puzzlement, remembering another fall, other words. P.S. What ever happened to medical care for the aged (Agenda Item No. 1 ( E ) ) ?
Freedom is Threatened (Continued
from page 7)
too brittle to be lifted out of the showcase. The tragedy is that it is at this moment, when the state is so gravely threatened, we find ourselves frozen in inaction by lofty and other-worldly pronouncements of John Stuart M i l l . We need to make definitional strides forward i n a political theory of freedom suitable to a w o r l d in which things like Communists and atom bombs exist. I t is nothing short of preposterous to tolerate an active conspiracy in our midst; and if the Constitution is not, as presently understood, resilient enough to cope w i t h the contemporary requirements of survival, then the Constitution should be modified, as it has been before. The Congressional investigating Committee writhes under the dilemma, and needs understanding and help from those who, desiring the perpetuation of freedom, w i l l reahze w i t h Macaulay that "a nation may be placed i n such a situation that the majority must either impose disabilities or submit to them, and that what would, under ordinary circumstances, be justly condemned as persecution, may fall w i t h i n the bounds of legitimate self-defense." THE NEW
The IS I Story
Indianapolis News, and Don Lipsett, who now is Midwest Director of I S I .
To Develop Leaders By
Eight years ago, the hitercollegiate Society of Individuahsts ( I S I ) was formed. I t was the first evidence on the American campus of a resurgence of conservative thought, and over the years i t has grown both i n numbers and in influence. W i t h o u t the intellectual spade work first undertaken by I S I , i t is doubtful that political-action movements such as the Young Americans for Freedom would ever have found such a warm reception among the young people of the country.
Directing the I S I during these eight years, as Executive Vice President, has been E. Victor Milione. Born 37 years ago i n Philadelphia, " V i c " was the youngest son i n a family of four brothers and three sisters. Their father, Louis G. Milione, was a native of Italy who became a noted sculptor i n the United States, w i t h several works represented i n the Capitol building. I f you ask Vic when he became interested i n politics and philosophy, he w i l l tell you that he grew up interested i n both, that i t always was a part of family life at the Milione household. His father, a conservative, "damned Roosevelt at breakfast, lunch and dinner." The children apparently learned their lessons well, for there appear to be no black sheep Liberals among them. " M y father had the most influence on me," he says. " H e came to this country as a young boy, and worked his way up despite many difficulties. He had several scholarship offers to study art i n Europe, but he stayed here because he felt that America provided more opportunities for the energetic than any other nation i n the w o r l d . " Vic was graduated from Philadelphia Cathohc H i g h School, then, i n 1950, from St. Joseph's College in PhiladelOCTOBER
phia. His political science degree, he insists, was actually "a B.A. i n Liberahsm," for while the philosophy and religion taught there was conservative, the economics and political science bias was definitely liberal. He didn't spend much time i n organized political activity during his college years, for he had already formed his thesis—that an intellectual awakening must occur before political action is possible—and he spent these years defining his intellectual position. After college, however, i t didn't take long for political activity to claim h i m . He soon quit his first job—selling fire equipment—when he received an offer from an organization called Americans for the Competitive Enterprise System, which arranged tours of industry for high school students, i n an attempt to increase their knowledge of the free enterprise system. After eight months as administrative assistant, Vic took charge of their employee education program—giving economics training to employees of industrial firms. Then, i n 1953, he met the libertarian author, Frank Chodorov, who had incorporated the Intercollegiate Society of Individualists a few months earlier. " I S I was a challenge," Vic recalls, and he immediately accepted M r . Chodorov's offer to become the chief organizer for I S I . " W e were starting from scratch," he says, " w i t h only $1000 i n the bank, 400 students on the mailing list, and a part-time secretary. We had no money for a mailing house, so we sent out our mailings w i t h volunteers doing the addressing. We used the pamphlets and the 'Essays i n B r i e f published by the Foundation for Economic Education." Although I S I was still small at the time, i t managed to make itself heard on individual campuses. A t Notre Dame, student T o m Kelleghan wrote an article for ISI's publication. The Individualist, entided "The L e f t W i n g at Notre Dame." For his efforts he was dismissed from school, and i t was only through the personal intervention of a prominent prelate that Kelleghan was reinstated. Hard work made I S I grow, and in late 1954 it moved into the headquarters of the Foundation for Economic Education i n Irvington - on - Hudson, New York. W h i l e i n New York, Vic first met and became a roommate w i t h Stan Evans, now the editor of the
ISI's next step forward was its own headquarters in Philadelphia, i n the Lafayette Building overlooking Independence Square. I S I now had more than 3000 members, and the next six years would see this figure jump to more than 13,000. I t began pubHshing its own pamphlets and booklets—scholarly treatises such as "The Natural L a w and the Lawyer's Search for a Philosophy of L a w , " by Prof. E d w a r d F. Barrett; Richard Weaver's literary masterpiece, "Education and the I n d i v i d ual"; and many others. Under Milione's supervision and leadership, I S I entered other fields as well. I t offered conservative books at special prices for students. I t began a "Paperback Book Shelf," w i t h special offers to college book stores, so that conservative literature would be available to all students who were interested. Campus I S I clubs were started at more than 40 colleges, a result of the intensive field work undertaken by Don Lipsett. I S I encouraged and helped i n the publication of student magazines on individual campuses—such as "Insight and Outlook," published by the Conservative Club at the University of Wisconsin; "The New Individualist Review," published by the I S I chapter at the University of Chicago; "Analysis," published by the Eleutlierian Society of the U n i versity of Pennsylvania and "The Entrepeneur," published by the Conservative Club at Grove City College. I n addition, Mflione and I S I have promoted numerous weekend seminars and summer schools for young people, w i t h the best professors and intellectuals of the conservative movement as teachers and speakers. These activities have made necessary the Midwest office, directed by Don Lipsett, and the newly-opened West Coast office, d i rected by D a v i d Lombard. A t the central headquarters in Philadelphia, Robert Luckock has been added to the staff as Field Director. W i t h all its expanded activity, what does I S I consider its goal to be? " W e want to create a conservative leadership for America," is Mflione's quick reply. "The conservative movement must broaden its influence into every field — law, religion, sociology, publishing, writing, teaching, politics." " W e want to develop persons," he adds, " w i t h the norms, values and i n telligence to find their own answers without turning to some leader to tell them what to do. This country is going to need thousands of such leaders—leaders in their communities and i n their professions—if we are to survive." 13
Lippmann, Pearson, White: Bt/
Perhaps you're the k i n d of person who has been fearful of the w o r l d situation of late, r d like to suggest, however, that there is a very simple way to forget these troubles so that we can all go fishing. The solution, and i t is a wonder no one has thought of i t before, is to allow the earthshaking, global problems to be handled by a Presidential board consisting of that sterling trio of foreign poHcy experts, columnists Walter L i p p m a n n and D r e w Pearson, and D r . Ralph K. W h i t e of the U.S. Information Agency. I t is frequently argued that before any crisis can be solved we must learn to communicate w i t h the Soviet leaders, and I can think of no better experts i n the communications field than this triumvirate to deal w i t h Moscow. A n d , of course, each modestly assumes he is gifted i n the field of foreign policy. Pundit Lippmann, you may recall, returned f r o m a trek to the Soviet Union early this spring and came up w i t h a number of novel ideas on how to solve some of the Cold War problems. After a splendid game of badminton w i t h the Soviet dictator, L i p p m a n n l i t upon a solution to this b i t of nastiness between the East and the West: if the West would just be reasonable and recognize as part of the Communist Empire territories conquered by the Soviet Union and if i t w o u l d deprive West Germany of nuclear weapons w i t h w h i c h to defend itself, peaceful co-existence, like love, would be here to stay. There is something so brilliant i n this plan that badminton, I figure, w i l l soon become the rage of the intellectuals, if i t hasn't already. But Lippmann, pundit that he is, cannot hold a candle to D r e w Pearson when i t comes to formulating plans for patching up a world crisis. Following Lippmann's beaten path to Russia, Pearson bearded the Soviet dictator at his Black Sea resort two months ago and decided he w o u l d k i l l the menace of Khrushchev w i t h kindness. He had nothing but nice words for the Soviet dictator. (The H a n g m a n of the Ukraine, as he is affectionately known by his countrymen, was lucky he wasn't caught padding the payroll, or Pearson, no doubt, would have written a scathing attack.) Pearson developed such a terrific crush on Khrushchev that, i n all seriousness, he stated that President Kennedy could " w i n a real f r i e n d " i n 14
the Soviet dictator if the President just compromised a little on Berlin. But Pearson, who is sort of an old curmudgeon, could not remain complete sweetness and light during his visit. A t one point he sternly warned Khrushchev that if he continued his pugnacious attitude, he w o u l d have to contend w i t h something even worse than atomic war: "the growth of the John Birch Society." W e l l , if that isn't a threat, I don't know what is, and it is a wonder that the leader of the Communist empire didn't capitulate on the spot. (Senator F u l bright, i t is rumored, is preparing a memo now to silence civilians. The Senator reportedly believes that Pearson's threat misfired and caused Khrushchev to build a 100-megaton bomb i n self-defense.) Yet, as worthy a pair of planners for a lasting peace as L i p p m a n n and Pearson unquestionably are, no board of experts on how to solve the Cold War would be complete without Dr. Ralph K. White, Chief of the Soviet Bloc Division of the U . S, Information Agency. Speaking before the American Psychological Association on September 4, D r . White contended that the United States is overestimating the evil
of communism. The Soviets, he said, have, really, the same "goals" as we do although "their meaning of democracy is somewhat different from our meaning." (Actually, the Soviet Union is not a democracy, it is a Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.) W h i t e went on to suggest that Khrushchev isn't such a bad fellow for, after all, "we have to give h i m credit for the large holes he has knocked i n Stalin's Iron Curtain." Unfortunately, however, White said this
A Troika just 22 days after the Soviets had sealed off East Berlin, but White is a psychologist and should hardly be blamed for his failings as a historian. Dr. White, who gets $14,000 a year from US I A to make such informed analyses, also stated that the Soviet leaders believe we are preparing aggression against their country. Soviet policymakers, said White, are genuinely afraid of America for " b u i l d i n g mihtary bases" around Russia and for "sending U-2 planes over their territory, and rearming West Germany . . . the very country that attacked (them) i n W o r l d War I I . " They are not afraid that our bases prevent them from achieving world conquest, apparently. The good doctor also insisted that the Russian people are just as afraid of America as are their leaders. He based much of his opinion, he said, on George Kennan. I ' m not sure which George Kennan he means, however, for the one who is the present Ambassador to Yugoslavia said the following about the people living i n Russia i n 1960 i n his book Russia and the West Under Lenin and Stalin-. "The fact is that throughout all these years of anticapitalist and anti-American propaganda i n the Soviet Union, the Soviet peoples have remained touchingly wellinclined towards the United States, touchingly unwilling to accept the endless effort of their govenrment to persuade them that Americans meant them harm." The real and challenging problem of the Cold War, suggests White, is not Soviet aggression—heaven forbid—but a "communications" barrier. (Since W h i t e can't even understand Kennan, the communications barrier w i t h the Soviets must be truly challenging.) "Americans don't really listen to Russians," lamented White, because they might be regarded as "soft on communism." I n short, if one followed White's logic, the only thing for us to do is to listen to the Soviets and abandon our alliance w i t h Western Germany so we can break d o w n the communications barrier. Anyway, it all makes sense to me, and besides, I ' m not exactly feeling up to snuff of late and couldn't care a hang about fighting against a country whose democracy is only "somewhat" different from America. A n d it seems certain we won't have to fight for Berlin if we let Messrs. Lippmann, Pearson and W h i t e solve our problems. No doubt they can make the Berlin question disappear— and maybe even Berlin. THE N E W
special Book Section In the Wauvian Tradition Bij
THE F O X G L O V E S A G A , by Auberon Waugh. (Simon and Schuster, $3.95). Heaven knows it's perilous enough to write a novel at the age of twenty-two, but your trials w i l l be even greater i f : 1) you happen to come from a famous family of letters, 2) you are the son of the most eminent member of that family, and 3) you essay entrance to the house of satire where your father moved so brilliantly. The critics w i l l be waiting for you, pens poised for comparison. W e l l , Auberon Waugh—son of Evelyn —seems to have passed through his trials w i t h the aplomb of Hercules accomplishing his twelve labors. The dust jacket of The Foxglove Saga sprouts blurbs from Graham Greene, John Betjeman, and Malcolm Muggeridge w h i c h
seem to suggest that either the author is the most brilliant satirist since Evelyn, or that the aforementioned garlandbestowers are getting some unholy pay from Auberon's publishers. W h a t is the truth? Simply this: Auberon's work is good—quite g o o d hut lacks the mordant brilliance and scalpel-sharpness of Evelyn's early works, such as Decline and Fall and Vile Bodies. The Foxglove Saga is, more or less, a tale of an English pubHc-school boy as he lurches through life to the age of twenty-one, encountering a number of wonderfully horrid people who never quite manage to undo h i m . H a d Evelyn written the novel, the hero w o u l d have come to complete shipwreck. Evelyn's heroes maintain a certain irrepressible innocence i n their decline (thereby putting a nice bite on the satire), b u t
An American Journalist's Odyssey By
CITIZEN HEARST, by W. A. Swanberg. (Scribners, $7.50). Biographies of W i l l i a m Randolph Hearst generally fall into two categories: hagiographies or "demonographies." N o w ten years after the famed "yellow journalist's" death a temperate biography comes to fore. This, W . A. Swanberg's t h i r d biography, is a piece of remarkably unbiased listorical reporting; so fair, i n fact, that the author unnecessarily bends over backwards, sometimes seemingly groping, for a good deed to cancel out every evil deed. Citizen Hearst is extremely readable and well balanced. I n this reviewer's opinion, i t is possibly this year's best biography and the winner of next year's Pulitzer Prize. So much for the work itself, let's consider the subject. Showman, crusader, "radical," "medievalist," art collector, movie mogul, Congressman and Presidential aspirant—Hearst was all these. His name is synonymous w i t h "yellow journalism." He is perhaps the greatest of American personal journalists and towers over such greats as Joseph Pulitzer, Horace Greeley, Henry Watterson, and Colonel "Bertie" M c Cormick. He was unquestionably the most colorful and fantastic to h i t the OCTOBER
American journalistic scene. He slashed up the front page w i t h "scarelines," splashed red ink amid the black, filled his papers w i t h cartoons, photographs, pseudo-scientific stories, high jinks of high society, l u r i d sex crimes, and sob stories. He and his lieutenants (Arthur Brisbane, the most noteworthy) introduced editorials written i n the vernacular of the man on the street. He printed much quahty material by Ambrose Bierce, Mark Twain, Rudyard Kipling, and George Bernard Shaw. T r u t h was unimportant to Hearst. News, a newspaper's first requisite, was always of secondary importance. His greatest concern was p u t t i n g out papers that w o u l d make people read them and accept his ideas. The formula was simple: just shock or scare the daylights out of them i f necessary. The author traces the main fault of the Hearst press to Hearst's own deep-seated flaws—his instability, hunger for power, insatiable need for money, his vein of cruelty. " A salient feature for the Hearst genius," writes M r . Swanberg, "was its negative quality. He was seldom enthusiastic about anything other than his own ideas —a trait i n accord w i t h his possessiveness and his Napoleonic complex." I t is true, as M r . Swanberg points out, that, i n the strictest sense, the Hearst papers were not newspapers at all: "They were printed entertainment
Auberon's M a r t i n Foxglove ends up ugly, unloved, lonely, and poor. Assorted escapades i n Auberon are not so delightfully madcap as i n Evelyn; at times Auberon verges on the sordid and neo-Gothic ghoulish. ]ohn Fairfax, who reviewed Graham Greene's " A Burnt Out Case" in our May issue, is bibliophile incarnate. He has been an editor in a textbook publishing house. I n other ways Evelyn and Auberon are remarkably similar. Names like Nurse Proudfoot, Percy-Scroop-Beauchamp, and Mrs. Cod-Finger—who signs her name Gloria Cod (-Finger), are so like Evelyn's that generically they may be termed simply Wauvian. Lady Julia Foxglove, she of the quattrocento beauty and repellant sanctity, could very well (and might have originally) appeared i n Evelyn's novels. A n d both Waugh pere and W a u g h fils love to perpetrate the most atrocious malfeasances i n assorted hospitals and ay slums. I n short, Auberon writes well, his imagination is fertile, his style restrained. But there is only one Evelyn. and excitement—the equivalent i n newsprint of bombs exploding, bands blaring, firecrackers popping, victims screaming, flags waving, cannons roaring, houris dancing and smoke rising from the singed flesh of executed criminals." As James Pegler, Hearst writer and father of Westbrook, wrote, " A Plearst newspaper is like a screaming woman running down the street w i t h her throat cut." Inconsistency was the key to Hearst's personality, and a key that Hearst h i m self deemed a virtue. H e judged a problem not from a set of fixed norms, since he had few of them, but rather from the temper of the times. I n his early days Hearst was a "radical." He opposed the trusts. He favored public ownership of utilities, the eighthour day, a graduated income tax, the direct election of U . S. Senators. He was pro-Bryan and pro-silver. He urged U . S. entry into an unnecessary war against Spain, and fought entry into two world wars. He helped Franklin Roosevelt get the Democratic nomination over Alfred E. Smith, then hardly had F D R taken office than he blasted the " N e w Deal Socialists," none of whom went as far as Hearst himself had wanted to go thirty years before. Near the end of this massive biography, M r . Swanberg gives Hearst something of a backhanded salute when he credits h i m as "the first influential citizen" to recognize the Communist danger, and then attacks h i m for his methods of attack. 15
In Quest of a Philosophy By
THE QUEST FOR BEING, by Sidney Hook. (St. Martin's Press, $6). Reading one of Sidney Hook's critical works is like pulling a few loose, and seemingly inconsequential, threads from a new herringbone suit. Before you can say "synthetic unit of apperception" one thread has led to another, the seam is threaded out of existence, and the herring is irreparably torn from the bone. I n sum, even if there were a suit left, i t wouldn't be worth trying to wear. W h e n i t comes to philosophic thread-pulling, M r . Hook, professor of philosophy at N e w York University, is quite an expert. The Quest for Being takes its name from one of some thirteen essays presented i n this work. W i t h the exception of Professor Ernest van den Haag's surprisingly ineffective "Defense of Religious F a i t h , " all the pieces are authored by Hook and represent popular as well as technical writings produced over a span of twenty-seven years. Although the book is clearly not for those thoroughly untutored i n professional philosophy, i t is still stimulating reading for the non-professional who has read basic philosophy and built up for himself some structure of philosophic thought. The book seemingly goes to demonstrate two concepts: one organizational and one methodological. The organization of The Quest For Being appears to be conditioned by the view of philosophy espoused by that academic olympean C. I . Lewis i n his Mind And The World Order. I t i s - I take i t - a distinguishing character of philosophy that i t is everybody's business. The man who is his own lawyer or physician w i l l be poorly served; but everyone can and must be his own philosopher. He must be, because philosophy (asks) W h a t is good? W h a t is right? W h a t is valid? Help is supplied the layman, according to Prof. Hook, by professional philosophers " E m p l o y i n g sharp conceptual tools." A n d , to use Village vernacular. Hook's are the sharpest. Appropriately, the book's first article is an examination and, ultimately, a qualified endorsement of the proposition that i t is more important for a landlady to know her boarder's philosophy than the contents of his trunk. A n d , as if to adumbrate this thesis that philosophy does influence as well as 16
stem from human conduct. Hook next considers " M o r a l Freedom i n a Determined W o r l d . " One focus, interestingly enough, is upon Clarence Darrow's famous plea i n the Franks case. Quoting directly from Darrow's arguments for social or super-social determinism and against the concept of personal responsibility. Hook proceeds w i t h a devastating criticism to prove the morally fallow Darrow to be intellectually shallow. Indeed, the reader is treated to Hook's trenchant criticism in the areas of value theory, epistemology and classic ontology as well as his o w n expository writings, about w h i c h more w i l l be noted further on. The methodological concept underlying and manifested i n the book has to do w i t h Hook's pragmatic commitment and his adroit practice of "common sense" philosophy. As always. Hook plays the part of a kind of philosophic thermostat operating to regularize the atmopshere reasonably under the manifold pressures of diverse philosophies and theologies. Even those who dissent from Hook's own positive views, as does this reviewer, w i l l take a lively interest i n his struggles against the obscurantism, abstruseness, vacuities and "unreasonableness" of much of classic ontology. Existentialist Theology, religious epistemology, fideism, etc. I t is, i n fact, his effort to be eminently reasonable w h i c h leads Hook to challenge the Alice-in-Wonderlandish i n his discipline—what C. D . Broad calls Silly Philosophy. A n d to be sure, much of his pugnacity is warranted and desperately needed. As D r . Ramon Lemos, w i t h "dead p a n " and much cogency, often observes, "There's an awful lot of lying going on i n philosophy. Some philosophers w i l l He to support the most absurd things." Hence the late Morris Cohen once warned about Hook's favorite technique of the reductio ad ahsurdum: there is no absurdity to w h i c h a philosopher w i l l not resort to defend another absurdity. Yet under i t all and against i t all struggles Sidney Hook. Whether i t be w i t h respect to the befuddlement of M a r t i n Heidegger or the travesties of Ritualistic Liberalism, Hook sounds the call for rigorous analysis, optimum use of man's knowledge and eminent reasonableness . . . except at home! I t is when Prof. Hook reposes i n the great house of John Dewey under the eaves of pragmatism that he alienates himself from the w o r l d of human experience of which, i n his critical works, he is the defender. I n his article on "The
Ethical Theory of John Dewey" Hook is concerned at one point to defend pragmatism's cognative status against the subjectivist if cordial onslaught of C. L . Stevenson's Emotivism. Claiming innocence i n the use of "persuasive definition" to make his point. Hook pleads recourse to what is "normally meant by ethical agreement. . . ." This from one who defends the identity of "what we can k n o w " w i t h "what is" (the confusion of epistemology and ontology) and defines the morally normative as that w h i c h is desired and reflected upon, seems a b i t fatuous. Do we normally mean that the Unknowable necessarily does not exist, that man can know everything . . . eventually, as Peirce implied? Do we normally mean that one morally ought to do that which is desired? Do w e normally agree w i t h Smerdyakov i n The Brothers Karamazov that, qualified by the need to plot clearly, " A l l things are permissible"? George Santayana has w r i t t e n : " I t is a great advantage for a system of phflosophy to be substantially true." I t is perhaps unfair to comment so, but I bemoan the "disadvantaged" i n any context, and particularly the pragmatists here. Still, the book is a worthwhile de force: interesting, provocative suggestive. Perhaps Prof. Hook's book w i l l be entilted. The Quest John Dewey—Quo Vadis? and Happen?
tour and next For 'Wha
Roofless Empire By
HOUSE WITHOUT A R O O F , by Maurice Hindus. (Doubleday, $6.95). Maurice Hindus i n his book House Without A Roof exemplifies a view espoused over two thousand years ago by Aristotle, to w i t : " M a n is by nature a political animal." Hindus states i n his foreword that his book is essentially about people; and about people i t most certainly is. Just as essentially, however. House Without A Roof is a book about "parties ( i n this case the Communist Party), politics and pressure groups." Eschew politics as he w i l l , the practical political ramifications that leap from every page of this book make i t a "must" addition to that list of books which everyone who w o u l d be knowledgeable of the realities of the twentieth century must read. Hindus, w i t h a flowing style that w i l l endear h i m to readers, writes of the new Russian people—"after forty-three years of the mightiest revolution i n history." THE N E W
Though one may disagree that the Bolshevik Revolution is the mightiest revolution i n the annals of history, Hindus documents his thesis well, for he possesses f u l l knowledge of his subject: he was born i n Russia, and though he emigrated to the U n i t e d States i n 1905 at the age of 14, has made countless trips to the " M o t h e r l a n d " i n the intervening years. House Without A Roof is the product of his latest trip, a lengthy sojourn i n 1960. Hindus, unlike Isaac Deutcher, sees Russia through eyes that are humanitarian on the one hand and detached and academic on the other. H e delves into every conceivable area of life and compares the present life and attitudes of the Russian w i t h what they were i n pre-revolutionary times and i n the Lenin and Stalin eras. H e writes of the society which heralds from Pravda that women are no longer allowed to perform hazardous work and w h i c h praises f r o m Komsomolka the legions of young women w h o find "fulfillment" i n their jobs i n mines and i n ore-smelting furnaces. Hindus amasses an amazing record of ways i n which the Kremlin flagrantly disregards the Bolshevik testament when i t conflicts w i t h its totalitarian interests and sets forth the equally amazing abberrant reasoning given as justification. H e cites what he considers the Kremlin's victories (scientific advances), failures (agricultural and consumers' goods production levels), and future battles ( w i t h the peasants and the Jews who persist i n being dangerously "individualistic"). Mary Weatherly, who recently joined the New Guard's editorial hoard, attended Skidmore College. She now works in the office of Senator John Marshall Butler of Maryland.
I t is because of this lack of informed support—distinct from uninformed consent—from below that causes Hindus to conclude that Russia is a political "house without a roof," for without support no roof can be raised.
Beware, the State OUR ENEMY, THE STATE, by Albert Jay Nock. (Morrow; Caxton, $1.25). We
are guilty of confounding the
terms "government" and "state," says Albert j a y Nock; hence the predicament we find ourselves i n today. U n t i l human nature changes drastically, government w i l l be a necessary institution, a force for good as i t protects person and property and, ideally, allows each individual to live his life as he sees fit as long as he does not interfere w i t h
right to do likewise. Government and society are compatible; i n fact, i t is difficult to imagine the latter existing for long, especially i n its present complex state, without the former. The State, however, is not at all compatible w i t h society, for as the State increases its powers, those of society are
Thrills and Chills OLD HOUSE O F FEAR, Kirk. (Fleet, $3.95).
If you're an aficionado of bloodcurdling ghost tales—the kind w i t h Gothic castles, fogs, and revolutionaries —then this, M r . Kirk's first novel, should meet w i t h your approval. I t is written in an enchantingly archaic style and reads like a Victorian morality play.
Hero H u g h Logan, a lawyer from Michigan, goes to Carnglass (a m y t h i cal isle beyond the Outer Islands of the Hebrides) at the request of Duncan Perhaps the greatest tragedy not only MacAskival, friend and iron works magfor the Russian people, who Hindus i n nate, to reclaim a castle of which Macsists want peace to the point that they Askival believes himself the rightful w o u l d not "sacrifice a single Sovietheir. Once on the eerie, storm-lashed built tractor as the price for imposing island, Logan encounters a gallery of a Moscow-directed Peoples' Democracy on any country i n the w o r l d , " but for sharply etched characters: a fear-crazed Irish revolutionary w h o hides out i n a the world is the fact that there is no avenue available to this people to influ- peat house; a demented, "three-eyed" Communist who uses Carnglass for his ence the Kremlin i n its foreign policy. Their educational system and commu- base of operations; O l d Lady Macnications media make certain that only Askival, the bedridden proprietress, who the Kremlin's brand of t r u t h is known. dreads the appearance of her husband's There is erudition only i n those areas ghost; and Mary, heroine and L a d y which do not tempt one to exercise MacAskival's niece, who rescues Logan political pressure; i n those areas of from a bottle-shaped dungeon and cnowledge that might have political helps to liberate Carnglass from the repercussions (i.e., the social sciences), outsiders. the Russian is either kept entirely ignorant or is inundated w i t h lies calculated Mystery buffs w i l l find this book ento arouse nationahsm to such a peak tertaining and probably w i l l overlook its that right and wrong mean nothing. anti-climactic ending. R. R. OCTOBER 1961
correspondingly decreased. Carried to the extreme, social power is completely absorbed by the State, and the individuals who make u p society become little more than slaves. The State is distinguished b y its positive interferences i n society as opposed to the strictly negative acts of true government. For example, government uses its power to prevent one person from stealing another's property or taking life —a negative act, as i t were. The State, on the other hand, engages i n such positive acts as taking from those who have and giving to those w h o have not; i n other words, i t engages i n what Bastiat called legal plunder. The State, thus, is an anti-social institution since i t deprives individuals, as members of society, the freedom to live their own lives as they see fit without interference. I n this little handbook. Nock made this point b y describing the origins and nature of the State. H e saw that until enough people
understand this, i t is
somewhat futile to argue against particular acts b y the State. The vitally important thing is to make i t clear that the State is N O T a force for good; that as we demand i t assume more and more responsibilities, we are signing our own death warrant. ROBERT M . THORNTON 17
More Education for Our Money By
ROBERT M . T H O R N T O N
TAXES FOR THE SCHOOLS, by Roger A. Freeman. (Institute For Social Science Research, $5). I n this book, a companion volume to School Needs in the Decade Ahead (published i n 1958), M r . Freeman addresses himself to the problem of financing the presumable school needs that he scrutinized so closely i n his earlier book. I t is thoroughly documented, and an impressive set of statistics is off^ered to support the author's conclusions.
STREET WITHOUT J O Y , by Bernard B. Fall. (Stackpole, $4.95). This story of the Indo-China War, written by soldier-scholar D r . Bernard Fall, a Frenchman who served i n that war, dispels a number of myths concerning the conflict and provides a sharp insight into the nature of guerrilla warfare f r o m w h i c h we w o u l d be wise to draw some lessons. W i t h numerous examples to show otherwise. D r . Fall demonstrates that i t was neither a lack of morale nor gallantry that defeated the French forces. Nor d i d the French lose because of their supposed unpopularity w i t h the people. Rather, the rebels were able to inflict defeat upon the French because of their sophistication i n the art of jungle warfare. The modern, mechanized army of the French, where the individual soldier was loaded d o w n w i t h heavy equipment, could not hope to defeat the light and mobile forces of the Red revolutionaries who maneuvered through the jungle like jackrabbits. But there was an additional factor w h i c h greatly aided the Communist rebels: the active sanctuary of Red China, w h i c h the French refused to touch, b u t where the rebels were constantly fed supplies and where they could hide i f necessary. I t was this " Y a l u " of the Indo-China W a r w h i c h had as decisive an effect upon the war's outcome as anything else, and the privileged sanctuary has become the primary factor i n the success of revolutionaries around the globe. The rebels i n Algeria, for example, have their Tunisia and Morocco; the Angolans have their Congo; and the red guerrillas i n Laos and South V i e t - N a m their Red China. The Free W o r l d w i l l have to learn how to cope w i t h this problem if i t hopes to halt guerrilla actions against i t by the C o m m u n i s t s . — A L L A N RYSKIND. 18
M r . Freeman strongly opposes Federal aid to education. He believes that "the Federal aid fight is not so much a controversy over the size or type of school support b u t over school cont r o l . " He warns that "the availability of large Federal funds w o u l d inevitably and irrevocably decide the power struggle between the lay public and the educational bureaucracy i n favor of the latter." As to Federal school aid, M r . Freeman refutes the arguments advanced by its proponents: education is a national responsibility; the schools are being starved; the states cannot raise enough
money; Federal taxes are better taxes. He summarizes the arguments of those opposing Federal school a i d : the most urgent need is not "more money for education" but "more education for our money"; Federal aid means Federal control; Federal aid means centralization of government; Federal aid ruins civic morale. H e gives particular emphasis to the second argument and notes that "experience w i t h the large Federal programs i n highways, urban renewal, farm support, public welfare, etc., demonstrate that controls gradually tighten as the Federal share incr^ses. . . . " A n d the Federal expenditure w o u l d i n crease from the small amounts now proposed by supporters of Federal aid bills. The small-sized bills merely aim "to establish the principle of a national responsibility for school support."
Looking Bock in Anger By
Perhaps the greatest cause of evil in this century has been the individual's abdication of responsibility to the group, the ideology, the party or the movement. I n the name of the people or the members of the group—few of w h o m are i n themselves evil—the shabbiest brutalities and crimes have been committed. This abdication of the i n dividual's responsibility has sown the seeds from w h i c h tyrants grow. No more graphic portrayal of this theme has been provided i n recent years than i n The Angry Silence, a lowbudget British film produced by Richard Attenborough, a young English actor, and screen-writer Bryan Forbes. The setting for the film is a dreary industrial English city. Its story is the ordeal of a factory laborer ostracized by his fellow workers for refusing to go along w i t h an unauthorized wildcat strike. For his independence of action he receives the label of "scab" and "blackleg," and is "sent to Coventry"—a severe but common form of punishment i n British labor circles whereby the offender is condemned to a life of silence and hostflity. (The term "sent to Covent r y " apparently originated i n the 17th Century when the citizens of Coventry enforced a ban of silence against the soldiers of Charles I during the C i v i l Wars. I n its present use, the union offender is declared "untouchable," the machinery he handles is "unclean" and his fellow workers are forbidden to speak a w o r d to him—at work or after hours.)
The story told i n The Angry Silence, it is important to note, is based on an actual case which took place less than two years ago i n Birmingham, England, where the 146 workers i n the Birlec engineering factory sentenced T o m Dobson to live and work i n silence. I n the film, the leaders of the w i l d cat strike are being manipulated by a Communist agent at the plant ( w h i c h is producing essential weapons parts for the British defense effort). The i n troduction of this subversive factor i n to the film served to make the point that unions can be and have been used by the Communists, but i t is relatively unimportant and fortunately underplayed. For it was the aim of the film's producers to show that without any outside influence the group can be led to commit grave injustice and cruelty against one of iis own (the unfortunate individualist is finally punished w i t h the loss of an eye and a severe beating), merely because he refuses to relinquish his rights or abandon his conscience to the w i l l of the majority. Nor is management denied its share of the blame for the violence that is done. More interested i n getting on w i t h its job of making profits than i n protecting the rights of a loyal emplovee, the owners of the factory are w i l l i n g to agree to the union's demands that the offender be "sacked." Though the British have been first to muster enough courage to expose labor abuses and violence of this type, we have sufficient quaint examples of our own not-so-silent "Coventries" for Hollywood to explore. THE N E W GUARD
Letters to the Editor A Reader In S w e d e n Dear Sir: By chance I just got the M a y issue of your excellent magazine. Indeed, for all of us who love your country and have fixed so many hopes on i t , yet w i t h growing resentment noticed that M u nich spirit characterizing the liberal U.S. leaders i n their attitude towards the menace of communism, your paper brings finally, somewhat of a refreshing " w i n d of change." I especially liked Robert M . Schuchman's article on the Peace Corps. Certainly, m y outlook is not all throughout conservative. N o t socialism, b u t liberalism is the drive-in doorway of communism; you mustn't forget that Socialist leaders like Finland's Vaino Tanner have fought gallantly against communism i n all their lifetime. A n d in Sweden many elements generally looked upon as cornerstones of a conservative society, e.g., businessmen and above all the clergy, often turn red as a result of the yielding East-West trade and Communist "peace" propaganda, whereas, there are, i n fact, some fine people among the Sociahsts. But even if I , thus, do not agree w i t h you on all points, your paper was nevertheless refreshing, and I wish you good luck and all success. Henric B. von Schwerin Stockholm, Sweden
G i v e The New
Dear Sir: Some unknown benefactor has ordered a subscription for me to The New Guard. I am delighted but ashamed of myself for not subscribing i n July. W i l l you please inform me how I can best contribute an insignificant sum ( I am going to college) and perhaps some time and effort to the cause through you? Heather Pendleton Cairncrest, Bryn A t h y n , Pennsylvania
V a l u e s Without G o d ? Dear Sir: I have noted the letter from Messrs. Spean, Swenson and Gridwell re m y review of A y n Rand's For the New Intellectual. I t is difficult for me to understand how I have aided the w e l farists by pointing out the paradox i n Miss Rand's philosophy. I am also u n aware that I misstated her position; her three defenders agree that she admits to being an atheist and that was m y basic criticism. I f I erred i t was because of ignorance and not a deliberate attempt OCTOBER
to misrepresent her position. I have not read The Fountainhead seven or eight times as a penance, but because many of A y n Rand's ideas are so excellent and her w r i t i n g is powerful. I w o u l d not be so concerned w i t h A y n Rand and critical when I think she is wrong if I d i d not believe her to be right so very often. Miss Rand's three friends ask a very important question: " W h a t paradox is there to claiming an absolute objective code of values and being an atheist?" I think we are down to bedrock here and this is a question that should be considered at length. As to this question, I w o u l d follow Elton Trueblood's lead and ask the three men where an objective code of values w o u l d exist if not i n God? Surely not in man himself! M r . Trueblood states that "recognition of an objective moral law drives us to the behef i n God, without w h o m that law w o u l d have no significant being." Let Messrs. Spean, Swenson and Gridwell take h i m on; he is a much bigger man than I . Robert Thornton Covington, Kentucky
N e w Guard
Dear Sir: I n the August issue, i t was a delight to read how somebody could erase the smug, flip smile of the New Yorker magazine, if only temporarily. E. R. Walker Dear Sir: As good conservatives, m y wife and I much appreciate your bright new magazine. W e have read w i t h interest your correspondence w i t h the influential New Yorker magazine. As a Chemical Engineer, employed by Standard O i l Co. ( I n d i a n a ) , I receive the Petro/Chem Engineer, and I am enclosing page eight of the September issue. W e thought you might be interested i n this article entitled "Profile." Perhaps the New Yorker was after all, not the originator of the term. Possibly they are unaware that other magazines use the term "Profiles." Maybe they should r u n a national ad announcing their monopoly of the termâ€”thereby restraining anyone else from using the term. LeRoy C. Walker Bismark, N o r t h Dakota Dear Sir: The New Yorker monopolists should buy up all stray commas, periods, exclamation points, etc. This practice could throw the publishing world into
a tailspin, leaving the New Yorker magazine custodian and purveyor of the written word. Margaret Sheridan Philadelphia Pennsylvania
Dear Sir: Having spent my junior year abroad at the Sorbonne i n Paris, under the Tulane-Newcomb Junior Year Abroad Program, I am afraid I have missed out on something . . . The New Guard. Among the trunkload of souvenirs that accompanied me f r o m the other side of the world, I have a multitude of political literature that was handed to me each afternoon as I left the Sorbonne. A t times I feel the European youth tends to go a Httle overboard i n his enthusiasm, but how I wish every American young man and woman could witness the zealous initiative p u t forth daily by our European neighbors. W e all could learn a lesson. I want to join the rank and file now! Denni K. Mack Washington, D . C.
Dear Sir: Please accept my congratulations on The New Guard, a voice of conservatism which has long been needed. The articles are interesting, timely and incisive. You have my very best wishes for all possible success. Larry Hogan Washington, D . C.
'Under W r a p s ' Dear Sir: The June 1961 issue of The New Guard has just come to my attention and I note Fulton Lewis, Jr.'s article entitled " A Scientific One-Way Street." I n general I would not take exception to his discussion of the tendency to publish our scientific results. H o w ever, there are rather elaborate precautions taken by the United States Patent Office to maintain secret those inventions which are of particular i n terest to the Department of Defense, A E C and NASA, the Commissioner of Patents being authorized to issue orders of secrecy i n connection w i t h any applications for patents designated by those Government groups. I n this way the areas of most critical importance are kept "under wraps" and publication is permitted thereafter only when that importance has diminished. From a review of the article I am sure that you would want to know of this important safeguard. Spencer Brownell, Jr. Greenville, Delaware 19
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