Vol. 74 No 2
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THERADICALHUMANIST (Since April 1949)
MAY 2010
Formerly : Independent India (April 1937- March 1949) The Market Economy & Contemporary Crisis —Amlan Datta Tenets of Radical Humanism —K. Pratap Reddy Thoughts of M.N. Roy —R.K.A. Subrahmanya Compulsory Education; Paid News; Nuclear Liability Bill —N.K. Acharya 482 Phone Tapping: Violation Of Fundamental Rights —Rajindar Sachar Potentialities of South Asian Identity —Balraj Puri 60 years of Secularism in India —Innaiah Narisett M.N. Roy: A prophetic Critic —B.P. Rath Pol. Participation of Muslim Women in Tripura M.N. Roy —Anjali Chakraborty Founder Editor My observations on “The Movement Impasse” —Bipin Shroff
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The Radical Humanist Vol. 74
Number 2
May 2010
Monthly journal of the Indian Renaissance Institute Devoted to the development of the Renaissance Movement; and for promotion of human rights, scientific-temper, rational thinking and a humanist view of life. Founder Editor: M.N. Roy Contributory Editors: Professor Amlan Datta Professor A.F. Salahuddin Ahmed Justice R.A. Jahagirdar (Retd.) Dr. R.M. Pal Professor Rama Kundu Editor: Dr. Rekha Saraswat Publisher: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Printer: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Send articles to: Dr. Rekha Saraswat C-8, Defence Colony Meerut, 250001, U.P., India Ph. 91-121-2620690, 09719333011 E-mail articles at: rheditor@gmail.com Send Subscription / Donation Cheques to: Mr. Narottam Vyas (Advocate), Chamber Number 111 (Near Post Office) Supreme Court of India, New Delhi, 110001, India n.vyas@snr.net.in Ph. 91-11-22712434, 91-11-23782836, 09811944600 In favour of: ‘The Radical Humanist’ Sometimes some articles published in this journal may carry opinions not similar to the radical humanist philosophy; but they would be entertained here if the need is felt to debate and discuss upon them. —Rekha
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—Contents— 1. From the Editor’s Desk: Can one be moral without religion? —Rekha Saraswat 1 2. From the Writings of Amlan Datta: 2 The Market Economy & Contemporary Crisis 3. Guests’ Section: Tenets of Radical Humanism —K. Pratap Reddy 8 M.N. Roy: A prophetic Critic —B.P. Rath 11 Thoughts of M.N. Roy —R.K.A. Subrahmanya 13 4. Current Affairs: Potentialities of South Asian Identity —Balraj Puri 16 Phone Tapping – Violation Of Fundamental Rights of Privacy And Free Speech —Rajindar Sachar 18 Compulsory Education; Nuclear Liability Bill; US Health Care; Paid News —N.K. Acharya 20 5. IRI / IRHA Members’ Section: Shashtipurthi (60 years) of Secularism in India —Innaiah Narisetti 23 My observations on “The Movement Impasse” —Bipin Shroff 26 Pol. Participation of Muslim Women in Tripura —Anjali Chakraborty 28 6. Student’s & Research Scholar’s Section: Today’s Turbulent World and Relevance of Roy —Gomati Desai 34 7. Book Review Section: What would M.N. Roy have said?
—Dipavali Sen 8. Humanist News:
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From the Editor’s Desk:
Can one be moral without religion? months ago I read a news Some item in http://www.americanhumanist.org about big bill boards, banners and placards that were posted in many public places in various cities of the U.S.A. with never-seen-before quotes on them such as: “Don’t Believe in God? You are not alone”. “A million New Yorkers are good without God. Are You?” “Are you good without God? Millions are.” “No God? No problem…Be good for goodness’ sake.” “Humanism is the idea that you can be good without a belief in God” This reminded me of what Roy had been so many times categorically quoting in his writings that “man is moral because he is rational.” Critics usually contested this statement of Roy because they believed that “man is moral because he is emotional” and “man is moral because he is religious.” If we take their censure on its face value then these critics actually support Roy because, in fact, “man is emotional because he is rational” and also “man is religious because he is rational.” And, if we are able to validate the rationality in man’s being emotional and religious it would on its own lead to the legitimate conclusion that man can be moral only because he is rational. If we take the help of human psychology and the history of human race we will find that just as man’s emotions can be traced to a rational sequence his religious instincts can also be validated to his unconscious reason. For example, taking the psychological aspect in man’s behaviour we find that his reason tells him to say what pleases him most and act like-wise. He rationalizes relationships and wants to be in the company of people he feels most comfortable with. He justifies loyalties. He substantiates feelings. What can be more logical than this? Even in his negative actions he tries to convince himself first, then to prove to others that these are the reactions of some wrongs done to him. And that his crime is a
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rational outcome of the immoral behaviour towards him by someone or the society as a whole. The terrorists are often heard taking this plea. This is because a man reasons out his expectations. Different philosophers have helped him do so. While Locke says he has a natural right towards his life and property, Rousseau says he has a legal right to get his rational desires fulfilled by the State in the name of ‘general will’. While Bentham says maximum people have a right to maximum happiness, Mill says each man’s happiness is important and that he has a right to enjoy his liberty the way he defines it. He also adds that no rational man can ever identify his contentment in some acts that jeopardize other’s bliss because he learns by experience that while living together with homo-sapiens he has to compromise and adjust with their desires too so that he gets their affection and care. This goes to prove that man is instinctively just and moral because he is a social being always afraid of being left alone. Till now there is no mention of religion and we already feel that man can be moral without it. But, even if we directly relate morality with religion we find that the latter has done more harm than good to the ethical aspect of man’s life. To mention the worst outcome, it has alienated the humanity by dividing the basic tenets of behavioral morality according to various sects and varieties of faiths. What is honorable for one group is abominable for the other. They go to the extent of labeling individuals of some religious communities and castes as unholy or even untouchable just by virtue of their being born there. Even before their children might have learnt the difference between good and bad they are tagged as vulnerable to perform acts of offence against morality because of their parentage in a particular religious community, sect and caste. I think, in a civic society, the problem arises only after we associate morality with religion. While religion is an individual’s personal habit, morality is his related social behaviour. The first can be followed without social interference while the latter comes into being only when the society is involved. While each religion claims “Only I am the best” morality, in general, expects “All are good”. How can the ego of religion be made compatible with the modesty of morality? Simple, by dissociating one from the other!
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From the Writings of Amlan Datta:
Amlan Datta
The Market Economy and the Contemporary Crisis— A discussion on the future of public economics, markets, individual freedom and democratic values. [The RH is serialisng the following Lecture since April 2010 which was delivered by Prof. Amlan Datta on invitation by Rajaji Foundation in 1991. It was orginally published, with copyright to Rajaji Foundation, in December 1991 by the Project for Economic Education (a non-political non-partisan programme established with the objective of enlightening the intelligent layman on economic issues) and the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, FDR (a non-profit private institution primarily engaged in the strengthening of democratic and pluralist institutions in the underdeveloped world). A special word of thanks for Mr. Ugamraj Mohnot, our senior Radical Humanist who sent its copy to me.] The Case of the Central Planners: Having noted the positive contribution of the market economy in a broad historical context, we turn now to a brief exposition of some of the basic weaknesses of the idea of socialism as a system of centralised planning. How is it that the idea caught the fancy of so many economists in recent history? Let us ponder on that question for a moment before we pass on to other things. The market economy as already explained, laid the material foundations of the modern spirit of rationalism. It is interesting to note that the idea of central planning of economic activities at the national level also drew inspiration from the same spirit. Adam Smith spoke of
MAY 2010 the “invisible hand” of the market. That was a metaphorical way of stating that resources are allocated in a market economy in accordance with price signals. Central planners claim that they can act more rationally than “the invisible hand”. The market, critics argue, does not give rational signals. Individual consumers may not know what is to their best interest - consider, for example, the alcoholic. Individual producers, guided by self-interest, may be acting against the national interest. The state as the representative of the people knows better. The poor do not have adequate purchasing powerto register their needs. The results of the working of the market are often irrational or unjust. Central planners, having a total view of available resources and the needs of the people, can order an allocation of resources which is more rational and more just. Total planning is more rational and more just. Total planning is m ore rational than the anarchy of individualistic capitalism. The arguement in that form makes an appeal to both reason and conscience. The case for central planning looks simple. But, it is, in fact, highly deceptive. It is necessary at this point to make certain distinctions to avoid misunderstanding. The market economy does not equally reject control of every kind. For instance, it cannot digest quantitative restrictions at all well. But it absorbs much better, selective taxes and subsidies by which production and consumption along certain lines can be controlled. This is because such imposts and allowances can be more easily included in the cost calculations of individual firms. Also there are different kinds of planning. Monetary and fiscal planning, for instance, is centrally done; but that is not what one means by central planning. There is, again indicative planning; that too is something different. Deriving from the experience of the Soviet Union and cerftain war economies, central planning has come to carry a special sense. Judging by results, it is difficult today to be enthusiastic about certain planning except for rather short periods. Those who were once strongly attracted by the apparently rational and holistic appeal of total central planning owe it to themselves to find out where exactly the arguement went wrong. There are not a few in the profession of economics who succumbed to that attraction. State and Private Sector Enterprises - Measuring
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Performance: Economists have a model of firms working under assumed conditions of perfect competition, perfect knowledge and mobility of the relevant factors. They have also devised certain tools of analysis to measure or otherwise indicate deviations of the actual market economy from that model. This makes criticism of the market economy look precise, convincing and decisive. Nothing quite of the same kind exists for assessing performance in the public sector. Firms there do not function under competitive conditions, but it does not matter because they are not supposed so to function. They do not minimise costs or maximise profits or they may actually be making losses. But that ahain does not greatly matter because they are not supposed to minimise costs or make a profit. Thus, the public sector is never in want of excuses to cover up its inefficiency. This absence of precise methods of criticism for state enterprises does not in reality make things better, it only makes them worse. As a despotism shielded against effective criticism surely degenerates, so does productive enterprise under state management. This does not mean that there is never any case for the setting up of such an enterprise. The trouble is that once set up, it continues even when the necessity from which it came into existence has come to an end. In the private sector, firms are forced out of existence when continued losses give the signal that they are out of adjustment with circumstances. Socialist or state enterprise defies such signals and carries on indefinitely with subsidies even to the ultimate detriment of public interests. Private firms are known to use unfair means, particularly in periods of monetary instability and rapidly rising prices, when hoarding and profiteering become common. But with reasonably sound monetary and fiscal management, private enterprise has to submit by and large to the discipline of the market. Judging by actual evidence, state enterprise is not amenable to such discipline and it is prone to make a v irtue of its insubordination even as it treats costs and prices with scant regard. State management means bureaucratic management. A normal market economy should function within an appropriate framework of laws, legislated by a sovereign people through its representatives and administered by a neutral, public-spirited bureaucracy. Thus, the bureaucracy has its proper place and it is useful where it
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belongs. But there is a qualitative difference between good bureaucratic or administrative culture and good business or enterpreneurial culture. The main duty of the bureaucrat is not so much to innovate as to work according to rules and precedents and to be just and impartial in the administration of the law. He main function of the entrepreneur is to innovate and economise and get things done efficiently with as little waste of time and resources as possible. When these two cultures are mixed up, both business and administration are likely to suffer a peculiar corruption. The Consequences of Bureaucratic Management: There is one aspect of the matter which deserves to be noted a little more fully. This has to do with the application of knowledge to economic development. The conscientious bureaucrat, even when he comes from the general stream, may take the trouble of acquainting himself with existing knowledge, including the state of the art and accepted practice in the relevant department. For the entrepreneur, however, this is not enough. He has to go beyond given knowledge and accepted practice. He has to innovate and develop with a view to making special profits even at the risk of possible failure. In course of time, what was once an innovation becomes common practice and profits fall to the normal level all around. Therefore, the enterprising businessman cannot allow himself to relax too long; he has to try and try again and break fresh grounds to make special profits which, in the nature of the case, are every time temporary. The good administrator cannot surrender himself to this impatient urge to innovate without appearing crazy, ultimately inviting official censure. It is safer for him to be cautious and conservative. The entrepreneur must dare or he will be left behind in the race. When bureaucrats are called upon to manage enterprise, a creeping stagnation comes over the economy. The same thing happens when an over grown public sector co-exists with a controlled private sector. Exposed to the environment of business culture, the bureaucrat is unable to abide by the true enterpreneural spirit. Himself unused to innovating and breaking new grounds, he finds it tempting and even rewarding to stop others from moving forward and to demand a price for lifting the brake. Thus inefficiency and corruption reinforce each other.
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The point could be illustrated from India. But a more telling illustration would be from the Soviet Union. In his autobiography Boris Yeltsin presents a remarkable account of that combination of corruption and inefficiency which afflicts Soviet socialism. “Obsequiousness and obedience are rewarded (in the Party) by privilege,” writes Yeltsin, and he goes on to add with evident irony, “If you have climbed your way to the top of the establishment pyramid, then it is, ‘full communism’!....‘For each according to his abilities, to each according to his needs’. And so it is for those at the top of the party pyramid....their abilities alas are not outstanding - but their needs! Their needs are so great that so far it has only been possible to create real communism for a couple of dozen people.” To blame this state of affairs on Stalin would be a mistake. It is a logical outcome of the system itself. The State has a Role to Play: To uphold this indictment of an overcentralised economy and polity is not, however, to deny that the state has a large and positive role to play in economic development particularly in the preparatory stages of the industrial take-off. The diversified activities of private enterprise require a supporing infrastructure which the
state can help erect to common advantage. Adam Smith himself clearly recognised this when he included among the duties of the sovereign “that of erecting and maintaining those public institutions and those public works, which though they may be in the highest degree advantageous to a great society, are, however, of such a nature that the profit could never repay the expense to any individual or smaller number of individuals”. If this was true in Adam, Smith’s time, it is truer for the “late-starters” today, with the pressing need to build the necessary infrastructure as fast as possible. It may also be expedient for the state to play a positive role in setting up vital large-scale industries to help overcome the immediate constraints of a limited market. But appended to all such activities there must be a cautionary note. A policy which is sound and expedient at one stage of development can become a fetter on further progress at the next stage. Far too often “socialism” has become the ideology of an overgrown bureaucracy, the “new class”. Clinging to its vested interests and habitual powers, the entrenched order resists necessary change and liberalisation even when the inner dynamicsof economic and social evolution demands a new orientation and a crossing of frontiers. To be continued.........
Important Announcement
Encyclopedia of the Radical Humanists To be loaded on the RH Website (http://www.theradicalhumanist.com) Dear Friends, This is to request you to send in your personal details, contact numbers etc. (along with your passport size photographs) as well as a brief account of how you got associated with M.N. Roy/Radical Democratic Party/Radical Humanist Movement directly or indirectly through the philosophy of New Humanism. This is also a request to all those friends, whose deceased parent/parents were involved in or were sympathetic with Radical Humanism and its Movement, to send in accounts of their parent’s/parents’ association (as much as they can recollect and recount). This will be a loving and emotional tribute to their memories from your side. All this effort is being made to form an encyclopedia of the Radical Humanists right from the days of the beginning of M.N. Roy’s social and political activities in India and abroad. All this information will be uploaded and permanently stored on the RH Website in the Profile section for everyone to read and come in contact with one another. This will a historical check-list to connect with all the crusaders who worked or are still working for the human cause on the humanist lines. —Rekha Saraswat
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A report on ‘M.N. Roy Memorial Lecture’ organised on 6th April 2010. —by Deepawali Sen lecture was held at the Indian Law TheInstitute, Delhi, around 5 PM on 6. 4. 2010. Dr. Rekha Saraswat, Editor, The Radical Humanist, welcomed the august gathering who had come to hear and participate in the lecture. She then introduced Mr. Vijay Kelkar, former Chairman, Finance Commission of India,the internationally reputed academic known for his role in India’s recent ‘economic reforms’ to the audience and requested Mr. B.D. Sharma, President, IRI, to formally welcome Mr. Kelkar, who presented him with a bouquet and led him to the dais. She also introduced Padmashri Kumar Ketkar, the well-known Marathi journalist and Chief Editor, Lok Satta, a leading Marathi daily, who was to deliver the Memorial Lecture that evening. She then requested Mr. N.D. Pancholi, Secretary, IRI, to formally greet him with a bouquet of flowers and lead him to the dais. Mr. Pancholi then took the mike to inform the audience about the annually held M.N. Roy Memorial Lecture. He said that this was the main function held by the IRI every year. The speakers chose their own subjects and in the same tradition Mr. Ketkar had chosen ‘M.N. Roy’s relevance in today’s turbulent world’. Mr Pancholi then gave a brief introduction to the life and personality of M.N. Roy. His first name was Narendranath Bhattacharya and he went through three phases in his life: ardent Nationalist, Marxist, and Radical Humanist. At the age of 14, he became associated with an underground revolutionary organization to free India from British rule and even faced prosecution. At the time of the First World War, German help was expected to free India. M.N. Roy was sent out for the purpose but the help did not materialize. M.N. Roy landed up in San Francisco. Facing American prosecution, he escaped to Mexico and joined the Mexican Socialist Party, converted in 1917 to Mexican
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Communist Party (the first ‘communist’ party outside Russia). In 1920, M.N. Roy was invited to the Soviet Union by Lenin, to discuss the colonial question. M.N. Roy had differences with Lenin on the subject and the conference decided to have both his and Lenin’s theses on record. The Stalinist era with its liquidation drive made M.N. Roy go to Germany. Hitler’s rise made him then come back to India. A pending case sentenced him to six years of imprisonment in 1930, when he wrote his books. He then joined the Indian National Congress but differences of opinion and a campaign made him resign and leave. Mr. Pancholi then gave the details how from the Radical Democratic Party he ended up forming the Radical Humanist philosophy and developing it into a movement. Mr. Ketkar’s lecture then followed. He began by saying that though he was associated with the Communist movement in his student days, he had not been introduced to M.N. Roy’s thoughts. The only reference he heard of him was as a ‘renegade’. He accessed M.N. Roy’s Memoirs only later, in Bombay. As he was open to all ideas, he was also open to M.N. Roy’s. He felt that ideological turmoil must have been going on within M.N. Roy even in his early days. He mentioned Comrade Dange and said that he got Marxist literature made available to him only in his 6 years in prison. His Marathi magazine was the first one to support Marxist ideas. The idea then was to reverse whatever appeared in London Times and write it in Marathi. If a British newspaper like London Times said something (here Marxism) was bad, then it must be good. Those were the days of the Labour party and the Home Rule movement. After 1905, the year of the Bengal Partition, the idea of a Hindu-Muslim divide was also floating around. Those were also the days when M.N. Roy was evolving. Ideas were floating around globally, though not much literature was available. Mr. Ketkar further said that ‘Humanism’ and ‘Radical’ are terms that are simple and complex at the same time. Every great leader calls himself a humanist. What is M.N. Roy’s Humanism?
THE RADICAL HUMANIST Socialism, Fabian Socialism, Christian Socialism, Left Wing and even the very term Ideology...all were new terms , and have roots in the debates of the 1930s. The world was turbulent even then. Ten crore people died in the two World Wars taken together. Then started the Cold War! Much later, with the collapse of the Berlin wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the ideological debate became irrelevant. Magazines stopped the columns on socialism. There was a tremendous amount of volatility in the world up to the end of the 20th century. Luckily, M.N. Roy did not survive to see the violence or turbulence after 1954. Mr. Ketkar mentioned Mr. Pancholi saying that M.N. Roy never changed his character but his ideas were constantly evolving. He changed from an adolescent understanding to an adult understanding – of Nationalism, Socialism, the Congress, the Partition, Leninist ideas, and so on. He changed and he developed. His ideas were never monolithic. During his stay abroad, M.N. Roy had seen the dangerous face of Fascism in Germany and pointed it out to those beginning to support Hitler. This is the state of mind in which he came to the Faizpur Congress in 1936, and nothing of Gandhi’s could impress him there. He was more with Nehru than with Gandhi. At the Faizpur Congress, Nehru (its President) promoted his Socialistic ideas – quite a different point of view from Gandhiji. M.N. Roy and Nehru almost overlapped each other in their ideas. Nehru introduced M.N. Roy (to a large gathering at the Faizpur Congress in 1936) eloquently as a man who had contributed much to the international peace. Things changed by three years (1936-39) with the Second World War being announced and M.N. Roy differing on the issue of India participating in the war. It was in this stage of conflict or turmoil (1936-45) when M.N. Roy began to evolve his ‘radical’ kind of Humanism, rather than simply the Gandhian kind. Radical Humanism never became a mass movement, although there are many who passionately describe themselves as Royists. Then followed the presence of American soldiers in Vietnam, the ’68 revolution in France, the Cultural revolution in China, the ideas of Sartre, Russell, all somehow a part of the world peace movement. All these were topics of discussion – but not M.N. Roy. Why? As
MAY 2010 a student, Mr. Ketkar wondered and that is how he began to read M.N. Roy. That is how, in his personal life, M.N. Roy’s ideologies came to surface. Mr. Ketkar regretted that M.N. Roy was not alive to witness the changing world after 1954. His comments upon them would have been most interesting because M.N. Roy himself was constantly changing. He could not see the world events of after-1954 with his eyes the way he saw of, say, 1936 or 1905. How his ideas would have evolved remains now a matter of introspection! Mr. Ketkar attempted to draw a graph of M.N. Roy’s ideas or comments on events that took place after he was gone. With respect to the events in the Soviet Union in the 1980s, leading to its collapse in 1990, Mr. Ketkar felt that perhaps M.N. Roy would have patted himself on the back, saying: ‘This is what I said in the ’40s! This type of socialism cannot survive.” M.N. Roy had been the only person in his times to have visited both China and the Soviet Union. He reported to Stalin on China, truthfully pointing out the negative features he saw there. M.N. Roy had not written much on the topic of Market versus State, or on Multinationals. Mr. Ketkar wondered how he would have looked upon the fall of the Soviet Union or the advent of Capitalism in China, the rise of the Multinational Corporations, the phenomenon of Globalization (as distinct from Internationalism) and the even more recent phenomenon of Terrorism. All these are absent in M.N. Roy; he died before they took birth. But the essential values and ideas of M.N. Roy are all there. They remain. In spite of all the Terrorism, civilization is not going to be finished; humankind is not going to go extinct. M.N. Roy’s Radical Humanism is automatically a globalized idea and therefore relevant to the era of Globalization. M.N. Roy’s intellectual thrust was not encumbered by any monolithic approach. His understanding was constantly evolving. So, however turbulent the world gets, M.N. Roy’s ideas live on and remain relevant. This is where the M.N. Roy Memorial Lecture ended. Mr. B.D. Sharma described it as ‘illuminating’ and it called forth a lot of response in terms of questions. Answering a question on the future of Communism in the world, Mr. Ketkar said that M.N. Roy had distanced himself from monolithic ideas of Communism. So 6
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Radical Humanism should not be regarded as the God That Failed but an assertion of social justice, an assertion that sooner or later the day will dawn (ek din subah hogi). To another question on whether Democracy was an essential part of Radical Humanism, Mr. Ketkar said that Radical Humanism does not advocate forms of Democracy like the Parliamentary or the Presidential, but yes, it does believe in fundamental freedom and essential democracy. The questions ranged from ‘Departmental Terrorism’ ( Corruption?) to Naxalitism, fanaticism to caste conflict, mass participation and the role of the police …Asked for a one-line solution for the present turbulence of the world, Ketkar said that this very profound idea – believing in mankind- co-operative
participation by the people - the value-based system incorporated in Radical Humanism – this is the solution. Dr. Rekha Saraswat added that whether something benefits the last individual in the society or not – that is the litmus test of Radical Humanism. Mr. Vijay Kelkar then wound up the lecture by calling it “absolutely brilliant’. Economics is called the Dismal Science. But even among ‘dismal scientists’, that is, Economists, there is tension over the issue of Equity versus Growth, that is, social justice versus economic development. And M.N. Roy’s Radical Humanist ideas are ever going to dominate the debate on this issue. With thanks from Mr. B.D. Sharma, and ‘a cup of tea’, the function was over.
“Today’s Turbulent World and Relevance of M.N. Roy” Dear Rekha, Thank You very much for your invitation to send a Write up on The Topic of ‘Today’s Turbulent World and Relevance of M.N. Roy.’ The following is the Write up. The relevance of M.N. Roy’s stand as a radical humanist is felt today as never before. A man who was beyond caste, sectarian creed and narrow religion viewed rationalism and humanism as the ultimate and all encompassing religion. He is the real intellectual leader in these problematic and turbulent times. What we see in today’s world is the evil rise of destructive religion, terrorism based on the narrow precepts of fundamentalist thinking and ruthless and cruel slaughter of mankind all around. Terrorism has become global and is spreading like wild fire. Human lives are uncertain in their survival and there is no solace. What are needed at the moment are compassion, humanistic outlook and rationalistic view about issues which would prevail over superstition, fundamentalism and lack of compassion. I think that time has come to rediscover M.N. Roy through his writings and spread the pearls of his thinking among others. Chandana Khan
Important Announcement The Indian Renaissance Institute (IRI) is organisng a Seminar on “ Radical Humanism and its Relevance” on 26th June 2010 (Saturday) from 10 am to 5 pm at Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi. IRI and the Indian Radical Humanist Association (IRHA) are also holding their General Body Meetings on 27th June 2010 at the same venue —Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi between 10 am to 5pm. Kindly come in large numbers in the seminar to make it fruitful. All the members and friends of IRI and IRHA are requested to attend both the GBMs to take necessary decisions. For further information regarding boarding and lodging, please contact Mr. N.D. Pancholi, Secretary, IRI at 09811099532 — Rekha Saraswat 7
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Guests’ Section:
K. Pratap Reddy
[Mr. K. Pratap Reddy from Warangal District is Senior Advocate, High Court of Andhra Pradesh since 1990. He participated in the freedom movement and was underground for 12 months. He actively participated against the Emergency and also in J.P. Movement. He worked as member of Tarkunde Committee and appeared before Bhargava Commission for prosecuting police officers being accused of fake encounters/murders of Marxist leaders. He is Member, Amnesty International and Founder Member of People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL). He also is the Founder President of PUCL Andhra Pradesh and continued for several years. He worked in Radical Humanist and Rationalist Movements and is also a Life Member of Indian Renaissance Institute (IRI). He is at present Chairman of a humanist organization – ‘Vigil India’. He is also Chairman of A.V. Education Society and Chairman of Andhra Mahila Abyudaya Samiti. He may be contacted at Phone Nos. – 040-27631129, 27631102 or his Mob. 9848055502.]
Tenets of Radical Humanism My Dear Smt. Rekha Saraswat, 1. I have seen your Editorial under the caption of “Editor’s Desk: Who is a Radical Humanist”? 2. I congratulate you for giving a correct definition of a “Radical Humanist”. I totally agree with all the 14 expansions given to the concept of “Radical Humanist” and thereby to “Radical Humanism” itself. 3. The concept of a “Radical Humanist” and the society
MAY 2010 or association, as the case may be, of “Radical Humanists” cannot be confined to any Dogmatic or Fundamentalist or a Straight-Jacketed concept of exclusiveness. Such an attitude will put the concept of “Radical Humanism” and the association of “Radical Humanists” on par with Hindu and Muslim Fundamentalism, Marxism and Dogmatic organizations. The “litmus test” applied by you is, no doubt, very expansive and comprehensive, but according to me the concept of “Radical Humanism” and for that matter the concept of “Rationalism” go far beyond the Fourteen “Litmus Tests” put by you. It cannot be gainsaid that “Rationalism” and “Radical Humanism” are synonymous, though not literally, but certainly conceptually. Then any person who is “rational” in his thought and action in his day to day life (be it social, economic or religious) can be considered as a “Radical Humanist”. 4. Though deviating a little from the subject (but you will appreciate that the deviation would be relevant to the subject) I wish to point out that “Rationalism” or for that matter “Rational Thinking” appears to be writ large in every human thought, and every process of Civilization and Human Development; (Religious and Religious Movements not excluded). It was only in the process of implementation of their tenets, the elements of dogmatism fundamentalism and superstition were introduced by the overzealous followers of the pioneers of the religious movements, which had the effect of effacing the main message of the prophets like Moses, Christ, Mohammed, Zorathustra, Budda etc. while we cannot trace the origin of what is now known as Hinduism to any particular prophet or Text the same is true about it too. 5. At the same time it can not be denied that during the last two thousand years of recorded Human history there have been any amount of protests, revolts, movements and agitations questioning dogmatism, fundamentalism, superstition and blindfaith in every religion by introducing reason and rationale which lead to several divisions among the religions such as protestant Christianity, Sunni and Shia division of Islam, and innumerable deviations of Hinduism such as Jainism, Buddhism, Shaivism, Vaishnavism, Dwaita, Adwaita and Vishista Advaita etc., 6. Without being lost in the labyrinth of these religious
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schisms, one must reconcile to the fact that the mainstream of human civilization continued with an undercurrent of reason or rationalism, however small in measure it may have been. The questioning of Authority of the Pope by Erasmus & Martin Luther may have lead to schism, in the Christianity, but what is relevant to be noted is that in the history of Human Civilization there have been many movements, based on reason, the process of thought and expression questioning the Authority of the state and religion which liberated the human race to great extent, though not fully, from the evils of Dogmatic Fundamentalism and Superstitious Practices from time to time. Such instances will be found in abundance even in Hindu and Islamic civilizations, if only we study them with an objective view an analytical mind. While the debates, discourses and Mimamsa introduced in Upanishads had lead to Renaissance in Hindu Philosophy, and way of life, the Sufi movement had liberated the Islamic Society from the Medieval Fundamentalism. 7. It may appear to be incredible, but it is true that while the old Dogmas were abandoned on account of movements and struggles based on reason and rationale thoughts from time to time, new and unfortunately perhaps more inhuman and obnoxious practices emerged. Readers may kindly note that even during the early Hindu Civilization as reflected in Ramayana and Mahabharata’ we do not find the practice of Sati and Child marriages and Child Widowhood. None of the three wives of Dasaratha committed Sati. Marriages of girls were conducted by the process of “Swyamvara”. Narda Smriti and other earlier Hindu Texts spoke of permitting the second marriage of widows and women whose husbands were not found for more than seven years. Damayati’s second Swyamvara after the disappearance of Nala is one such incident. But in the medieval ages the obnoxious practice of Sati and child marriage and “continued- child- widowhood” were followed carrying the Hindu society to almost inhuman levels. Quoting Quran wrongly, the powerful muslim males started indulging in multiple marriages and unilateral Talaqs making women as mere chattel much in contravention of Quranic Ordains. The concept of “Jihad” was propagated by misinterpreting the Quran.
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These obnoxious and inhuman practices were Valiantly opposed and fought by great social Revolutiories like Swamy Dayanad Sarawati, Swamy Vivekanand, Guru Nanak, Basweshwara, Narayaana Guru, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Mustafa Kamal Pasha (Kamal Ata Turk) Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Kabir etc. All these social reformers introduced reason, Rationalism and Humanism bringing a new awaking in the society, which persuaded the British Government to pass several legislative measures prohibiting Sati, introducing the concept of widow marriages and giving property rights to Hindu Widows to name a few . 8. It is unfortunate, but very much true, that in the wake of our Independence movement fresh reprisals emerged purporting to divide the society on Religious basis not only leading to partition of the country into two nations (now three) but also dividing the people also on the basis of Religion which lead to untold Human Misery and Exodus of the people. 9. After Independence, the New Nation, India had resolved to constitute itself into a Sovereign, Socialist and Secular Republic, and resolving further to develop our people into a really secular society based upon the principles of Universal Brotherhood. 10. It is the duty of the civil society led by us the Rationalists and Radical Humanists to fight the evils of Fundamentalism, Dogmatism and Superstition and bring in a fresh Renaissance introducing a scientific thought and inquisition in every aspect of our life where the guiding Principles will be only those enshrined in our constitution which undoubtedly. guarantee to all citizens of India Justice, Social, Economic, Political; Freedom of Thought, Expression, Belief, Faith and Worship: Equality of status and Opportunity: Promotes Fraternity, Dignity of all the Individuals. It has to be acknowledged that the concept of “Secularism” enshrined in the Constitution is based upon “Rationalism” and “Humanism”. The Directives in Part IV introduce and true egalitarian society. I assert without any fear of contradiction that all the fourteen definitions of “Radical Humanism” given by you are enshrined in the Preamble and Parts III, IV & IVA of the Constitution. Let us all adhere to the Ordains of the Constitution and all of us will find ourselves to be true “Rationalists” and thereby “Radical Humanists”.
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“Today’s Turbulent World and Relevance of M.N. Roy” Dear Rekha, I am afraid I won’t have time for a really serious contribution and sorry for my English which is not precise enough. But allow me to write a few things I was thinking of the last France’s regional elections and Roy’s relevance. As you may know, those elections produced a massive and unseen abstention: more than 50 percent of France’s registered voters ignored the polls. This distrust towards politics is today-despite local specificities-a worldwide phenomenon. The reason of it seems to me something that M. N. Roy clearly foresaw more than sixty years ago: the traditional parties are resented increasingly aloof by those who they are supposed to represent. To vote or not to vote, who cares? Nothing will change! The liberal capitalism is considering itself as the End of History. Especially since any Revolutionary horizon has vanished with the collapse of the so-called socialist countries. The danger of it is clearly that this gap between the citizen and the institutions leaves room to the worst extremists-we see how extreme right wing radical groups are becoming increasingly influent in European countries: Italy, Austria, and The Netherlands and... France with the reappearance of the neo-fascist National Front! And elsewhere political activists may become religious fanatics (like in Chechnya for instance). Then, the Royist necessity of a grass-root approach of politics, of the education of the citizen, of a genuinely participative democracy is obvious. More than ever! But I do think, unlike Roy in the 40s, that this movement of “re-enchanting” politics should be done without living the ground of the traditional political game. In my opinion, Radical Humanism cannot just be a “think tank” of enlightened intellectuals. It has to exist politically to respond to the highly political question of how the government, the assemblies, the institutions may really belong to the People who have elected it. To avoid the growing and dangerous distance between the voter and its representative, it seems to me that there is a need for new political mediations, but those should take place within the democratic debate, however formal it may seem today. Because the fanatics and the extremists will never leave this ground (they know very well how to use elections!). The progressive political activism, needs high hopes and big aims to exist in its full strength (otherwise it becomes simply a social-democrat management policy) - once the great communist goal has failed, it could definitely be time for a Royist humanist horizon. All the best,
Vladimir Leon Dear Friends, Please email your articles at rheditor@gmail.com and send your passport size photographs as attachments. Or post them at C-8 Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P., India. Please include your introduction, if you are sending your write-ups for the first time. Please feel free to contact me at 91-9719333011 for any other querry. —Rekha Saraswat
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B.P. Rath
[Mr. Bagwat Prashad Rath, who calls himself a heretic, is a Gandhian socialist. He built educational institutions, got elected as a chairman of a Panchayet Samiti, resigned and worked as a lecturer in English. A believer in Lokayata philosophy, he is an editor of journals—Vigil-English, Sarvodaya-Oriya. He is also a writer of several novels, poems (in Oriya) and essays (in Oriya and English). He has often been subjected to police harassment, false cases and threats from anti-socials due to his association with people’s movements and connection with human rights organizations. Presently, he is researching upon the works and literature on ancient Indian culture. Bagwat_prashad@rediffmail.com]
M.N. Roy: A prophetic Critic Your Editorial— “The Movement Impasse” Dear Editor, our thoughtful editorial (Feb, The Radical Humanist), inspired me to pen down the lines below. M.N. Roy was prophetic in his criticism of party totalitarianism (like nationalism). He had the courage to announce his changed stand based on his new convictions. He had an open mind and lived according to the new ideas that attracted him. Where are the Swatantra Party and the Socialist Party today? What happened to the cadre-based Communist Party when it constantly uses constitutionally available democratic space to finish real democracy in West Bengal? The Congress is a party of dynastic rule and the BJP, a communalist outfit. Today’s parliament is a talking club
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of only millionaires. In South America, a new experiment is going on to establish real democracy of the people. Brazil nurtured a great land reform movement and Zapatista Commander Marcos is experimenting with a new ideology. Anarchism is influencing them. It goes to the credit of Roy’s disciples that they did not rebel against the decision of the master. Gandhi was not so fortunate. His party, the congress, did not accept his advice. Today, the latest ideas of the leading thinkers of the world are available in the book ‘Liberating theory’. Patriarchy, polity, economy and community – all have been scrutinized by several great minds (Noam Chomsky is one of them). Environmental concern is another issue which must be added to the four spheres covered by them in 1985. To discuss these ideas and to take steps to implement them is the cry of the hour. A sincere attempt has to be made in all fields to concretize the revolutionary ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity as visualized by the acknowledged leading intellectuals of the world. Today’s world is democratic only in form. Roy’s vision of a decentralized society remains unrealized. Almost all of the erstwhile Royists must have become old and it is too much to ask them to court imprisonment in the name of noble causes. Human survival is at stake and environmentalists predict that because of climate change, India alone will undergo a loss of six million tones of wheat every year. A leading scientist of the world, Prof. James Hansen courted imprisonment saying that this step was to help the future generations. This was a radical step in the field of humanism. Money power and muscle power influences elections in India. What role can genuine radical humanist play in this slum of political gymnastics? Many people’s movements had their birth in India. Aruna Ray’s “Right to information’ movement was a step in saving the democratic polity. The judiciary and the press have forfeited their rights as sentinels. They too have directly or indirectly succumbed to the power of the money bags. What to speak of a commoner, even a higher-middle-class intellectual can not avail the services of a Supreme Court lawyer (only state organizations or companies can approach them). State terror is challenged by the terror of emancipatory ideologues leading to untold misery of the masses.
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Radical Humanists may lend their voice to genuine people’s movements as was the case during the days of emergency. Next to J.P., Tarkunde was the tallest man in the movement that toppled the most powerful woman in India and saved democracy. Tarkunde’s great struggle
should not remain solitary among the Radical Humanists. With profound regards. Bagwat Prashad
RENAISSANCE PUBLISHERS PRIVATE LIMITED 15, Bankim Chatterjee Street (2nd floor), Kolkata: 700 073, Mobile: 9831261725 NEW FROM RENAISSANCE By SIBNARAYAN RAY Between Renaissance and Revolution-Selected Essays: Vol. I In Freedom’s Quest: A Study of the Life and Works of M. N. Roy: Vol. Ill Part-1 Against the Current By M. N. ROY Science and Superstition AWAITED OUTSTANDING PUBLICATIONS By RABINDRANATH TAGORE & M. N. ROY Nationalism By M. N. ROY The Intellectual Roots of Modern Civilization The Russian Revolution The Tragedy of Communism From the Communist Manifesto To Radical Humanism Humanism, Revivalism and the Indian Heritage By SIVANATH SASTRI A History of The Renaissance in Bengal—Ramtanu Lahiri: Brahman & Reformer By SIBNARAYAN RAY Gandhi, Gandhism and Our Times (Edited) The Mask and The Face (Jointly Edited with Marian Maddern) Sane Voices for a Disoriented Generation (Edited) From the Broken Nest to Visvabharati The Spirit of the Renaissance Ripeness is All By ELLEN ROY From the Absurdity to Creative Rationalism By V. M. TARKUNDE Voice of A Great Sentinel By SWARAJ SENGUPTA Reflections Science, Society and Secular Humanism By DEBALINA BANDOPADHYAY The Woman-Question and Victorian Novel
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MAY 2010 security and written extensively, books and in journals and magazines. He was awarded a Medal of Merit for his contribution to the cause of social security by the International Social Security Association in the year 2000. Thus, the following article that comes in a series in this and the coming issues of RH is loaded with his first hand experience and labour in making all out efforts in the field of social security. ssanantha@yahoo.com ]
R.K.A. Subrahmanya
Thoughts of M.N. Roy [Sri R.K.A.Subrahmanya, a post graduate in economics joined the Indian Audit and Accounts Service after passing the IAS and Central Services Combined Competitive Examination in 1950 He was Accountant General in Assam Orissa, Tamilnadu and Kerala.He was appointed Addl Secretary in the Union Ministry of Labor in 1979. He was Chairman of the Central Board of Trustees of the EPFO, the Standing Committee of the ESIC and the Central Board of Workers Education for some time. He represented the Government of India in the International Labor Conferences held in Geneva for four years out of which he was elected as Chairman of Conference Committees, including the one on Social Dimensions of Industrialisation in three consecutive years. He was a member of a committee set up by the ILO for studying the future of social security in developing countries. He was a member of the Bureau (governing body) of the International Social Security Association, (an association of social security institutions such as the ESIC and the EPFO). After retiring from service in 1984 he was Director General, Gandhi Labor Institute, Ahmedabad for some time before he was appointed as a Member of the A.P.Administrative Tribunal in Hyderabad. After his term in the Tribunal ended he joined the National Labor Law Association where he was the Coordinator of the Research Project called Simplification Rationalisation and Consolidation of Labor Laws and was largely responsible for the production of the book India Labor Code 1994. The Social Security Association of India was formed in 1991 and he has been the Secretary General of the Association since then. In this capacity he has conducted several seminars symposia workshops and training programmes on social 13
Humanism” is the name given by Roy to “New the “new philosophy of revolution” which he developed in the later part of his life. The philosophy has been summarized by Roy in the “Twenty-Two Theses” and elaborated in his New Humanism - A Manifesto. He was opposed to blind faith and superstitions of all kinds and supported rationalism. As a physical realist, he rejected all allegedly supernatural entities like god and soul. Similarly, he was opposed to fatalism and the doctrine of karma. He unequivocally rejected the religious mode of thinking and advocated a scientific outlook and a secular morality. He was opposed to speculative philosophy. He advocated that philosophy must break away from religion and start from the reality of physical nature. He rejected orthodox ideas of theological dogma. Roy was a strong supporter of materialist philosophy. According to him, “Philosophy is materialism, and materialism is the only possible philosophy. For, it represents the knowledge of nature as it really exists -knowledge acquired through the contemplation, observation and investigation of the phenomena of nature itself.” According to Roy, human beings possess free will and can choose out of various alternatives in front of them. Roy assigned a very important place to ethics in his philosophy. Roy strongly asserts that if it is not shown that materialist philosophy can accommodate ethics, then, human spirit, thirsting for freedom, will spurn materialism. In Roy’s view materialist ethics is not only possible but materialist morality is the noblest form of morality. Roy links morality with human being’s innate rationality. Man is moral, according to Roy, because he
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is rational. In Roy’s ethics freedom, which he links with the struggle of existence is the highest value. Search for truth is a corollary to the quest for freedom Roy rejects historical materialism and advocates a humanist interpretation of history in which he gives an important place to human will as a determining factor in history, and he recognizes the autonomy of the mental world. According to Roy, ‘human will’ cannot be directly related to the laws of physical universe. Ideas, too, have an objective existence, and are governed by their own laws. The economic interpretation of history, in Roy’s view is deduced from a wrong interpretation of materialism. Quest for freedom and search for truth, according to Roy, constitute the basic urge of human progress. The purpose of all-rational human endeavor, individual as well as collective, is attainment of freedom in ever increasing measure. The amount of freedom available to the individuals is the measure of social progress. Roy refers quest for freedom back to human being’s struggle for existence, and he regards search for truth as a corollary to this quest. Reason, according to Roy, is a biological property, and it is not opposed to human will. Morality, which emanates from the rational desire for harmonious and mutually beneficial social relations, is rooted in the innate rationality of man. Apart from Roy’s effort to trace the quest for freedom and search for truth to the biological struggle for existence, the basic idea of the first three theses of Roy is: individualism. According to Roy, the central idea of the Twenty-Two Theses is that “political philosophy must start from the basic idea that the individual is prior to society, and freedom can be enjoyed only by individuals”. According to Roy, freedom does not necessarily follow from the capture of political power in the name of the oppressed and the exploited classes and abolition of private property in the means of production. For creating a new world of freedom, says Roy, revolution must go beyond an economic reorganization of society. A political system and an economic experiment which subordinate the man of flesh and blood to an imaginary collective ego, be it the nation or class, cannot possibly be, in Roy’s view, the suitable means for the attainment of the goal of freedom. The Marxian doctrine of state, according to which the
state is an instrument of exploitation of one class by another, is clearly rejected by Roy. According to Roy, the state is “the political organization of society” and “its withering away under communism is a utopia which has been exploded by experience”. Similarly, Roy rejects the communist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat. “Dictatorship of any form, however plausible may be the pretext for it,” asserts Roy, ”excluded by the Radical-Humanist perspective of social revolution”. Roy has discussed the shortcomings of formal parliamentary democracy in his twelfth and thirteenth theses. These flaws, according to Roy, are outcome of the delegation of power. Atomized individual citizens are, in Roy’s view, powerless for all practical purposes, and for most of the time. They have no means to exercise their sovereignty and to wield a standing control of the state machinery. “To make democracy effective,” says Roy, “power must always remain vested in the people and there must be ways and means for the people to wield sovereign power effectively, not periodically, but from day to day.” Thus, Roy’s ideal of radical democracy, as outlined in theses fourteen to twenty-two consists of a highly decentralized democracy based on a network of people’s committee’s through which citizens wield a standing democratic control over the state. According to Roy, progressive satisfaction of the material necessities is the pre-condition for the individual members of society unfolding their intellectual and other finer human potentialities. According to him, “an economic reorganization, such as will guarantee a progressively rising standard of living, is the foundation of the Radical Democratic State. Economic liberation of the masses is an essential condition for their advancing towards the goal of freedom.” The ideal of radical democracy will be attained, according to Roy, through the collective efforts of mentally free men united and determined for creating a world of freedom. They will function as the guides, friends and philosophers of the people rather than as their would-be rulers. Consistent with the goal of freedom, their political practice will be rational and, therefore, ethical. According to Roy, “The function of a revolutionary and a social philosophy is to lay emphasis
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on the basic fact of history that man is maker of his world… The brain is a means of production, and produces the most revolutionary commodity. Revolutions presuppose iconoclastic ideas. An increasingly large number of men conscious of their creative power, motivated by the indomitable will to remake the world, moved by the adventure of ideas, and fired with the ideal of a free society of free men, can create the condition under which democracy will be possible.” Roy categorically asserts that a social renaissance can come only through determined and widespread endeavor to educate the people as regards the principles of freedom and rational co-operative living. Social revolution, according to Roy, requires a rapidly increasing number of men of the new renaissance, and a rapidly expanding system of people’s committees and an organic combination of both. The program of revolution will similarly be based on the principles of freedom, reason and social harmony.
According to Roy, “To consolidate the intellectual basis of the movement, Radicals will continue to submit their philosophies to constant research, examine it in the light of modern scientific knowledge and experience, and extend its application to all the social sciences. They will, at the same time, propagate the essentials of the philosophy amongst the people as a whole by showing its relevance to their pressing needs. They will make the people conscious of the urge for freedom, encourage their self-reliance and awaken in them the sense of individual dignity, inculcate the values of rationalism and secular morality, and spread the spirit of cosmopolitan Humanism. By showing the people the way to solve their daily problems by popular initiative, the Radicals will combat ignorance, fatalism, blind faith and the sense of individual helplessness which are the basis of authoritarianism. They will put all the social traditions and institutions to the test of the humanist outlook.”
“Today’s Turbulent World and Relevance of M.N. Roy” M N Roy is especially relevant to the threats of terrorism, mostly based by religious fanaticism, in today’s world. Reason, which is basis of Roy’s philosophy, is the best antidote to fanaticism. Freedom, another cardinal principle of Roy, should inspire tolerance of opponent’s view point, so that people do not use violence to preach their view point and suppress that of others. Co-existence and reasoned debate should replace the theory of clash of civilizations.
Balraj Puri Balraj_puri1@rediffmail.co Dear Editor RH, Thanks for your mail. M.N. Roy had fervently pleaded for application of reason in world affairs. He might have anticipated that Islam would become the next target of the West. In any case, he wrote an excellent essay pointing out that Islam had a glorious history and the false propaganda against it must end. He had pleaded for world peace which is quite relevant. He wanted decentralized polity and cooperative economy, both of which are needed today.
Surendra Mohan 15
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Current Affairs’ Section:
Balraj Puri
[Mr. Balraj Puri is an authority on Jammu and Kashmir Affairs. He is Director, Institute of Jammu and Kashmir Affairs, Karan Nagar, Jammu-180005 Phone numbers:01912542687,09419102055 Www.humanrightsjournal.com]
Potentialities of South Asian Identity potentialities of South Asian identity were Theunfolded in three day SAARC writers and literature conference which I attended recently in Delhi. It became fairly obvious that bilateral disputes, which have retarded the growth of the region, are cut to size when viewed in the context of the SAARC. Moreover South Asian identity can better be developed through non-official efforts than by formal governmental efforts. The delegates to the conference became conscious and emphasized the common civilisational heritage and cultural connectivity. More than formal sessions, off session intervals, gave opportunities of person to person contacts in which they learnt about one another’s country and commonalities between them. They also got better understanding of mutual disputes and ground realities than they used to get through pronouncements of their respective governments. While poetry and its translation into English was widely appreciated, it was classical music, in the afternoons which mesmerized the hall full audience of the India International Centre. The audience included interested persons from Delhi. Many delegates visited historical landmarks of Delhi
which are in plenty and were reminded of the links with countries of some of them. Muslims of Pakistan and Bangladesh, in particular, discovered vital contribution of Muslims to India’s composite personality, architecture, music, literature and arts and India’s contribution to Islam’s thought and practices. Some intellectual participants were inspired to think of the unique role that region can play in world affairs. The example of European Union was often cited where after centuries of disputes and warfare member countries have learnt the benefit of living in harmony. After the devastation caused by the Second World War, they not only recovered fast and developed but are also are making contribution the affairs of the world. The common threat of pollution and environmental degradation was also one of the themes of the conference. According to a Pakistani delegate, real threat was that of political pollution. This reflected the common disillusionment with politicians. But political consequences of environment degradation too, cannot be brushed aside. For instance, Indian rivers are the major source of supply of water to Pakistan. Depleting supply is becoming main issue of dispute between the two countries. Construction of dams on rivers flowing to Bangladesh and inadequate flow of water were likewise a major cause of strained relations between India and Bangladesh. Similarly cracking bandhs on Kosi River in Nepal had caused a flood in Bihar and vast devastation. It is said that future wars would be on water. The intellectuals of the region can take a more dispassionate view and make a solid contribution to the governmental actions in resolving such disputes as also of dealing with problems of global warning. Another important lesson of the conference was increased awareness of commonalities at sub-national levels. While rich heritage of Urdu in India was a powerful bond between Mahajars from Pakistan and Urdu writers of India and to some extent with Hindi writers also. The Mahajars paid homage to the land of Ghalib and Mir who are universally respected in India and Pakistan. Similarly Punjabis of India and Pakistan felt proud of their Punjabi identity which had no less emotional appeal than that of their respective national identities. The upsurage of Punjabi identity in Pakistan, represented by organizations like Panjan Panian Dee Virasat (cultural heritage of five rivers) and Punjabi papers like Leharan, was appreciated by Indian Punjabis
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while Punjabi poetry recited by them was equally appreciated by Pakistani Punjabis.Sindhis were keen to meet Indian Sindhis. Bengalis on both sides are proud of their languages and rich literary and cultural history. It is no accident that Tagore is the common author of national anthems of India and Bangladesh. The conference was a good reminder of the common bonds. It was equally true about Tamils of Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu as also Singhalese Buddhists and land of birth of Lord Budha. There are common bonds of other countries of the regions also. Indians have special responsibility to develop South Asian and sub-national identities as it alone has common
border with all countries of the region and is a by far the bigger country, not only in size but also in economic, military and political power. It is in India’s self-interest to cultivate these identities and to be more generous in helping the member countries in their development. The recent SAARC conference was organized by Foundation of SAARC Writers and Literature in collaboration with Indian Council of Cultural Relations and attended by eminent persons from, besides India, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Maldives. For some of them it was their visit to India which enabled them to understand it better and remove some of their misconceptions.
Your Editorials “Movement Impasse I & II” Dear Dr. Saraswat, I was eagerly waiting to hear the suggestions you may have received for your editorials “Movement Impasse”. I thought they would provide me with ideas or skills of educating individuals to understand the philosophy- New Humanism. Since long, I wanted to hold discussions about Roy’s philosophy with you but it has not been possible as you live in Meerut and I am a disabled individual who cannot travel to Meerut. In this letter I am sharing my experiences of attempting to educate people about Roy’s philosophy. As you know I was introduced to Roy’s process of thinking when I was school girl. One of my acquaintances had given me a small biography of Com Roy and a small book describing Roy’s thinking upon how to lead India to progress. In that book Roy had compared India to a ship and that the responsibility of steering the ship towards development rested with the middle-class who is educated and knowledgeable about incidents taking place in the country and the world. The middle-class should steer the country’s ship with agriculturists and other craftsmen and artisans as passengers and plan and work for the development of the country. I was impressed by this factual description of our society and I started subscribing to the weekly. ‘Independent India’ and study the articles regularly that used to appear in that weekly. The Second World War commenced in September 1939 and within two months Roy diagnosed it as a war against fascism and tried to persuade the Indian Congress members to support the allies so that Hitler would not wipe out humanity from this world. But Indian Congress did not understand the gravity of the situation and the Congress agreed to help the British provided they granted independence to India which also included management of foreign affairs. The Congress members did not pay any attention to Roy’s evaluation of the world situation. At the end of the War the British granted us independence as it had become bankrupt and could not hold the country. Many of Roy’s diagnosis of the situation have come true. For example party-politics would not lead India to progress and we are experiencing the quarrels fought by the leaders not bothering to develop plans for development. When ever I tried to educate individuals about the philosophy of New Humanism, the latter distanced themselves from me saying Roy was a Communist. Can we commence a section in The Radical Humanist - “The description of successful ways to educate people.” This may sound rather foolish but I do not mind being called foolish. Your’s sincerely Mandakini Talpallikar (91-9324288239) 17
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Rajindar Sachar
[Justice Rajindar Sachar is Retd. Chief Justice of High Court of Delhi, New Delhi. He is UN Special Rapportuer on Housing, Ex. Member, U.N. Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities and Ex-President, Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) India.]
Phone Tapping – Violation Of Fundamental Rights Of Privacy And Free Speech divisive debate in the Parliament Theaboutrecently the latest phone tapping of not only of the opposition but also of some high ups in Congress hierarchy has again highlighted the danger of vesting such uncontrolled power in the security and intelligence agencies. The government has naturally denied it authorized it. But the small writing that it had in fact taken place is left open. The denial by Chidambaram, the astute lawyer may be technically correct but does not frontally deny the allegation that phone tapping of political leaders did take places. His reply is limited only to assuring that no phone tapping of political leaders was authorized by the government and that nothing was found in the record of NTRO about it. But that is begging the whole question. Report was that conversation of political leaders was tapped and recorded, logged and filed away. Bihar Chief Minister and Digvijiya Singh the Congress leaders confirm that such a conversation as mentioned in news magazine did take place. As such recording can not be denied. It may be that as intelligence official explained that because of the sophistication of the instrument it
may pick up conversation not even intended like one would expect in a case like that of Digvijiya Singh, the Congress leader. It may also be that after the news story came out in public, the agency has removed the disk. So technically the Governments answer may be correct but is it morally right, judged by Gandhiji’s public morality principles. Regrettably it has to be conceded that phone tapping has been going on under all governments of whatever political hue. There was similar exposure by a newsmagazine in 1990–91, that persuaded Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) to take up the matter to the Supreme Court. There also the wiretapping of leaders of all parties and journalists had taken place including that of Chander Shekhar, the former Prime Minister - with the usual slowness of wheel of justice, the matter was heard only in 1996. It is significant that the authenticity of the news report was not questioned by Union of India before the Court. Rather CBI in its reply was frank enough to admit that its enquiries had revealed unjustified interceptions of telephones of a large number of journalists, members of Parliament, Chief Ministers, and even some Central Ministers. In fact, the CBI had recommended that with regard to members of Parliament the proposal should have the approval of the Prime Minister who may consult the Speaker and Chairman of Rajya Sabha. The Supreme Court held that, “Telephone tapping unless it comes within the grounds of restrictions under Article 19(2) would in fact violate Article 19(1) of the Constitution. It also agreed with USA Supreme Court that, “The security of one’s privacy against arbitrary intrusion by the police….is basic to a free society. It is therefore implicit in ‘the concept of ordered liberty” and as such enforceable against the States through the Due Process Clause. But while holding so firmly on the right of citizens, the Court faltered when it came to indicate remedy to stop this violation. It merely directed that interception may be permitted by Home Secretaries, whose orders will be subject to review by a committee consisting of Cabinet Secretary at the Centre, Chief Secretary in States, along with some other secretaries – merely an illusory appeal from Caesar to Caesar, all within the intimate obliging circle of the bureaucracy. This touching, though misplaced, faith in the bureaucracy is a serious flaw in the judgment, especially in view of courts’ own finding that several lapses had
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occurred in the execution of the order passed under the Act. Not only that but even the moderate recommendation of the Second press Commission that the original order should emanate in writing from the Minister and that it should come up for approval before a board constituted on the lines prescribed under the Preventive Detention Law, was not accepted. While disposing of the matter the Supreme Court has stated that it was laying down the procedure and hoped that the government will lay down a fair and reasonable procedure (emphasis supplied). But alas, inspite of several governments consisting of various political parties (including those who are in the forefront of condemning this practice) none of the governments thought fit to even apply its mind to correct this deficiency in the law - not much of a tribute to the commitment to fundamental rights of citizens – sometimes I wonder whether we are still not in the era of feudal lords (the political parties) and serfs (citizens like ourselves). It is only when some one steps on the toes of political leaders that this shout of safeguarding individuals rights are projected around. Personally, I feel that this issue can be defused by taking the opposition into confidence and framing a legislation that no phone tapping will be done without prior judicial scrutiny – this safeguard is essential if the right of privacy, a fundamental Right is to be protected against the whimsical, ulterior misuse of this power (irrespective of any political colouring of any
government as has been shown in the past). The lame excuse, put forward by governments that intricate security matters are too subtle and complex for judicial evaluation was sarcastically rejected by USA Supreme Court thus; “There is no reason to believe that judges will be insensitive to or uncomprehending of the issues involved in domestic security cases. If the threat is too subtle or complex for our senior law enforcement officers to convey its significance to a court, one may question whether there is probable cause for surveillance”. In the news magazine there is a disturbing mention that latest intelligence gathering is frequently deployed in Muslim dominated areas of cities like Delhi, Lucknow, Hyderabad, and also in Seelampur, Jamia in Delhi. This horrendous, unwarranted targeting of citizens of India, and especially of minorities calls for severest of condemnation. Unfortunately this aspect was not brought out in debate. Even the Home Minister did not deny it. Such attitude in intelligence community is totally impermissible. Why this incursive intelligence gathering in Lucknow area than in Banares or Haridwar. I can understand if there is specific information about security danger in certain areas, in that case this may be permissible – but without hard evidence, to pick up areas of minority residence is abhorrent and impermissible The government needs on its own to clarify this aspect secular India cannot permit communal intelligence gathering machinery.
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THE RADICAL HUMANIST
MAY 2010
N.K. Acharya [Sri N.K. Acharya is an Advocate, Columnist and Author of several books on law. He was formarly Secretary of Indian Rationalist Association and had edited the Indian Rationalist, then published from Hyderabad on behalf of the Association prior to its transfer to Madras.] I
Compulsory Education of speech, association and life has Freedom been conferred on all citizens of India by the Constitution of India and the same are being enjoyed without any discrimination since 1950. Right to education is now created to all citizens under 86th Constitutional Amendment 2002 and its enjoyment thereof is made compulsory under the parliamentary enactment called the Right To Free and Compulsory Education Act 2010. They both have become operational with effect from April 1st, 2010. Under the Act, it is now the duty of the Governments at the Centre and of the States to provide the infrastructure necessary to receive, admit and teach every child between 6 years and 14 years to all such institutions called neighborhood schools. They shall admit every child without insisting upon production of any certificates including birth certificates, transfer certificates or pass certificates. The child shall be admitted in appropriate class the pre-training for which if necessary shall also be imparted by the school which admits the child. Children with disabilities shall be appropriately treated with special care. Children must be provided with food and lodging wherever there exist hostel facilities. No child shall be detained in any class. The education imparted shall be in local language or in English. The child must be taught also the basic skills to work. When this writer was working in child welfare voluntary
association, a child asked him the question, “Sir, if I learn, will I be provided with a job?” That exactly is the motive of every child to learn. It wants to work and earn to live. Hence, is the direction contained in the Act which enquires the neighborhood schools to train the child to live by itself? The implementation of this enactment depends upon the sincerity with which the child-welfare associations work. They should pick up, in the first instance, the street children and others working in manual tasks in the field or in the minor or major workshops and get them admitted into neighborhood schools. All such schools shall have necessary infrastructure including TVs and Computers. In the case of all other schools, other than neighborhood, 25% of the seats in every class shall be reserved for the children whose parents fall below the poverty line. The entire cost of the neighborhood schools and of the 25% seats reserved for poor children in other schools shall be borne by the Centre and States in the proportion of 55:45. Under the scheme free education means the pupils shall be taught without charging any fees. Compulsion means that educational institutions concerned shall not refuse admission to any pupil. Strangely enough, this Act prescribes duties only but does not prescribe any penalties. For example, governments shall establish neighborhood schools but no adverse consequences will follow if they fail to do so. In case, if, High Court is approached the court may issue mandamus. Second, it will be institution’s duty to admit students but if it fails to do so disciplinary action may be taken only with regard to its registration and recognition. Third, if institutions fail their students or give them corporeal punishment or refuse or delay in giving them certificates the authorities may only take disciplinary action under service rules against delinquents. Finally, although parents are bound to send their children in neighborhood schools but if they fail to do so there is no way to enforce their duty. The only offence punishable under this Act is to run the educational institutions after its registration is cancelled for which the Institution may be prosecuted. The earlier proposal that the parents of the children on whose earnings they are living shall be paid some amounts as compensation for the loss of earnings is not accepted now as it is found to be impossible and
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impractical. It is hoped that after experimenting with this enactment for a few years the government may provide for payment of compensation to the parents whose children are otherwise earning in the same manner as the government is paying wages to the unskilled labour to which the government fails to provide employment in rural areas under the Employment Guarantee Act. II
Nuclear Liability Bill Nuclear Liability Bill is a sequence to 124 Agreement with U.S. Under the latter agreement the US has agreed to supply India uranium and its processing equipment, subject to certain understandings as regards the proliferation of knowledge. This agreement gave rise to serious controversy. The Left parties as well as the BJP opposed it on the ground that by entering into this agreement with US, India has surrendered its sovereignty. As per the rule well established in Constitutional jurisprudence there is no need for the government to approach the Parliament either before or after the government of India enters into any treaty with foreign governments. Parliament can only discuss the terms of the treaty. That was also the practice in Great Britain, except in one instance when France insisted on prior Parliamentary approval before that country signed peace treaty with Britain after the conclusion of the 1st World War. In case the Parliament wants to censure the government on the treaty it can do so when the government in order to implement the terms of treaty brings about any consequential legislation. That exactly is what is happening. The Parliament discussed the 124 Agreement with US without voting at the conclusion of the discussion. The present bill, Nuclear Liability Bill, is now before the Parliament and the same, unless approves the condition necessary for implementing the treaty will be jeopardized. The need for enacting the Nuclear Liability Bill arises unless the government of India assures the foreign country supplying nuclear material that it is protected against the claim for damages arising about any mishaps at the nuclear insulations. Such question came in the case of Bhopal gas tragedy when the government of India had to compromise with the Bhopal Gas Company by receiving a lump-sum compensation of 460 million dollars. Accordingly, the government thought Rs. 500 21
crores may be the maximum amount which can be claimed by the victims of a nuclear disaster from the foreign country which supplies India nuclear equipment. The bill accordingly, provided that in case of any mishaps at nuclear installations the government of India on behalf of the victims would claim such sum not beyond 500 crores. If the claim exceeds 500 crores the government of India will bear all such excess. This Act applies not only to the US but also to France and Russia who have also promised to supply to India nuclear material and equipment. The objection of the opposition is not against giving such guarantee to such foreign country but against the amount fixed as liability at Rs. 500 crores thus assuring the foreign countries of any excess claims arising larger than the cap, the government of India will only bear. Unless the bill is passed, the donor countries will not begin their supplies. Therefore, it is hoped that the Parliament will surely give its approval to the bill limiting the foreign liability to Rs. 500 crores or any other amount in excess of it in such a way that the share to be borne by the government of India is minimized. III
US Health Care is rare for United States, a capitalist Itdemocracy, to undertake a socialist measure. The health care insurance scheme of the US contemplates financing by the State the entire burden of paying insurance premiums payable by all those earning below a particular income which we in India call persons below poverty level. All those persons whether employed or not can be insured. Pre-health condition or pre-disposition to any health hazard shall not be a disqualification for getting insured. In India, we have certain types of insurance which are compulsory. Workers employed in notified establishments which employ more than 20 workmen shall be insured under the employee’s state insurance scheme under which 50% of the premium is paid by the workers and 50% is borne by the employer. As the name itself implies, it is applicable to employees engaged in notified industrial establishments only and not to any other workers or persons. Here the government’s contribution is to set up hospitals and dispensaries where the insured employees get free medicines and treatment.
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The medical certificates granted by the hospitals entitle the workers to secure earned leave. America, Great Britain and several European countries have schemes of paying doles to the educated unemployed so long as they remain unemployed even after acquiring qualifications. In India, we have an employment guarantee Act whereby the unskilled rural labour is guaranteed 100 days’ work or payment of wages up to 100 days in case the government fails to provide employment to them. India has to go a long way in universalizing the above schemes taking cue from the US experiment in providing universal insurance. It is time that India too may frame further schemes beyond the ESI and employment guarantee. It is suggested that the insurance may be extended to all establishments whether they are notified or not and irrespective of whether they employ 20 or more employees. The fact that employers may voluntarily apply to themselves this scheme of insurance, such voluntary compliance is not encouraging. In the area of employment guarantee scheme for rural unemployed, the government of India may extend its application to all the districts in the union. It is also now time to extend the period of guarantee by 50 days more and also extend the scheme to skilled labour as well, in addition to extending it to works covered under the development plans. IV
P
direct when the person interested in the news pays for it. It is subtle when the owners of the newspaper exercise their right to project the news which serves their interest. Paid news includes also that which got published by bribing the news reporters and columnists. It is implied when the person is interested in the news acquires certain amount of the newspaper shareholding. Political parties influence the manner of reporting the news in the newspapers by virtue of their powers and patronage. There are also cases where operatives who are working in illegal trade may try to force themselves on influencing the press. Paid news is open during the election times or during the times of internal wars among political contenders for supremacy. In addition, there is yet one more phenomenon which is most disturbing. Some universities have prescribed that dissertations published by students in professional journals will be accepted for conferring degrees and several such journals have been charging prices for their publication. It is also open in yet another circumstance where a few newspapers have since made it a rule to review the books only if the author or the publisher pays for the space the review occupies. Paid news is fabricated news. It can never stand the test of reality or truth. It is manufactured for those who pay for it. It is not unfair to say that the main culprits in this regard are those who occupy a dominant position in the Paid News publishing trade than those who honestly carry on aid news is malady, many of the newspapers journalism as a mission and depend upon the patronage and professional journals suffer from. It is of the readers.
Comment upon the Editorial of April 2010—Who is a Radical Humanist? In this issue, Dr. Rekha has tried to explain who is a Radical Humanist. She has quoted a guest speaker who said that there are innumerable Radical Humanists all around us and we need not feel dejected if they are not from our organization directly. I would like to emphasize at this juncture that all the humanitarians who do social service may not necessarily be humanists. Humanists strive to change the society to make it self-sufficient so that the need for humanitarian work may not exist. Lest we take all humanitarians as humanists Dr. Rekha has tried to exert her definitions to make the issue more explicit. I agree with her that we need not worry about numerically less people in the organisation. Yes, the organisation may run or be extinct, yet the Radical Humanist thought will go ahead for all times. Some people think that Radical Humanism is a utopian ideology while it is actually a living philosophy. The desire to live free and to know about all that is around us is a natural urge in the highest form of living creatures – the human being. That is one of the many facts that Radical Humanism explains. This philosophy may not be the order of the day during our life-time, but it will certainly become so in future. Thus, we need not feel like defeatists by linking it with Indian Radical Humanist Association’s membership. Let us all be optimistic!—U.R. Mohnot 22
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IRI / IRHA Members’ Section:
Innaiah Narisetti [Dr. N. Innaiah, Director, Centre for Inquiry (CFI), India, did his Ph.D on Philosophy of Modern Science. He may be contacted at—A 60 Journalist colony, Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad 500033, India. Ph: 91-40-23544067. Website:http://innaiahn.tripod.com (without www)]
Shashtipurthi (60 years) of Secularism in India decades ago, M.N. Roy, the humanist, Sixphilosopher, and revolutionary, defined secularism as a clear separation of State from religion. He clarified the position thus: “What is necessary is not facile profession of secularism, but a movement for the popularization of cultural values. The process of secularization, assuming that it is desired by the Government, cannot be promoted by legislation or executive orders. But men at the helm of affairs could help, if they did not willingly swim with the contrary current, as they do as a rule. The President of Republic, Governors, and Ministers of the States and the lesser are frequently taking leading parts in public religious ceremonies. This demonstrative religiosity is entirely different from religion as a part of one’s private life.” (The Radical Humanist, 14th May 1950). For the first time the Indian Constitution included the word secular through the 42nd Amendment in 1976. Since Independence in 1947 and after becoming Republic in 1950, India has been following a peculiar secularism. Often the political parties, especially the religious oriented, dub secularism as a “Western”
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concept. Prof. K.T. Shah tried to include secular idea into the Indian Constitution, but in vain. His amendment was like this: “The State in India being secular shall have no concern with any religion, creed, or profession or faith; and shall observe an attitude of absolute neutrality in all matters relating to the religion of any class of its citizens or other persons in the Union.” (Amendment No 366 in the Draft Constitution, 1948). Dr. Radhakrishnan, the President of India who propagated Hindu thought, wrongly interpreted that ancient religious traditions of India observed impartiality. That was the basic principle of secularism, which is not separate from State. The political parties, which came into power, took advantage of this interpretation and used it to strengthen their own religious sects while throwing perks at other religious groups. Mahatma Gandhi realized in the last days of his life the need for separation of religion from politics, especially the State. Gandhiji always practiced religion in politics through prayers. He followed the principle of equal respect to all religions. At the fag end of his life, Gandhi wanted non-interference of State in religious matters. He also emphasized separation of religion so that it can be practiced only at the personal level. But that was too late. He did not live long to propagate separation of religion from politics. Jawaharlal Nehru, as the first Prime Minister of India, always stood for secularism. However, he could not take it to its logical end due to pressures from political and religious lobbies. He even failed to introduce a uniform civil code in the country. Indian Constitution: The founding fathers of the Indian Constitution clearly stated “that nothing in this Article shall affect the operation of any existing law or prevent the State from making any law regulating or restricting any economic, financial, political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice.”(Article 25 (2) (a) Constitution.) Through the 42nd amendment to the Constitution in 1976, the preamble clearly stated: “We the people of India having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a Sovereign Secular Democratic Republic.”
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Yet the political parties, some of which oppose and some of which support the practice of secularism, dare not interpret it in the proper perspective. A.B. Shah founded Secular Society and published the magazine The Secularist. He vigorously pursued secular ideals, published several books, organized conferences, and recruited eminent persons. One such person was Hamid Dalwai, who stood for renaissance among Muslims, and started Satya Shodhak Mandal. A B Shah challenged Puri Sankaracharya about the cow cult in the Vedas. He pleaded for secular education from the primary level. V K Sinha and SV Raju are carrying forward his legacy, continued by Abraham Solomon, Laxman Sastri Joshi, G D Parekh, V M Tarkunde, Prabhakar Padhe, Dhabolkar, Sib Narayan Ray, M.P. Rege and Avula Gopalakrishna Murty, and M.V. Ramamurthy. V.V. John and J.B. Naik alongwith a host of others worked vigorously in the field of education. A.B. Shah published several books on secularism by establishing Nachiketa publications. Quest and New Quest journals stood for secular ideas. Congress Party: Usually the Congress party is considered secular. Barring Jawaharlal Nehru, all the Congress Prime Ministers, Ministers, and others at various levels followed religious practices “officially.” They invite Hindu priests during oath-taking ceremonies, inaugurations, opening of new projects, laying of foundations etc. To avoid criticism they involve Christian, Sikh and Buddhist and Muslim priests. They visit temples and receive honors “officially.” They exhibit their faith publicly at the cost of the Government, which means abusing people’s money. The Government officially declares holidays for all religious festivals. Temples, masjids and churches are allowed in the premises of Government offices. During office hours, prayers are allowed. Persons display their individual guru’s pictures and images in offices. The Government officially patronizes pilgrimages, provides all facilities, and extends financial aid. Governments allot lands for religious purposes. Each religion took advantage of the weakness of political parties and benefited in several ways. Religious establishments have become powerful with huge funds. All religions get exemptions from taxes. There are not accountable for the money they collect or businesses
they conduct in the name of spiritual activity. Cult babas and holy women gather around politicians and build ashram empires. Even criminal activity of holy persons goes undetected except in rare cases. Dhirendra Brahmachari, a cult person, was very powerful during Mrs. Indira Gandhi`s tenure as Prime Minister. Chandra Swami, another cult person, emerged as a spiritual ambassador when Mr. P .V. Narasimha Rao was Prime Minister. Ravi Shankar, Ram Dev, Matha Amritananda Mai, and Satya Sai Baba, have devotees in both Central and State Governments who facilitate their activities. In each State several cult persons have amassed wealth and established powerful empires. Thanks to their connections, politicians come to their support whenever necessary. Sri Sankaracharya of Kanchi in Tamil Nadu was arrested on criminal charges. But the Hindu political parties such as the BJ P tried to come to his rescue. Presidents of India prostrated before holy persons as part of their “official” visits. Rajendra Prasad, Shankar Dayal Sarma, and Abdul Kalam are typical examples. Similarly, Prime Ministers, Ministers, judges, and officials made their religious visits official. Mr. Atal Behari Vajpaye and Mr. P. V. Narasimha Rao as Prime Ministers set a bad example. Their practices made practice of secularism in public life more difficult. The confusion about secularism has percolated to all levels. The compulsion of elections makes the political parties impotent before cults and religious holy persons. Communist parties The Left parties are supposed to be secular and non-religious, if not irreligious. But this is not so. Communists gained power in States several times. They did not practice secularism. Take the example of Kerala. Communists ruled the south Indian State quite for some time. There is Ayyappa cult in Kerala. People annually visit the Ayyappa temple located atop the Sabarmalai hill. Neighboring State devotees visit the temple in thousands. On the last day of the visit during January, the Government officially involves the Electricity Department, the Forest Department, and temple administration in the function. On another hill near Sabarimalai, the Government arranges to light camphor so that devotees can see what is described as Divine Light. Of course, it is just make-believe. This practice is going on every year. Communists also resort to this
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anti-secular make-believe. When there were protests, the Communist Party Chief Minister defended the practice saying that the State stood to gain from pilgrim traffic. The Communist Party (Marxist) rules West Bengal state. Every year religious sacrifices are performed for 9 days during Dasara. The State Government makes all arrangements and encourages the religious practice. The Communist Government describes this practice as “cultural.” The party adopts the compromising attitude to perpetuate itself in political power. Communists have never tried to educate people about the wrong notions surrounding the Durga cult, lest they should lose popularity. The West Bengal Communist Government closed its eyes to the atrocities of Mother Teresa in treating sick children and also kept silent when she diverted the funds to the Catholic Church instead of spending them on poor children. Mr. Surjit Singh Barnala, CPM leader from Punjab State, wears a turban, and grows beard and moustache. He looks like a typical Sikh religious person. Sikh religion insists that hair should not be cut; turban is a ‘must’, and so on and so forth. The Communist leader never resisted this Sikh religious practice or tried to educate the Sikhs that dress is personal. On the other hand, he defends these cult practices in dress and food as “cultural.” Even the Maoists are no exception. There is a popular festival in Telangana known as Sammakka and Saarakka jatara. It is nothing but a religious cult where people gather and observe all cult practices. Yet the Communists participate and support this jatara depicting Sammakka and Sarakka as tribal heroines. Thus, they are absorbed in mass religious practice. Popular extremist singer Gaddar has visited Ramappa temple and the Bhadradri temple and prayed for the Telangana separate state cause! Scientist President Kalam’s Secularism: Mr. Kalam is an astronomy technologist from South India. When he was elected President of India, secularists felt happy and expected genuine secular practice from the highest dignitary. But Mr. Kalam started visiting cult persons like Satya Sai Baba, Matha Amrithananda Mayi and Brahma Kumaris. This practice of encouraging holy persons started with the first President of India, Mr. Rajendra Prasad. He not only
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visited religious persons but also washed their feet in public. Presidents Sankar Dayal Sarma and Venkataraman exhibited their faith officially. The Bharatiya Janata Party was in power for some time at the Center and in some States. Since it stood for religion, none expected it to practice secularism. The disappointment came from the Congress party and Left parties. Muslims and Christians, Sikhs etc took advantage of the misinterpretation of secularism and gained much for their religious practices. Muslims started ignoring the rulings of the Supreme Court regarding noise pollution at the time of prayers. Muslims use mikes and loud-speakers causing nuisance to residents, and students during examination time. Christians and Hindus imitate them as though god is deaf! Churches, masjids, and mandirs are built obstructing roads and traffic. Anything and everything is possible in the name of religion. Thousands of holy persons emerge all over the country every year to earn illegal money and property since they can enjoy exemptions and are not accountable. Most religious places have become lucrative business centers. Tirumala-Tirupati has become the largest pilgrimage center with enormous income. Money at this temple is often misused. A lot of illegal amount flows into the holy place and the Government accepts it in the name of religion. Such illegal and anti-secular activities are rampant throughout the country. All political parties endorse them. The names of donors remain a secret. Future of Secularism: India has to begin practice of genuine secularism, somewhere. To start with, there should be clear understanding that secularism means separation of State and religion in all matters. Religion is faith based and hence confined to individual belief in god and supernatural spirituality. In matters of State, the law should be equal to all irrespective of religion. There should be no exceptions to the principle that all are equal before law. Some people including religious persons should not be kept above law under any circumstance. Some judges visit holy persons “publicly.” This creates problems. It would be difficult for victims of holy persons to fight against injustice when judges openly prostrate before holy persons. Justice cannot be expected from such persons. —continued.........
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Bipin Shroff [Mr. Bipin Shroff (Parikh) is Editor of a Gujarati monthly Vaishvik Manav Vad since the last 20 years. He is also ex-President of Gujarat Rationalist Association. He has been in the Radical Humanist Movement from Gujarat since 1962.]
My observations on your Feb 2010 Editorial— “The Movement Impasse”. of all, I must agree with you that our First movement cannot be fixed in any of the categories which you have listed and asked us to comment. In my opinion too, our movement has many other revolutionary elements and philosophical tenets. First of all let us study the causes for the dissolution of the Radical Democratic Party. According to me there were three important reasons for the dissolution of RDP. (1) Total denial of freedom in the Communist Russia and dictatorship of the communist party of soviet Russia which had concentrated all soci-poli-eco-military etc. powers in top few leaders of the party. The Communist Revolution in Soviet Russia did not bring any betterment in life of Russian People individually as well as collectively. (2) In many nations of Europe dictators like Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini came to power through the representative form of government. People have no control over their elected representative once they have been elected. It means the parliamentary form of government does not give guarantee to the individual freedom. (3) Roy also came to the conclusion with his experiences
of the functioning of the Radical Democratic Party and other Indian Political Parties that the main goal of any political party is to capture political power by any means. And when large numbers of people are uneducated, poor, religious and superstitious they will easily become the victims of non democratic propagandas to win the election. M.N. Roy was never a leader who craved for political power for the sake of power. He was interested in finding the ways and means by which the sovereignty of the people which was either snatched by the Communist party of Russia or the representative democracy of the Western political model could be restored. As a revolutionary-philosopher he had a Humanist Marxian vision that “Until now philosophers have interpreted the world; now we must remake it.”(1) M.N. Roy developed the philosophy of New Humanism to remake the world for the interest of “The Man” by empowering him with the help of open and ever expanding scientific knowledge. “New Humanism is a self contained philosophy, beginning with a materialist cosmology and ending with a secular, evolutionary ethics—a philosophy which will give an integrated picture of human existence, including desire, emotion, instincts, intuitions, will, reason, without going outside the physical world.”(2) The name of our philosophy is New Humanism or Radical Humanism. It is pertaining to the man as a human being. Our mentor MNR tried to understand and explain “man” with the help of the modern knowledge and science. He found out in his new philosophy that man is the maker of this world. He is the basic unit of society. The man has created all super structures of the society for his existence and development. Now MNR tried to put man in the centre of his philosophy which was dismissed by many earlier collective philosophies and religious scriptures. He published the Draft Constitution of India and People’s Plan with the help of his comrades like G.D. Parekh, V.M. Tarkunde and others. He had also drafted 22 Theses with the help of fellow humanists after dissolution of the Radical Democratic Party. MNR had written very extensively on the theory and practice of The Radical Humanism. Action Programme for the Humanists: From the Humanist point of view our central focus of activities should be the empowerment the man. (It is not
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necessary to include the name of woman as I have used the concept “man” in general.) Radical Humanism has three basic values – freedom, rationality and secular morality. With the help of understanding these values in details we can develop our activities to empower the man. Ours is still a traditional society. This society has all norms and traditions in favor and defense of groups like caste, religion, family, tribe, regions and political parties etc. All actions of such social and collective groups are against the empowerment of man. So as humanists we get ample opportunities to organize our activities to free the human beings from the clutches of these collective social institutions. Any humanist can work for any activity which supports our basic values. According to
our basic values, we are naturally against slave labor, bonded laborers, dowry system, caste and gender inequalities, misuse of political power against human rights, provincialism and regionalism, banning of books and restraining freedom of press, religious fundamentalism and communalism, provincialism and regionalism. We want to restore the dignity of man. This is his (the man’s) evolutionary heritage which we want to get back with the help of the Radical humanist philosophy and practice. References: (1)Radical Humanism of M.N. Roy -An Exposition of His 22 Theses. by R.L. Nigam. Page no.-49. (2) Ibid. page no-50.
Irregular and Unlawful Activities in the House of Legislature House of Legislature has the power to create for itself any new privilege not known to the law and “No Courts possess the power to determine whether the House in fact possesses particular privilege.” (Ref. under Art.143, A.I.R. 1965 S.C.745/764/ introduction to the Constitution of India by Durga Das Basu 4th ed.,1966, Calcutta,-pp 173). But did not the Rajya Sabha create for itself a new privilege on 9. 3. 10, while dealing with the Womens’ Reservation Bill? SP’s suspended M.P. Mr. Kamal Akhtar attacked the Marshalls with broken glass and inflicted bleeding injury to one of them while he was being bundled out of the House. Was it not a clear attempt to murder? Has the Rajya Shabha the privilege to condone such a gross criminal act. What the House will do if a murder is committed in a House while in session? On 30. 11. 07 Trinomul MLAs crossed all limits of “permissible violence” and committed a clearly criminal act of unprecedented magnitude by smashing the House’s furniture, many of great antique value. The Speaker only stopped allowances for few months of the accused MLAs. The Lok Sabha “cash for vote” episode is more outrageous. The alleged bribery took place outside of Parliament. How can the Speaker play the role of a sole adjudicator here? Did he not encroach into the domains of the Executive and the Judiciary? How can its Secretariate keep the one crore “bribe” money for an indefinite period. Does it not violate Reserve Bank rules? How it can be disposed of? The principle of Collective Responsibility is being increasingly violated . The principle stands on collective decision making. Home Minister P. Chidambaram, in a haste, directed the Andhra Pradesh CM to take up action for the formation of a seperate Telengana in the Assembly without caring for a Cabinet appoval. The TMC, DMK etc, denied responsibility. On Women’s Reservation Bill the two TMC MPs including a Minister abstained from voting. Central forces were inducted to combat the Maoists, by-passing the Cabinet. The TMC disowns it and even Railways Minister caricatures the Green Hunt Operation time and again. Is not the proper time for the civil society to protest against such gross Constitutional aberrations? Certainly our Legisletures are not Bush’s Guantanomo Bay.
Ajit Bhattacharyya
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Anjali Chakraborty [Dr. Anjali Chakraborty is Reader, Dept. of Political Science, MBB College, Agartala, Tripura West. Her Ph.D research work is on Muslim Women in Tripura (Aspects of Their Status, Roles, Problems and Prospects). At present she is working as Principal Investigator of a Minor Research Project, 2009. “Students in Higher Education of Tripura: Socio-Economic Effects on the Ability to Access in Quality Education.” She is associated with: ‘Tripura ‘Rabindra Parishad’, ‘Agartala, Crafts Council of Tripura, Agartala, Sarat Sanskriti Parishad’Agartala; ‘Tripura Bangla Sahitya Sanskriti Sangsad, Agartala; Bhavna Chinta(Center for Political Studies) Burdwan, West Bengal, Radical Humanist Association, Kolkata, Forum of Free Thinkers, Kolkata, ASHI (Association For Social Health in India), Tripura Branch, General Secretary, 2007—Some of her published translations from English to Bengali are: Secularism in India by V.M. Tarkunde :The Radical Humanist, translated for Puragami, Kolkata, Women and Modernism by Malladi Subbma, The Radical Humanist, translated for Puragami, Kolkata, Roy and Nehru by Philip Spratt; :The Radical Humanist, translated for Puragami, Kolkata. She may be contacted at Mobile: 09436456481; Land: 0381-251-0018]
Political Participation of Muslim Women in Tripura Introduction: he participation of Women in politics is felt desirable in India in the first quarter of Twentieth century. The Indian women obtained the right to vote first in 1929. But right to vote is only one of the political activities of participation. In fact, political
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participation is multi dimensional indicating a wide range of political activities e.g. political discussion, attendance of political meetings/rally/procession, posturing, joining the election campaign, to get membership in political parties, casting votes, contesting election for being elected, to hold public office and doing the expected role or functions. In other words, political participation means the involvement of individual activities with the input side of government function. The aim of these activities is to influence the policies and motivate the government machinery to a particular end. The Indian Constitution effected from 1950, has conferred women equal right and opportunities and prohibited any kind of discrimination against women; reservation of posts exclusively for women is valid under Article 15(3); but their political representation in the National Parliament as well as the State Assemblies has remained very negligible even after sixty years of Independence. Men and women participate in casting votes almost equally and India has had a female prime minister, President, Speaker etc. and some of them have occupied higher position in offices of administration, but the overall participation of women is very low in the country. Their participation or activities other than voting has remained invisible so long. The research works on political participation of women in West Bengal (Joyasree Chowdhuri: 1993) and in other states speak the truth1 For Tripura, it has added a new phenomenon only after the introduction of Three-tier Panchayat System. So long she has exercised seldom her right to contest to be elected. Mere right to choose the representative can not be a complete political right without exercising the right to be elected. Muslim women voters are not less than their sisters in other communities but their participation in holding the public office was absolutely nil in this state so long. Thus for various reasons, the representation of Muslim women in the politics is not found in recent past. Usually, the women irrespective of ethnic and religious identity would get rare chance to have entry into the highly competitive market of power politics. It is reflected in the rare representation of the women in the election from Panchayat to Lok Sabha. The political parties are reluctant to sponsor woman candidate. In the state Assembly election of 1998(Tripura), the number of contesting women
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candidates were 16 in the sixty constituencies and only two tribal women (S.T) returned as successful. In the Lok Sabha election of 1999, contesting women candidates from the state were 3 (three) but returned none. The total strength of women legislators in the rest five states of north east was only 2 (two) out of 300 having only one in Meghalaya and one in Arunachal Pradesh. No women legislator was in Nagaland, Mizoram or Manipur. So, there is an acute shortage of eligible and trained women candidate, not only among the tribal but also non-tribal of the north east, particularly among the Muslim women. Since the Statehood in 1970, Tripura has been represented by five female ministers and one M.P. but none of them was Muslim. Though Muslim men were found with rank and file in different level of state politics, Muslim women were far away from this. When the women of other backward communities have come forward, they have lagged behind. The socio-eco backwardness as well as the existing cultural tradition did not support them to step in this new dimension of life. But as soon as the situation has been changed with the opportunity of 33 percent reservation for women in the Panchayat election, the Muslim men— whether father-in-law or husband or community member — have allowed their women to come out of the home and to hold public office. Apparently, men are to go off from certain seats but their purpose is to keep indirect hold on public affairs which they dealt earlier directly. Muslim women have appeared in the scene with the full support of the family and society. The following discussion has shown that the number of women members has increased in three terms election in almost all levels of Panchayat in Tripura. They have gradually made themselves adapted with new identity. As far as the report is available about their performance, they are coping up with the new situation. This is certainly a break from the traditional life. However, political participation of women in three selected villages and the corresponding towns in Tripura is analyzed from the following standpoints: Firstly, their representation in the Gram Panchayats as well as in the Municipal Council and Nagar Panchayat under study; their representation in block, district and state level. Secondly, the next dimension of this study is to find out the link between the academic qualification
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and political participation and it is interesting to note that there is no such inevitable connection between the two. Rather the strong support of the legal machinery is more effective force to drive the common women to have daring step into politics. Thirdly, there is an enquiry to the socio-economic background of the political activists—to find out the constraints and ways out. Women in Local Governance: An enquiry into the rural and urban units shows that though women are integral part of these two, Muslim women are less represented in the urban units compared to that of rural. In Agartala Municipal Council and two Nagar Panchayats of Udaipur and Kailasahar, Muslim women are found nil. The A. M.C consisting of 14 Councilors have five women councilors (i.e. 35.71%) and one woman Vice chairman. There is no Muslim Councilor except a nominated one. Muslims are found absent in Sonamura Nagar Panchayat (west district). In the Udaipur Nagar Panchayat(south district), two Muslim Women from Ward no. 9 are found Committee members of the Community Development Society along with other four women members’. Udaipur subdivision holds a large number of Muslim populations, but their representation in urban administration is almost nil. But in the rural administrative units of Panchayats, Muslim women’s participation is noticeable. They have not only fulfilled the reserved seats, but also contested in the general and unreserved seats irrespective of castes and gender. Particularly in the Muslim dominated villages, Muslim women’s participation is significant. They are elected not only member but also selected Gram Pradhan in some Muslim populated villages. They are trying to contest in the upper levels and some of them have become successful to be member of Panchayat Samiti. Women Representatives in three –tier Panchayats: Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zilla Parishad: An empirical study on the representation of Muslim women in three Gram Panchayats like N.C. Nagar, Khilpara and Kailasahar was conducted and the data on their representation in two terms election of 1999 and 2004 show that their participation rate has been increased in all levels of Panchayat from the previous years. It is not irrelevant to mention that in some neighbouring Panchayats like Jubarajnagar,Latiapora,
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Irani, women have increased in number but and in the rest maintained the statuesque. However no woman is found to lead the office as pradhan in these Muslim dominated villages of North. The three–tier Panchayat system is introduced in Tripura since 1994. For the first time, it consists of 525 gram panchayats, 16 Panchayat Samiti and 3 Zilla Parishad. The study shows that the women of Tripura have won the reserved and unreserved seats in three terms election of 1994, 1999 and 2004. In 1994, the total 5,427 seats for gram Panchayat were distributed into 1809 for women (33.33%) and 3,618 (66.67%) for men. The Muslim women occupied 119 seats against total 1809 reserved women seats including S.C. and S.T and they are 11.89 percent against 1001 unreserved general seats for women. In the Samiti level, total 197 seats were distributed into 67 (34.01%) for women and 129 for men. Muslim women occupied approximate 8.11 percent among 37 reserved (general) seats for women. In the Zilla Parishad, women representatives had 24 seats (34.28%) out of 70 seats. The data shows that in the Zilla Parishad there was only one Muslim woman representative (4.2%). In 1999, the participation of Muslim women has been encouraged gradually in all levels. In 2004, the data shows that the representation of Muslim women in three levels of gram, Samiti and Parishad has been increased from the previous years. The study also shows that women were selected Gram Pradhan, Upa-Pradhan at Gram Panchayat level, Chairperson, Vice-Chairperson at Block Level and Sabhadhipati and Sahakari—Sabhadhipati at Zilla level. In several Muslim dominated gram-panchayats, Muslim women were selected as gram pradhan. The data shows that in 1999, among 223 women gram Pradhan, 12 women (5.38%) were Muslim. In this time, the position of Muslim men was better (than Muslim women) as gram Pradhan (8.65%) and Upa— pradhan (13.06%). Among 12 Pradhans, 4 are from Melaghar block of west district. In this block, four gram panchayats, namely, Rahimpur, N.C. Nagar, Pachshim Durlav Narayan and K. K Nagar were headed by the Muslim women (called Mahila Gao Pradhan). Certainly some Panchayats were headed by Hindu women belonging to SC and ST community. Like the west district, the north has also some gram panchayats dominated by the Muslim
population, but none of the Panchayat was found led by women gram Pradhan. In the Samiti level, Muslims have low representation. For example, in the Dukli Block of west district, there are only 7 Muslim persons (one female and six males) from 17 gram panchayats. It also shows that though the women were selected as Gram Pradhan, Upa-Pradhan at Gram Panchayat level, Chairperson, Vice-Chairperson at Block Level and Sabhadhipati and Sahakari—Sabhadhipati at Zilla level, but Muslim women do not represent any head of office in two higher levels of Panchayat. Similarly, Muslim men are also not found as Chairperson and Sabhadhipati except a few Vice Chairman in some Panchayat Samities. It is found that the number of Muslim-women gram-pradhan is higher than that of the men who are largely found in the office of Upa-Pradhan. Women representation in all levels of three tier Panchayats is a progressive one. Some times they have exceeded the reserved quota. It should be considered a remarkable point in the State politics. The representation of Muslim women in the Zilla level is only from the Paschim (west) Zilla. Among three members for 2004, one woman is re-elected from Melaghar block. The study also shows that the larger number of representation of Muslim women in the west and low percentage in south is consistent with the ratio of population. It is clear from the above facts and figures that along with the increased participation of women in other communities, participation of Muslim women has been increased in all levels since 1994, and they are holding the head of office in increasing number. But in the Samiti level, women as office Pradhan is nil in all three terms of election.. Though the membership has been increased in the Samiti level, but they are not able to hold the head of office while a good number of other community women is found in the head of office at Samiti level. For the men also, the percentage of political participation is extensive in the gram Panchayat level but not so in the higher levels To investigate the probable reasons behind this, it seems that Muslims are lagging behind in the higher level of administration because of their low level of educational achievements and lack of requisite social forwardness. So an investigation is done on their literacy level based on information from Election Report and also some
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survey was conducted on the socio economic background of women political activists Educational Background: Educational qualification is an important factor for requisite perception of knowledge about politics. In the hierarchical position of party structure as well as in the governmental administrative structure, low educational qualification may be a hindrance to the advancement of political carrier of the women activists. For present study, an investigation was done about the academic qualification of the Muslim women activists in the three levels of Panchayat Raj viz. Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zilla Parishad. It is found that in some Muslim populated villages of Tripura, a good number of Muslim women have been elected for Panchayat member and selected for Gram Pradhan, Samiti Member and Zilla Parishad Member. The result of the investigation is discussed in the below: Members in Zilla Parishad, Name of the Three District level members and their Educational Qualification were: 1.Jasmine Sultana, elected from Sonamura, Arts Graduate (B.A), 2. Rehana Begum is elected from Bishalgarh, Law Graduate (LLB), 3. Milanen Necha is elected from Boxonagar, School Final (Madhayamik), All represent the west district and none is found from other three districts of Tripura. Muslim women members in Panchayat Samiti are only nine. They are: Susia Begum, (uncontested) from Kakraban block, Udaipur, Higher Secondary. 1. Jubeda Begum, from Jarulbachai, Dukli block, Bishalgarh, Upper primary; 2.Hasina Begum, Kathalia block, Sonamura, Madhayamik; 3.Bilkisn Necha, Kathalia Block, Graduate (B.A); 4.Nilu Bibi, Kathalia block, Sonamura, Lower primary; 5. Milanen Necha, Boxonagar block,Sonamura, Madhayamik;6. Murseda Begum, elected for Boxonagar bloc, Madhayamik; 7.Parvin Akhtar, Boxonagar block, Sonamura, Higher Secondary, 8.Dilara Sultana Mon Kadamtala block, Dharmanagar(north). Graduate (B.A). The above data shows that in the Samiti, 33.33% of Muslim women are Secondary, 22.22% Hr. Secondary, 11.11% Primary and 22.22% Graduates. As Gram Pradhan:
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The study shows the educational level of women gram Pradhan in 19 Gram Panchayats of Tripura. No wonder that only one of them is graduate, one is Madhayamik, 2 of them (10.53%) have finished senior basic level. The rest 89.47 percent remains in the primary level—either finished or drop out. These women with this low level of formal education are able to run the head of office. There is no grievance or allegation about their incapability of leading such a responsible public office. There are also two Upa-Pradhan Muslim women: Smt. Jahura Khatun is elected from Joynagar village under Jirania block of Sadar subdivision in west district. She is in primary level. Another Upa Pradhan is elected from Khedabari under Melaghar block of Sonamura subdivision in the west district. She is also in primary level. Women’s Position in the Hierarchical Structure of Political Party: The organizational structure of the major political parties is divided into the State level, District level, Division level and Local Committees. It is noted that: 1). In CPI (M), one woman is selected for the district level committee. She is Jasmine Sultana, a graduate young lady from N.C. Nagar—her electoral constituency. No Muslim woman is found in the state level. 2). In RSP, another Muslim woman, Momta Begum is found as member of district level. She is educated in primary level and a resident of Palatana village under Matabari block, Udaipur. She is a known social worker in the village. A Muslim man, namely Sardar Uddin is found as member of the state level committee. 3. In National Congress of Tripura, no Muslim woman is found in the state level. Major Findings: Women’s participation in the local governance of Tripura is a product of the 73rd & 74th amendment of the Indianan constitution. In other words it is the positive impact of Law. The data on the political status of Muslim women reveals that since 1994, they stepped into the active politics in slow but steady way. Their participation in three tier Panchayats may be characterized in this manner. In all the levels viz. Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zilla Parishad, their participation is progressing from the previous ones. In a male dominated social structure of the community, the ordinary
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housewife, the shy and obedient woman has come out from the tradition and adapted with new identity role. No serious report of collision or conflict with colleagues is found against her. It is a silent revolution for the women in Tripura. Obviously the credit goes to the laws of the country, the support of the community and the individual families too. This is a positive side of Women’s empowerment in Tripura. While in National perspective, the negative feature of women’s empowerment in PRIs is a matter of common fact and also a headache for the social scientists. For Tripura, the law has produced more positive results compared to many States of India. To quote J.V. Raghavendra Rao “… let us examine that although 33 percent reservations have been provided for women in Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRIs), the post election scenario shows that in quite a few states, it had exceeded the quota. They include the states of Karnataka (43.6%),Orissa, West Bengal (39.8%) and Tripura etc.” In Tripura, they have exceeded the quota and in some levels they reached at 35.45 percent. The minority representatives- the Muslim women secured more than 50 percent in some blocks where they are in good numbers. Secondly, the present study proves that most of the Muslim women Representatives are from the west Tripura while the female literacy percentage is highest in Dhali followed by north Tripura. Though there is not much difference in female literacy, but difference in participatory role of women in between south and west is significant. The demographic factor i.e. the large number of population and proximity with the capital of the state may be rational explanation for this. So the rate of literacy or formal education may not be treated as highly important for the purpose. Often educated persons keep themselves away from politics. Rather the reverse may be true viz. political participation makes people conscious and educated providing knowledge of practical life and social reality. There is no dearth of example of this truth in the previous studies. As soon as they could avail the chance of participation in the politics, they adapt themselves with the new role and position. They do learn and get training from the practical field. Hence, political participation to a certain level, does not have necessary connection with the higher academic
qualification. Political awareness and activities, especially at village level, does not depend on this, rather it depends on the nature of political motivation, legal and social support and at least the opportunity for practical work. But in the upper level of politics, women participants need to some extent a solid base of socio-economic and academic achievements. Thirdly, information collected from the women respondents about their socio-economic and educational background shows that most of them came from rural and poverty background; their political orientation is from their family connection—either from natal family or in-law house. Fourthly, the informal conversation and some formal case- studies reveal that they have become able to manage their family, children and public responsibility. In rural or urban areas, they bear full responsibility of the household chores e.g. to cook, look after the children, entertain guests, to do some religious activities etc. Sometimes they get help from their husbands and other members of the family. Participation in the routine political works has been increasing and gradually they have been identified themselves in the public role standing on their own foot and overcoming dependence on men. Constraints: No one can overlook the constraints faced by the woman participants, especially by the Muslim woman. It is not because of her religious identity but of her sociocultural and economic position in the legacy of our Indian history. They are still under the strong customary bindings and traditional way of life. Besides, political participation requires going out, contacting and interacting with the people, updating her knowledge through regular reading of newspapers, watching T.V. etc so that she can be aware of the surroundings. Muslim women are rare involved in association and organization, NGOs etc. It is found that though some women have political aspirations but they are to withdraw or keep themselves away for the sake of children and family.. Conclusion: The above data and some case study show that woman needs the support and co-operation of family as well as society. Only then she will be capable of making important decisions in public affairs. She is on the
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process of progress. Obviously it requires some political culture of the society which is at present situation not very much available for them. Instead of religious points, these are to be considered first in the evaluation of women’s participation in politics. Therefore, the prospect of women’s participation in politics remains in the future investigation of other factors rather than enquiry into academic degrees e.g. i) party sponsorship, ii) co-operation from family, iii) role expectation of the society (change of social mind-set regarding the role of woman), iv) detachment to some extent, from too much involvement with household affairs, v) effective role of the Law or materialization of the policy of reservation, vi) economic stability of the family, vi) sufficient leisure after the household works, vii) mental aptitude or orientation to do politics which is the best path for social service in a democratic country.
It deserves to mention that the government of Tripura has increased recently the amount of Honourium for the public servants e.g. gram pradhan) from Rs.600/ to 1000/ and so on. In the present context, we are to realize at last that “reservation policy is not an end in itself and we should see it as a means to achieve gender equality” (Desai&Thakur). This is only a political process which facilitates women’s participation in power politics. References: · Jahangir, K.M : Muslim women in West Bengal, · Desai & Thakur : Women & Indian Society,2001, NBT · Chowdhuri, Joyasri: Political Participation of Women in West Bengal—A case Study , 1993,Calcutta. · J.V.Raghavendra Rao, a professor of Sociology at the Osmania University,Hyderabad, contributes an article in the book : Gender and Society in India p. 94 · Election Report: Directorate of Panchayay, Tripura · Interview conducted in 1999.
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Teachers’ & Research Scholars’ Section:
Today’s Turbulent World and Relevance of M.N. Roy —By Gomati Desai Nath Roy (Alternate Manabendra Name - Narendra Nath Bhattacharya) and popularly known as M. N. Roy, was a Bengali Indian revolutionary, internationally known political theorist and activist. He was a founder of the Communist Parties in and . He later denounced as exponent of the philosophy of . In India, he was traced by British intelligence, spent over five years in prison and on his release in 1936, plunged into political activity again. He joined the Congress and became a member of the AICC but fell foul of its established leadership for his strong criticism of Gandhi’s policies. Leaving the Congress in 1937, he formed the League of Radical Congressmen in 1939, which later became the Radical Democratic Party. He supported the British during World War II, holding that Nazism and Fascism posed the biggest threat to humankind at that juncture and that the war would so enfeeble England that, even if victorious, it would have to give Independence to India. He was right on the first count, and has proved prophetic on the second. Roy called his philosophy “Radical Humanism.” It was radical because it rejected many, if not most, of the traditional political and philosophical assumptions of Indian society. It was humanism because it focused entirely on the needs and situation of human beings. According to Roy philosophy begins when man’s spiritual needs are no longer satisfied by primitive natural religion which imagines and worships a variety of gods as personification of the diverse phenomena of nature. His famous quotations are “Man is moral because he is rational.” ‘Man is maker of his own world." He felt neither capitalism nor communism showed the way out the crisis. Freedom is the basic value in radical humanism. It is the supreme value from which all human values are derived. The function of life is to live. The basic incentive of
organic becoming is the struggle for survival. It goes on throughout the long process of biological evolution, until in man; it becomes the conscious urge from freedom, the supreme human value. Radical humanism as a philosophy of life covers the entire field of human existence from abstract thought to social and political reconstruction. It does not believe in transcendentalism. According to it, man is the creature of nature, he is an integral part of the physical universe. The universe is a law governed system. There fore the urge for freedom lies in the animal struggle for survival. Everything that man has done, every one of his acts, cultural progress, scientific achievements, artistic creation, everything has been motivated by that one urge This urge enables man to acquire knowledge; he conquers his environment by knowing" There fore, man’s being and becoming his emotions will ideas are also predetermined. Therefore man is essentially rational. The reason in man is an echo of the harmony of the universe. Morality grows as rationality develops. it is not necessary, therefore to o to any external or transcendental authority to trace the growth of man from a primitive human being to a civilized citizen. According to Roy, the social struggle for human progress, the entire process of human evolution is nothing but the continuation of the struggle for existence on a higher level, where that struggle is no longer guided by instinct and natural selection but by intelligence, choice and reasoning. In light of the great variety of crises in the world, people are looking into the spiritual or cultural roots of the kind of life in which the individual is respected and even favored. We are living in an age of changing values which is often perceived as a decline in values. Where is there something to hold on to? Where is a fixed point of orientation for living? Where can we tap into a basic sense of security? Does a non-religious world view or a free-thought or humanistic approach to life offer us any answers in this regard? It is clear that the religious and world-view needs of people provide the origin, basis and changes in ethical existence. In our current multicultural and increasingly secular society, we need a new kind of tolerance, of dialogue and conflict-management skills and of peaceful coexistence. It should be based on freedom, human rights and the ideal of the world citizen. The atheistic, humanistic and
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free-thought movement has an important role to play in this context, if it takes its demand for freedom of thought, humanity and human rights seriously. The word humanism is everywhere. In everyday life it is used just as much as by different politicians and by people who feel no connection with religion or a particular world view. Many free-thought organizations in Germany call themselves humanist in their names or use the word to describe themselves and their causes in their programs as being humanist or secular humanist. But what is humanism? Is it an ethical term or does it has to do with religious and world-view issues? We also see the important practical side: Humane action, without which free thought is only an academic exercise, understood as an approach to life, a real relationship between free-thinking people and among all people, is becoming more and more meaningful.
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Secular humanism is intimately connected with human dignity and human rights. The word humanism comes from the Latin word humanitas meaning humanity (in the sense of “humane-ness�). It assumes human consciousness and is aimed at giving value to the human individual. In doing so, it stands opposed to the subjugation of mankind to supernatural powers and truths and the use of human resources for purposes that denigrate mankind. Humanitas is what the Romans (Cicero, for example) called the ethically and culturally highest realization of human power in an aesthetically complete form, complimented by gentleness and humanity. In India, secular humanism is allied with the formation of non-violent social relationships, a balanced relationship with nature, and the right of the hungry to eat, equal rights, education and science in a common struggle against superstition. Prof Gomati Desai is teaching in V M Salgaoncar College of Law, Miramar, Panaji, Goa.
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Book Review Section:
Dipavali Sen [Ms. Dipavali Sen has been a student of Delhi School of Economics and Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics (Pune). She has taught at Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan, and various colleges of Delhi University. She is, at present, teaching at Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce, Delhi University. She is a prolific writer and has written creative pieces and articles for children as well as adults, both in English and Bengali. Dipavali@gmail.com] [BOOK: Competing With The Best: Strategic Management of Indian Companies in a Globalizing Area, by Rajnish Karki, Penguin Portfolio, Penguin Books India, 2008, hardcover, cover design by The Communion, pp 242, Rs 450.]
What would M.N. Roy have said? Karki, alumnus of IIT, Kanpur and Dr.IIM,Rajnish Ahmedabad, runs a research and advisory boutique specializing in strategic and organization design. He has advised about 2 dozen organizations in areas as diverse as basic materials and engineering products to automotives and branded consumer products. In this book, he brings a new information and insight to bear upon the theme of Globalization. The usual preoccupation is with Multinational Corporations or at least foreign companies threatening the consumer sovereignty and production possibilities of the less developed world. Karki forces our attention
upon Indian corporations /companies that are emerging as their able competitors. As Karki says in the Preface, ‘we are currently at an exciting point in the history of business enterprise in India. There has been a phenomenal change in the capabilities, beliefs and aspirations of Indian companies, especially since the early 1990s.Now they stand shoulder to shoulder with the best corporations in the world, whether in domestic or overseas markets” (p vii). These companies form an interesting genre because of their distinctive Indian character (p viii). What is ‘strategic management’? In the Introduction, Karki explains it as being concerned with the definition and evolution of a company’s identity in its environment. Its primary aim is to identify what a company should do in order to optimize its long-run potential (p 5). He takes both a “wide-angle” view (of Indian business environment in general) and a “narrow angle” view (of specific Indian business concerns). Part One of the book (pp 15-88, chapters 1-3) establishes the strategic management context of Indian companies. Part Two (pp 89- 228, chapters 4-7) describes four types of configurations illustrating them with at least two examples each. The common attributes of Indian companies can, in a generic sense, be said to have two “Imperatives”: Evolutionary and Emerging. Evolutionary Imperatives include abiding by the basics of business, building on initial successes against MNCs and in overseas markets. Emerging Imperatives include capitalizing on the large, growing and globalizing Indian economy and internalizing tenets of globalized capital markets and governance. Together, these two imperatives orient the companies towards the ambition of being “world class” – being “second to none in the world” (pp 35-37). Using simple flow charts and tables, Karki then outlines the strategies for achieving that ambition. Each company has a “Configuration”, consisting of Environment, Strategy and organization Design. Taxation and trade terms, entry barriers etc would be part of Environment. Nature of product markets and trade-offs would belong to Strategy. Degree of decentralization, extent of formalization of planning, degree of cohesion and beliefs and values would fall within Organizational Design (p 65). Karki has distinguished between four types of
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Configurations. T India-focused companies have basic affinity for doing business in India and organizational abilities that are Indian in character and difficult to replicate. Bharti, Pantaloon and Gujarat Ambuja are successful India-focused companies. India–diversified companies are also Indian in character but have a high degree of diversification of products and regions. ITC (founded in 1910 as the Imperial Tobacco Company) has, for example, diversified from tobacco to greeting cards, readymade garments to agarbattis and matches). Larsen & Toubro(incorporated in 1938 by two Danish engineers) had begun with engineering products but has now gone into cement, glass, earth-moving and welding products, and even packaging). But there have evolved certain companies that have a global rather then Indian character, although they have different degrees of focus. Bharat Forge and Patni are Global-based Configurations that intend to do business primarily with overseas markets and customers. This would have been “unthinkable till the mid 1990s” (p155). Till then, the presence of Indian companies in overseas markets was broadly limited to the export of traditional products such as tea, iron ore, leather, gems and jewellery, and at the most, simple engineering tools and equipment. But the twin developments of Liberalization and Information Technology have effected ‘a dramatic change’ (p156). Indian companies have emerged as global players in software development industry. Bharat Forge made a conscious decision around 2000and currently its overseas business is 42 per cent of its total business. Its overseas sales are spread among the US, Europe and Asia-Pacific, the respective shares being 44, 33 and 23 per cent. It has even acquired a few forging companies in developed countries. Patni is the 6th largest software exporter in India and a pioneer in the field. As estimated in 2001-5, its share of business in the US was 85 per cent. While it is still early days for Global-focused companies, they “do have the potential to alter the global business landscape” (p 187).
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Global-diversified companies are yet to emerge in any big way in India but the Tata Group, Jindal Iron & Steel Company, Mahindra & Mahindra, the Aditya Birla Group and Aptech are examples. The Tata Group, India’s largest and oldest business entity, covers energy, iron and steel, engineering goods, hotels, communication and information products, and even consumer products like tea or detergents. It is considerably internationalized; 25 per cent of its turnover comes from overseas markets. Karki concludes that Indian companies “need to adopt strategic management approaches that are rooted in and are best aligned to their sociocultural and economic-institutional situation” (p 221, chapter 8). He identifies three stages in this approach: Understanding the situation (the patterns and trends in the company) Conceiving the path (along which the company will evolve) Realizing the Desired State (which is the company’s being `Among the Best’). The book ends with Endnotes and Index, establishing its scholarly credentials. It is certainly a valuable contribution to the relatively new disciplines of Management and Business Economics. But it has a valuable point to make in the area of Political Economy, or even more specifically, in the study of Capitalism and Imperialism. It draws attention to the fact that with the development of Capitalism in India, Indian companies or corporations can also become sufficiently important in the world market to grab huge market shares and dominate the scene. If we extrapolate their career graphs, we can even see them turn into ‘imperialist” forces! At the recent M.N. Roy memorial lecture, the speaker Padmashri Kumar Ketkar had said that it would have been interesting to learn what M.N. Roy had to say about world events that took place after his death – like , say, China turning to capitalism, or the Soviet Union dissolving… Supposing, just supposing that a couple of Indian companies or corporations did turn into ‘imperialist” multinationals, what would M.N. Roy (or, for that matter, Lenin) have said?
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Humanist News Section: I Archival Literature: Jalpaiguri Muslim Students’ League’s invitation to M.N. Roy dated 17.5.1939 Sent by N.D. Pancholi, Secretary, Indian Renaissance Institute, New Delhi Dear friends, While going through papers in MN Roy Archives in the Nehru Memorial Museum & Library, I was amazed by an hand-written invitation letter of the Jalpaiguri Muslim Students League addressed to M.N. Roy in May 1939 inviting him to attend their conference. I was amazed by reading this letter because it presented an image of a Muslim League activist which is in total contrast of the image which is embedded in the minds of the present day non-Muslim Indians. A student unit of the Muslim League inviting a Hindu (Ram Nandan Chowdhury) to inaugurate its conference and inviting a known atheist (MN Roy) not only to participate in its conference but to guide and advise it in its activities-appreciating his cosmopolitanism, presents a strange phenomena which may defy comprehension of many! How and why that image changed is a story for another occasion. But I thought that I should share this letter with you. N.D. Pancholi (Copy of the hand-written letter addressed to M.N.Roy)
District Muslim Students’ League Jalpaiguri Dt.17.5.1939 Sir, We, the Muslim students of Jalpaiguri, beg to inform you that we are going to hold the Second Annual conference of the Jalpaiguri Muslim Students’ League in the first week of June, 1939. Hon. Mr. A.K.Fazlul Huq, our revered Premier will open our conference. He has kindly consented to come here on the 3rd and will stay here for two days. Our personalities like Hon. P.D. Raikot, Musharraf Hussain, the two famous sons of Jalpaiguri, accompanied by Mr. Sayed Baduruddoza, poet Gulam Mustafa, Mr. Abbasuddin –the reputed singer, Mrs. Hasina Murshed M.L.A.
We have also requested Mr.Ram Nandan Chowdhury of Patna to inaugurate our function. We hope to receive a favourable response from him. I, on behalf of Muslim Students League, Jalpaiguri, venture to invite you to join our function to encourage us, to guide us and to advise us in our activities. You are the Hero of the nation and we expect every possible advice from big and experienced personality like you. People of Jalpaiguri, old and young, are all anxious to have you in their midst. Your world-wide famous name has been advertised throughout the length and breadth of the district by means of leaflets of appeal. Your kind visit to this poor district in the foot of the Himalayas neglected and exploited so long, will be conducive towards its progress. We think that you will not ignore our poor but cordial invitation. You will be simply astonished how the people of this district appreciate you- your sacrifice and your cosmopolitanism. Our request is to you that you will be kind enough to pay a visit to this district during our conference. Our conference is going to be held on the 3rd and 4th June. Please take a little trouble of giving a favourable reply to us. If we do not get any response from you, we will think that you are either agreed to come here on 3rd or you ignore us. I hope and trust that we will get a sympathetic and favorable reply from you. Awaiting your sharp reply. We cannot make out detailed programme only for your reply. I again beg to invite you to attend our conference on 3rd June. We expect your kind presence here with Mrs.Roy on 3rd and 4th June. With best compliments and regards to you. Yours very sincerely, Sd/Maqbular Rehman Joint Secretary, Jalpaiguri Muslim Students League N.B. I beg to ask apology because we have advertised your reputed name through leaflets of appeals without your prior permission. I am enclosing a copy of leaflet of appeal. We have ventured to advertise your name in the hope and belief that you are a friend of students and you will accept the invitation of students. Hope to be excused for advertising your name without your previous sanction and permission. Yours very truly, Sd/Maqbular Rehman
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II
Reaping the Harvest of Hate: Review of Film on Kandhamal by Ram Puniyani Film Review Film: From Hindu to Hindutva Debaranjan Sarangi, Pedestrian Pictures debasar11@yahoo.co.in Language: Oriya with English Subtitles Duration- 44 Minutes Kandhmal violence has been the most ghastly communal violence in the Adivasi areas in India. Close to two years after the violence the tragedy of the area continues, the victims of violence, the rehabilitation, the justice to victims, most of these are no where close to what they should be. Debaranjan Sarangi, a social activist and writer has effectively caught the Kandhamal carnage in his short but comprehensive film with great amount of sensitivity and objectivity. He presents the whole event with the help of field interviews, the shots of burning of houses and churches and the pathetic condition of the refugee camps. His subtitling and comments not only make the theme more understandable to non-Oriya audience but also connect up different aspects of the material presented by him. The commentary in the form of text is very coherent making the film a powerful analysis of the events of Orrisa. The director weaves the picture with great precision without intruding into the flow of events as told by the perpetrators of the crime and the victims of the same. The film begins with the event of murder of Swami Laxmandnand, Maoists state it has been done by them as he was spreading Hate in the area. Praveen Togadia of VHP takes out the procession of his body through sensitive areas of Kandhmal, the rumor is spread that Christians are behind the murder of Swami, as it is at their behest that Maoists have murdered him. One striking parallel which emerges from this account is that even in Gujarat Modi permitted the procession of the victims of Godhra train burning through Ahmedabad, accompanied by rumor that Muslims have burnt the train
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and this in turn incited the feelings of the people leading to carnage. VHP’s Praveen Togadia does the same. The methods of RSS combine have so much of a parallel. The victims of ‘RSS combine’ violence come through the film with their pain and anguish. Director has taken care to edit the interviews to the most relevant parts. From amongst victims many say that those who have killed the Swami should be punished, why are we and our children being punished. The attacker’s were shouting the slogans of Jai Bajarang Bali. The state, since Biju Janata Dal had BJP as an ally, soft peddled towards the criminals indulging in communal riots. This is the same story in most of the carnages, be it the anti Sikh pogrom, Mumbai violence or Gujarat carnage, state devices kid gloves to deal with the perpetrators of the crime. Also on the ‘expected’ pattern state gave no protection to victims. The VHP supporters worsened the situation by asserting that Christianity is a foreign religion, Christians should leave or they will be killed unless they convert into Hinduism. The hysterical pitch of the mob has been caught well in the camera. Krishna Majhi, leader of Kui samaj, Adivasis, points out that Adivasis are not Hindus and the ‘Home coming’ campaign, conversion of Adivasis into Hinduism, is a forcible one. This home coming was conducted by Laxmandnand, at big scale. The Christians were tonsured and given a Hanuman locket. Hanuman has a central role in Hinduising the Adivasis. Most of the interviewees point out that Christian missionaries were involved mainly in health and education work. The VHP propaganda that dalits have grabbed Adivsai land is false as no such complaints were ever filed, nor do dalits have substantial land holdings. The interesting point is if it was a land issue, why the campaign for and rights was not taken, and why Hate was chosen as weapon. Clearly land issue was made a pretext for dividing the communities. The violence is done by VHP for its political goals. Laxmananand indulged in lot of unchecked ‘hate speech’ against Christians. As a matter of fact his and RSS combines ‘Hate other’ speech against Christians laid the foundation of the violence. Kandhmal was no flash in the pan. It was systematically built up from 1970 since the swami began his activities there. He had opened Sanskrit schools and Bhajan Mandali (group singing devotional songs), through
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which hate campaign was conducted. After the violence the major sectors of state were apathetic to the plight of Christians. Currently even their children are looked down in schools. The anti Christian atmosphere prevails till the day. Film ends on a sad note, the reality of minorities in Orissa today is well depicted. Probably the efforts to get justice and relief done by civil society groups could have been highlighted by Sarangi. The film is a very good contribution by Pedestrian Pictures to draw our attention to the phenomenon of Kandhamal. It gives enough hints about the method of working of VHP, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and RSS combine in the Adivasi areas. Bringing out these linkages with RSS combine’s methods in unleashing violence in other areas would have enriched the quality of the film. The title does not much convey the theme of the film. It is a must watch for all social activists and citizens at large.
News source: Vir Narain, President, Humanist Union, New Delhi virnarain@gmail.com humanistindia@gmail.com Reviewer’s email id: ram.puniyani@gmail.com III Book Release: Rationalism, Humanism and Atheism In Twentieth Century Indian Thought Written by Dr Ramendra in collaboration with Dr. Kawaljeet Published electronically by Buddhiwadi Foundation Patna, India Content source: http://www.buddhiwadi.org/rationalism.htm
Remembering Amlan Datta: One by one almost all my old colleagues in the Radical Humanist movement have left us. Amlan, like most other legends of that age, had a brilliant career as an academicians, scholars, economist, educationist and a writer. I need not try to even sketch all other aspects of his life and duplicate what the editor of the RH is publishing on them. I may just briefly mention what the loss of his death has meant to me. In Radical camps at Mussourie or Dehradun he was one of those who appreciated my occasional dissents. I could count on him as my close friend. Once in Calcutta I called him form the hotel where I was staying. He rebuked me for staying in a hotel and not coming to his home straight way. He immediately came and took me to his Salt Lake residence. He and his charming wife took every care to enjoy my stay with them. He specially purchased a record of Urdu ghazals and played on his gramophone, the main means of entertainment in those days. Of course, I valued the discussions we had on the state of the Radical movement and the affairs on the country and the world. Needless to stay that I benefited by his excellent analysis and rich knowledge. I do not know how, if at all, the vacuum left by the legends will be filled. However, I may record my deep appreciation of the devotion and able work being done by Rekha in keeping RH alive in maintaining its standard and her contribution to the occasional activities with the cooperation of some colleagues at some centres that are still active. I can hardly contribute much to such efforts except expressing my good wishes to them.
Balraj Puri balraj_puri1@rediffmail.co
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