July 2010 rh

Vol. 74 No 4

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THERADICALHUMANIST (Since April 1949)

JULY 2010 Formerly : Independent India (April 1937- March 1949)

Founder Editor: M.N. Roy

Clara Zetkin —Gerd Callesen Realistic Politics needed for Planet Safety —J.S. Chandra Shekhar Rao Caste in Census 2011 Is it necessary?

—Rajindar Sachar Dealing with Maoist Challenge: Not by Force Alone & Not by Development Alone —Balraj Puri Copenhagen Accord; Impeachment; Whistle Blowers —N.K. Acharya Radical Humanism: Road to Freedom & Happiness —Ramesh Korde

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The Radical Humanist Vol. 74

Number 4

July 2010

Monthly journal of the Indian Renaissance Institute Devoted to the development of the Renaissance Movement; and for promotion of human rights, scientific-temper, rational thinking and a humanist view of life.

Founder Editor: M.N. Roy Contributory Editors: Professor Amlan Datta Professor A.F. Salahuddin Ahmed Justice R.A. Jahagirdar (Retd.)

Dr. R.M. Pal Professor Rama Kundu Editor: Dr. Rekha Saraswat Publisher: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Printer: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Send articles to: Dr. Rekha Saraswat C-8, Defence Colony Meerut, 250001, U.P., India Ph. 91-121-2620690, 09719333011 E-mail articles at: rheditor@gmail.com Send Subscription / Donation Cheques to: Mr. Narottam Vyas (Advocate), Chamber Number 111 (Near Post Office) Supreme Court of India, New Delhi, 110001, India n.vyas@snr.net.in Ph. 91-11-22712434, 91-11-23782836, 09811944600 In favour of: ‘The Radical Humanist’ Sometimes some articles published in this journal may carry opinions not similar to the radical humanist philosophy; but they would be entertained here if the need is felt to debate and discuss upon them.—Rekha

Download and read the journal at www.theradicalhumanist.com

—Contents— 1. From the Editor’s Desk: Tyranny of Trained Ogres —Rekha Saraswat 1 2. From the Writings of Amlan Datta: The Market Economy & Contemporary Crisis 2 3. From the Writings of Laxmanshastri Joshi: Spiritual Materialism–A case for Atheism 4 4. Guests’ Section: Clara Zetkin — Gerd Callesen 8 Realistic Politics needed to save the Planet from Ecological Disasters — J.S. Chandra Shekhar Rao 12 4. Current Affairs: Caste in Census 2011 – Is it necessary?

— Rajindar Sachar 15 Dealing with Maoist Challenge: Not by Force Alone & Not by Development Alone — Balraj Puri 17 Copenhagen Accord; Impeachment; Whistle Blowers —N.K. Acharya 22 5. IRI / IRHA Members’ Section: Radical Humanism: Road to Freedom &Happiness — Ramesh Korde 25 6. Student’s & Research Scholar’s Section: Social Security of Mumbai Construction Workers — Ravi Shukla 29 7. Book Review Section: Collected Works Of Prof. R. Patel: A Foreword — Bhikhu Parek 35 8. Humanist News: 39

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From the Editor’s Desk:

Tyranny of Trained Ogres you ever contemplated upon Have the change that comes in a small child as he gradually acquires adulthood?

How the soft, meek, affectionate baby turns into a hard, assertive and cold adolescent with the passage of time? This metamorphosis begins as soon as he steps out of his home and initiates in associating with people around him. The infant who has seen, till then, all that is beautiful in this world through the eyes of his mother witnesses its harsh realities when he learns to make his own views.

George Bernard Shaw had put all the blame upon education institutions in his essay “School-made Monsters” in his book Everybody’s Political What’s What. School is one culprit all right but the problem goes much beyond that and deeper.

An individual who lives with his fellow-men is expected to co-operate and compromise with them.

This is what we teach the child in his formative years in the family as well as in school. But this is one side of the picture. We also teach him to compete with this world to attain his success and position in whatever field he wants to enter. The level of competition increases with the number of competitors.

The child is confused since the beginning. He is supposed to love his friends and mutually share each others’ joys and grief. This is what he actually wants to do. His heart wants him to enjoy their company. But his mind is being simultaneously trained to beware of their achievements lest they interfere with his own accomplishments!

He has to continuously contest with his companions, colleagues and partners or they may usurp his expectations in life. Naturally, all cannot win at one time. This is an issue of one versus many. Things become worse when the child is supposed to keep, maintain and promote the name, fame and status of his family, caste, clan and community. The individual is totally lost in the process of struggling for the cause of the group to 1

which he belongs and from where he originated and has his roots in. And so he feels obliged to pay them back.

Thus, in practice, what we see around us, is a crowd of people with masks of ruthlessness upon their faces, going all out to destroy each and every impediment that comes their way in their materialistic growth. Do we need to be surprised by the behaviour of these success seeking ogres when we ourselves have trained them to inflict all kinds of tyranny (which may be in the form of muscle-power, bribery, violence, crime, abduction, extortion) upon any obstacle that may seem to hinder their progress because we need only to see the end-result of his efforts? There is no dearth of such examples around us where the simple innocent child has been distorted into a terrorist, a smuggler, a murderer, a fake leader, a fraudulent businessman, a deceitful administrator; transforming into a totally ambiguous personality which is unable to recognize its own real self and is caught in the vagaries of life which take him to all levels of variance and conflict.

Now, you may ask, then how does the world go on?

How are the discoveries in science, philosophy, arts, music and literature still made? How are the philanthropists formed? Who are the ones who still dare to dream to make this world a better place to live in? Material gains are the crude realities the child is expected to strive for, as he grows from without; but his innocent heart continues to expect a peaceful, loving relationship with this world and its people, from within. This, most of the times, gives rise to a conflict of mind versus heart; reality versus conscience; self versus group. Our scientists, philosophers, artists, musicians, singers, littérateurs are those few winners who could retain and maintain their childhood innocent curiosities about life and its relationships beyond the pressures of family and social expectations for worldly acquisitions. They continue to love and live life for itself and play with its peculiarities to discover in them new meanings both for themselves and for us.—Rekha Saraswat

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From the Writings of Amlan Datta:

Amlan Datta

The Market Economy and the Contemporary Crisis— A discussion on the future of public economics, markets, individual freedom and democratic values.

[The RH is serialisng the following Lecture since April 2010 which was delivered by Prof. Amlan Datta on invitation by Rajaji Foundation in 1991.

It was orginally published, with copyright to Rajaji Foundation, in December 1991 by the Project for Economic Education (a non-political non-partisan programme established with the objective of enlightening the intelligent layman on economic issues) and the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, FDR (a non-profit private institution primarily engaged in the strengthening of democratic and pluralist institutions in the underdeveloped world)] State’s Responsibility for Social TheWelfare: For such problems the remedy lies in greater mutual co-operation among members of the weaker group and partly in suitable remedial measures undertaken by or with the assistance of the state. There are regional and social disparities in development which the market economy alone cannot prevent. The role of the state as a provider of necessary infrastructure for development, particularly in comparatively backward regions, has been mentioned earlier. What remains to be noted now is that the underlying idea there has, in fact, a wider range of application. Disparities to

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become cumulative unless they are counter-acted by measures originating outside the market. Just as the state has special duties towards weaker sections of the population. If these duties and responsibilities are neglected, the strains which accumulate within society become destructive of social welfare.

In relation to democracy, the role of the market is marked by an ambiguity which deserves to be specially noted here. If the market economy laid the material foundations of a new era of individual freedom, it also dissolved or greatly weakened old communal ties and so deprived large nymbers of ordinary people of the protection and security that these communities, castes and guilds provided in traditional society. In the absence of such protection, even children and women used to be overworked and exploited in the early factories, as they still are in the less developed countries, without the possibility of organised resistance to such degrading conditions.

It was against such excesses that people of goodwill protested and those protests were not without some effect. In England, the Ten Hours Bill, for instance, was passed already in 1847, although its implementation remained faulty. In Germany, the foundations of a state-sponsored system of social security were laid by Bismark before the end of the nineteenth century. Thus, the state stepped in to provide at least a part of that protection which common people might once have received from the small local communities to which they belonged.

These reforms were often made by an authoritaria state. But a t a deeper level they became part of a social concensus and a spirit of caring for deprived sections of a rapidly changing society. This was the genesis of the welfare state. The social democratic movement can be traced back to such roots. It should be clearly noted that the social democrats, in the mainstream of the Europian tradition, were never fundamentally interested in discarding the market economy. In fact, they were bitterly accused by the Mraxist-Leninist leaders of the rival communist movement of making capitalism 2

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palatable by reforms which made life more tolerable for the proletariate in Europe. That criticism cannot really be faulted on facts. Social democracy has always believed in the possibility of combining the benefits of the market economy with some non-market provisions for a minimum of education, social security and democratic rights for the common people. That is a position which the deviant socialist movement in eastern Europe now appears to be in the process of accepting with approval. Capitalism in the West has passed through two phases. Marx belonged to the earlier phase; social democracy today represents the form and spirit of the second and higher phase. That is commendable as far as it goes. But is that the end of history? Before we attempt to answer that question, we have to pay attention to some other problems of special relevance to India and the world.

The Problem of the Population Explosion: A leading Third World problem to which the market provides no automatic solution is the problem of excessively rapid growth of population. Some classical economists thought that even there the market did provide a crude and effective balancing mechanism. An excess of population lowered wages and hit against the limited means of subsistence of the common people, after which numbers declined either through positive checks or through famines and pestilence. A higher death rate restores balance, if a lower birth rate will not do the job. That line of thought has not lost all relevance, but in some ways things are very different now from what they used to be in the last century.

Governments today are in a better position to control famines, and there are methods of reducing mortality, particularly among infants, even among the poor, so that the death rate has declined substantially over the last half a century in the Third World, including India, despite a widespread prevalence of poverty. Although methods of birth

control are also known, these have not been adopted quite as fast in the poorer countries. I this new situation, the market alone does not provide an effective remedy to the demographic crisis.

On this whole question, Marxists held a different position. They used to argue that the problem of excess population was created by capitalism itself and that it would have no place in socialist economy. That again was a wrong notion which could persist for a while on account of the accidental circumstance that the Soviet Union had a relatively small population and vast empty spaces.

In China, the situation is different and there the growth of numbers cannot by any means be ignored. It is now evident that the problem of population raises issues relating to industrialisation which take us beyond the old framework of the debate between capitalism and socialism. Let us note how.

At the time of Independence an enlightened section of Indian nationalists had put their faith in industrialisation as the path to modernisation and econnomic emancipation of the people. Gandhi’s warnings were dismissed with a polite nod. Itt was believed that with the progress of industrialisation the excess population in agriculture would be steadily absorbed in industry and the burden of unemployment gradually removed. This has not, in fact, happened. It is time to consider seriously what has the basis of our more optimistic anticipations and why they went wrong.

The basis of our anticipations was provided by a model drawn from the Western experience of industrilisation. There the growing industrial sector did help to remove the surplus labour-force from land and, except for pockets of poverty, it did help to raise the standard of living all around. Why was our experience after Independence so different?

There can be no doubt that the demographic factor accounts for much of the difference. Contd.......

Printing error regretted: Weather estimates in the article on Global Warming & Development published in RH, Vol 74(3), p.p. 16-22, June 2010 ending with ‘0C’ are to be read as ‘0C’ on pages 16, 17 and 20. Also, ppm referred to on p. 17 is a short form usage for parts per million.—Editor 3

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Spiritual Materialism – A case for Atheism — by Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri Joshi Translated by — Arundhati Khandkar [The book Spiritual Materialism – A case for Atheism, A New Interpretation of the Philosophy of Materialism written by Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri Joshi has been translated by his daughter, Arundhati Khandkar, who was formerly Professor of Philosophy at S.I.E.S. College, University of Mumbai, India. He passed away many decades ago but his contribution in building up the philosophical base of Radical Humanism has been no less. Roy acknowledged it in his life time and the followers of the philosophy continue to do so. I had requested Ms. Khandkar to translate her father’s major works from to Marathi to English for the benefit of the contemporary readers of RH. And to our pleasant surprise she informed that there is already the above mentioned book in English done by her. It is being serialised in The Radical Humanist June 2010 onwards. She has also promised to send us in English, gradually, more of his Marathi literature.

Laxmanshastri wrote this essay with the title Materialism or Atheism in 1941. How meaningful and necessary it is, even now, 70 years later, can be understood by the following paragraph given on the cover page of the book.

—Rekha Saraswat] “That religion more often than not tends to perpetuate the existing social structure rather than being reformist and that it benefits the upper classes. They perpetrate the illusions and are used for impressing the weaker sections of the society.

Many taboos which might have had some beneficial effects are given a permanent sanction and these put a fetter on further progress. The argument that religion promotes social stability and social harmony is examined and rejected. Without

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the dubious benefit of religion various secular worldly values have been developed and they have benefited mankind more than the vaunted religious values. With no sops of religious men have laboured hard and the finest admirable qualities of men’s spirit have been developed inspite of religious influence – the scientists and the reformers are examples. The humility that should force itself in the presence of the infinite and the unknown is more to be seen with the scientist, the philosopher than the religious leaders and often this drives them to fathom the depths of thought in the quest for truth. Rarely does religion explain the how and why. These have become the preoccupations of people in secular fields. With a sense of self-reliance and self-confidence guiding him, man has dropped the earlier props of religion.

In India too, the social order was seen as embodying moral values.”

Translator’s Note: I am pleased to bring this book formatted essay to publication in this age of war against terrorism.

Muezzins, for more than a thousand years have been used to summon the Muslim faithful for morning prayers at the crack of dawn in mosques at Kabul, Afghanistan. But, these days, the faithful also hear another call, “Good Morning Afghanistan” given by a radio in Afghanistan. Man is a warring animal! Religion does not seem to lead him to a peaceful world. This book was originally published in Marathi during the early years of Second World War and the successful satyagraha move ment of Mahatma Gandhi for the freedom of India, and Hindu reformation. I feel that this is the right time for the translation of this book for the world-wide Ennglish readers. Hopefully, the book will satisfy the atheists, theists and agnostics alike.

Mahatma Gandhi returned to India in 1914 after leaving South Africa. Tarkateertha Laxmanshastri Joshi, the author of this book was then 14 years old.

After finishing his home-schooling as a priest, he had just begun studying Sanskrit, the language of the elite and the mother of all the major languages

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of North India. Gandhi had a life long regret that he was not literate in Sanskrit. Laxmanshastri had his first contact with Mahatma Gandhi who sought his assistance as a scholar of Hindu religion and philosophy in 1932. Gandhi wanted to know what the Hindu Dharmashastras really meant as his movement of Hindu reformation already had started germinating in Hindu intelligentsia in Pune, the former capital of Maratha Empire of India and its surrounding state of Maharashtra.

Gandhi represented in 1931 the Congress Party at the Second Round Table Conference with the British Government under whom India ws a subjugated colony. Gandhi opposed the demand for the separate electorates for Muslims and for the other minorities. The conference was inconclusive.

Civil disobedience and sporadic terrorism had begun spreading, inspired by the ideal of independence. Gandhi believed that without Hindu reformation independence would not be of much value. He launched Hindu Renaissance through eradication of religious roots of caste system which paved the way for Hindu-Muslim unity.

In the early 1930s, the author joined Gandhi’s Satyagraha movement, and soon began to realise that although the goal of Hindu reformation is reachable, the grip of religion on the Hindu mind needed considerable loosening. Blind faith, weird beliefs and regressive customs of the centuries had sapped the creative impulses and prevented advancement of scientific and technological culture in India. This essay by Laxmanshastri Joshi was his first attempt of engaging the scholars of religious orthodoxy in a healthy discussion for the creation of a psychological stage for removing the socio-religious causes that have been ailing the the Hindu society and India at large. This essay argues the case for materialism and presents a case against theism, the backbone of most of the religions, all over the world. He also presents the case for the other atheistic religions of India such as Buddhism

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and Jainism which reject god above but accept nirvana or moksha here.

Laxmanshastri was born in an orthodox Hindu Brahmin family and was raised as a priest.

Marriage of a girl in her teenss was customary in the early decades of the twentieth century. In the Temple-Town of Wai, a family used to be punished for marriage of a widow and for contact with the untouchables. Besides, untouchables were denied entry into a temple. Fortunately, his scholarly Hindu Shastra education took place under the guidance of a reformist Swami Kevalananda Saraswati at a seminary in Wai. The author published this book in 1941, soon followed by another book, The Critique of Hinduism. Both these books were met with ire and strong opposition from the orthodox Hindu leaders. Laxmanshastri was a 20th century public intellectual.

In the present environment of the rise of Hindu and Muslim religious fundamentalism, this English translation of Laxmanshastri’s book will be found to be at once scholastic and ecclesiastic. The scholastic style involves point, counter-point, and flawless resolutionof the matter under debate.

Laxmanshastri was not an armchair Pandit. He joined many political movements of the twentieth century such as Socialist, Democratic Hindu reformation and Freedom movement for which he faced imprisonment for his conviction. Though born in the world of Hindu orthodoxy, he served as a lightning rod for its true reformation. His rhetorical skills helped fuel the great national debates of his times in India.

Laxmanshastri in his long life of 93 years has written hundreds of articles on various subjects, such as, art, politics, philosophy, sociology, religion, indology, and biographies. He was also the chief editor of multivolume Encyclopedia in Marathi, Marathi Vishvakosha, only one of its kind. He was an inspiration to the political leaders of the twentieth century of India, like M. Gandhi, M.N. Roy, Y.B. Chavan, Sharad Pawar and others.

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Laxmanshastri after becoming a Shastri in Indian Philosophical Systems and Logic, taught many students from India and the West, in the seminary, Pradnya Path Shala at Wai. He taught subjects such as religion, philosophy, Indo-sociopolitics and also geo-politics. He wrote scores of books and addressed public gatherings on numerous occasions. He was highly recognised as a public intellectual. He wa bestowed upon with national honours such as Sanskrit Scholar, Padmabhushana and Padmavibhushana by successive presidents of India for his exemplary contribution to the cultural development of India.

It is not unusual that occasionally even famous scientists give credence to the concept of Godand contribute unwittingly to the deception of others and of themselves. This book is certainly appropriate after September 11, 2001, export of terrorism to the USA in the name of Allah. I hope that it will also serve the purpose of motivating all mankindin improving man’s humanity towards man, without excepion. The author was a rationalist to the core and a humanist all his life. He, however, believed deeply that science is self-correcting, religion without reformation is self-perpetuating and without rational guidance, degrading.

Hinduism is one of the oldest religions. The founders of all religions emanating from India viz.

Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism were Kshatriya (warrior) kings. Being the source of law and order, they created India’s moral, religious and secular law influencing culture for ages to come.

Traditionally, a Hindu scholar of Philosophy learns six systems of Philosophy or Darshanas meaning visionary systems of philosophy: Sankhya, Yoga, Nyaya, Vaisheshika, Mimansa and Vedanta. These systems accept Vedas as god-given and the primary scriptural authority on the subjects of the individual soul and the universal soul. Threfore, they are called Astika (theist) philosophies. Materialism of Charvaka, Buddhism and Jainism ae called Nastika (atheistic) philosophies because they do not accept Vedas as the scriptural authority. The articles in the appendix I and II will help the reader understand

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intricacies in this matter.

This book is more than 60 years old since its first publication. The author saw in his laong life, revolutions in scientific paradigms such as Einstein’s theory of relativity and Max Planck’s quantum mechanics. He wished that this book be revised with the latest scientific data for the theory of materialism. I, his daughter decided to talk upon myself this task and I hope I have done at least a partial justice to fulfil his wish. I have made some revisionary additions to this book which have been indicated by sign. The book, otherwise, is translated in its entirety.

This essay of Laxmanshastri was originally titled as Materialism or Atheism.But having taken into account the unique interpretation and the thrust of the whole matter, I have taken the liberty to present it under the title Spiritual Materialism.It will help to dispel the popular but erroneous belief that materialism is antispiritual and amoral.

Many Indian words such as Shastra, rishi, maharishi, mahatma, nirvana, moksha, atman and many others have been incorporated into English over the years due to linguistic diffusion. Spellings of these words have been retained as in standard English dictionaries. I, however, have created special spellings of some words for the convenience of English readers.

There are many Sanskrit quotations and terms denoting Hindu ideas in the original bookwhich appeared there mainly as footnotes. The same have been given here in both Devanagri script and English with translation in English as ‘References’ at the end of the main text and Appendix 1 and 2.

My apologies for dropping some ‘references’ to authors like Bradley, Lenin, Karl Marx owing to the lack of specifics such as the publisher, publication year etc.

The glossary of philosophical terms provided at the end will be useful to Western readers. The Index at the end will also be of help. The original book contained several long paragraphs which in the English translation have been split into shorter

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paragraphs and given subtitles. This will help the reader to follow the book with ease.

For the new generation of English readers, curious about Indian philosophies, an appendix to this book which contains an article by Laxmanshastri: The Dawn and the Development of Indian Philosophy is given. It will serve as an introductory summary for the philosophies of India.

In the experimental laboratory of nations and societies, aarsonal freedom have finally won their place in Western ideology, which nations are expected to abide by in the 21st century. The author was glad to see fascism and communism defeated finally in his own lifetime. He believed that nations at peace will find the right models for their societies through the process of self-discovery. On the moral ground of spiritual development alone, he wished for inclusion of every individual and class in the material prosperity of a nation.

Human uniqueness in culture includes beneficial hallmarks such as language, art, tool-technology,

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agriculture and quest for knowledge. It also includes social evils such as racism, casteism, sexism, slavery, xenophobia, genocide, drug abuse, violence, confrontation and others. Religious persecution such as mass killing of Jews, crusades and jihads are very baffling. Motives for genocide include territoriality and hateful superiority of religion, race, culture etc. Religion as motivation for violence is the most baffling of them all because, the socio-biologists cannot interpret religion as a behaviour through intrapolation in lower animal species such as chimpanzee, like other human behaviours. Mystery of religion is specific to the human brain. I hope, the publication of this book of Laxmanshastri will provide insights of the unusual relligious founders and leaders of India in the discussion of this unending mystery of terrorism.

The Translator—Dr. Arundhati Khandkar, M.A., Ph. D., former Professor, SIES College, University of Mumbai

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Zetkin’s time was characterized by Clara new departures, victories, new roads

Guests’ Section: Letter from Vienna

Gerd Callesen [Dr. Gerd Callesen is a renowned historian of the Labour Movement and is now editing a volume (114 volumes planned) of the collected works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels—‘Marx Engels Gesamtausgabe’. He contributes his ‘Letter from Vienna’ to ‘The Radical Humanist’ every third or fourth month on a regular basis. He may be contacted at Hartmanngasse 15/16, 1050 Wien, Österreich,Tel:+43(1)2083717,gerd.callesen@ chello.at]

Clara Zetkin (1857-1933) In late August 1910, the Second International Socialist Women’s Congress was held in Copenhagen. At the congress a number of important resolutions were passed, in particular one to hold an international women’s congress on the first Sunday in March. The first Women’s Day was celebrated in 1911 and its main topic was woman suffrage. Over the past decade the international women’s day has been used to raise other more topical issues – the struggle for equality not only on Election Day is still in full swing. In this connection, Clara Zetkin’s efforts in this cause is still worth remembering.

taken and, towards it end, by the great defeat to Fascism. Already as a young woman training to become a teacher she gained an insight into the realities of life in the poverty stricken village where her father worked as a school teacher. During her years of study in Leipzig she came across new people and different views. Russian students came to be important to her. She became involved in the labour movement and saw August Bebel whose book “Woman and Socialism” was published in 1878. All this came together for her: socialism, internationalism, and educational work. She joined the Social Democratic Party, a decision that prevented her from gaining employment as a teacher.

In Paris: In 1882 she moved to Paris to live together with the Russian socialist Ossip Zetkin – they never married. Gradually it became possible for them to write for especially the German language labour press. To begin with Ossip Z. was the most prolific writer of the two, but gradually Clara took on more and more of the work even before Ossip died in 1889.

His death was a cruel blow to Clara, but she continued working and her work as a journalist enabled her to provide for herself and her two sons.

In her writings she gradually moved away from more general political subjects and began concentrating on feminist issues. Gradually she developed her views in this respect on the basis of Marxism. Till then not much apart from Bebel’s book had been written about the issues from that perspective.

Struggling together for revolutionary change: In 1889 she was one of the few women delegates at the International Socialist Congress in Paris. She held an important speech on working women’s position in society and in the movement. She pointed out that woman labour was a result of economic developments, that woman work was not wage dumping, but that capital abused its power to fob

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off women with a wage lower than that of men.

Women becoming financially independent through paid work was a precondition for emancipation and equality. In contrast to middle-class feminists, working women knew that their struggle was part of a comprehensive social conflict which would be resolved in connection with a general societal transition.

On principle she rejected any ban on women’s wage work and demanded social and financial equality between men and women. She saw it as inexpedient to raise particular demands on behalf of women as any solution to women’s specific problems must be sought in connection with workers’ general emancipatory struggle.

Occupational health and safety rules must be general and not differ between men and women.

This was a controversial thesis within the labour movement at the time. One outcome of her speech was the adoption by the congress of a resolution to ensure access to the labour market for women.

However, the resolution included a ban against night work for women and against their employment in certain industries.

Editor of “Die Gleichheit”: In 1890 she returned to Germany and settled in Stuttgart. Here she was appointed editor of the Social Democratic women’s magazine Die Gleichheit (Equality). She turned the magazine into a socialist paper in contrast to the non-socialist feminist tendencies that were common even among committed working class women. In the 1890ies the contrast between feminism and socialism was to be found in the question of whom to co-operate with – the bourgeois women’s organizations or the socialist (male) labour movement? It was not easy to co-operate with the men who were reluctant in recognizing women’s demands for equality or even admission into trade unions. However, the incompatibility with bourgeois women’s organizations was quite stark – objectives differed and so did tactics. Zetkin endeavoured to promote socialist campaigning among women, to involve working-class women in the class struggle to turn 9

equality into a reality. Against this background she consistently rejected any co-operation with middle-class women’s organizations. In her opinion they were only interested in very narrowly defined objectives. Not all socialist women agreed with her in this viewpoint.

The new women’s movement enjoyed breakthroughs in several respects: women were for instance permitted to graduate from upper secondary schools and matriculate at universities; they were also allowed to become primary and lower secondary school teachers – the tide was turning. However, this almost exclusively affected the middle classes, working women did not have the necessary reserves of strength to fight for these goals. What about the labour movement, then? Did this movement see the potential resources that woman emancipation could contribute to a fundamental revolution? Some of the leaders did and demands for woman suffrage were raised. Yet genuine support was more than limited.

International: Not until 1907 did it become possible to realize a socialist women’s congress in connection with the congress of the Second International. Several trade union organizations for women workers existed. Normally, they organized unskilled workers who had little power to wield against employers. 58 delegates from 15 countries met at the first international socialist women’s congress. They decided to form an organization which would have an international secretariat with Zetkin as its secretary. The “Gleichheit” became the magazine of the International, and in the bi-weekly Zetkin provided much information concerning women emancipation issues worldwide. The congress adopted a resolution demanding universal suffrage, and this demand was confirmed by the subsequent international socialist congress.

At the second international women’s congress in Copenhagen in 1910 Zetkin came into conflict with especially Scandinavian women trade unionists about tactics. These delegates were in favour of a

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resolution against a ban on night work for adult women exclusively. They demanded the adoption of a resolution “banning night work for both women and men”. At the core of the disagreement was whether women were to accept that special consideration was shown them in the rules on occupational health and safety, or whether to stick to the principle that a precondition for equal pay was equal working condition, as had Zetkin, of course, done in 1889. Zetkin and the majority of delegates rejected the Scandinavian initiative. They saw the ban of night work for women as a breaking ball aimed at all night work, including night work for men.

Educational Activity: Zetkin echoed Friedrich Engle’s view that it was imperative that all members of the labour movement should have the opportunity to discuss openly all questions and issues thus involving the “new recruits to the class struggle” in actively striving for socialism. She used the pages of the “Gleichheit” to introduce to working-class women not only to politics, but also to literature, pedagogics and other subjects that might contribute to their emancipation. She had, of course, trained as a teacher and made use of her insights into the field. In this respect she was consonant with Engels’ ideas.

Here she had an opportunity to make a considerable difference; many years later when she lived in the Soviet Union she prepared an extensive draft plan for examining the international women’s movement. In the project she included the experience she had gained, for instance, through her contacts with Muslim women. She had an open mind vis-à-vis real-life conditions and she called for frank discussion within the labour movement.

On the left wing: In the time leading up to 1914, conflicts relating to the tactics to be chosen increased seriously within the German labour movement – they had, in fact always been present.

Three clearly discernible factions developed – the right wing, the Marxist centre, and the left wing.

The centre group insisted on maintaining

established tactics and rejected any renewal; the right wing wanted to integrate the movement into the established social order; the left wing stuck to the original revolutionary objectives. Clara Zetkin was unambiguously to be found on the left wing.

However, the left wing was not sharply defined and had to evolve a clear position. Its most useful propaganda tool was Die Gleichheit. Those of the editors working for the Social Democratic press who were left wingers were replaced by the party leadership, but this could not be done in Zetkin’s case. Her position as head of the women’s movement was, if not uncontested, at least strong enough to require very exceptional measures if she was to be got rid of.

During the World War: The August guns changed all this. Soon the Marxist centre had lost all influence; the right wing dominated the parliamentary party in which the left wing was quite unimportant. However, it soon began to assemble its troops and getting them organized.

This was quite difficult during the war because the authorities kept anti-militarist groups and individuals under strict observation. The left wing had strongholds in cities like Bremen, Berlin, Chemnitz, Stuttgart and others later joined. The Social Democratic leadership worked together with the government authorities about getting “troublemakers” sent to the front. The first time the left wing really made its presence felt was when in December 1914, Karl Liebknecht voted against the war appropriations in the Reichstag. It did not take long before he too was called up for national service.

Zetkin had her own ideas about what needed doing in the present situation. She found support among her like-minded supporters in Stuttgart: their position was that “we must make sure that we don’t distance ourselves from the masses. Among them we must re-create our policies”.

The Berne Conference: In March 1915, representatives of women’s organizations in eight countries foregathered under the chairmanship of

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Zetkin in Switzerland. This was the first international conference held by those opposing the war within the labour movement. Thus, the first step was taken although unconditional agreement on tactics did not rule the day. The Russian delegates tabled a draft resolution which was by no means compatible with the actual possibilities for action in the leading European countries. They did not, however, wish to set themselves against the fundamental ideas behind the conference. The resolution adopted was disseminated illegally in Germany which led to the imprisonment of Zetkin.

Her imprisonment undermined her already delicate health.

Revolution: In 1917 the Czarist regime was overthrown in Russia. Because of her long connection with Russia, Zetkin enthusiastically welcomed this new development. It is difficult to comprehend fully her attitude to the way the revolution progressed as, on the one hand, she rejected the policy of suppression but, on the other, defended the “terror by the masses” which she considered necessary.

In Germany the split in the Social Democratic Party became obvious, a breakaway party, “the Independent Social Democracy” was established.

Zetkin and the majority of members of the left wing joined the new party albeit with a number of reservations on the part of some. By the turn of the year 1918/19 the Communist Party (KPD) was formed and in March 1919 Zetkin also joined. Se was in favour of staying together with the Independent Social Democrats as long as possible because they had found a certain amount of support among the workers.

KPD and Comintern: Having joined the KPD, Zetkin as one of the old revolutionaries achieved a prominent position in the party. She was also one of the party’s two members of the first Reichstag, something which increased her influence. She played an important role in the political clarification process 1919/20 during which the

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party split into a small communist party and a majority of members who left the party and formed several different groups. This clarification opened the door to a merger with the majority of Independent Social Democrats in October 1920: KPD became a mass party with considerable support in the trade unions.

Zetkin’s position in the party was controversial but it remained prominent. One reason for this was that in late 1920 she was elected to head of the International Women’s Secretariat in the Communist International. She prepared the “Guidelines for Communist Work among Women”, and became the editor of the international women’s magazine. However she fell seriously ill and gradually lost her sight. She had to go on frequent rest cures which reduced her chances of intervening in political matters in the KPD and the International.

It remains unclear what her position really was in the contentious issues that emerged throughout the 1920ies. Apparently she levelled severe criticism against Stalin’s policies in the International and Thälman’s leadership of KPD. However she remained a party member despite the fact that she saw its ties to the working class and to large groups of unionized workers weakening. As the most senior member of the Reichstag she held the inauguration speech after the elections in November 1932 with a forceful indictment against the Nazi party.

Clara Zetkin died her health undermined by the hard life she had led in her struggle for socialism and women’s rights on June 20th 1933 in Moscow.

Clara Zetkin was a many-sided woman. Her involvement in the labour movement covered many aspects, and she did not concentrate on women’s emancipation exclusively. On the contrary, she saw women’s struggle for equality as part of a broad spectrum, saw its huge potential and its importance for allowing a revolution of society to come into full scope.

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J.S. Chandra Rao

[Mr. J. Sharath Chandra Rao has been contributing articles to Newspaper like “Vaartha” and “Andhra Jyothi” and other periodicals on Environment, economics and other social issues. He may be contacted at 1-2-593/40, Gaganmahal Colony, Hyderabad – 500 029, A.P. Phone: 040-27638039]

Realistic Politics is needed to save the Planet from Ecological Disasters acknowledges a paradigm shift Everybody in policy to redress environmental problems of global warming and other ecological disasters erupting in the form of floods, cyclones, droughts and earthquakes too frequently in many parts of the world effecting human life and property. Such disasters are taking place largely because we have crushed the very essence of life tampering with the essential connections of the natural world which gave us a range of services for human welfare. All living species were living in perfect harmony with each other in the planet always believing that whatever befalls the earth will affect all the living creatures of the earth.

Imagine if we have to buy and struggle for the air we breathe, if you have to buy rains and the sun for the food we grow, all being provided free of cost by nature and sadly not being recorded in the national economic accounts. We are becoming blind to the fact that polluted air, polluted water and degraded land have been largely been our own creation of

pursuing a faulty model of development. Apart from addressing environmental problems, there is also an urgent need to address several social problems cropping up within our materialistic way of life. Today materialistic life is biased towards a materialistic end of making more and more money leaving hardly any space for ethical logic and values which ultimately caused collateral damage to the planet.

In our feverish pursuit of several developmental policy approaches of huge energy and material depletion wastage policies, we have taken more and more from nature without replenishing it. Our exploitative economic pursuits led to wealth creation without cutting down huge wastage generation which effected human health. Further we are many steps behind the problems we have created such as that of global warming due to green house gas emissions, melting of glaciers because of steep rise in temperatures resulting in less water availability in rivers for food production with most of the land becoming water starved which in turn is leading to water conflicts. We have no effective answers for thoughtlessly releasing toxic chemicals and for creating various pollution problems of air, water and land, all effecting human health. Added to this, are the new infectious diseases, which are cropping up at least one in a year. 60% of the new diseases are related to zoonoses which are diseases transmitted to humans from animals such as Nile Virus, Avian Influenza from birds, Sars from Bats, Swine Flue from Pigs etc. Zoonotic diseases arise from several factors such as changes in climate due to consumer demand in foods of animal origin.

Animal origin foods consumed in effluent countries is not due to self-indulgent consumer behaviour alone. Vast global commercial enterprises in animal and poultry farming, breed cattle, pigs and poultry in a big way in crowded conditions in the process utilizing around 30% of the land area of the planet. These constantly lure the consumers to consume more meat, poultry etc. for a healthy living. This leads to transmission of infectious viruses and bacteria to human beings.

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Further industrial livestock breeding and agricultural activity supporting grains feeding of livestock causes too much depletion of water supplies apart from causing several major diseases to human beings such as heart, obesity and cancer.

Also rapid gains in weight in the industrial produced meat and poultry and cattle production are making the quality of meat unhealthier. Such non sustainable farms of animal foods pose a grave threat to our future.

The present environment crises will make all our progress meaningless unless we deal with it well, protecting national and world security. The present model of prosperity that costs too much money and too many resources will ruin our biosphere making the planet inhospitable to live in. The only way to save the planet is through collective environmentalism among all the countries backed by a sound economic system not being built on the present assumption of higher growth in GDP. Such an option is a far better one than the materialism of today. Some of the steps urgently needed are reducing our needs, pressing austerity at all levels moving away from high style living, also using more efficiently and prudently the use of water, land and other mineral resources without damaging environment and health of the people. For example we cannot afford to become water wasteful and then talk of water efficiency. Also lot depends on our climatic initiative-ness, keeping in mind the people likely to be effected by climatic upheavals which would be 375 million a year by 2015. This does not include people hit by disasters of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. Also much depends on our efforts in bringing in changes in the existing energy patterns of fossil fuel dependency to renewable energy alternatives like solar and wind which are clean and safe more particularly when many unforeseen weather patterns are causing immense damage to crops in the process adversely affecting the most vulnerable powerless poor people. Such alternative renewable energy options provide huge employment opportunities in the present recession hit era. Also banning 13

advertisements is one way of reducing consumerism since mindless consumerism and economic growth is contributing very little to real human welfare. Further, disposable goods which generate waste should be discouraged which consequently will lead to less use of resources, the reckless use of these resources led to several destructive patterns.

Government should take more effective steps for prudent use of resources. Further the benefits people derive from ecosystems which are under Government control which provide invaluable services such as food, water and other essential services should be protected. The harmful effects of such degradation of ecosystems are being borne disproportionately by the poor. Already 15 out of 24 major ecosystem services have already been degraded being used unsustainably. Further these ecosystems which are under State ownership, the laws are ill-defined, insecure and do not provide incentives for conservation and sustainable use of these ecosystems. Appropriate steps should be devised to make it sustainable. There is also a need to put an end to several technological inventions and products being put to use in the modern era which have created unending health problems for the people. Better technologies without any adverse health effects are needed. Products should be made to last longer. Consumer-tech should not update every now and then for a new product which in turn will lead to further savings of resources.

As the oceans are emptied of the fish, as forests continue to shrink and as levels of green house gases reach dangerous levels, the environmental and social costs of further growth are likely to intensify until we reach a point at which the price we pay for each unit of extra growth becomes greater than the benefits we gain. There is ample evidence to this aspect being prevalent in well-off countries like U.S. and U.K. The data in these countries reveal that as GDP went up, other measures are leveling off even declining. Such an economic growth seems to be making them poorer rather than making them rich. As long as our

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economic system is based on such an approach of chasing economic growth above all else, we will only be heading towards an environmental and economic disaster. To avoid this state, we should switch our focus from quantitative growth to qualitative growth of development, setting stricter limits to consume less of earth’s resources effectively putting into practice re-using and recycling methods also in the process carefully evaluating the inputs taken from our ecosystems monitoring diligently the output of the waste returned to it as pollution all the time taking effective steps to stabilize the environment. The idea of moving to a steady stage of economy might appear radical to many, perhaps politically impossible. But it is the only way out averting an

ultimate crash. We are already experiencing the benefits of extra growth being increasingly and frequently being outweighed by the costs. We should move away from our obsession for growth at all costs with its blind faith in market forces and excessive consumerism. A drastic change breaking away from our dependence on profits and growth would make our lives better and not worse. The negative effects of high stressed life styles living in a high standard of material affluence without values and genuine desires has to be assessed and evaluated properly. Every effort should be made to make the world a safer and better place to live not only for ourselves but also for future generations.

The choice is between a habitable planet and living in an expansionary oriented demand of the global market.

Important Announcement

Encyclopedia of the Radical Humanists To be loaded on the RH Website (http://www.theradicalhumanist.com) Dear Friends, This is to request you to send in your personal details, contact numbers etc. (along with your passport size photographs) as well as a brief account of how you got associated with M.N. Roy/Radical Democratic Party/Radical Humanist Movement directly or indirectly through the philosophy of New Humanism.

This is also a request to all those friends, whose deceased parent/parents were involved in or were sympathetic with Radical Humanism and its Movement, to send in accounts of their parent’s/parents’ association (as much as they can recollect and recount). This will be a loving and emotional tribute to their memories from your side.

All this effort is being made to form an encyclopedia of the Radical Humanists right from the days of the beginning of M.N. Roy’s social and political activities in India and abroad.

All this information will be uploaded and permanently stored on the RH Website in the Profile section for everyone to read and come in contact with one another.

This will a historical check-list to connect with all the crusaders who worked or are still working for the human cause on the humanist lines.

—Rekha Saraswat

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Current Affairs’ Section:

Rajindar Sachar

[Justice Rajindar Sachar is Retd. Chief Justice of High Court of Delhi, New Delhi. He is UN Special Rapportuer on Housing, Ex. Member, U.N. Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities and Ex-President, Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) India.]

Caste in Census 2011 – Is it necessary? country is in a vortex of challenges, Thecounter challenges and suspicious suggestions even amongst good friends on the desirability or otherwise of inclusion of caste in census 2011. I feel that a calmer discussion may clear a number of cobwebs.

It is common ground that caste system exists in our country since centuries. It is unnecessary to dilate upon the origin of caste; whether the freezing of guild system, helped encouraged no doubt by Brahamanical scriptural history, and the lack of Industrial Revolution (because of British occupation of India) caste got frozen in time frame of Middle Ages. The constitution recognized evil of caste and provided for affirmative action with a view to ultimately eliminate it from our social structure - but unfortunately it remains, even stronger - affirmative action has only created a creamy layer subclass and the benefits are still

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being denied to vast submerged poor in backward classes, and the poor in all the castes. The proponents of caste census offer a strange reason that without knowing the actual numbers adequate affirmative action can not be taken by the States.

This argument assumes as if there is no reliable estimate of OBC/SC/ST number. The fact is that NSSO 61st round by Govt. of India of 2004 tells us that OBC constitute 41% of total population of India; OBC percentage in some religious communities is e.g. Hindus (42.8%), Muslims (39.2). More important, by virtue of Article 340 of the Constitution, Parliament passed National Commission for Backward Classes Act 1993 constituting National Commission for Backward Classes for identification of the backward classes and to make special provision relating to such backward classes. Application for inclusion of backward classes in the list maintained by the central government can be made to the Commission and its advice is ordinarily binding on the government. States also have Backward Commission with similar power.

Thus a permanent list for the country showing the number of backward classes is continuously being updated and would be readily available. Surely that record is more authentic than the unsatisfactory one prepared hurriedly and without any parameters during the census, which even proponents of caste census concede. Also let us clear one cobweb that even if it is found in census that Backward Classes (B.C.) are 60 – 70% it can make no difference to the strategy of affirmative actions like reservations etc which are in operation at present. The reason is that Supreme Court has mandated maximum of 50% reservation for jobs, education etc. (23% are for SC/ST) – that leaves 27% which are already being given to Backward Classes. So the argument of exact number of people belonging to various castes like Vashist, Yadavs, Kurmis, Kapurs will serve no purpose except to create an artificial bond of kinship on one side and unnecessary antagonism to the other castes. The argument that if sex and religion census has not led to friction why would

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caste census do. A simple answer is that sex and religions are measures of identity and are not divisive in them-selves. No doubt vested interests create religions divides, but that does not justify equating caste on the same plane. Can we in the name of caste treat Yadav landowners or Ministers on the same par as Yadav labourer, or a Yadav car Driver. Similarly it would be as ridiculous to treat on par Brahmin priest, or Brahamin Civil Servant and Brahmin cook or a Kapoor Businessmen with Kapur peon. Do we want to go back to feudal classification and encourage raw castism. Let me immediately make a caveat - that the policy of affirmative action for Backward Classes (excluding of course the creamy layer) has my full acceptance. However I am troubled at making caste the central point of all public policies, because this will damage the real fight in the society between haves and have nots, the rich and the poor, irrespective of their religion and caste identities. In fact those progressives who talk so fervently of classless society must remember that originally caste/ class were synonymous in India. But now because of industrialization and emergence of working class as significance factor class loyalty is becoming more dominant as against caste loyalty.

In some sectors like dockworkers, railway employees, steelworkers, coal and oil workers, should they not be classified as working class or must they be continued to be classified in feudal phraseology of the castes and sub-castes. If we do

that, would it not be a sure way of strangling the strength and unity of the working class - indeed the capitalist would be very happy to have the trade unions based on caste composition rather than class. Dr. Lohia had caustically remarked; “The system of castes is a terrifying force of stability and against change, a force that stabilizes all current meanness, dishonour and lie - and that the resurrection of the real India lies in the revolt against caste.” For Dr. Lohia “it is meaningless to talk of equality while maintaining separate castes.

Castes have to be abolished. “Even their nomenclatures should go”. That religious identity is not as strong as caste was foreseen by Dr. Lohia who said; “British rule in India had made use of the element of caste in the same manner that it made use of the element of religion. The revolt against caste is the resurrection of India and only them will India be truly and fully alive.

A patriot and a progressive would look askance at the growth of parties of regional caste, even when they purport to mask themselves by putting on a radical garb. Their capacity to disintegrate should not be overlooked. They disintegrate the people.

They disintegrate the mind.

I feel that as we have more authentic information from NSS Survey and Backward Commission why muddle it with caste census which it is admitted by all may suffer from lack of preparatory material and absence of proper verification. And also when this estimate would not be relied by government for affirmative policies.

Dear Friends, Please do not send articles beyond 1500-2000 words. Also, inform whether they have been published elsewhere. And, please try to email them at rheditor@gmail.com instead of sending them by post. You may post them (only if email is not possible) at C-8 Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P., India. Do also email your passport size photographs as separate attachments (in JPG format) as well as your small introduction, if you are contributing for the first time. Please feel free to contact me at 91-9719333011 for any other querry.

—Rekha Saraswat

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Balraj Puri [Mr. Balraj Puri is an authority on Jammu and Kashmir Affairs. He is Director, Institute of Jammu and Kashmir Affairs, Karan Nagar, Jammu-180005 Phone numbers:01912542687,09419102055 www.humanrightsjournal.com]

Dealing with Maoist Challenge: Not by Force Alone and Not by Development Alone massacre of 76 security persons in After Dantewade in Bastar part of the Chhattisgarh state, a sort of war started between the government and the Moists, which according to the Union Home Minister was started by the latter, more so in the mindset of the combatants. Since them, the situation has aggravated. Forty persons travelling in a police bus in the same area were killed. The latest is a train blast in Jnaneshwari Express in Midnapur area of West Bengal, alleged to be the handiwork of the Moist took a toll of 148 human lives. Since 2005, 1441 Naxalities have been killed whereas civilian and security forces causalities have been almost double this figure (1647 +189 respectively. TOI, May 30). The Home Minister has vowed to wipe out what he called enemy number one of the country. The Maoists are equally determined to not only demolish the government but also the entire system.

In the 1990’s, Maoists were active in only 15 of India’s 650 districts of the country. Now according to the Home Minister they are operating in over 200 districts— covering the entire tribal belt starting from Andhra to Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Orissa,

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Jharkhand, Bihar and West Bengal. They are reported to have established contacts with the ULFA and other insurgents in the North East. They thus constitute, in the words of the Prime Minister, greatest security threat.

Emphasis of the policy makers was to strengthen security forces. The Dantewada debacle was attributed by the security agencies and the commentators mainly to inadequate training, particularly of jungle warfare, of the CRPF Jawans, ill equipped weapons, lack of knowledge about the local terrain, no contacts with the local people and poor intelligence. E N Ramchandran report, too, dealt with mainly deficiencies in security operations.

Some decisions have been taken to make up these deficiencies. Number of security forces was increased by over 30,000, apart from training 47,000 police and paramilitary personnel. They are being provided better weapons and training. When chief s of Army and Air Force advised against use of their help in combat operations, the government enlisted the services of ISRO to map location and movements of the insurgents. After train blast of May 26, army chief met the Home Minister and the armed forces finalised an action plan “to meet any emergency if their role in anti Naxalite operation is extended beyond the present training surveillance and logistical.” The army chief said, “if the government orders, we will step in and take the lead.” (TOI May 30).

Not to be outdone by the government, the Maoists also geared up for modern warfare. According to a report published in the Hindustan Times (April 21, 2010), they developed a geographic information system (GIS) which collects, shares and analyses data about a place or an area. According to the Intelligence sources the Maoists are preparing for a big haul and will use “out of box” methods. They have collected all possible information about their areas of influence and are keeping up with technology to take on security forces The Intelligence agencies have quoted from a document

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published in the Awam-e-Jung, a publication of the CPI (Maoists) in March, GIS data of Naxal stronghold will enable them a quick deployment of forces and can be used for precision strikes through air and guided missiles. Naxals also use net and Google Earth for collecting information. They have digitized topographical maps of the survey of India and are eyeing security data of the security agencies.

Not by Force Alone: A more crucial factor than use of technology and arms in the current war in the tribal area is the popular support. The rapid expansion of the influence and area of operations of the Maoists is due to increasing alienation of the tribal communities. Arundati Roy in her 32 page essay “Working with the Comrades” describes the large scale devastation and displacement caused by corporate companies, industrialists and multinationals whom the government has leased tribal land for mining and other projects. At a meeting of civil liberties groups in Delhi attended by her, question was raised “how a government that professed its inability to resettle even a fraction of the 50 million people displaced by what it called development was able to identify 1,40,000 hectares of prime land to give to industrialists for more than 300 special economic zones.”

The leased projects she lists include $4 trillion bauxite in Orissa, high quality iron ore in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand and 28 other mineral projects in other parts of the tribal belt called Red Corner or Maoists corridor. Add to that the power plants, the dams, the highways, the steel and cement factories and all other infrastructure projects. That makes the displaced tribals desperate to say “jaan denge per zameen nahin denge.” These three tribal-dominated States are the most productive mineral bearing States in the country.

They account for 70% of India’s coal reserves 80% of high grade iron ore and almost 100% of its chromate reserves of the 50 mineral producing districts almost half are tribal (Times of India, June

6). Arundati Roy is much maligned in official circles. An FIR has been lodged by a social worker in Chhattisgarh against her for glorifying Maoists.

But to be fair to her let me also quote her comment on the other side. She says “It is impossible to defend much of the violent excesses of the Naxalite movement.” She adds, “it is a great disservice to everything that is happening here ( in Chhattisgarh.)” She also criticizes Charu Mazumder, one of the founders of the Naxalite movement for his silence over the egregious excesses of the Chinese and Russian revolution.

“Maoists used revolutionary fighting methods but lack revolutionary vision” she said. (Times of India, June 4).

However, the Prime Minister has taken notice of economic aspect of the Maoist challenge. In his address to the Civil Services Day function on April 21, he said, “we cannot overlook the fact that many areas in which extremism flourishes are under developed and many people, mainly tribals, who live in these areas have not shared benefits of development. He advised the civil servants to fight Naxals with development (Indian Express, April 23). Even Ramchandran report, besides dealing with strategic aspects of the problem, advises the government to refrain from signing more MoUs with corporate sector for starting their enterprises in tribal areas. The report impresses upon the centre and states to respect tribal rights and not agree to rampant industrialization in these areas (Indian Express, April 23).

A Planning Commission task force has admitted that “not a single claim of the tribals over land has been entertained under the Forest Rights Act in Dantewada.” Other facts that the report mentions include “the entire district of Dantewada had just three doctors.” The report covers 33 Maoist hit districts. The expenditure for rural development, road connectivity and health is 30 to 40 percent of the allocated funds in these districts . (Indian Express May 1).

Not by Development Alone:

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However, this, too, is not the entire story. B D Sharma, former SC/ST Commissioner, who had also served as collector in Bastar, draws, a distinction between development and exploitation.

In an interview to the Times of India (March 10) he says, “God has given the tribals everything. They claim that hey have three money lenders who look after them throughout the year—the forest, the river and the land. They live off them for four months each.” In an open letter to the President of India (Mainstream May 21-17) he writes, “to call the tribal poor, hurts the simple people to the core who are super-sensitive about their “honour”. They are Deprived and Disinherited in their own Domain (Das). They have no place for their community and its customs and tradition, its unwritten laws of their village Republics.”

Sharma insists that the government must accept that the resources they want belong to them.

According to the constitution’s Fifth Schedule, he says, resources in Tribal areas belong to the tribals.

He quotes the 1995 Bhuria Commission which recommended that for industries in tribal areas, 50 per cent of the ownership must remain with the community, 20 per cent with the landowner and only 30 per cent with the investor.

Allied with this is the question of identity of tribals and the question of their ethnicity, culture and way of life. It may be useful to re-read Verrier Elwin’s work on Indian’s tribes. He was a British anthropologist, fell in love with the tribes and married a tribal girl. His pioneering and scholarly work on Indian tribals and his plea to preserve their rich culture and way of life was criticized by many nationalists and champions of development and modernisation as a plea to keep alive some islands of museum pieces. However, the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, on whose table I found his book, told me on my enquiry that the author knew India much better than his critics.

The point is that development at the cost of cultural and ethnic identity becomes counter productive. It is no substitute for the enjoyment that they get in

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their music, dances and fairs which needs to be preserved from the threat of films and other modern means of entertainment. In fact the process of modernisation should incorporate their culture and thus help in preserving them.

Already a fierce debate is going on between orthodox Marxists, mainly belonging to People’s War Group of Andhra, which pioneered the Maoist movement but is declining there, and the more pragmatic cadres in central and east India on class versus caste/ethnicity. The lesson of West Bengal is particularly relevant in this context.

The left front, led by CPM leader Jyoti Basu, came to power and maintained its popular base for over three decades on the basis of its progressive programme, in particular its radical land reform, as well as on the appeal of a Bengali nationalism which had always been a potent force, though articulated by widely different political parties.

Jyoti Basu asserted Bengali identity against the authority of Indian nationalism.

Ethnic Factor in Maoist Revolt: It was, however, mainly a Bhadralok Bengali front.

Gradually momentum of radical land reforms started declining and lower castes, Dalits, Muslims, tribals and other non-Bengali started asserting.

Regimented system of West Bengal, where local bodies were instrument in the hands of the state government as these were controlled by the CPM cadres rather than instruments of a local self government blocked avenues of dissent.

The protest of Nandigram with a sizeable Muslim population against acquisition of land was crushed not only be the police but also armed CPM cadres.

This alienated Muslims who were feeling ignored.

An incident of death of a Muslim youngman who had fallen in love with the daughter of a Hindu industrialist in Calcutta, under mysterious circumstances, provided another occasion for Muslim protest. Extension of permission to Taslima, externed by Bangladesh for what the government felt was her sacrilegious writings, was another provocation for the community to lauch a

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campaign against the government. Muslims constitute about 25% of the population of the State.

But their shares in services and development, according to Sachar Commission, is less than that in Gujarat. For a while Trinamool Congress and Jamiat –e- Ulema provided an outlet for Muslim alienation. But role of Trinamool Congress was compromised after it joined the UPA government which had declared an all out war against Moists.

Gorkhaland is another alienated area which continued to have an outlet by electing Jaswant Singh belonging to a distant Rajasthan on the BJP ticket.

Naxalbari was a tribal area from where Maoist movement had first started 50 years ago and it got is name as Naxalites. This time in many places in West Bengal, popular protests, for lack of alternative adequate outlets, got diverted into a Maoists movement. In Lalgarh, for instance, people were organized under the banner of People’s Committee Against Police Excesses. Police action was supported in Lalgarh and neighbouring Bankura and Purlia districts by armed CPM “fighters” who had killed at least 60 persons, say police sources. (Indian Express, April 25). Its leaders Lalmohan Tudu, who was murdered by the CRPF, was not a Maoist. Another leader Manoj was arrested. He met a Maoist in jail for the first time, as if the CPM government inadvertently brought the two movements closer to each other.

Mehdha Patkar’s Narmada Bachao movement is an excellent example of how tribal belt affected by Narmada dam opted for a Gandhian method of agitation instead of armed Maoist revolt.

Then all maoist movements, are not alike and organized under a strong uniform discipline.

Recently when seven senior leaders were arrested in Andhra, it was suspected in the Moist politburo that the police got a tip off from within their ranks.

Koteshwar Rao, alias Kishen ji, who was active in Lalgarh was told to lower profile and warned for using his cell phone too frequently endangering lives of those around him. Eventually he along with

his aides quit the Maoists calling them anti tribal, though he patched up later.

Again, there is not a uniform pattern of Maoist activities. Brutal violence alone is not their practice. At some places they have undertaken relief and welfare work and opened dispensaries and schools where officially such facilities had not been provided. In Bankura, for instance, they are running a school.

Finally any role for interlocutors, not so much for an agreement between Maoists and the government as to understand them should not be dismissed.

They have, for instance, welcomed to talk with Arundati Roy, Trimamool Congress MP Kabir Suman and former Commissioner for Tribes BD Sharma. While Arundati has declined to play any role, the latter two are willing to intervene.

Recently Ganhdian workers had a 540 km cycle yatra through Jhargram, Binpur, Lalgarh, Devda, Panskura, Barkhpur etc. in West Bengal. It was led by leaders of Gandhi Peace Foundation, Sarvodya Mandal and Harijan Sevak Samaj. A Peace March was flagged off in Maoist bastion Bastar on May 5.

It was led by Chancellor of Gandhi Vidya Peath Gujarat Narayan Desai and included, well know personalities like president of the Gandhi Peace Foundation, Radha Bhat, academician Yash Pal, Veteran journalists Kuldip Nayyar, Social activist Swami Agnivesh, leading Gandhians Amarnath and Lavnam, Magasasy award winner Arvind Kanjriwah, leading advocate, Parshant Bhushan convenor Azadi Bacho Andolan Prof Banwari lal Gupta, Telugu film actress Chandna Chakravarty and IIM Trilochan Shastri.

Every critic of the government need not be dubbed as a Maoist. The detention of PUCL leader Dr. Binayak Sen in Chhattisgarh for his sympathies for the Maoist is, in no a sense justified. It is not a question of being pro or anti-Maoists. It is a question of understanding all possible aspects of Maoist phenomenon and all possible means of dealing with it and its threat. Ramachandran, who was appointed to enquire into security aspect of

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Dantewada tragedy, has in a recent statement welcomed the role of civil rights activists in understanding and dealing with Maoist movement Let us also explore the possibility of accommodating Maoists as a radical party in democratic India. After all India is the first country

in the world where a communist party opted for Parliamentary method and came to power through election in Kerala. In any case, the door should be kept open for attempt to accommodating CPI (Maoist) besides CPI, CPM and CPI (M-L) as another communist party, taking all precautions that it does not threaten the basis of Indian democracy.

AN APPEAL For Donation to The Radical Humanist The Radical Humanist, a monthly journal devoted to the values of freedom, democracy and human rights, is now in financial difficultly, since its income has been reduced materially because of the sharp fall the rate of interest in recent years.

The journal was started in 1937 by the late revolutionary leader M.N. Roy as a weekly called Independent India. After India became independent, its name was changed into The Radical Humanist. It became a monthly in 1971. The journal has been published regularly since 1937, a period of 73 years. At present Dr. Rekha Saraswat is its editor. We earnestly appeal to you for financial help to this valuable journal by either becoming a life subscriber or giving a generous donation. The life subscription is Rs. 1500.00 Cheques should be issued in the name of Indian Renaissance Institute and be sent to the following address : “Indian Renaissance Institute B.D. Sharma Ch.111, Supreme Court, New Delhi” Yours Sincerely B.D. Sharma Chairman

N.D. Pancholi Secretary Indian Renaissance Institute A-12, Neeti Bagh, New Delhi – 110049 21

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N.K. Acharya

[Sri N.K. Acharya is an Advocate, Columnist and Author of several books on law. He was formerly Secretary of Indian Rationalist Association and had edited the Indian Rationalist, then published from Hyderabad on behalf of the Association prior to its transfer to Madras.]

I

Copenhagen Accord the result of Kyoto Conference on When environment was a protocol, it is hoped that deliberations at Copenhagen held earlier in December 2009 will result in a treaty. The difference between protocol and treaty is that the former is a solemn Memorandum of Agreement which is not enforceable through any other superior authority except the parties themselves; the treaty is enforceable through U.N.O. or World Court. Kyoto is a protocol while GATT Agreement is a multilateral treaty whereby a World Trade Organisation is established to see that all the terms of the agreement are enforced by that world body if necessary by imposing sanctions on the defaulting parties. But, what is agreed at Copenhagen is neither a protocol nor a treaty and not even an agreement as such but a mere accord, the implementation of the terms of which is left to the absolute choice of the parties. However, the accord made certain recommendations for inspection by an International Body, the extent to which the measures offered by the countries are implemented.

The occasion for holding the conference at Copenhagen by all the members of the United Nations numbering 183, is the urgency to take

expeditious steps to reduce the heating up of the Globe which is said to be increasing yearly by 0.7o C. The result of heating up of the Globe is melting of glaciers in the North and the South Poles and at high mountains. This results in increasing in the levels of the seas and submergence of low-lying islands and eroding of coast-lines causing heavy damages. The changes in climate arising out of heating up the globe are that large areas on the earth are being rendered drought prone and many areas are becoming arid and deserts; thereby, causing a heavy reduction in the production of food grains.

The said changes are becoming perceptible year by year. The world leaders, therefore, thought it advisable to meet at a conference and take up procedures to reduce local temperature at least by 3 degrees the causes for the increase in global temperature are well-known. Industries emanating carbon dioxide are the main cause. Burning of coal and industrial oils releases large amounts of carbon dioxide. As on today, it is estimated that 32% of these emissions are produced by the U.S. and 22%

by China. The advanced countries, though, are the main culprits they are not willing to reduce the same by even 2%. They have a cause to non-cooperate with the rest of the world because in the Northern Hemisphere arid conditions will increase their production of food-grains rather than decrease them as it happens in the South. While many countries have volunteered to reduce their gas emissions by 2% the developed countries of the Northern Hemisphere and the U.S. are not willing to commit to any percentage in their gas emissions.

Though, Copenhagen Conference to arrive at a treaty whereby each of the countries and groups of countries will undertake to reduce their gas emissions and also to abide by supervision by some International Body and also to devise a machinery for enforcing commitments, it failed to reach even an agreement. However, the advanced countries promised to subsidize the developing and under-developed countries. – A subsidy to the extent of 300 billions per year up to 2020 when it will be increase to 1000 billion dollars. Therefore,

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the result of Copenhagen is called only an accord which is hopefully expected to become a treaty when similar global meeting is scheduled to meet in December 2010 at Mexico.

II

Impeachment of Karnataka Chief Justice, Impeachment P.D. Dinakaran: The only way in which a Judge of the Supreme Court or a High Court could be removed is by impeachment. Impeachment proceedings are initiated in either of the Houses of the Parliament. If proceedings are initiated in Rajya Sabha, the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha appoints a Committee to enquire into the allegations made against the Judge. Such Committee shall consist of a sitting member of the Supreme Court, a Chief Justice of the High Court and a person of eminence in law and jurisprudence. The Committee shall enquire into the allegations made against the delinquent Judge. If the Committee absolves the Judge of all charges, the impeachment proceedings terminate. If the Committee finds the Judge guilty of all charges or any one or more of them, the other House (Lok Sabha) takes up the discussion on impeachment proceedings. If the Lok Sabha by a majority of the strength of the House or by 2/3 majority of the Members present and voting, holds the Judge guilty, then the Lok Sabha recommends to the President that the delinquent Judge may removed.

Before the impeachment proceedings are commenced, a notice of impeachment signed by at least 50 members of the House shall be served on the Speaker or the Chairman as the case may be.

Here also, if the proposal to impeach is carried out by a majority of the Members of the House or 2/3 majority of the Members present and voting, then only the Speaker or the Chairman as the case may be appoints the enquiry committee.

Now, in the case of Justice P.D. Dinakaran, the notice of motion is signed by 67 Members of the Rajya Sabha and the motion of impeachment having been passed by the requisite majority, the 23

Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, Mr. Hamid Ansari appointed a committee consisting of Justice Sirparkar of Supreme Court, Chief Justice A.R. Dave of A.P. High Court and Justice R.P. Rao of New Delhi.

The charges to be levelled against the Judge shall relate to his ‘misbehaviour’ or ‘incapacity’ and to no others. Here, the misbehaviour or the incapacity shall relate to the functions of the Judge as a Judge and not to any other matters which are personal to the Judge. It is on account of this distinction that Justice Ramaswamy escaped the impeachment because the charges levelled against him related to his misbehaviour in dealing with funds made available to him only and not to his misbehaviour or incapacity in his judicial functions. Hence, in the present case of impeachment of Justice P.D. Dinakaran the allegations made against him covered apart from those relating to amassment of wealth far disproportionate to his known resources, acquisition of landed properties illegally and retaining those beyond the ceiling limits, encroachment of Government lands, include other charges such as of making inappropriate judicial orders.

The proceedings before Parliament and the proceedings before the Committee are not in the nature of a lis i.e. a dispute. Hence, the public or those who agitated for impeachment are not entitled to appear before Parliament or before the Committee. The Committee will not allow appearance of any third party before it in the enquiry. Nor, it permits any Parliamentarian to appear before it. The Committee will not invite or receive any representations or documents from outsiders. The Committee will issue notice of charges framed by it against the delinquent Judge on the basis of the information supplied to it by Parliament. The Committee will not suomoto gather any incriminating evidence against the Judge. The Committee shall not expand the scope of enquiry. The Committee will question and examine the Judge concerned, receive from him the replies and documents as he may produce. The

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Committee has power to summon any person or authority or call for any documents from any person or authority. The Committee may call upon the Advocate General to help the Committee on any question of law that may arise.

The proceedings pending before the Committee or Parliament cannot be interfered with by any Court including the Supreme Court. In the case of impeachment of Justice, Ramaswamy, the Court made it clear that it can interfere only after the proceedings are concluded and after the President issues the dismissal order and not earlier (Sarojini Ramaswamy v. Union of India – 1992 (4) SCC 506) There is only one incident of impeachment in the history of the Indian Parliament. That was the case of Justice Ramaswamy who refused to avail himself of the opportunity of defending himself before the Commission or before the Parliament.

Even though the Committee found him guilty of all the charges tendered against him, the Parliament acquitted the delinquent Judge. The Congress Party in Parliament led by the then Prime Minister, P.V. Narsimha Rao voted against the impeachment on the ground that the charges leveled against Justice Ramaswamy do not cover any judicial impropriety.

In the case of impeachment initiated against Lord Robert Clive and against Warren Hastings, the British Parliament acquitted them on the ground that whatever be their delinquencies, they served the British Empire.

Impeachment is the method to be adopted for the removal of two more high Constitutional dignitaries, the Computer and Auditor General of India and the Chief Election Commissioner.

III

Whistle Blowers than a year ago, a Bill was More introduced in the Parliament on this subject. It is called Public Interest Disclosure (Protection of Informers), Bill- 2009, when it is passed, it will be a step in advance in measures to control corruption in high places. Whistle Blower is

otherwise known as informer. Such a person is, naturally, an insider. He can thus be having knowledge about the clandestine practices of the higher-ups in hierarchy of the administration, both public and private. It requires courage for the informer for he faces high risks to his profession as well as to his lives and limbs. There is no law till now giving the Whistle Blowers adequate protection. On the contrary, there are several instances where the whsitle blower, if he happens to be an insider has to face disciplinary action against him and if he is an outsider he has to face threats to his life and of his family. In the case of whstile blower, Mr. Manoranjan Kumar, former Chairman of Kandla Port Trust who disclosed the wrong doings in the Central Vigilance Commission, he lost his job. In the case of Mr. Raj Kumar, a clerk in the Sports Authority of India, he had to face disciplinary action against him. In the case of Abhijit Ghosh, General Manager of the Central Bank, he was placed under suspension since October 2008 even as the persons against whom disclosure is made have retired honourably.

Recently, two more cases were reported in which the whistle blower happened to be killed. Mr. Sudhir Mishra of Bihar and Satish shetty of Pune both were murdered having been found to be activists seeking information under Right to Information Act 2005.

Tax authorities, particularly, the authorities under Income Tax Act, offer rewards to the informers who help the officers in unravelling the secret incomes. Here, the amount of reward depends upon the quantum of the additional tax realised. The procedure involved in granting rewards to the whistle blower is very combursome, tidious and uncertain.

The law now to be made must provide for immediate payment of the award and also should save the informer from disciplinary action on one side and giving him adequate protection to his life and the lives of members of his family.

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IRI / IRHA Members’ Section:

Ramesh Korde

[Mr. Ramesh Korde is a Radical Humanist of 83 years age, associated with the Radical Humanist movement since 1950. The following article is based mostly on the writings of M.N. Roy. He has used the terms Radical Humanism, New Humanism, Scientific Humanism and New Renaissance interchangeably. He may be contacted at: 91-79-26745389; 09879545 389 The article is in two parts; first is being published here and the second will come in the next August 2010 issue.]

Radical Humanism: Roads to Freedom and Human Happiness I years back, late Shri Tarkunde had Few observed that for the last about the years Radical Humanist movement is in moribund condition. At that point of time none of the living Radical Humanists paid serious attention to Shri Tarkunde’s statement (I also plead guilty).

Situation is further deteriorated. Two institutions R.H.A. and I.R.I. were created to promote the Radical Humanist movement and belated Indian Renaissance. These institutions, at present, are experiencing living death. It corpse waits either to be buried or to be resurrected by a new breath of life. Most of those who had the power and capability have left. From among us – the survivals – none of us is a Jesus Christ who can resurrect the 25

moribund body alone. Jointly there is a hope to save the situation. Collective efforts are the crying need to resurrect the movement.

The first thing to save the situation (To use Roy’s Phraseology) is that all thoughtful true Radical Humanists must be deeply perturbed by the groom prospective of the contemporary situation. But they must not simply stand aghast, paralyzed by the feeling of helplessness amounting to fatalism. They must think furiously so as to lay bare the cause of melody threatening the very existence of the harmonious and joyful life and act boldly to exterminate it.

The voice of reason must be raised against the orthodoxies created by twins of irrationalism—Religious dogmas and antiquated nationalism— that has created blind passion. Roy’s plan as regards the IRI was to develop it into the principal intellectual center of the Renaissance movement where research, advance studies and seminars would generate new ideas, where prospective educators would educate themselves, where energy would be generated to invigorate and extend the area of its influence.

R.H.A. was the creation of late Shri Tarkunde and the object, as mentioned in its constitution, was to develop a Renaissance movement throughout the country based on the values of Radical Humanism and it bringing about a peaceful transformation of Indian Society so that those values may be realized in all spheres of life – Political, Economic and Social.

The role of ideas floated by these two institutions was important and relevant to show way out to improve the unsatisfactory present conditions – political, economic and social and ideas were very much organic. Still it did not have any impact or influence on polity or people at large. We are radicals first who must go to the root to dig out the causes that has retarded the growth of comprehensive humanist movement. The greatest obstacles that had blocked or prevented or hindered the progress or growth or fructify of comprehensive

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Humanist or Renaissance movement are two evils of irrationalism—Religion and Chauvinistic materialism.

Social condition in India is full of prejudice, superstitious, blind faith and otherworldly created by religious theology and by the ideology of chauvinistic nationalism that inhibit freethinking.

When this is eradicated, then only new creative ideas would be appreciated and will have its impact. Unless the ballast of religion and chauvinistic nationalism that is around the neck of Indian people is overthrown, no new creative, liberating and progressive ideas ever be recognized the full worth of these ideas. Then only India can march ahead towards democratic freedom, social progress and cultural reawakening.

In India the facets and tentacles of religion and nationalism have engulfed every aspects of their life – livelihood, quality of environment, social relation, economy, and politics, intellectual and moral dimensions. This is the real threat of extinction of the human brotherhood on this planet.

They have created a life of fantasy living. In India religious and nationalistic tendencies are found to be associated with authoritarian and anti individual freedom, in the name of Indian peculiar spiritual and cultural ideologies. Unless accepted religious dogmas and obscurantism and antiquated ideology of chauvinistic nationalism are openly challenged and mercilessly exposed, significant progress in terms of human freedom and happiness is not possible. If the organism looses the strength to excrete its own waste, it perishes. Religious dogmas and chauvinistic nationalism are the waste in the social life of humanity. If it is not excreted, unity and harmonious relationship of the entire human race is not possible. If those fetters are not thrown away, decay will set in.

Julian Huxley said about western society that the period of destructive criticism of religion is over.

However Roy said that the historical battle between religion and science, superstition and reason, faith and knowledge is still to be fought in India. In India

religion has failed to solve the problem of human existence. On the contrary, by focusing attention on imaginary questions about nature of God, soul etc. obstructed the solution of problems of human existence. He further wrote that the religious revivalism means lowering of the standard of the revolt of man against spiritual slavery, that it will be a return to medievalism in search of certainty and security in blind faith.

In 18th century, intellectuals of Europe, particularly of France, thought it precondition to crusade against religious dogmas and prejudices to achieve human freedom. Roy was equally emphatic that as long as religious dogmas and inscrutable beliefs and prejudices dominate the social life, there is no possibility that any other progressive ideas ever would be appreciated.

Late Shri Tarkunde wrote that the role of religion has been negative. It is sustainer of immorality in the prevailing establishment. It has helped in consolidating harmful social traditions, exploitative economic structure and oppressive political regimes. Religion has caused harm to individual morals. It promoted false ideas of austerity, self-denial and even self-torture, which were contrary to man’s biological impulses and necessities and led to self-deception and social deception on a large scale.

Religious fatalism and blind faith have killed in bulk of the people the incentive for knowledge and progress. Borrowing from Roy, religiosity has broken the backbone of the Indian people. It has crushed the spirit of revolt, which is the lever of human progress. Resignation, the characteristic feature of the Indian people leads to stagnation, which is living death. How can they be free when cultural tradition treats people to make a virtue of submission? Religion affirms that life on this earth is the vale of tears, pain and weariness. Men are bound to wheel of endless cycles of birth and death.

Only purification, renunciation and ascetic life can man escape from this wheel and attain union with God. These teachings have paralyzed the thinking

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faculty of men and they find joy in self-regimentation and accept slavery voluntarily.

Religion has failed to infuse cohesive influence. On the contrary it has divided human race in antagonist blind faith and painting each others following different religious faith with sufficiently monstrous colors. Religious fanaticism and consequently outdated forms of human activity is the source of destruction of ideas that promote expansion of human freedom. Religion is an attempt to make man uniform biologically, emotionally and intellectually. This is betrayal of biological evolutions thrust. Biological evolution is diversification and seeks unity in diversity and not uniformity. Faith in God as the creator of everything has prevented Indian people the search for the causes of natural phenomena in nature itself.

This faith in supernatural God leads man to concentrate on attaining happiness in other world that does not exist. This is the greatest illusion created by the teachings of religion. Religion has infused in common man an obsession that in ancient times, India attained glory as yet unsurpassed by any other country. This has killed all the incentive to further progress. This complacency is the main reason for our society becoming stagnant.

For thousands of year’s religion in India made people to bow before inscrutable working of providence, accept their earthly miserable lot without complaint. Today it has become a convenient tool in the hands of power politicians to keep the people in subjection and paralyze their will to revolt against social injustice. Rabindranath Tagore while criticizing nationalism wrote that when nation becomes all-powerful at the cost of the higher social life than it is an evil day for humanity.

We must stand up and warning to all that this nationalism is a cruel epidemic of evil is sweeping over the human world of the age and eating into its moral vitality. Not merely the subject rules, but you, who live under the delusion that you free, are everyday sacrificing your freedom and humanity to this fetish nationalism, living in the dense 27

poisonous atmosphere of worldwide suspicion and greed and panic. He further said that the idea of nation is one of the most powerful anesthetic that man had invented. Under the influence of its flumes the whole people can be carried out its systematic programs of the most virulent self-seeking without being the least aware of its moral perversion- in fact feeling dangerously resentful if it is pointed out.

Nationalism is a great menace. It is the particular that which for years has been at the bottom of India’s trouble.

According to Bertrand Russell, nationalism in our day the chief obstacle to the extension of social cohesion beyond national boundaries, therefore it is the chief force making of the extermination of the human race.

Roy had called the nationalism as an antiquated cult. There was a time when nationalism was historic necessity and human progress took place.

But today the aspiration of different nations conflicted with each other and the consequence was that they recurringly plunged the world into periodical wars. For progress of the entire human race, humanity must transcend national boundaries.

Roy wrote that man ceases to measure of things in a political society based on the cult of nationalism.

The culture is the product of social environment, which affords man the freedom and opportunity to develop all his potentialities. True cultural values are universal. Nationalism cannot promote true culture. Regimentation, torture, perversion, vulgarization of learning, intelligence and emotions are called national culture. Nationalism of our time has no social purpose. Nationalism in the name of national unity imposes on society uniformity, which strengthens state power and the constituents of nation that is man of flesh and blood are debased. All activities against those in power are considered as anti-national. The essence of nationalism is to sacrifice man of flesh and blood, to glorify nation and also sacrificing him at the altar of geographical goddess, which is an abstract concept. Nation cannot have separate existence apart from its constituent’s that is man. This

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amounts to sacrifice living being at the altar of dead matter. Result is further intellectual growth is retarded. Nationalism injects poison of hatred against other nations. When this is achieved, the emotion of hatred survives as habit and seeks new victims within one’s nation. Nationalism is not genetic. It is an acquired artificially. It has not assisted human unity of entire race for better world.

On the contrary it has retarded it. The greatest evil

of nationalism is that the nation is bigger and greater than the sum total of human individual comprising it. Nation is an abstract conception and cannot react to environment. It is the human individual comprising nation who is not an abstract conception but living man of flesh and blood having intelligence, reason who reacts to environment and if necessary improves it..

Continued..............................

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You yourself may also begin a debate on any topic of your choice in this section. ¨Please suggest themes for the coming issues of The Radical Humanist, discuss them in the Themes Section of the Website; the content of which may be later published in the RH journal. ¨It is your own inter-active portal formed with a purpose of social interaction amongst all Radical Humanists as well as Rationalists and Humanists from different forums also. ¨Do make it a practice to click on the RH Website http://www.theradicalhumanist.com URL daily, ceremoniously. ¨Please utilise the RH Website to come closer for the common cause of ushering in a renaissance in our country.

—Rekha Saraswat, (Editor & Administrator RH Website)

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Teacher’s & Research Scholar’s Section:

Ravi Shukla

Social Security of the Construction Workers in Mumbai construction industry is the single “The largest employer of migrant laborers, the poorest of the poor, in Indian cities” (Mumbai Mobile Crèches) Million of unskilled porters, bricklayers and other low-caste laborers have left their native villages to escape extreme rural poverty and find a job in big cities. These migrant workers are spread across the country and travel from one area of work to another along with their families.

They live in temporary settlements, sometimes provided by the construction company, for the duration of the construction project and then move to another site. (Pratham NGO) The term Social Security refers to openly accepted obligation of the society, not only for the physical security of the individual- which the organized society has accepted from its very inception- but also for its economic security for which the individual had been held responsible so far. Here, in this paper, I would like to examine the social security of those who build cities, create civil space for the society and remain out of it. This is totally in contrast to any philosophy talking about human welfare and protection, including that of the Utilitarianism, which made individual the centre of the universe and which believed that individual should be free to enjoy the fruits of hard labour. (Bentham: 1748-1832) Labour relations, where they exist, are

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based mostly on casual employment, kinship or personal or social relations rather than contractual arrangements with formal guarantees. The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) carried out a sample survey in 1999-2000 and its results showed that out of total workforce of 397 million, only 28 million workers are employed in the organised sector and remaining in the unorganised sector.

(NSSO: 2001) The labourers in India are roughly classified as nearly seven percent organised and around ninety three percent unorganized labourers.

Unlike organisd sector the workers in unorganized sector are not protected through law, welfare schemes, and workers unions. Unorganized labourers are largely employed in brick kiln, construction works, scavenging, and other manual works. India has the world’s highest accident rate among construction workers, according to recent study by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) that cited one survey by a local aid group showing that 165 out of every 1,000 workers are injured on the job. (Washington Post: 2008) The quest for security has been one of the persistent features of the human society. The existence of organized social life is itself a manifestation of this quest. Man can’t enjoy any security outside the society. However, the term ‘social security’ is of very recent origin, for the first time it was used in the United States Social Security Act of 1935 and then spreading rapidly throughout the world, it came to be mentioned in the Atlantic Charter of 1941.

An Issue of Social Democracy v/s Industrial Democracy: Social security of construction workers is not just a problem of labour law but in broad spectrum it is an ideological issue as well.

Social and economic security can easily be achieved and sustained in a system working on the principles of socialist democracy (blend of Morality, Politics and welfare). Though, the Constitution of India has the word ‘Socialist’ in its preamble but while dealing with construction workers it is ignored and the construction workers in Mumbai have been left on mercy of the

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developers and builders. On the other hand, Industrial democracy (a blend of politics and business) or capitalist democracy, believes in multiplying the benefit and promoting Laissez faire (the doctrine that government should not interfere in commercial affairs.) They do not bother much, beyond a symbolic legal framework-which has plenty of loopholes- about the welfare and security of the workers. However, while the former paves the way towards a horizontally growing, egalitarian and welfare system based on maximisation of utility of the available services and resources, the later heads the vertical mobilization of wealth and monopolization of resources. This phenomenon has diluted the labour aristocracy and strengthened the Builders-Politicians-Mafia oligarchy. Hence, low productivity and low wage has become a permanent characteristic of the construction workers in Mumbai. Therefore, industrial democracy has overpowered social democracy in Mumbai. Systematic ousting and shut-down of the mills has significantly resulted into decline of the Left-movement along with the trade and workers Unionism (not just unions but the very idea of Unionism is uprooted) from the city of Mumbai. As builder lobby flourished, it has started taking the help of criminals and mafias on one hand and the corrupt Bureaucracy and politicians on the other hand.

As a result of this Builders-Politicians-Mafia nexus, construction labourers are systematically kept away from any sort of Leftist, Unionist or Organisational ideologies. Their illiteracy helps the developer lobby to exploit them as these labourers cannot read or understand the complicated rules, regulations and its enforcement procedure.

Legal Security: The Social Security Legislation (SSL) in India derives its strength and spirit from the Directive Principles of the State Policy as contained in the Part-IV of the Constitution of India. It provides welfare measures to be taken by the state for the welfare of its working class community. The government, no doubt, had introduced certain policies for the protection and

welfare of the unorganized workers, as well as construction workers but due to lack of bureaucratic and political will, transparent and effective implementation always remained a distant dream. Even before, the Building & Other Construction Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act,1996; and the Building & Other Construction Workers, Welfare Cess Act, 1996 were enacted several other legislations had been included in the statute book for the welfare and protection of the construction workers. Prominent among those are, Minimum Wages Act 1948, Contract Labour (Regulation & Abolition) Act1970 and Inter-State Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment & Conditions of Services) Act 1979 etc. The aim of 1996 Act was to provide for regulation of employment & conditions of service of the building and other construction workers as also their safety, health and welfare measures in every establishment which employs or employed during the preceding years ten or more workers. Provision 6, of Welfare Cess Act 1996 provides for health and safety measures of the construction workers in conformity with ILO convention No.167 concerning safety and health in construction revising the Safety Provisions (Building) Convention, 1937. For this purpose comprehensive Central Rules i.e. Building and other Construction Workers (Regulation of Service and Conditions of Service) Central Rules, 1998 have been notified by the Central Government. (Building and Other Construction Workers (Regulation of Employment and working Conditions Act, 1996, Govt. of India) (Ministry of labour, Government of India) The Government has also enacted a Central legislation for the building and other construction workers towards creation of welfare funds at the level of States. Around twenty million construction workers in the country are supposed to be covered under this scheme. As per this, a small cess not exceeding 2% and not less than 1% is collected on the basis of the cost of a construction project which makes the corpus of the welfare fund for the construction workers. All

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facilities as enumerated above are provided to this section of the unorganised sector workers.

Presently three States in the country namely, Kerala, Tamilnadu and Delhi have started implementing schemes under this Act. However, other States are in the process of adopting.

Moreover, the welfare fund model has successfully been implemented by various States for various categories of workers. The State of Tamilnadu is running 11 Welfare Boards for workers like construction workers, truck drivers, footwear workers, handloom and silk weaving workers.

Similarly, the State of Kerala is also running several welfare funds for agricultural workers, cashew workers, coir workers, fisherman, toddy-tappers etc. The model is so popular that some of the other States like Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh are in the process of bringing out their own legislation for creation of welfare funds in the unorganised sector workers for providing them social security. But the government of Maharashtra has categorically ignored the welfare and social security of the construction workers. Wide spread corruption, red- tapism and the illicit nexus between the welfare board and the contractors are main impediments of the labourer’s social security through the law. Hence the two percent cess (2% laid down on the entire project cost) could not serve the purpose, for which it is collected. At this point of time certain corrective measures i.e. Social Audits like MNREGA scheme, scrutiny by a legislative committee including workers’ representatives can make the constructors and govt. more responsive in terms of social security.

Economic security: To fulfill their basic need like food, clothing, and shelter (if possible) they are ready to sell their labour at any cost. They are treated as daily wages labourers. The government of Maharashtra has fixed minimum daily wages Rs. 132.40/day, (until 01.01.2003, Annex. -I) which is now raised to Rs. 150 to 200/day. The skilled labourers are paid Rs. 150/- to 300/- and unskilled labourer are paid Rs. 100/- to 150/- (based on 31

personal interaction with few labourers). They are exploited at every step right from the employer, contractor, labour supplier to supervisor. Further, they are not covered under any welfare laws like Provident Fund, Insurance, Health care and Education of their children. After crossing a certain age, these workers are physically unable to do hard work, hence they don’t get work. At this point of age and time they need social and economic security immensely but there is no pension or old age compensation for them. Therefore, here through the programmes like, ‘Krishi Shramik Samajik Suraksha Yojana-2001’ launched in July, 2001 by the government can provide for pension and insurance besides redirecting the money collected through cess. Funds for such schemes can be raised by following the KSSSE scheme of contribution where the beneficiary is to contribute Re.1 per day while the Government contributes Rs. 2/- per day. As per this the construction sector can also have such rules to provide economic security to the construction workers. Here, the government can open special account in any nationalised banks so that workers can have access to it despite of their job and place mobility.

Social Security: If we look at the above mentioned list, which refers to the signs of social exclusion, it can easily be said that the construction workers are much more socially excluded than any other section of society. Here, one alarming issue should be noted that if 77.5 % of total unorganized workers force is employed in construction works in India, then there is a vast chunk of labourers which is suffering social exclusion. A socially excluded class is always under the threats of social insecurity. To end the social exclusion of the construction workers, they should be ensured of the following facilities: Permanent employment, Credit, or land facility, Housing Facility, Education and skills, Legal Protection, Democratic participation; Humanitarian treatment & respect.

Further, as far as their health, accidents during work, major and minor injuries and family welfare are concerned; the workers’ conditions are very

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poor. When any workers meet an accident, he or she is given primary medical treatment and also admitted to the Municipal hospitals. But neither the contractor nor the government deem it necessary to think about the workers future and their family. On loss of limbs they cannot work, hence they become a useless subject for the employers. The civil society must step in immediately to ensure that the workers’ interests are protected and they are not thrown away by the contractors due to old age, injuries or any other reason. The government has enacted provision for health and safety measures for the construction workers in conformity with ILO convention No.167 concerning safety and health in construction and revising the Safety Provisions. For this purpose comprehensive Central Rules i.e. Building and other Construction Workers (Regulation of Service and Conditions of Service) Central Rules 1998 have been notified by the Central Government. The benefit of scheme has been extended to 2.26 crore of Construction Workers of the Country. This means about 7 crores Construction Workers’ family members will be covered by this Health Scheme. In this Scheme the registered workers will get a SMART CARD. This card will help them and their family members to get medical treatment facilities converging up to Rs. 30,000.00 in any Govt. Hospital and Scheme and other approved medical/health institutes all over India. This card will be provided to all the inter-state migrant workers also.

Building and Other Construction Workers’ Welfare Cess Act 1996: To raise the Funds for provision of various welfare measures, the Main Act provides for constitution of Welfare Boards.

The major source of Funds shall be the collection of cess at rates not exceeding 2% of the cost of construction incurred by an employer. The collection of funds and administration of the

Welfare Boards would be the responsibility of concerned State Governments. In this regard the government of Maharashtra has filed an Affidavit field on 5.8.2008. Rules have been framed, Board and State Advisory Committee has been constituted, registering officers have been appointed, assessing officers, appellate authorities, cess collectors, Inspectors and Chief Inspectors have been appointed but Cess collected has been Rs. 87 lakh. Also, there is a very poor record of cess collection from the government departments.

Within the last 10 years in 13 departments, like the Railways, Defence, Telecommunication sector cess are not being collected properly. The Central Govt departments are also not eager to deposit cess as per State/UTs Cess Rules. This vital issue of cess collection to give benefits to the millions of construction workers must be looked into.

Construction workers are one of the most vulnerable sections of the society. They are completely uprooted from their culture, customs, tradition and place of birth. Hence, their purpose of leading life is limited to mere existence only. They are consistently displaced from one construction site to another, due to which, they do not have any permanent home. They live in hutments, shanties or temporary shelters. Many a times, the construction workers do not get access to water taps, toilets, health centre and schools etc. Their social life is completely disrupted. The employer or the government does not make any effort towards their recreation; therefore, they indulge in gambling, consuming alcohol, and sometimes anti social activities.

Contd.............

Mr. Ravi Shukla is Asst. Professor, Political Science,

at R.D. National & W.A. Science College, Bandra (W), Mumbai- 400 050. Mo. No. 9920338468.

Email: ravircdd@gmail.com

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Book Review Section:

Dipavali Sen [Ms. Dipavali Sen has been a student of Delhi School of Economics and Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics (Pune). She has taught at Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan, and various colleges of Delhi University. She is, at present, teaching at Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce, Delhi University. She is a prolific writer and has written creative pieces and articles for children as well as adults, both in English and Bengali. Dipavali@gmail.com]Not for Philosophers [BOOK: How to CHANGE the WORLD Social Entrepreneurs and the power of new ideas, by David Bornstein; OUP, 2004,Penguin Books India, 2005;paperback, with black and white photo illustrations; pp 320; price Rs 395.] s the title suggests, this book is not for philosophers’ interpretation; it has a different point. New ideas, when put into practice, can change society. It is this ‘social innovation’ that New York based journalist David Bornstein specializes in writing about. His first book, The Price of a Dream: The Story of the Grameen Bank, is widely acclaimed. Nelson Mandela (on the front cover) calls this book “Wonderfully hopeful and enlightening…” The comments on the back cover – presumably all effusive – are unreadable — being in small black print on a dark red background (Nelson Mandela’s comments are on the same background but in yellow and somewhat bigger lettering).

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In his Foreword, N R Narayana Murthy of Infosys calls it “wonderfully enlightening and inspirational” because it offers people sources of hope in “a world of terrorist attacks, corporate scandals and ineffective governance” (p xii).

In the first piece ‘Restless People’ Bernstein describes social entrepreneurs as restless people who solve social problems on a large scale. They have new ideas, and try to activate them without rest. They need not all be famous people and they can come from all countries and cultures. But common to them is the fervor to propel social change. J.A. Schumpeter had put a lot of emphasis on the role of entrepreneurs as harbingers of economic progress. Social entrepreneurs, by this token, are harbingers of progress that is socio-economic. Social entrepreneurs have existed in every age. But in the past few decades, more people have the time, freedom, and wherewithal to tackle social problems in innovative ways. The times, in other words, are encouraging the growth of `social entrepreneurship’.

While researching this book, Bernstein interviewed and visited about a hundred social entrepreneurs.

Finally, however, he concentrated upon some select ones. ‘From Little Acorns Do Great Trees Grow’ describes how in 1978 Bill Drayton established an organization – Ashoka; Innovators for the Public – to support leading social entrepreneurs around the world. Its first ‘fellow’ was Gloria de Souza, a middle-aged elementary school teacher in Bombay who developed an organization for Environmental Studies (EVS) called Parisar Asha which is successfully infusing school curriculum in India with environmental awareness. ‘The Light in my Head Went On’ describes the efforts of Fabio Rosa of Brazil to bring inexpensive electricity to the villages – solar panels, pumps, lights etc. The next piece is on Florence Nightingale and seems a little out of place, no, time! But who can question her credentials as social entrepreneur!

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‘A Very Significant Force’ is on Bill Drayton’ and his concept of the ‘bubble’. The basic idea was to imagine a bubble over a factory within which emissions would by law be kept at a minimum – as per practical suggestions from an informed body.

The following piece is on Peter Lenny of Rio de Janeiro. Jeroo Billimoria is the subject of the next piece. She developed Childline – a 24-hour helpline and emergency response system for children in distress. Erzsebet Szekeres of Hungary, herself the mother of a disabled child, has created Alliance, a network of institutions where the disabled have the benefit of ‘assisted living.’ Thus each chapter focuses on one social entrepreneur’s story, and issues associated with it.

Vera Cordeiro has reformed healthcare in Brazil.

Jadwiga Lopata has promoted ecological agriculture and tourism in Poland. JB Schramm has developed College Summit, which holds workshops to enable disadvantaged youth in the US to have a better chance of access to colleges. Since the mid-1990s, Veronica Khosa has developed Tateni, an organization for care of AIDS patients.

‘This Country has to Change’ is about Javed Abidi who has contributed so much to the development of disability awareness in India. Stricken by a congenital neurological disability, he has gone on to become an able journalist and determined activist associated with the Disability Act, 1995.

He has established the National Center for the Promotion of Employment for Disabled People and re-activated the Indian branch of Disabled People’s International, and is ever-vigilant about the rights of the disabled.

James Grant of the USA has, as the head of UNICEF, conceived and led a worldwide campaign to make simple, low-cost healthcare solutions available to children all over the world, from Bangladesh to El Salvador. Eventually the book mentions summarizes ‘Six Qualities of Successful Social Entrepreneurs’. Social entrepreneurs must be willing to Self-Correct, to Share Credit, to Break Free of Established Structures, to Cross

Disciplinary Boundaries, and to Work Quietly.

They must also have a Strong Ethical Impetus.

What is more, the Conclusion discusses Social Entrepreneurship as a possible career or profession that society could support systematically. Bernstein quotes Drayton as saying that it is not just the leading entrepreneur who brings about social change but thousands of grassroots entrepreneurs competing as well as working together. He then argues that, given the right financial and social incentives, more people would probably look forward to starting their own social-change vehicles, or helping others. “In years to come, social entrepreneurship might become one of the career options that get discussed at the dinner table” (pp 275). He cites the example of Julien Phillips who had graduated from Stanford in 1970. Starting a nonprofit organization had been nowhere in his thoughts then, but after his involvement with the organization Ashoka, he chose to left McKinsey so as to become a social entrepreneur.

In the Epilogue, Bernstein says that the events of September 11, 2001 had temporarily brought the writing of this book to a halt. Bernstein had found himself unable to work on what seemed foolishly optimistic in the depressing reality of present times.

But he later realized through conversations with social entrepreneurs that it is especially in these violent times that a message of hope and optimism needed to be sent forth. It is necessary to tell people about the works of social entrepreneurs like Drayton, Billimoria, Abidi et al. It may then inspire potential social entrepreneurs with confidence.

The Chapter-wise notes are precise as well as ample. Even more useful is the short Resource Guide to help the interested to identify opportunities and resources. It provides addresses of organizations/institutions as well as relevant websites. The Selected Readings are also usefully categorized. Finally comes the Index.

A review – effusive or otherwise — is not all that the book deserves. Are we going to take lessons from it and at least try to change the world?

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BOOK: Collected Works Of Prof. R. Patel —A Foreword by Bhikhu Parekh Patel was born in 1912 in a large Raojibhai and poor family in a small village in Gujarat. His father raised enough money to finance his secondary and higher educations, and Raojibhai secured the degrees of B.Sc. and M.Sc. in Mathematics from the University of Bombay in 1934 and 1938 respectively. Active during the independence movement, he joined M.N. Roy’s Radical Democratic Party in 1940 and unsuccessfully fought the 1946 elections from the Ahmedabad constituency. In 1951 he joined the Department of Mathematics in the M.S. University of Baroda as a lecturer and retired as one in 1972.

He remained an active figure in the public life of Gujarat. Never being good at making money, and having spent such money as he had raising and marrying off his several sisters and three children, he led a simple life of little comfort in Baroda.

Although a mathematician by training, a field in which he wrote an important book in collaboration with Professors Masani and Patel of Pittsburgh and Wisconsin Universities respectively, he was also a philosopher, a social theorist, and a student of Indian history and politics. Having read widely and thought deeply, he had clearly worked-out views on most subjects. Like Socrates, to whom he bore considerable physical resemblance, he was a passionate thinker, constantly probing large philosophical questions, challenging fashionable dogmas, and bringing his powerful intellect to the analysis of contemporary political and ideological issues. It was therefore hardly surprising that his house in Baroda became an alternative university.

Frustrated by the intellectual mediocrity of the official university, keen and intelligent young students and lecturers belonging to diverse disciplines gravitated towards him. They met for hours at a stretch two or three times a week,

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discussing Locke, Hume, Marx, Russell, Carnap, M.N. Roy, Karl Popper, Buddhism, Hinduism, Gandhi, Nehru, and of course Indian politics. These intense discussions almost always ended with a late night meal cooked by Shantaben, his silent but gracious and enthusiastic wife and later by Indiraben, his artist daughter who became a widow at an early age. The meetings, attended by a regular group of about five or six people, had no agenda and required little by way of preparation save the willingness to learn. They began with someone asking a question, which was then probed from different angles. Raojibhai usually but not always dominated the discussion. Sometimes the discussion would continue over several sessions and involved reading and commenting on relevant books and articles. I vividly remember spending days discussing Marx’s German Ideology, Popper’s Open Society & its Enemies, and the concepts of equality and freedom. A year in this environment opened up a whole new world of ideas, wiped out the deficit in university education, and influenced one for life. Rajni Kothari, myself, Dhirubhai Sheth, Prakash Desai, Narhari Parikh, Dhaval Mehta and others were all early products of this ‘school’, succeeded in later years by V.N. Kothari, Pravin Patel and others. As small tokens of our deepest gratitidue, Rajni Kothari dedicated his Politics in India, and I my Gandhi’s Political Philosophy, to Professor Patel.

Raojibhai, ‘Mota’ as he was affectionately called, played many roles, possible only in an Indian context. He was a teacher though never a guru, for he was too rebellious and rationalist for that. He was a friend in whom one could confide one’s youthful secrets and in whose presence one could drink and smoke – things one was barred by social conventions from doing in the presence of one’s elders. He was also a father figure who could rebuke and criticize, and whose unlikely withdrawal of affection one deeply feared. He was an eternal rebel challenging not only the prevalent intellectual orthodoxies and social practices but also the university authorities, as well as an ideal

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role model for his young admirers. He was also a student, constantly reading, thinking, seeking information, borrowing books, asking questions, admitting mistakes and circulating drafts of his articles.

Thanks to all this, members of the ‘Mota School’ developed powerful emotional bonds with him.

They could not clearly define their relationship with him. He was like a father, but not quite; like a friend, but also something more and something less; like a teacher but also a fellow-student; affectionate but also a little detached; close yet a little distant. Whatever he was, he was someone very special to them. They loved and adored him.

Their homes became his, even as his had become theirs. When they went abroad, they regularly wrote to him and eagerly awaited his replies.

Several of them invited him abroad at their expense, and he went and stayed with them for weeks, replicating the relationship and ethos that had so thrilled them in their youth. There were once again the same intense conversations, the same restless probing of issues, the same worry about India which he passionately loved and cared for, and the same gentle rebuke to those who had slackened because of the pressures of family life or the temptation to make money. Through this intense but limited circle of friends, most of whom went on to become academics, Raojibhai’s thoughts found their way into the wider world.

Socrates had only one Plato; Raojibhai can claim at least half a dozen.

Philosophically speaking, Raojibhai began as a Marxist. He accepted Marx’s materialism, analysis of capitalism, vision of the communist society, and the theories of class struggle and revolution, but attacked his Eurocentrism and failure to recognise the autonomy of consciousness and the creative role of ideas in history. His criticisms were partly derived from M.N. Roy but not entirely, and in some respects they cut much deeper. Although a great admirer of Roy, Raojibhai felt that Roy’s thought lacked coherence and genuine commitment to socialism, and that his movement

for cultural renaissance without an active political struggle was doomed to failure. He was disappointed but nor surprised when Roy not only failed to lead a political movement after independence, but even associated himself with the subsequently discredited Committee for Cultural Freedom. He was even less surprised when Roy’s followers actively defended capitalism and the American policy in Vietnam. Over the years Raojibhai became more critical of Marx, but continued to remain deeply sympathetic to many of his basic ideas, and rejected the view that the collapse of communism discredited Marxism.

In the specifically Indian context, he was deeply antipathetic to a good deal of Hindu philosophy especially Vedanta and the Gita, the latter’s ethics of detachment and desirelessness and monistic and deterministic metaphysics being particular targets of attack in some of his articles. While greatly admitting Gandhi’s role in mobilising and organising the Indian masses, he was intensely critical of his religious world-view and ‘petty bourgeois’ economic and political ideas, a thesis he eloquently developed in his Gandhism. Professor Patel repeatedly insisted that India was doomed unless it radically modernised itself, not just economically and politically but also intellectually and culturally, and made a more or less clean break with its past. His uncompromising plea for a radically fresh start was contested by some of his close friends, including myself, but that never affected their mutual love.

At the local level, Raojibhai’s great achievement consisted in founding the Baroda University Teacher’s Association and turning it into a powerful tool of academic and social transformation. Under his leadership, the Association successfully took on the university authorities on several important issues, challenged the city bosses, fought again corrupt teachers, and helped create a healthy academic environment. His activities in Baroda attracted considered interest and admiration all over Gujarat, and set an example to other university teachers’ associations. Thanks

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to his and his friends’ efforts, the Government of Gujarat under Madhavsinh Solanki’s leadership broke with the usual policy of nominating political stooges as Vice-Chancellors and appointed men of integrity and scholarship as heads of several universities. It was his abiding regret that this policy proved short-lived, and that teachers’ associations degenerated into trade unions aggressively fighting only for their salaries and forming damaging alliances with corrupt students’ unions.

For me personally Mota meant far more than any other person in my life excepting my beloved father. In the Indian tradition, a wonderful distinction is drawn between a biological son and a mental son (manasputra). I am proud to call myself Mota’s manasputra, someone whom he brought up intellectually and gave him the gifts which are largely responsible for what he has been able to achieve afterwards. I first met him in 1957 when I joined the University of Baroda as a young lecturer, and was under his spell for three years. We retained in touch intermittently until 1981 when I joined the University of Baroda as its Vice-Chancellor. He was largely instrumental in my appointment.

During the three years that I was there, I turned to him regularly for advice, both academic and political. I saw him nearly two or three times a week by either calling on him or he calling on me.

He would alert me from time to time to the mistakes I was likely to make and I would normally avoid them. Occasionally when I went against his wishes and made a mistake, he disagreed with me privately but supported me publicly.

One particular occasion comes to my mind amongst scores of them. The teachers of Baroda University had worked out a comfortable arrangement under which 5% of the admissions to the University, including some highly prized faculties such as that of technology, were set aside for their children and wards. This was widely criticised but nobody had done anything about it.

When I took charge, I felt morally troubled by it.

Several people in the city and elsewhere also 37

complained against it, and I began to feel that something needed to be done. Mota agreed with me, but felt that perhaps this was not the right time and should not be my priority. I disagreed and decided to go ahead. After a debate lasting several hours and in the midst of noisy protests outside the building, the University Syndicate agreed with a large majority that the arrangement should be terminated. The Baroda University Teacher Teacher’s Association was naturally upset, and a small meeting attended by barely ten percent of them passed a vote of no confidence in me as Vice-Chancellor by a bare majority. The news appeared in the local newspapers the following morning. Since Mota was in the habit of rising early, he was the first to read it. Without consulting me or asking me, he went to the houses of those teachers who had been responsible for proposing the motion. He rebuked them, chided them and told them how petty and mean they had been. He then came to my place and told me what he had done. I was reduced to tears by his love and act of courage.

I told him that I should ignore the vote and fight, but wondered how he would like me to respond. He said that now that the action had been taken, we should stand by it and should not give in to the university teachers. A lot of pressure was brought to bear on him and me by the university teachers and their political patrons to change our policy. He refused to do so and so did I. We won. The teachers either sulked or came round. I shall never forget Mota’s integrity and loyalty.

I was with him during his last few days. We were having lunch at his place in the summer of 2001. He had been complaining of all kinds of pains and no one knew why. Dr. Jayshree Mehta got him to go to the hospital to have his X-rays taken. Just as we were about to sit down for lunch, the radiologist came and told us that Mota had cancer and that it was fairly advanced. Since he was slightly deaf, he did not hear what was said. We wondered if we should tell it to him. We decided that although he was a man of indomitable courage, we should keep the news secret. We quietly had our lunch. He

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enjoyed his meal as usual and was full of wonderful conversation. We continued to see him as usual, making sure he had no inkling of what lay in store for him. As his health worsened, which it did pretty quickly, it was obvious that we could not hide from him the seriousness of his illness. However, we decided not to give it a name for a while and when we did, we told him that it was curable. We all however felt that his life was drawing to a close and we ought to give him a grand farewell. We immediately thought of Socrates who drank hemlock and died discussing philosophy with his pupils. Narhari Parekh, Dhirubhai Sheth, Jayshree Mehta, Dhaval Mehta, Thomas Pantham and I decided that we should hold a few long discussions with him on subjects that had engaged him all his life. His friends and admirers came from all over the country and spent a wonderful few hours with him. We also had a tape recorder and taped his thoughts on important subjects. Increasingly it became difficult for him to talk. We more or less discontinued our discussions with him and talked to him only when he wanted to. He would not be admitted to the hospital and insisted on staying at home. When the pain became unbearable, he occasionally told his nephew who used to look after him to tell ‘his gods’ to take the pain away. An atheist all his life, he remained one until his very last moment. Slowly he faded away and was gone for ever.

As I listen to these tapes, two concerns of his stand out. First, at the global label, he was deeply worried about the spread of capitalism, the closure of all possible political options, and the dominance of the

United States. So far as India was concerned, he had four central messages. He was deeply exercised about the incidence of poverty and wretchedness in India, and thought that the raw capitalism that was developing in the country only made things worse, notwithstanding its so-called trickle down effect.

The only answer lay in full-blooded socialism.

Second, he was worried about the Hindutva ideology and insisted that it would destroy the country if the secularists did not stand up against it.

Thirdly, he thought that the long suppressed lower castes were rightly impatient and angry and that India needed a long overdue social revolution.

Finally, he was deeply concerned that India should retain its sovereign freedom to decide its affairs itself, and must at all cost resist the pressure and the seductive embrace of the U.S. It is a tribute to the man, that right until the last moment of his life, he was not worried about himself or his family, which he knew was well looked after by his two sons settled in the United States, but rather about the country he passionately loved and the future of humankind.

His life gives some insight into how, in the midst of widespread institutional decay and moral degradation, Indian intellectual life constantly regenerates itself, and how the increasingly competitive and brutalized Indian society continues to be humanised and rendered bearable by small and unplanned communities based on affection and loyalty. Sadly that generation seems to be dying in India, and the resulting vacuum deprives it of one of its major sources of self-regeneration.

Read NAV MANAV in Hindi, for Humanist & Renascent Thought a bi-monthly D-98 A, Krishna Marg, Bapu Nagar, Jaipur-15, Ph. 91-141-2621275 38

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Humanist News Section: I News from CFI, Pune: Dr. Santi Sri, director CFI India in Pune was felicitated by Pune Municipal corporation on 28 may 2010 for her outstanding contribution to secular views, encouraging inter-caste marriages.

The municipality was celebrating the Vir Savarkar day who was a great iconoclast in India.

The unique honor to Center for Inquiry director was appreciated which is recognition for her writings, speeches on secularism, rights of women and human values.

News sent by Narisetti Innaiah Chairman, CFI India II Converting Gandhi in to God! Right or wrong?

A protest meeting against Gujarat Government’s decision to build a Mahatma Temple in Gandhinagar was scheduled on 29th May, at IIM Kitlee, Vastrapur Road, Ahmedabad. It was an open forum; all were invited. Details of the invitation sent by Kiran Trivedi are as follows: Friends, Narendra Modi na man ma achanak Ram vasya, ane ene ‘he Ram’ bolnaro Gandhi yaad aavyo. (Narendra Modi suddenly has god Ram in his heart and remembers Gandhi to pronounce “Hey Ram)” Gujarat Govt. is building a ‘Mahatma Mandir’ in Gandhinagar at the cost of Rs 100 crores. I felt bad. Many others too. Imran Shaikh, a friend on Face Book opined against it. Some of us friends started the debate on this subject, ‘converting Gandhi in to god’ on Face Book. I had questioned “where are Gandhians?” Happy, that they’ve also opposed the Modi move. This debate has taken a shape of a meeting of humanist people (mostly youngsters) to discuss this issue and work out a format of protest. We believe Gandhi was a great human and nobody shall convert him in to god; thus rendering his life as divine and un-attainable by people like me n you. He is an ideal for generations to come and Modi and his

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party wants to make sure that no other Gandhi is created in India. I personally endorse Gandhians‘ view as well that these RSS people have no right over Gandhi after justifying his murder.

A poster was created instantly by a FB youngster.

The wordings of the invitation were: Our Govt. is converting Gandhi in to God with initiative of building Mahatma Mandir. Modiji wants Gandhi out of social conscience. As a people (not god) we should protest against this initiative. Where are Indians who called themselves as an Indian? Come and join the open discussion and share your views on it. Note: this event is only for Humans, any type of GODs is not allowed. A Nation is not only a physical infrastructure but much more. Nation gives us a lot. What do we give back to it? We have always been proud of our India but have we done enough? ‘SYSTEM’ that runs society, but what is society? We are the Society. We are the people.

Stop saying ‘System hee kharaab hai!’ (System is itself wrong.) Come out of the SYSTEM, and make your own point of view. Congress builds Samadhi, BJP construct Temples, BSP build statues, in this we forget to build Nation. Let’s meet together and make a step towards building Nation of AAZAAD INDIANS. Kiran Trivedi —News sent by Bipin Shroff III Indian Humanist Union celebrated its 50th anniversary on 12th June 2010.

A meeting of the Delhi Humanist Reading Group (HRG) was held on Second Saturday, 12th June, 2010, the date on which the Indian Humanist Union was established, exactly 50 years ago at Nainital. It was therefore decided that in this meeting Shri Prakash Narain, one of the Founder Members of IHU, would speak on “50 Years of IHU and the Way Forward”. His talk was followed by a lively discussion.

News source: Vir Narain, President, Indian Humanist Union, New Delhi. virnarain@gmail.com

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IV Publisher Prometheus Books is bringing out an American edition of Narla V R’s book The Truth about the Gita: A Closer Look at Hindu Scripture (Paperback) in July 2010 with an introduction by Innaiah Narisetti. It has been announced by Amazon.com.

V Dr. Lohia Birth Centenery Programme held at Humboldt University in Berlin on 9th June, 2010 umboldt University in Berlin organised a programme on 9th June to mark the birth centenary of one of its most famous Indian students - Dr. Rammanohar Lohia. The programme began with a tribute to Dr. Lohia on behalf of the University by the Vice Rector Prof. Dr. Michael W. Linscheid. He expressed admiration for the intellectual and socio-political contributions of Dr. Rammanohar Lohia who had studied economics, philosophy and history at Berlin in the historical period of late 1920s and early 1930s. His thesis on the Salt Satyagraha in India was submitted in January, 1933 under the supervision of famous historical economist Prof. Werner Sombart was examined by two eminent scholars Prof.

Schumacher and Prof. Bernard. The documents related with the admission and examination of Dr. Lohia were included in the exhibition organised as part of the programme. Prof. Linscheid expressed optimism about continuing the tradition of academic contacts between Germany and India established by brilliant scholars like Lohia in the future also as there is a major initiative through Humboldt in India Programme by the university.

The presentation by Prof. Yogendra Yadav about a synoptic view of the career and contributions of Dr. Lohia, first as a freedom fighter and later as a major leader of the socialist movement, was the highlight of the programme. He provided interesting details about the intellectual roots of Lohia’s approach to history and social change which got amplified in Economics after Marx in 1943, Wheel of History in

H

1955 and later in The Caste System and Language related writings in the 1960s. Prof. Yogendra Yadav suggested to the feminists of today to read Savitri Aur Draupadi and his interactions with Periyar and Dr. Ambedkar as they are more relevant today than ever before. He also pointed out that Lohia was against cosmopolitanism and for universalism which was reflected in his call for the seven revolutions. Prof. Boike Rehbein, Professor of South Asian and South East Asian studies and key organiser of the Lohia Centenary programme, spoke about the increasing importance of thinkers and leaders like Lohia in understanding the modern world system, particularly the world that was being created around the processes of globalisation where the issues of multiculturalism, equality, progress, identity and freedom are becoming more and more relevant. Prof. Rehbein pointed out that Dr. Lohia was always concerned about the need to promote a holistic approach to social realities where the role of time, space and people are equally appreciated by the scholars. The Lohia Memorial Seminar concluded with remarks by Prof. Anand Kumar of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He expressed gratitude towards the Humboldt University for remembering Lohia in a dignified and suitable manner. A set of Lohia literature in Hindi and English, significant photographs of the his life journey and copies of Lohia Centenary numbers of journals in Hindi, Telugu, and English was also presented to the university on behalf of the Dr. Rammanohar Lohia Birth Centenary Committee. The programme was attended by the representative of the Embassy of India, the International Office of Humboldt University, faculty members of the Institute of Asian And African Studies, several scholars from India, and students from different countries studying in Berlin. A special Lohia Centenary exhibition was also organised at the university. It included 30 rare photographs of Dr. Lohia, most of his important books in Hindi and English and a set of documents about his student days at Berlin. —News sent by Ravela Somayya, Convenor, Hyderabad

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