Xenizonta - In Search of Research

XENIZONTA An interdisciplinary journal Where Schools, Universities and the World of Work Meet

In Search of Research

Volume 4: Winter 2018/19

In Search of Research

ἐπιλαβόμενοί τε αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἄρειον Πάγον ἤγαγον, λέγοντες· Δυνάμεθα γνῶναι τίς ἡ καινὴ αὕτη ἡ ὑπὸ σοῦ λαλουμένη διδαχή; ξενίζοντα γάρ τινα εἰσφέρεις εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς ἡμῶν· βουλόμεθα οὖν γνῶναι τίνα θέλει ταῦτα εἶναι.

Table of Contents Introduction

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Researching at Harvard: an interview with Mr Zweig – Susanna Siddell

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In Search of Research – Roy Peachey

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Why did early modern people accuse their neighbours of being witches? – Grace Flanagan

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Free to Speak? – Imogen McNamara

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Uncovering the truth about Druids – Nia Griffiths

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New Delhi: suffocated before it soars? – Phoebe Donnelly

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Kids These Days – Annabelle Cusack

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Blondes, and how they became ‘dumb’ – Grace Main

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Xenizonta: an explanation

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The Last Word

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Contributors Annabelle Cusack is in Year 11 at Woldingham School.

Phoebe Donnelly is on a Gap Year and will be studying Geography at Durham University from September 2019.

Grace Flanagan is studying History at the University of Cambridge.

Nia Griffiths is studying Modern Languages at the University of Exeter.

Grace Main is in Year 11 at Woldingham School.

Imogen McNamara is on a Gap Year.

Roy Peachey is currently working on a PhD in Theology and Literature at the University of Nottingham in his spare time.

Susanna Siddell is in the Upper Sixth at Woldingham School.

Louie Zweig taught Classics at Woldingham School and is working on a PhD at Harvard University.

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Introduction

What do students hear when teachers say, ‘I want you to do some research on …’? My suspicion is that ‘Google’ might enter into their thinking at a pretty early stage. But there is a great deal more to the world than Google and a great deal more to research than typing a couple of words into a search engine. Real research is a complex, active and time-absorbing business that brings its own challenges as well as many great pleasures. So what does it mean in practice?

In this edition of Xenizonta, we explore the practicalities and realities of research, as well as some of the products of it. Our students have gained some wonderful university offers this year but the academic star of the year has be Mr Zweig from the Classics Department who will be leaving us to start a seven-year PhD at Harvard University. What will he be doing during that time? We sent Susanna Siddell to find out and her article makes fascinating reading. Reflecting on Mr Zweig’s experience made me think about my own. Becoming Dr Peachey has been a longstanding ambition, so in my article I reflect on various abortive attempts to gain a PhD, explain what I am doing now, and reflect on the process, which may well be unfamiliar to many readers.

Moving on from the teachers, we turn to some of our talented students, starting with Grace Flanagan, who was the joint winner of the 2017 Vellacott History Prize, awarded by Peterhouse College, Cambridge. Her winning essay on the Early Modern witch craze is reproduced in full here. Some of our recently departed Upper Sixth also turned their hand to topics that lie beyond the confines of the A Level curriculum, with Imogen McNamara writing about freedom of speech, Nia Griffiths about the Druids, and Phoebe Donnelly about air pollution in New Delhi. The range of their academic interests is truly impressive.

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It is particularly encouraging that research is not limited to the Sixth Form. Two of our Year 11 students, Annabelle Cusack and Grace Main, have also contributed articles on topics they chose and researched entirely under their own steam. Maybe they will develop their research by taking an Extended Project Qualification in the Sixth Form. Maybe they will develop and explore new interests. Maybe they will simply maintain a lively interest in ideas and the world around them. Because that, in the end, is what true research is all about.

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Researching at Harvard: an interview with Mr Zweig Susanna Siddell

It’s a well-known fact that a PhD is one of the most impressive academic qualifications obtainable. In fact, one of Woldingham’s own, Mr Zweig, is soon setting off to Harvard University, all the way over in Massachusetts, as a Classics student to complete his PhD. Obviously, this is an incredible feat in itself, but few actually stick around to ask what this seven-year education entails and what the real purpose of such a long, challenging process might be. It might simply be to take advantage of the pure love for learning that we all have, or to obtain that hard-earned qualification. Before he makes his way to the East Coast, I was lucky enough to have a chat with Mr Zweig to unravel his own experience, from the application process all the way to looking forward over the next seven years of his studies.

At the very start, I was intrigued as to why Mr Zweig had chosen an American university over one in the UK. He explained that, in the US, the institutions teach a variety of subjects, and his project proposal would not be set in stone until further down the line. This offers him the chance to delve into a broad range of studies that he never had the opportunity to immerse himself in before, taking full advantage of the remarkable academic facilities at Harvard. Of course, he would remain within the Faculty of Classics, but the approach in the US is far less restrictive than that in the UK. When applying to Oxbridge last academic year, Mr Zweig found that he was much more pressed for a specific project proposal; essentially, he was expected to have a specific proposal prepared to complete in three years, just to have it accepted or rejected. In the UK, he found that the academic institutions were much more focused on the minor details, rather than looking at the big picture. As a candidate who values

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the freedom to explore his genuine interests, he sees now that he is much better suited to the American way of education.

In regards to the application process, it is astoundingly similar to a regular undergraduate or Master’s degree, but slightly more specific and nuanced. In Mr Zweig’s case, he had to submit some writing samples, such as articles or essays, as well as a letter of interest, which outlines what interests him in the field of Classics and what questions he finds exciting to explore and debate. Of course, his grades were submitted as well, alongside letters of recommendation across a range of past employers and professors. His acceptance into the program was then finalised by an interview at Harvard itself.

So, what is his research proposal? Often when people are given this sort of freedom, they stop in their tracks and panic. Luckily for Mr Zweig, his proposal has not been carved out in stone yet as, in his first year at Harvard, he is expected to attend lectures and broaden his horizons in the Ancient World. His sub-disciplinary is the topic of classical textual criticism. These ancient texts, over the years, have departed from the original version, as some may have not survived the centuries and others have suffered from errors of transcription. The role of a textual critic, he explained, is to reconstruct the original ancient text by examining all the different versions of the same text produced and copied over the years. To do this, you must be well acquainted with the common lexis and style of that author and period, as well as the metre, if the work is written in verse. Once the academic’s final version is completed and pieced together after careful deliberation, the text is put forward to be judged on its worthiness for publication.

We must remember, however, that this is just a fraction of what Mr Zweig will face in the upcoming years. In fact, for his first and second year of study, he will attend lectures and classes over a wide range of topics. Although one might expect that a PhD requires total independence, in these earlier years, very little independent research takes place. Mr Zweig sees this as an opportunity to explore new interests and to, quite simply, enjoy education at one of the leading universities in the world.

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Once third-year comes around he will continue with some classes and begin teaching undergraduates, while in preparation for his exams. These are called ‘special exams’, where he is examined on three specialist fields to demonstrate and prove his capability of teaching an undergraduate course. Usually, according to Mr Zweig, two authors are selected alongside one other topic. These can range from the discussion of Roman methods of writing histories to chariot-racing. These exams, therefore, set the tone for the following four years, where he teaches Latin and Greek to undergraduate students. Only during these four later years will he complete his long-awaited dissertation.

Drifting away from the academic technicalities for a moment, I wondered what the most riveting part of looking forward to the next seven years was. Mr Zweig admits that he is eagerly anticipating receiving the reading list, which will consist of ‘all the hits’ from the Ancient World, alongside various lesser-known texts. At the moment, he is facing around three thousand pages of Latin text, which is a mountainous challenge, to say the very least.

On the other hand, what doubts does he have? One of the first things that pops into his mind is the Greek language. As an accomplished Classicist, Mr Zweig is familiar with Greek to a particular point, yet he will soon face, on arrival at Harvard, the expectation of being able to do Greek prose composition. As a Latin A Level student, I can appreciate the difficulty of prose composition in Latin alone, not to mention a language with a completely different alphabet. Yet, he sees this task as a new challenge to confront in his series of academic accomplishments, and is grateful for the opportunity to stretch his mind beyond his current expertise. Quite understandably, Mr Zweig admits that he finds some academic writing rather convoluted and occasionally difficult to understand. This feels like an extremely common issue with the increase in online journals, articles and other academic resources, physical and digital alike, as writers feel the pressure to impress with overcomplicated analysis and evaluation, causing the real meaning of their words to be lost entirely. (Mr Zweig added, self-deprecatingly, that it could also be that their ideas 9

are too complex for him to understand.) From these upcoming battles, Mr Zweig sees that, although it is an uphill struggle, that is the exact point of doing this PhD; the postgraduate qualification is hardly known for its simplicity.

At the mention of the direction of his career post qualification, Mr Zweig clarifies that he is not overly concerned with mapping out his career path, although he does express interest in one day becoming an academic in his field, or perhaps a university professor. Right now, however, he sees the degree as this incredible job that he has the chance to experience and complete over the next few years, that will allow him to relish the joy of learning, as well as to become more intellectually stimulated and challenged. I am sure that Mr Zweig will go on to pursue even greater accomplishments and Woldingham cannot wait to see what lies in store for him.

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In Search of Research Roy Peachey

Over the years I have started several PhDs. I abandoned the first at Cambridge after only twenty days. I came up with what I thought was a great title – Public Devotion and Private Worship in Early 17th Century English Protestantism – and then realised I had nothing further to say. I got a job folding jumpers in Debenhams instead until, driven crazy by the Christmas CD that played on far too short a loop, I managed to land my first job as a teacher.

A few years later, missing the intellectual stimulation, I decided to have another go, but this time decided to focus on children’s literature. I applied for a place at Reading University to study the ways in which the novels of Robert Westall have been read and understood, but pursued the application no further when I realised that my main motivation was wanting to tell people that I was reading reading at Reading.

Shortly afterwards, I did start a PhD on Robert Westall at De Montfort University in Leicester, which may not be a university Woldingham students have considered. So why that particular institution? Because one of the fundamental differences between a PhD and other degrees is that you tend to look for the expert in your field (in this case an academic called Julia Briggs) and then apply to study with her, wherever she is based. Unfortunately, that PhD also foundered on the reality of the English teacher’s life. Marking GCSE essays and studying for a doctorate simply don’t mix.

However, I am stubborn by nature and didn’t want to give up on higher research altogether. So, a few years ago I tried again with yet another subject. This time I thought I’d give Theology a go and, having searched for the leading theologians in my field (the Theology of Culture), started my doctoral research under the supervision of Tracey Rowland at the John Paul II Institute for Family and Marriage 11

in Melbourne, Australia. There were, as you might imagine, a certain number of practical difficulties with this arrangement, not least of which was that I was based in Woldingham and she was based in Australia. Nonetheless, I soldiered on until it was announced that the institute was closing for financial reasons.

My chances of becoming Dr Peachey seemed to have gone for good, but I was determined not to be beaten and so transferred to the University of Nottingham, where I have been working (very, very part-time) under the supervision of another wonderful academic called Alison Milbank. Alison Milbank has taught both English Literature and Theology at university level and so she was the perfect supervisor for me.

So what does it mean to do a PhD? First of all it means reading. A lot. It also means thinking. A lot. And it certainly means writing. (You’ve guessed it: a lot). Let me say a word or two about writing. As a teacher, I am used to explaining complex ideas in a simple way. My job is to make knowledge accessible. I have also written a number of articles for different newspapers and magazines. Again the trick is to grab the reader’s attention as quickly as possible and to not let go. (See Rosemary Bennett’s wonderful article on writing for The Times in the first edition of Xenizonta for more on this.) But academic writing is different. Academics are sometimes accused of being deliberately obscure – and there can be some truth in this charge – but if you are going to explore ideas properly you need to do so slowly. The pleasure that comes from academic writing is to be found in the unfolding of complex ideas and that takes time.

So PhDs are about reading, thinking and writing. But mainly they are about reading and thinking. In fact, you need to do a lot of reading and thinking before you can really get started on the writing because you have to identify a topic to research.

This is not as straightforward as it might sound, partly because a PhD needs to be original research, something no one else has done before. The idea is that you will become one of the experts on your chosen topic by the time you’ve finished. That is why it took me months (if not years) to come up with the following proposal:

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‘My proposed project, which draws on recent work in both Theology and Literature, is situated at the intersection of debates over secularization and the nature of the contemporary novel. I propose to explore secularization within contemporary fiction (as well as the question of the novel’s secularity) by focusing on Charles Taylor’s notions of the porous and buffered self, issues of time and temporality, and the concept of religion as a chain of memory. Drawing on recent liturgical theology, I will then consider the extent to which the novel (and the ‘Catholic novel’ in particular) can be understood as a migration of the holy into secular culture as a quasi-liturgical event while simultaneously remaining within the Church as an analogue of the liturgy.’

What on earth does that mean?

Well, I have something like 80,000 words to explain what it means in my PhD, though you will be relieved to hear that I shall give you only a summary of the argument here.

Secularization is the notion that society and individuals are becoming gradually less religious and that this change is either inevitable or irreversible. A few decades ago, this view was very widely held but it is now largely discredited in the academic world. There are many reasons for this, which I won’t go into here.

The nature of the novel is also highly disputed. One of the most catchy definitions was given a hundred years ago by Georg Lukács who argued that the novel is ‘the epic of a world that has been abandoned by God.’ The novel, he and many others argued, is a secular art form. This idea has also been widely challenged in subsequent years.

My research is focusing on these two key ideas. In particular, I am looking at the ways in which secularization theory has continued to haunt 21st century literary fiction, which has become a site on which competing narratives of secularization are played out. I probably need to explain that but I can’t do it in under several thousand words, so I shall content myself instead with saying that I am (probably) going to focus on the following novels: 13

Don DeLillo - Point Omega; Sylvie Germain - The Book of Tobias; Jérôme Ferrari - The Sermon on the Fall of Rome; Cormac McCarthy - The Road; Donna Tartt - The Goldfinch; Eugene Vodolazkin - Laurus; Yu Hua - The Seventh Day; In other words, I’m really interested in global literature and will be focusing on recent novels from China, France, Russia, and the USA. (They’re all really good, by the way, so if you need something to read I can highly recommend them.)

Another key aspect of doctoral research is that you have to draw on different theories (in my case, literary and theological theories). At the moment I am planning on using the work of Canadian philosopher, Charles Taylor (whose most important book, A Secular Age, weighs in at a mighty 896 pages), French philosopher and literary critic, Jean-Louis Chrétien, French sociologist, Danièle Hervieu-Léger, and English theologian, Catherine Pickstock.

What does it mean to use theory in your own work?

If I were being flippant, I would say it means coming up with stuff like this: ‘moving outside the epistemic and ideological framework constructed by previously dominant understandings of the secular means challenging the temporal and geographical bases of fiction (as Talal Asad and Manav Ratti have argued).’ Which is what I wrote in one academic proposal. But, since I am going to firmly resist the temptation to be flippant, I would say instead that when you are doing a PhD you realise that lots of things we take for granted (like reading a book) are actually really complicated. Why do we read the books we do? How do we read them? What is a novel anyway? What ideas shape them? And how does the form of the novel shape the ideas?

And then we could throw big theological questions into the mix. Which turn out to be very small questions (with big answers). What do we mean by religion? What 14

do we mean by the secular? What is the liturgy? How does it work? How does it relate to literary fiction?

These questions then lead onto all sorts of other questions. Someone asked me the other day whether I had heard of eco-criticism. I couldn’t quite bring myself to tell him that not only had I heard of it but that I was actually planning to do some myself.

By looking at the liturgy, I have discovered that I also need to look at issues of time and temporality (what do we actually mean by time?) and how all that relates to fiction. Those questions, in turn, have led me to geographical/environmental questions centred around the Anthropocene and what is sometimes called Deep Time.

(If you want to read more about this topic, there is a great article by Robert Macfarlane in The Guardian that is easily accessible online.) In other words, a topic that may have seemed bafflingly obscure can very quickly lead onto something that is of huge current interest and importance.

All of which leads me naturally onto another obvious question: what’s the point? Not of life, but of a PhD. PhDs are built around original research and have to be very tightly defined.

The danger with them is that they can become so specialist that they end up being of interest only to a handful of other people around the world. Nonetheless, I think it’s still possible to argue that PhDs do have a point.

Firstly, as John Henry Newman argued in The Idea of a University, knowledge is its own end. To a certain extent, we don’t need to justify any research. Asking questions and trying to find answers is part of what makes us human. The world (including the world of ideas) is a wonderful place and we should explore it.

Secondly, we need to remember that there is a great deal more to any PhD than the 80-100,000 words that emerge at the end. I spend a lot of time telling students that getting into university is only a first step. What really matters is what we do when we get there. And, by that, I don’t just mean what we do in the lab, classroom or lecture theatre. Becoming a student provides us with a wonderful opportunity to discover more about the world, other people and ourselves, whether any of this appears on the 15

curriculum or not. The same is true for PhD students. What matters about a PhD is what else you accrue as you are doing your research. I have, for example, written a (very short) book about the History of Catholic literature over the last 2,000 years (available soon in an Amazon store near you) even though, strictly speaking, my PhD is about books that have been written in the 21st century. However, without the doctoral research I could not have written the book. The book is a relatively unimportant spin-off that is likely to be read by far more people (i.e. more than ten) than will ever read my doctoral thesis.

But, thirdly, there is the unpredictable nature of the research itself. If I am entirely honest, I still don’t know where it will lead and what benefits it might bring.

However, what is slightly unusual about the work I am doing is that it crosses several disciplines and so its impact could potentially be felt in different areas of intellectual endeavour. I am interested in Literature and Theology. I am interested in the secular and the religious. I want to see how the liturgy and the novel inter-relate. I want to look at eco-criticism and the work of Pope Benedict XVI. I see myself as primarily an English teacher but I’m not studying any novels from England: my research is trying to break free from the constraints of the narrowly Anglophone world. I hope that what I discover and write will make a positive impact in academia and then spill over, in some form or another, into the wider world. And, if it doesn’t, at least I get to read some good books. What could be better?

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Why did early modern people accuse their neighbours of being witches?

Grace Flanagan

During the early modern period, Europe was the central hub of the witch craze where over 100,000 men, women and children were accused of being witches. Europe was experiencing drastic changes in areas essential to the stability of society. The Reformation and Counter-reformation disrupted the faith and hence the security of many. War, famine, plague and the breakdown of the feudal system cultivated a sense of millennialism as society appeared to be at breaking point. European societies felt threatened in every aspect of their lives. This anxiety developing across Europe provided the perfect platform for witchcraft accusations. For the accusation to occur, there had to be the necessary intellectual and legal framework in place, paired with socioeconomic and religious preconditions causing general anxiety and fear. Yet, village culture was integral in contributing to accusations. The community operating throughout the early modern period was one where mutual interdependence and trust were fundamental to survival. Similarly, gossip and suspicion were key to building reputations as, living in such close proximity, every action was noticed.

Anxiety surrounding the most crucial, and at the same time most vulnerable, aspects of life such as fertility and agriculture were those most commonly said to have been targeted by the witch. It seems that the witch craze was an essentially local issue drawing on a previously established national and international background as a source of inspiration and fear.

In order for suspicion to materialize into an accusation, there had to be a basic pre-existing intellectual framework established. There was no fixed archetype for a witch in the early modern period and to accuse someone of witchcraft was a very 17

varied matter. William Perkins emphasises that, ‘To give the true description of a witch is a matter of great difficulty because there be many differences and diversities of opinion touching this point.’1 Levack proposes the idea of a cumulative concept of witchcraft, one that was built up over time, drawing on different ideas throughout the period involving elements of maleficium, devil worship, a pact with the devil and the Sabbath.2 Popular belief in sorcery and black magic was developed into a belief in witchcraft through the dissemination of elite belief. Generally, the concern of commoners was centred around the witches’ ability to perform maleficium rather than their diabolism which was primarily the belief of elite theologians and demonologists who advocated complex theories about the witch and the devil.3 Robin Briggs suggests that elites began to fear that ‘religion was being undermined by magical practices’ as they believed that the witch provided a medium where ‘Satan could break through the protective barrier.’4 Elite belief in witchcraft was essential in encouraging popular support. The interaction between the judicial process and literary tradition, both of which were controlled by men at the top end of society, led to the transmission and development of learned notions and, therefore, ensured that the whole neighbourhood was both aware and in support of the need to abolish the threat of the witch.5 Keith Thomas shows that in England ‘two separate concepts of witchcraft [the elite and the popular] fused together to produce a new myth.’6 The addition of diabolism in accusations from the elite provided an added incentive to accuse witches as the threat became even more prominent. However, whilst the cumulative concept was, overall, in place by the mid 15th century, the neighbourhood identity (as opposed to a national or regional one) meant beliefs varied from village to village due to the PERKINS, W. (1608). A discourse of the damned art of witchcraft. C. Legge, printer to the University of Cambridge.

2 LEVACK, B. P. (2016). The witch-hunt in early modern Europe. Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge.

3 Ibid, (p.28) 4 BRIGGS, R. (2004). ‘By the Strength of Fancie’: Witchcraft and the Early Modern Imagination. Folklore. (p.115, 259-272.)

5 LEVACK, B. P. (2016). The witch-hunt in early modern Europe. Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge.

6 THOMAS, K. (2012). Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England. Penguin Global. (p.542) 1

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micro-climatic nature of each community. The intellectual foundations of the witch craze created significant preconditions for accusations; they installed deep fears into villagers, leading them to believe that the devil was conspiring against them. Yet whilst a firm belief in witchcraft was integral, these ideas needed to be placed in the correct atmosphere in order for action to be taken: ‘What makes fantasies and beliefs trigger violent action is not just the beliefs or the fantasies themselves, but a set of historical circumstances.’7 Changes to the legal framework helped to create the preconditions for witchcraft accusations to occur. The early modern period saw the beginning of a more centralised state, the breakdown of the feudal system and the rise of proto-capitalism.

During the late 15th century, secular and ecclesiastical courts began to move away from the medieval accusatorial system of justice towards an inquisitorial system which was vital in facilitating witchcraft accusations. The movement of the crime of witchcraft away from ecclesiastical courts into secular jurisdiction paired with these legal changes and the increased use of torture all provided a perfect setting for accusations to occur. Not only did it make it easier for people to accuse their neighbour but it also made it much more likely for the accused to be prosecuted. Before the 13th century, the accusatorial system of justice operating in European courts made all crimes extremely difficult to prosecute8; the judge remained impartial, acting as a passive arbitrator, and the accuser faced risk of prosecution himself if the suspect was found not guilty.

However, the rise of the inquisitorial system meant that the judge played an increasingly active role in accusations and through the adoption of this procedure came the increased use of torture which proved to be integral in witchcraft accusations and prosecutions. Without the use of torture, it is clear that the majority of the accused would not have confessed to the maleficium they were charged with and, more importantly, diabolism. Moreover, through the use of torture the accused witches

ROPER, L. (2006). Witchcraft and the Western imagination. Cambridge, Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge. (p.140) 8 LEVACK, B. P. (2016). The witch-hunt in early modern Europe. Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge.

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could be forced to give the names of other witches and here they gave names of neighbours, friends and even family. In the trial of Niclas Fiedler in 1587 the role of torture in drawing out the names of other witches is apparent: ‘the accused under torture admitted that he had also been to St Mattheisser’s Kopf [a place where witches allegedly gathered] at this place he had seen the wife of Georg von Niedermenning … and the wife of Arnold from Konz.’9 Torture was also important in emphasising the reality of witchcraft. As more and more people began to confess to their crimes, each more similar to the other, it became popular belief that the devil was at work in everyone’s communities; increasing the terror of the imminent threat of Satan and the desperation to wipe out the witch who was operating at the heart of the neighbourhood.

The Reformation and Counter-Reformation, the height of which coincided with the height of the witch craze, was one such cause for accusations. The radical religious changes occurring brought increased anxiety and with it the increased tendency to transfer guilt onto one’s neighbour. As a result of the Reformation, the devil was put at the forefront of people’s minds. As Scribner has shown, Luther had a powerful belief in the devil's presence in the world and believed that his age would see the last great confrontation between God and the Devil. Calvin, too, intensified the cosmic struggle between the divine and diabolical, emphasising the devil’s presence in society.10 Similarly, Keith Thomas argues that ‘Men became accustomed to Satan’s immediacy’ through the breakdown of ecclesiastical magic, which greatly reduced immunity to witchcraft by religious faith.11 This defencelessness, due to changes in religious attitude, led to an inexorable threat which could only be prevented by executing the witch. In 1509, Henri Boguet, a judge in Burgundy, emphasised the need BEIER-DE HAAN, R, VOLTMER, R and IRSIGLER, F.(eds), Hexenwahn: Angste der Neuzeit (Wolfratshausen, 2002), (p. 72-81) 10 SCRIBNER, R. W. (1993). The Reformation, popular magic, and the ‘disenchantment of the world’. Journal of Interdisciplinary History. (p.23, 475-494.)

11 THOMAS, K. (2012). Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England. Penguin Global. (p.561) 9

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to hunt down witches in order to overcome Satan: ‘these men are now busy in hunting down witches … I take this as a sign that in a short time Satan and his subjects will be overcome.’12 Similarly, Cotton Mather, a Protestant minister from Boston, who was closely involved with the Salem Witch trials of 1692, emphasised the link between the socioeconomic conditions creating a sense of millennialism and the profound fear of the devil: ‘The devil is come down having great wrath … and besides the increase of plagues and wars and storms ... the new earth wherein shall dwell righteousness.’13 Furthermore, the increased number of bi-confessional communities led to heightened tensions between denominations which inspired prosecutions through both the fear of heretics and denunciation of God which was synonymous with the witch through the diabolical pact. Therefore, whilst the conflicts between Protestants and Catholics did have an impact in inspiring prosecutions, it is clear that the changing religious attitudes during the Reformation played a much more significant role in encouraging accusations due to the tensions and fear it caused within communities. Heightened anxiety created the ideal atmosphere for increased belief in witchcraft and a tendency to turn on those who were disliked. Yet, other basic preconditions had to be in place in order for accusations to occur.

Anxiety appearing in the form of both religious and social guilt was central to witchcraft accusations. Brian Levack’s argument emphasises that the increased religious piety and puritanism in communities resulted in a heavy self-psychological punishment when one sinned or did not adhere to rituals or behaviour correctly.

Often, this overwhelming sensation of guilt was pinned onto anyone in the community who had a reputation or was disliked and therefore the witch provided the ideal scapegoat as a person who ‘personified evil’.14 Similarly, the idea of guilt in terms of a failure to fulfil neighbourly duty (such as giving alms) is portrayed in

BOGUET, H. An Examen of witches, trans. E.A. Ashwin, ed. Montague Summers (London, 1929), (p.212-226) 13 MATHER, C. A Discourse on the wonders of the invisible world (1692) in Wonders of the invisible world (Boston,1693) 14 LEVACK, B. P. (2016). The witch-hunt in early modern Europe. Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge.

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Thomas’s model of the ‘Refusal-Guilt syndrome’, which encapsulates the idea of transferring shame in the face of hardship, illustrating the ‘essential conflict between neighbourliness and individualism which generated the tensions from which the accusations of witchcraft were most likely to arise.’15 The human tendency to transfer blame was vital in neighbourhood accusations at a time when the radical religious and social changes that were occurring heightened the feelings of guilt and anxiety.

Basic preconditions in early modern societies led to increased anxiety within communities which, therefore, greatly contributed to accusations. The hardship felt within villages due to the tough socioeconomic context heightened uncertainties and this clearly correlates with increased witchcraft accusations. The population of Europe was increasing at an unprecedented rate, from 2.4 million in 1525 to 4 million in 1600.

Inflation was high, there were periodic outbreaks of the plague,16 and one in every four harvests were poor. Moreover, the effects of the little ice age (dating from approximately 1300 to 1850)17 led to famine and failed agriculture. Life often seemed to be apocalyptically bad, unexpected disasters were common in these turbulent times, anxiety was high and people sought to find an answer to their problems but ‘lacking any natural explanation, men turned to a supernatural one.’18 The socioeconomic context created the ideal atmosphere for feelings of fear and anxiety to develop. Fear and anxiety, paired with gossip and the necessary intellectual and judicial frameworks within a community, led to outbreaks of neighbourhood accusations as people were determined to put a stop to their anguish. By eliminating the menace of the witch who conspired with the devil and caused all the terror in their community, they were able to wipe out this very real threat.

THOMAS, K. (2012). Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England. Penguin Global. (p.662) 16LEVACK, B. P. (2016). The witch-hunt in early modern Europe. Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge.

17 https://www.britannica.com/science/Little-Ice-Age (Accessed 05.03.17) 18 THOMAS, K. (2012). Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England. Penguin Global. (p.639) 15

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The environment of the neighbourhood is key to understanding why people accused their closest friends, family and neighbours. In early modern England, only 5% of the population lived in towns, the rest in rural, subsistence communities.

Villages relied on mutual interdependence between inhabitants and this was especially important in times of hardship. The Thirty Years War in Germany and the plague that spread throughout Europe led to a severe growth in anxiety which correlated with an increase in accusations. In times such as these, the support of neighbours was fundamental to survival and, subsequently, the majority of early modern people seemed to look not towards their kin for support, but to their neighbours and the local community.19 The strength of neighbourhood ties meant that reputations were also built up over several years. It was a culture of rumour and suspicion where gossip could make or ruin a person in the village. This is clearly shown in the trial of Catherine Malgrais (who was accused as a witch in the Lorraine witch trials in 1618) where her reputation had clearly been built up over several years: ‘four years before had quarreled over agreement he had made to plough for her husband … Some nine years earlier he and his wife had quarreled with Catherine over a goat … soon afterwards fell ill and died.’20 The village reputation was extremely important to accusations; any slight scepticism, when placed in the background of intense anxiety and the imminent fear of the devil, could lead to suspicion of witchcraft. Keith Thomas highlights that, in England, out of 200 accusations in the home circuit, between 1558 and 1736, ‘only seven were not found guilty of having afflicted acts of damage upon their neighbours or their goods.’21 As a neighbour it was only natural to observe every action and note any unusual changes in your fellow villager’s behaviour. Increasing ideas about witchcraft were spreading through

COWARD, B. (2017). STUART AGE: England, 1603-1714. [S.l.], TAYLOR & FRANCIS. BRIGGS, R. (2008). The witches of Lorraine. Oxford [u.a.], Oxford Univ. Press. http://witchcraft.history.ox.ac.uk/pdf/w009.pdf- (Accessed 17.02.17) 21 THOMAS, K. (2012). Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England. Penguin Global.

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communities, meaning that fear and anxiety were growing. Paranoia began to materialise into accusations as villagers became more and more desperate to find a cause of all their misfortunes and the neighbour became the perfect suspect for witchcraft and answer to their adversities.

The East Anglian witch hunt, led by the self-proclaimed ‘Witch-finder general’, Matthew Hopkins, and John Stearne, shows the importance of the neighbourhood in accusations. With approximately 100 executions, one fifth of the total executions in England during this period, it was the largest witch hunt in English history.22 Trial dates show that strings of accusations nearly always occurred in the same village. It was very rare to see stand-alone cases and chains of accusations are seen in Lawford, St Oysth, and Manningtree.23 These villages are in very close proximity, with Lawford and Manningtree just 1.3 miles apart. It seems that fear and anxiety spread quickly within and between settlements and Hopkins was able to exploit these fears by working within the community to arouse suspicion. Crucially, Hopkins himself was a Manningtree resident and therefore a neighbour to many of the women he accused of witchcraft. His close relationship with the Manningtree people allowed him to work within society. As a trusted community member, he gained large support from the populace as they all came together in a fight to abolish the witch. However, whilst Hopkins was important, what is crucial to understanding accusations in East Anglia is the environment which allowed accusations to flourish. It is clear that the witchhunt was a temporary response to the political unrest caused by the English Civil War and was very much a local phenomenon. The war created a unique atmosphere as East Anglia was the centre of the parliamentarian and puritan cause and they were in a state of crisis. This uncertainty, along with consequential social and economic dislocations, fuelled anxieties within communities.24 The puritanical nature of East Anglian society led to anxiety from within, and fighting witches seemed part of their

GASKILL, M. (2010). Witchcraft a very short introduction. Oxford, Oxford University Press. http://www.witchtrials.co.uk/towns.html (Accessed 26.02.17) 24 FARMER, A. (2016). The witchcraze of the 16th and 17th centuries.

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duty in helping to both win the war and eradicate the influence of the devil. The effects of the warfare also saw the breakdown of close regulation in local administration, providing the perfect platform to implement torture and obtain confessions. Through the use of torture, Hopkins was able to make women confess to diabolical activities, rather than just conventional maleficium leading to heightened fear. Gaskill argues that the breakdown of this administration meant that ‘gradually it became possible for suspicions … to be converted into action.’25 The series of confessions strongly reinforced belief in witchcraft, convincing the community that the devil truly was at work in their villages. The confession of Rebecca West states that ‘she ever had carnal copulation with the Devil, she confessed she had … the tortures and the flames began to cease: whereupon she confessed all she ever knew.’26 It is clear that whilst Hopkins did play an integral role in accusations in East Anglia, he was only a catalyst. The neighbourhood was the key factor. Fear and anxiety spread quickly in a community where popular puritanism stressed the imminent threat of the devil. The need to purge the village of his influence was transferred onto anyone who was suspicious, and anyone who did not play their part in the community. It was the neighbour who, living so close could observe any dubious activities, triggered this accusation.

Whilst witches were not always female, for example in Normandy where 73% of witches were male,27 they were predominantly female, implying that there was a correlation between women and witchcraft accusations. Kramer argues in his notorious Malleus Maleficarum that evil is integral to female nature and that the tendency for females to be seduced makes them perfect victims for the devil.28 Lyndal Roper has suggested that the reasons for witchcraft accusations cannot just be attributed to the conditions surrounding the period and that, whilst external factors GASKILL, M. (2008). Witchcraft and Evidence in Early Modern England. Past & Present. (p.198, 3370) 26 http://www.witchtrials.co.uk/towns.html (26.02.17) 27 MONTER, E. W. (1997). Toads and eucharists: the male witches of Normandy, 1564-1660. Durham, NC, Duke University Press.

28 KRAMER, H., SUMMERS, M., & SPRENGER, J. (1978). The Malleus Maleficarum of Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger. [Place of publication not identified], Dover.

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were undoubtedly very necessary developments, there must also have been some radical psychological changes necessary to accuse over 100,000 people of a crime that was simply a fantasy. Roper’s model emphasises the link between womanhood, fertility and witchcraft accusations, showing that neighbourhood envy of fertile, young and sexually attractive women was very much to blame. Roper shows that ‘witchcraft accusations centrally involved deep antagonisms between women, enmities so intense that neighbours could testify against a woman they had known for years.’29 This focus on women makes it clear that the dependence on children was at the heart of the witch craze and that the severe demographic issues occurring in Germany at the time, due to the devastation of the Thirty Years War and the little ice age, resulted in communities walking a ‘demographic tightrope.’30 This, in turn, led to a fear of the old, infertile woman who was jealous of the young and their ability to procreate in a time when infant mortality was high (with 30% of children dying before the age of 15 in England)31 and when the fruitful body of a female was idealised. These fears were projected onto women living in the neighbourhood, often lying-in maids who spent many hours with the new born child during its most vulnerable moments.

If the child became sick or ill, an act of witchcraft became the default explanation. The vulnerability of lying-in maids, who were also often members of the community, is clearly shown in the trial and confession of Walpurga Hausmännin, a midwife from Germany. Walpurga had rubbed ‘her salve on the occasion of her first childbirth and also otherwise damaged her so that mother and child remained together and died’ and ‘she killed a child by pressing on its brain at the time of delivery’.32 Psychologically, it is clear that this is a transferral of the grief and fear of a mother losing her child onto anyone vulnerable, and in many cases this was the neighbour who was living and working in close proximity with the newborn. Equally, marriage

ROPER, L. (1996). Witchcraft and fantasy in early modern Germany. (p.22) ROPER, L. (2006). Witch craze: terror and fantasy in Baroque Germany. New Haven [u.a.], Yale Univ.

Press. (p.131) 31 http://chnm.gmu.edu/cyh/primary-sources/166 (Accessed 17.02.17).

32 MATTHEWS, G. T. (1959). News and rumour in renaissance Europe. New York, Putman. (p.137-143) 29 30

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and fertility were ‘key social imperatives’ for women in the early modern period. For a woman, a lack of heirs meant an uncertain future and ‘the chance of being a fecund wife…was something to be desired.’33 This provides an explanation as to why neighbours feared old, post-menopausal women who were a threat to marriage and fertility. Therefore, it is clear how social issues and the pains of many early modern women were manipulated into suspected witchcraft. The psychological changes occurring regarding fertility, marriage and childbirth, paired with the intense anxiety felt by communities led in part, to accusations.

Life in the early modern period was turbulent and unpredictable. The inability to explain changes led to paranoia and insecurity as people became desperate to find a solution to issues deeply affecting their lives. The tight-knit neighbourhood was the setting where these changes were most severely felt. Socio-economic developments led to fractures within the community as pressures divided a once cohesive neighbourhood, and people began to doubt whether they could trust their fellow villagers. Anxiety about aspects integral to life made people susceptible to the fear of the devil and they began to exploit long-established enmities to bring about an accusation of witchcraft and therefore remove their distress. Witchcraft accusations were driven from a local level, originating from community tensions due to the furious struggle for survival within society. It was anxiety which was at the very heart of each neighbourhood epidemic. Without this anxiety, the necessary preconditions would not have triggered people into acting on their fears and accusing their neighbours. Village culture was intolerant of non-conformity and the one who disrupted the harmony of society was the one isolated and ostracised. Neighbourhood anxiety meant that hatred for neighbours was appealing as a means of revenge against hardship, which witchcraft seemed the perfect explanation for.

ROPER, L. (2006). Witch craze: terror and fantasy in Baroque Germany. New Haven [u.a.], Yale Univ.

Press.

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BEIER-DE HAAN, R, VOLTMER, R and IRSIGLER, F.(eds), Hexenwahn: Angste der Neuzeit (Wolfratshausen, 2002), (p. 72-81)

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BOGUET, H. An Examen of witches, trans. E.A. Ashwin, ed. Montague Summers (London, 1929)

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BRIGGS, R. (2004). ‘By the Strength of Fancie’: Witchcraft and the Early Modern Imagination. Folklore. (p.115, 259-272.)

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BRIGGS, R. (2008). The witches of Lorraine. Oxford [u.a.], Oxford Univ. Press.

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COWARD, B. (2017). Stuart Age England, 1603-1714. [S.l.], TAYLOR & FRANCIS.

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FARMER, A. (2016). The witchcraze of the 16th and 17th centuries.

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GASKILL, M. (2008). Witchcraft and Evidence in Early Modern England. Past & Present. (p.198, 33-70)

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GASKILL, M. (2010). Witchcraft a very short introduction. Oxford, Oxford University Press.

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JAMES, TYSON, D., & CARMICHAEL, J. (2011). The demonology of King James I: includes the original text of Daemonologie and News from Scotland. Woodbury, Minn, Llewellyn Publication

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KRAMER, H., SUMMERS, M., & SPRENGER, J. (1978). The Malleus Maleficarum of Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger. [Place of publication not identified], Dover.

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LEVACK, B. P. (2016). The witch-hunt in early modern Europe. Abingdon, Oxon, Routledge.

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LEVACK, B. P. (2015). The witchcraft sourcebook 2nd Edition. London, Routledge.

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MATHER, C. A Discourse on the wonders of the invisible world (1692) in Wonders of the invisible world (Boston,1693)

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MATTHEWS, G. T. (1959). News and rumour in renaissance Europe. New York, Putman.

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MONTER, E. W. (1997). Toads and eucharists: the male witches of Normandy, 15641660. Durham, NC, Duke University Press.

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PAYNE, L. Health in England (16th–18th c.). Children and Youth in History, Item 166, http://chnm.gmu.edu/cyh/primary-sources/166 (Accessed 17.02.17).

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PERKINS, W. (1608). A discourse of the damned art of witchcraft. C. Legge, printer to the University of Cambridge.

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ROPER, L. (2006). Witchcraft and the Western imagination. Cambridge, Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.

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ROPER, L. (1996). Witchcraft and fantasy in early modern Germany.

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ROPER, L. (2006). Witch craze: terror and fantasy in Baroque Germany. New Haven [u.a.], Yale Univ. Press.

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SCRIBNER, R. W. (1993). The Reformation, popular magic, and the ‘disenchantment of the world’. Journal of Interdisciplinary History. (p.23, 475494.)

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THOMAS, K. (2012). Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England. Penguin Global.

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https://www.britannica.com/science/Little-Ice-Age- (Accessed 05.03.17)

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http://libguides.sunysccc.edu/witchtrials (Accessed 06.02.17)

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http://www.visionofbritain.org.uk (Accessed 02.01.17)

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http://witching.org (Accessed 15.01.17)

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http://www.witchtrials.co.uk/towns.html (Accessed 26.02.17)

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Free to speak?

Imogen McNamara

Freedom of expression, or free speech, is a fundamental human right, recognised as such in the UN Charter of Human Rights, British statute law and the written constitutions of countries from India to the USA. Free speech, according to the Human Rights Act (2000), refers to the individual right to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds by any means. The right to free speech and freedom of expression applies to all ideas, including those which are deeply offensive, according to Amnesty UK. Immediately, the question of what is deemed ‘offensive’ arises and this has undoubtedly shifted over time as societies have become more open and tolerant to other cultures and beliefs.

It could be argued, however, that the modern pressure of political correctness fundamentally limits freedom of speech. The constant checking of ‘tweets’ or Facebook posts for potential to offend has led to a self-censoring of views to those deemed acceptable. To some extent this is necessary, as expressions of racial or sexual hatred are outlawed in Britain as they oppose values of equality and respect for diversity. Yet some may argue that this form of cultural censorship has effectively limited valid views where opinions are withheld for fear that they may cause offence.

In New York City, for example, it was suggested that the words ‘dinosaurs’, ‘birthdays’, and ‘Halloween’ should be banned. ‘Dinosaurs’ was considered to be linked to Darwin’s theory of evolution and may cause offence to creationists, whilst Halloween was considered by some as paganism. These may be extreme examples but they represent the lengths that some are going to in an attempt not to cause offence.

In a world where social media dominate speech, and even the President of the United States lays out his response to a military strike and major political issues on Twitter, the meaning of language can be lost. It is difficult to express the critical

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nuances of international diplomacy when limited to 280 characters as these would previously have been articulated in a speech or scripted national address. As a result, meanings may often be unclear and become misconstrued. But on the other hand, if one has an opinion, does one not have a right to express it and to select a medium that is convenient and effective? If the reason one should not be allowed to express oneself is because the opinions expressed do not conform to the accepted orthodoxy of the country then, for me, the limits on speech have gone too far. We should not fear conflicting opinions and label those who disagree with us as ignorant, but see engagement in discussion as an opportunity to expand perspectives of others’ and one’s own opinion.

Political correctness is necessary to some extent as society has developed, to criticise racial and gender stereotypes which were previously endorsed by social norms; however, again, to what extent should political correctness limit free speech?

There seems to have been a loss of balance or sense of perspective. It becomes essential to assert the fine line between political correctness to avoid hate speech and the need in any free society to uphold the precious doctrine of free speech. Orwell’s description of the ‘thought police’ in 1984 seems a suitable comparison as there is an underlying pressure to ‘check’ what you say and consider all possible routes of offence. Of course, it must be noted we experience much greater freedom of expression than other states; however, it is for this reason that it is essential we defend our right to challenge and question.

We cannot avoid uncomfortable conversations due to a fear of tensions but rather we should embrace these as we strive to achieve enlightenment and understanding. If we aim to create a more open, tolerant and accepting society then we must allow a true expression of opinions: as J.S Mill said ‘only within in a free market of ideas will truth emerge.’

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Uncovering the truth about Druids Nia Griffiths

As a result of modern media, literature and misconceptions, there are often many views on what a Druid is. Often, they are portrayed as wizards, like Merlin, or sometimes mythical creatures. However, the most common portrayal is the image of a neo-Druid seen in festivals such as the National Welsh Eisteddfod. Although many neo-Druids and their spectators believe that they are performing ancient rituals, this is in fact not the case, which is part of the reason why uncovering who the Druids really were is so important.

The Druids were a religious group of highly educated men, all of whom, according to Druid tradition, were descended from a common father, Dis.34 They were very different to modern neo-druids, who only take inspiration from classical druids35 and follow many practices that would be foreign to the ancient druids. Classical commentators provide a large proportion of information about the Druids, including their different roles in society such as ‘philosophers and theologians’36 but also ‘magicians.’37 Caesar explains that their role meant they were highly respected by their community because of their control of the most important aspects of community life, such as settling all public disputes. Furthermore, having powers which allowed them to excommunicate members of the community made sure they were respected by those in their village.38 In addition, the Druids had authority over war: ‘It is not only

Caesar, Julius. ‘6.18.’ The Fourth Book of Caesar's Gallic War. London: Longmans, Green, 1882. N. pag.

Print.

35 Carr-Gomm, Philip, and Stephanie Carr-Gomm. Druidcraft: The Magic of Wicca and Druidry. N.p.: Oak Tree, 2013. Print.

36 Siculus, Diodorus, and Giles Laurén. ‘5.31.2-5.’ The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian: In Forty Books. United States: Sophron, 2014. N. pag. Print.

37 Secundus, Gaius Plinius. ‘16.249-51.’ Pliny the Elder Natural History. London Etc.: n.p., 1961. N. pag.

Print.

38Caesar, Julius. ‘13-16.’ The Fourth Book of Caesar's Gallic War. London: Longmans, Green, 1882. N. pag. Print.

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in time of peace, but in war also, that these seers have authority.’39 Their high status is consolidated by the King’s views of them: ‘without their advice even kings dared not resolve upon nor execute any plan, so that in truth it was they who ruled.’40 This evidently shows that the Druids held a high status in society, allowing them considerable influence on the beliefs and actions of the people within their society. We also learn, particularly through Caesar and Tacitus, a lot about the religious beliefs of the Druids, primarily through descriptions of religious sacrifices but also from them being described as the ‘mediators between man and the Gods.’41 This mediation is shown through their interpretations of natural disasters as symbols from the Gods as only Druids could understand and interpret them. For example, they interpreted a great fire that destroyed a large amount of land and property in the Capital as a sign of the Gods’ anger and warned the empire of the Transalpine nation.42 This showed that the Druids were above others in society and, so, many people today wonder why we don’t know more about these ‘powerful’ men who supposedly ruled over the Kings. Furthermore, the Druidic education system is integral to understanding the Druids as it is based on their main teaching of the immortality of the soul, which made the Druids fearless when facing death. It also focused on studying the Gods, the movement of stars43 and Pythagorean philosophy: through Pythagorean calculations and reckoning, the Druids could foretell events.44 This fits with their main teaching, as Pythagoras also believed in the immortality of the soul and a strict life focusing on religious rituals.45 These beliefs were taught orally for up to 20 years in Anglesey to

Siculus, Diodorus, and Giles Laurén. ‘5.31.2-5.’ The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian: In Forty Books. United States: Sophron, 2014. N. pag. Print.

40 Chrysostom, Dion. ‘XLIX.’ Orations. N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. Print.

41 Cunliffe, Barry. ‘Druids: A Very Short Introduction.’ YouTube. YouTube, 25 July 2013. Web. 22 Apr. 2017.

42 Tacitus, Cornelius, and M. Alford. ‘4.54.’ Tacitus: Histories. London: U of London, 1912. N. pag.

Print.

43 Caesar, Julius. ‘13-16.’ The Fourth Book of Caesar's Gallic War. London: Longmans, Green, 1882. N. pag. Print.

44 Hippolytus. ‘1.25.’ Refutatio Omnium Haeresium. Berlin: W. De Gruyter, 1986. N. pag. Print.

45 Hippolytus. ‘1.25.’ Refutatio Omnium Haeresium. Berlin: W. De Gruyter, 1986. N. pag. Print.

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students, normally sent by their parents due to the attraction of Druid life.46 This attraction was the exemption from war, taxes and military service, the complete freedom and a guaranteed respected position in society. Studying the Druidic education system and the ways they controlled society through their various roles are key in understanding who the Druids really were, as their education shaped them and their society.

However, although many of the modern Druid rituals are fictitious, the ancient Druids did perform rituals which are important in order to understand who they really were. The practices were recorded by contemporary authors such as Pliny the Elder and Tacitus. A majority of ancient druidic practices focus on mistletoe because they believed anything that grew on an oak tree was sent from heaven. All their religious practices were performed with a branch present.47 Mistletoe was also used as medicine for poison and to cure barren animals and, as a result, the collection of this sacred plant was extensive and complicated.48 Another druidic practice was the collection of a sacred egg, in which the egg was stolen from snakes and taken on horseback over a river.49 Human sacrifice is also one of the more well-known Druid practices which they carried out because they believed: ‘unless the life of a man is given in place of the life of a man, they do not think that the will of the immortal gods is able to be appeased.’50 Normally the Druids would sacrifice criminals; however, if there were none available then they would sacrifice innocent people.51 The Druids would do this in many ways, for example stabbing them in the back with a sabre;

Caesar, Julius. ‘13-16.’ The Fourth Book of Caesar's Gallic War. London: Longmans, Green, 1882. N. pag. Print.

47 Secundus, Gaius Plinius. ‘16.249-51.’ Pliny the Elder Natural History. London Etc.: n.p., 1961. N. pag.

Print.

48 Secundus, Gaius Plinius. ‘16.249-51.’ Pliny the Elder Natural History. London Etc.: n.p., 1961. N. pag.

Print.

49 Secundus, Gaius Plinius. ‘29.52-4.’ Pliny the Elder Natural History. London Etc.: n.p., 1961. N. pag.

Print.

50 Caesar, Julius. ‘13-16.’ The Fourth Book of Caesar's Gallic War. London: Longmans, Green, 1882. N. pag. Print.

51 Caesar, Julius. ‘13-16.’ The Fourth Book of Caesar's Gallic War. London: Longmans, Green, 1882. N. pag. Print.

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shooting them with arrows; impaling them in their temples or making a burnt offering of livestock and humans. These rituals were fundamental to who the Druids were, as they helped them to control their society and demonstrate to us how the civilians’ religion manifested itself.

To summarise, the Druids had many roles in society and were highly respected in society. Their roles were secular and religious, giving them great influence over society, even over Kings. In particular, they performed a great number of religious rituals and controlled society through their ability to settle public disputes and excommunicate members of society. This is contrary to many modern misconceptions, including that they were outcast wizards, which highlights the importance of understanding who the Druids really were.

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New Delhi: suffocated before it soars?

Phoebe Donnelly

It is no secret that New Delhi’s environment is degrading, tearing away any hope for a new life etched in the city’s mind. The air is clogging up with pollutants, the water is contaminated and the streets are scattered with litter. Arguably, the most dangerous of these is air pollution which has been estimated to cause 2.5 million deaths in India and 5.5 million deaths globally per year. How likely is it that solutions can be found and implemented before the vibrant, chaotic and beautiful city turns to dust?

Extent of air pollution Unfortunately, the air pollution has reached critical conditions; in November 2017, the levels peaked at 999 micrograms per cubic metre (the highest number on the measure) and the levels of carcinogenic particles was PM 2.5 particles, which is 70 times over the health limit. Doctors warn that breathing in the smog is equal to smoking 50 cigarettes a day.52 Due to these frightening figures, according to the Indian Express, some missions have moved non-essential staff to neighbouring countries, such as Singapore, due to the serious health risk to them and their families. In addition, the American School may introduce new indoor play areas and diplomatic posting has been cut short by a year, with some Ambassadors, such as the Thai ambassador, writing back to Bangkok to request New Delhi be named as a ‘hardship posting’.

Causes of air pollution There are many contributors to the air pollution, including crop burning, construction, vehicles in the city and stagnant wind, which locks in the dust particles. It is estimated that 35 million tonnes of crops are set on fire in the surrounding states of New Delhi,

New Delhi’s pollution problem is so bad that some diplomates are packing their bags. The Washington Post. Vidhi Doshi. 2017

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Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh.53 The burning only occurs when farmers use combine harvesters as there remains 50-60cm of stubble left on the ground which cannot be used or made into chaff. These crops are burned between mid-October and November 10, leaving only a month’s span, creating a very high concentration of pollutants.54 This is because the farmers only have a window of 20 days between the harvesting and the optimum sowing conditions, so the cheapest and most timeeffective method is to simply burn the stubble.

Construction in India has reached exponential rates. New Delhi has two main power plants and 20 big industries, contributing to more than 90% of sulphur dioxide emissions.55 Construction pollution is caused by the use of diesel vehicles emitting carbon monoxide, hydrocarbons, nitrogen oxides and carbon dioxide, as well as the use of toxic materials, burning and land clearing. These issues are heightened in India as there are few regulations to control the pollution. Fifty one illegal factories were found surrounding the area of New Delhi that were ‘discharging nanoparticles,’ the pollution so bad that almost all of the residents had respiratory problems.56 There are over 10,000,000 vehicles in the city, the biggest category being scooters and motorcycles which pose the biggest threat to air pollution due to their poor emission standards.57 Furthermore, it was found that Delhi has hundreds of thousands of vehicles that do not have the mandatory ‘pollution under control certificates’, which has brought attention to the 970 centres around Delhi that are certified to check the emissions of at least 7,000,000 vehicles.

When pollutants react with sunlight and heat, smog is formed in the atmosphere. Invasion occurs in the winter when the cooler air traps the particles and does not allow them to disperse in the atmosphere. They accumulate further due to

Top 8 main causes of air pollution in New Delhi. TNN. 2017.

Delhi Air Pollution: A (crop) burning issue, and the way out. The Indian Express. Harish Damodarnan. 2017.

55 Delhi Pollution: NGT bans construction, industrial activities till 14 November. Live Mint. 2017.

56 51 illegal factories causing air pollution busted in Delhi colony. hindustan times. 2017.

57 Vehicle numbers cross one crore mark in Delhi. The Times of India. 2017.

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the stagnant wind. By unfortunate timing, the least amount of wind is in November, with averages at approximately 5.4mph, perfectly correlating with the crop burning period.

Will air pollution hinder development?

The question that many people ask, hungry for the continual development of India, is whether air pollution will hinder the country’s prospects. According to the World Bank, air pollution and other environmental degradation costs India $80 billion per year (5.7% of GDP). The ASSOCHAM industry cautions that the smog could drive away big corporate executives and push highly talented workers to other cities, or even abroad, as well as discouraging expats from living in Delhi, which may affect the relationship with other countries.58 The cost also includes decreased work efficiency (due to more sick days and closing down at extreme periods) as well as more investment in air purifiers and other indoor venues. The air pollution is a colossal threat to the economy of India as a hub for multinational companies searching for labour-intensive workers.

Conversely, some suggest that it may be possible to halt air pollution and mitigate it in the future. However, there is conflict between supporting new industries that contribute to development and pushing them away as they also heavily affect air pollution. Construction in India employs 33 million people and by 2025 it is predicted that this number could rise to 100 million, so it is essential that it continues to support the Indian people. 59 Some have attempted to downplay the problem in an attempt to maintain the economic attraction to India. Environmental Minister, Harsh Vardhan, expressed in a TV interview ‘No death certificate has the cause of death as pollution.’ Nonetheless, twisting of facts and dishonesty is not the way to promote investment. In November

58 59

Delhi’s pollution crisis and its impact on business. India Briefing. 2017.

India’s Labour Market. McKinsey Company. 2017.

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2017, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) banned all construction and industrial activities until the 14th of November.60 However, this is not a long-term solution and does not attack the cause of the problem. Moreover, the government has banned the use of oil with more than 500ppm sulphur content, but they have not conducted any inspections as to whether companies are following these regulations.61 If New Delhi wants to maintain its attraction to TNC’s it needs to find a balance between promoting eco-friendly activities whilst still providing a relatively cheap labour force.

A solution to crop burning can be to produce new genetically modified varieties of crops that have a shorter maturing period. This has already been done by the Punjab Agricultural University which has created a variety of rice that matures in 125 days and gives a yield of 30 quintals per hectare, only 0.5 quintals less than the current variety that matures in 160 days.62 However, even with these modifications the most cost-effective method for stubble removal is burning which can be up to three times cheaper than using cropper shredder machines. Perhaps, therefore, the best solution is for the government to subsidise the new technology of THS and S-SMA adds which allows harvesting and wheat sowing to take place on the same day.

Despite the machinery costing a combined total of approximately ÂŁ1,200, it saves other irrigation costs, as burning takes moisture from the soil, other preparation methods and waiting for the soil to stabilise.

The NGT has ordered the New Delhi government to improve on environmental public transport and increase tax on privately owned cars. They have also successfully banned all vehicles over 15 years old from riding in the capital.

However, solutions seem unrealistic considering the failure of implementing the oddeven rule and the lack of responsibility taken by the government to find meaningful solutions to the congestion issues.

New Delhi: NGT bans construction, industrial activities until 14 November. Live mint. 2017.

Delhi lacks long term plan to check industrial pollution. Hindustan Times. 2016.

62 Delhi air pollution: a (crop) burning issue and a way out. The Indian Express. 2017.

60 61

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In conclusion, it is clear that the air is becoming just as crowded as the city, choking with polluting particles. As the Costa Rican Ambassador to India puts it, ‘I’m a living proof that our planet is dying today, coughing as I write with my Indian bronchitis.’ The real question is, can the vibrant city survive the intoxication and thrive on its resurrection into a promised land of new opportunities for all? Considering the current status and the discussed solutions, it is unlikely that the air pollution in New Delhi will decrease to any meaningful degree. However, the rise of renewable energy and technology offers the potential for India to develop sustainably without hurting the economy and the threat of crop burning can easily be solved. India may be smothered before it soars; however, there is hope that a sustainable cleansing can detoxify the air before it is too late.

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Kids These Days Annabelle Cusack

‘The children now love luxury; they have bad manners, contempt for authority; they show disrespect for elders and love chatter in place of exercise. Children are now tyrants, not the servants of their households. They no longer rise when elders enter the room. They contradict their parents, chatter before company, gobble up dainties at the table, cross their legs, and tyrannize their teachers.’ Socrates, 469–399 B.C.

This Socrates quote dating back to around 2400 years ago contains a rhetoric that can be found in an astonishing number of articles and posts published today - the idea that the youngest generation is deviating from what is correct and proper, and that things just aren’t what they used to be. Sociologist David Finkelhor coined the term ‘juvenoia’ in his paper ‘The Internet, Youth Safety and the Problem of Juvenoia’ for this recurring phenomenon that can be observed throughout history. Generational labels such as ‘millennials’, which were created and popularised by William Strauss and Neil Howe in their book ‘Generations’, help to make human history more discrete, but they also compartmentalise each generation, allowing generational-specific scrutiny, stereotypes and ideals to be enforced. For instance, millennials in particular are repeatedly criticised by older generations for being lazy, narcissistic, and entitled.

However, there is evidence to suggest that the opposite is true. According to a study

by Bentley University, 67% of millennials surveyed said they had plans to start their own business, making them the most entrepreneurial generation ever, and shows that they clearly have ambitions to work, but for themselves rather than others. In Britain, figures from the Health and Social Care Information Centre in 2014 show that smoking, drinking and drug use in secondary school pupils had more than halved in the previous decade and is continuing to decline. The proverbially dismissed ‘kids these days’ seem rather promising, and yet the juvenoia persists.

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However, to a certain degree, this is justifiable. After all, children are the future of a species, and parents, who are successful products of reproduction, would be inclined for their offspring to have the same success. Therefore, it seems natural that parents would find it preferable for their children to have a similar childhood and upbringing to what they had, because it has proven to be successful. This explains why any deviations from what parents were used to experiencing when they were children could be perceived as potentially threatening - deviations which are bound to occur, as inevitable societal changes take place over time, impacting media, education, the workplace, technology, and the very expectations placed on a person in society, to name a few examples.

Furthermore, human brains simply do not remember the past accurately.

According to a Northwestern Medical study, every time your brain recalls a memory from the past, brain networks alter in ways that can affect the later recall of the memory, meaning that each time you remember something, that memory becomes more distorted. Memories are dynamic, so even remembering something when in a new environment or when in a certain mood can cause what you remember to be distorted in some way, and this process happens continually throughout life.

Therefore, an adult’s memories of their younger days could perhaps have become too abstracted over the course of time to easily facilitate them to relate to how young people think or behave, explaining a certain natural disconnection between two groups of coevals that can be observed in examples of juvenoia.

Neuroscientists have also discovered a phenomenon that could vindicate why older adults especially tend to have an aversion for certain features of modern day life, called the reminiscence bump. There are two methods of observing the reminiscence bump that have been used by researchers, the first, with which the bump was first identified in the eighties, asked the participants to recall memories in response to cue words. This aimed to produce a neutral sample of the participant’s memories, and it allows any association to be made between the cue and a memory.

The second method is similar: it asked participants to recall what they considered to 42

be their most important autobiographical memories, such as what memories they would include in a book written about their lives. This method provided more specific, momentous memories as the association was based on the importance of the memory. Unsurprisingly, numerous studies about the reminiscence bump employing both methods have all shown that that between the ages of roughly 10-30, the storage of autobiographical memories increases, as it is a time of prodigious change and development for an individual. For this reason, the memories formed in adolescence and early adulthood are higher in frequency and more emotional than any other time in someone’s life, since this time is when a person forms their identity. As a result, things from this era of someone’s life, like music, fashion, technology and the mood of society at that time in general, will correlate directly to what someone will likely remember most fondly when they’re older. Thus, once all the aforementioned things have changed dramatically over time, it makes sense that there could be a slight sense of contempt towards the changes. A common example of this could be an older person suggesting they believe young people ‘spend too much time on their phones’ and that in their day, ‘people had more face-to-face conversations’, demonstrating the effect of the reminiscence bump in the tangible context of technology, and how it could lead to ideas of juvenoia coming about.

It is important to recognise that, although juvenoia can be distinctly observed throughout history, the generational gap that causes it has not always been the same - the generational gaps of antiquity or of the Renaissance are not directly comparable to

today.

This

could

potentially

be

accredited

to

the

creation

and

compartmentalisation of a new group in society, the ‘teenager’, a label that first began being used in the 1920s. The last one hundred years have seen vaster and more extreme societal changes than any other period, in terms of social justice, technology, and countless other areas. This time of rapid change means that the generational gaps of today are greater than they ever have been, turning juvenoia from a useful evolutionary tool to often full-fledged cases of panic and fear that can be observed today, that can at times seem ridiculously unfounded.

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The internet has played a significant role in intensifying juvenoia, as it is something whose dangers seem to be a frequent cause of concern, and often rightly so, but also as it is somewhere where ideas of juvenoia are effortlessly spread and augmented dramatically, such as in the countless posts and articles mentioned earlier.

A recent example of this would be certain tweets in response to teenage survivors of the Stoneman Douglas High School mass shooting in February 2018. One Twitter user responded to a picture of some survivors of the shooting watching Florida lawmakers vote down a bill on banning assault rifles, with ‘Worst news since their parents told them to get summer jobs.’ Another user tweeted, ‘It’s quite interesting that the children survivors haven’t even buried their friends, grieved, got over shock but have had the time to plan for a march, come up with a creative hashtag, get their story to all media outlets all in such a short amount of time…’ These tweets are not only incredibly disrespectful to the young people who have endured a traumatic event and lost friends and classmates, but they also show that the same criticisms of this group of coevals will, in some extreme cases, continue to persist regardless of the circumstances. This level of almost radical juvenoia knows no boundaries, and the internet facilitates this incredibly easily, as there are no concrete ties to somebody’s real-life identity, so people can simply say what they please with virtually no consequences. Certainly, this feature of the internet extends across several online issues, such as cyberbullying or online extremism, and these problems are obviously not to be undermined, but within the context of online juvenoia its detrimental effects are clearly visible.

Juvenoia is an aspect of society that cannot be eradicated, and a healthy amount of it keeps our species alive. Merely being more aware of the history and science behind juvenoia and being able to recognise when it is useful, and conversely when it becomes quite pejorative, could perhaps start to bridge the sometimes problematic side of the generational gap. Even though societal changes over time are and always will be ineluctable, through recognising the fact that juvenoia is similarly inevitable, maybe a certain sense of understanding and solidarity could be felt on behalf of each 44

group of coevals, reducing the need for commonplace altercations over social media which ultimately prove futile in every instance, or even in real life situations. The ancientness of the generational gap and the problems that arise from it are almost humbling - from them we can learn that the conflict between generations today is not as big as a problem as it seems, since any youth will always naturally seem to resist expectations and any adult will always naturally voice their disapproval of this. By understanding such patterns in our social history, we can become wiser, more compassionate and more cohesive as a society in years to come, regardless of the stage we are at in our lives. As Confucius once said, ‘Study the past if you would define the future.’

Works Cited

•

Alvarez, Walter C. ‘Generation Gap Is Ancient.’ The Evening Independent, 23 Aug. 1974, pp. 19. Google News

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Finkelhor, David. ‘The Internet, Youth Safety and the Problem of ‘Juvenoia.’’

University of New Hampshire, Crimes against Children Research Centre, January 2011

•

Fitzgerald JM. The distribution of self-narrative memories in younger and older adults: Elaborating the self-narrative hypothesis. Aging, Neuropsychology and Cognition. 1996; 3:229–236.

•

Konnikova, Maria. ‘You Have No Idea What Happened.’ The New Yorker, The New

Yorker,

20

June

2017,

www.newyorker.com/science/maria-

konnikova/idea-happened-memory-recollection •

Koppel J, Berntsen D. The peaks of life: The differential temporal locations of the reminiscence bump across disparate cueing methods. Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition. 2015; 4:66–80.

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•

Paul,

Marla.

‘Your

Memory

is

like

the

Telephone

Game.’

news.northwestern.edu. https://news.northwestern.edu/stories/2012/09/yourmemory-is-like-the-telephone-game (accessed April 15, 2018).

•

Rubin DC, Wetzler SE, Nebes RD. Autobiographical memory across the adult lifespan. In: Rubin DC, editor. Autobiographical memory. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press; 1986. pp. 202–221

•

Unknown. Socrates (469-399 B.C.). Respectfully Quoted: A Dictionary of Quotations. 1989, 1993, www.bartleby.com/73/195.html.

•

Unknown. ‘Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use down in Young, Report Says.’

BBC News, BBC, 24 July 2014, www.bbc.co.uk/news/health-28461530.

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Blondes, and how they became ‘dumb’ Grace Main

When writing this, I decided to address the fact that most people have heard of the stereotypes surrounding people who have blonde hair such as, they are dumb, ditzy and have more fun, but do they really and how does this affect their lives and where does this statement come from? As stated by Cristen Conger, ‘It's a baseless stereotype generally levelled against women that often crescendos in sexist punchlines and idiotic assumptions about the correlation between the level of eumelanin in one's hair follicles and intelligence.’63

Dumb Blonde: ‘A conspicuously attractive but stupid blonde woman.’

The origin of this stereotype starts far earlier than most people think. The prejudice against blondes started in Roman times. It was believed that brunettes were intelligent and respectable, whereas blondes were perceived as being prostitutes.

Roman prostitutes were forced to wear blonde wigs as it was thought that the wig would make them ‘better’. An example of this is when the poet Juvenal wrote about the Empress Messalina who had dark brunette hair and used to cover it up with a blonde wig when she went out at night in order to attract more men. This is one of the first examples of the concept of the dumb blonde, and the idea that blondes are ‘easy’ is still around today, although not quite as prominent.

The dumb blonde stereotype was also apparent in 18th century Paris. CatherineRosalie Duthé, a French Courtesan, was a trained dancer and a well-known escort in Paris; she was famous for being slow-witted yet beautiful. Duthé became an escort because her friends, Marie and Géneviève, were and Duthé noticed they were making large amounts of money. Her beauty seduced more men, making her famous and

63

A digital creator, speaker and host specializing in women, gender and sexuality.

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more popular than her friends. She was a celebrity of her time. In 1775 she was involved in a one-act play. Duthé was also known for taking long pauses whilst talking, and this play had many of those. So this play unintentionally started the phrase, and trend, of the ‘dumb blonde’. Someone who only has looks without brains.

In this article about Duthé it was not stated whether she was actually clever or not, it was just presumed that she wasn’t clever due to her profession and her slow manner of speaking. It has been suggested that she perhaps had a speech impediment which caused her to leave long pauses during speaking. She attended school up to the age of 15 and it is thought that she was actually quite intelligent. This idea is, therefore, built up on assumptions and ideas rather than facts. Duthé is known as the first official ‘dumb blonde’.

Over a century later the phrase was brought over to England and adapted to become ‘dizzy blonde’, a phrase used to describe ‘risqué performers’ and often used alongside ‘dumb blonde’. During the 1920s in America, a derogatory slang phrase was around which was ‘dumb Dora’, which means a stupid or naïve woman. This then changed into the phrase ‘dumb blonde’ after it was further commercialised due to the comic strip and film Gentlemen Prefer Blondes. But, before we look at Gentlemen Prefer Blondes, we need to address the phrases ‘dumb Dora’, ‘dumb ox’ etc. These phrases originated in 1920s America because America used the phrase ‘dumb’ to mean ‘stupid’, rather than mute or silent which is the English definition. At this time ‘dumb blonde’ was mainly directed at women. But a phrase that has been around longer then ‘dumb blonde’ is ‘dumb ox’. ‘Dumb Ox’ is directed at none other than Saint Thomas Aquinas.64 This was probably because Aquinas was quiet: ‘Dom’ (short for Dominus, meaning master) was a name given to address religious teachers from the Dominican Order, and ‘Dom’ was transformed into ‘dumb’. This early phrase later became fashionable in the 20s. The phrase ‘dumb bell’ was around due to the newly introduced church bells; they were hard to ring and therefore were also used as a type You may recognise St Thomas Aquinas from the theology GCSE as he was the creator of the Design Argument

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of fitness workout in the Middle Ages, therefore they were nicknamed ‘dumbbells’.65 This then caused the phrase ‘dumb-bell Blonde’ which then transformed into ‘dumb blonde’. This was still apparent in the American newspaper ‘Iowa citizen’ in December 1926, which stated: ‘Many capable, loyal, reliable sweethearts and wives are deserted for the featherweights. Such a woman may be worth her weight in rubies; but if you're only a mere man you are going to prefer any dumb-bell blonde.’

Gentlemen Prefer Blondes reinforced this phrase when the movie came out, featuring Marilyn Monroe, in 1953. It originated as a series of short sketches written

by Anita Loos and published in 1925. It was a best-selling novel about a dumb blonde protagonist called Lorelei Lee. Lorelei Lee was ambitious and energetic, yet had high self-esteem and loose morals. Due to the characteristics of the heroine she was labelled as a ‘dumb blonde’. The short sketches grew in popularity and became a book. The book was translated into many languages and sold many copies. The principal character, Lorelei Lee, was based on Lillian Lorraine. Lorraine was an American stage and screen actress and was famous for being the most famous Ziegfeld Girl66 and was, of course, blonde. Marilyn Monroe played Lorelei Lee in the film, and ultimately sparked the dumb blonde character, and she was therefore labelled as a ‘dumb blonde’. Yet Monroe was neither blonde, nor was she dumb. She is most famous for playing blonde characters in films like How to Marry a Millionaire and As Young as You Feel. Monroe was in fact an intelligent businesswoman, so her brunette past with her birth name, Norma Jeane Mortenson, transformed into a blonde future with the name Marilyn Monroe. Significantly, Anita Loos published her sequel in 1927, But Gentlemen Marry Brunettes, with the film sequel being released in 1955.

‘Without blonde moments life would be dull, I guess that’s why my life is so exciting!’

– Unknown

Hence the name of the weights in gyms being ‘dumbbells’ ‘Ziegfeld Girls were the chorus girls from Florenz Ziegfeld's theatrical Broadway revue spectaculars known as the Ziegfeld Follies (1907–1931), in New York City, which were based on the Folies Bergère of Paris.’

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‘Blonde moments’ is a very common phrase that every blonde has heard at least a handful of times in their lives. ‘Blonde moments’ refer to an ‘instance of being silly or scatterbrained’.67 The phrase generally refers to moments of forgetfulness. The phrase seems to have first been recorded in the early 1990s, but the origin is just that this phrase stemmed from the stereotypes. There doesn’t seem to be a particular defining moment nor a long backstory. Most people have either used this phrase on someone or themselves, blonde or not! A blonde moment is just ‘When a girl, not always blonde acts stupid, or naïve sometimes, turning into a stereotypical blonde.’68

‘I’m not offended by all these dumb blonde jokes because I know I’m not dumb – and I’m not blonde either.’ – Dolly Parton

There has been lots of research into the science behind whether blondes actually have lower IQs than those with other hair colours. Jay L. Zagorsky, an economist and research scientist, has worked on the National Longitudinal Survey (NLS), which is a survey that has the same repeated questions over a long period of time, generally throughout a person’s lifetime. The survey asks a range of questions, like natural hair colour, height, weight, eye colour etc, and was started in the 1950s as there was a noticeable decline in the number men working in the US. The NLS also tests people’s IQs, due to the US Congress requiring the Pentagon to test military recruits. Military recruits have to take an ‘Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery’ for the US Army, the results being used to determine their most suited job and to test intelligence.

But for these results to mean anything, they had to know the intelligence of ordinary citizens and therefore the IQ test was in parts of the NLS. This experiment carried out by Zagorsky, with Ohio State University, surveyed 10,878 Americans of both genders who had to answer a series of questions over the duration of a decade. The results concluded that white women with naturally blonde 67 68

Google definition Urban dictionary definition

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hair had an IQ within three points of women who had other natural hair colours, like brunette, black and red, yet on average blondes did have a slightly higher IQ. In conclusion to Zagorsky’s experiments he said, ‘Research shows that stereotypes often have an impact on hiring, promotions, and other social experiences… This study provides compelling evidence that there shouldn't be any discrimination against blondes based on their intelligence.’

Not only are blondes perceived as being stupid (which of course is a lie), there are many other perceptions of blondes, including the stereotypical personality of a blonde. In fact there are different stereotypes for different hair colours, redheads are perceived as hot-tempered, brunettes as uptight and plain, and blondes as dumb and ditzy. An experiment was carried out in which Devin Lytle, an American actress and journalist, dyed her brunette hair blonde and got her friend to ask strangers to pick three words to describe her based on a picture of her. Here are some of the results; When she was brunette: honest – 6, serious – 7, fun – 5, curious – 4, sweet – 3, uptight – 7, shy – 6, artsy – 12 When she went blonde: honest – 3, serious – 3, fun – 5, curious – 7, sweet – 7, uptight – 1, shy – 4, artsy – 17 The results show that when she was brunette she was viewed as more uptight and serious whereas when she went blonde she was viewed as being more curious and sweet. Even though it’s a smaller survey it still shows the common perceptions and stereotypes surrounding the colour of someone’s hair. As it’s the 21st century she also did a Tinder test.69 With brunette hair she received 33 out of 100 matches, which is around a third, compared to when she was blonde she got 88 out of 100 matches which is over three quarters. Finally, she did a ‘catcall test’, where she basically walked through the streets to see if anyone would shout at, or catcall, her. She wore the same outfit both times. While she was brunette she got nothing, whereas when she was

Tinder is a dating app where you swipe left or right depending on whether you like that person, if the other person also swipes to like you it’s called a ‘match’ and you can therefore chat on the app 69

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blonde she was catcalled around three times, showing the differences in how blondes are treated.

‘All I had was blonde hair and a body men liked’ – Marilyn Monroe

It’s widely known that Marilyn Monroe was in fact a brunette rather than a blonde, and there are many celebrities that have dyed their hair blonde over time. One in six women in fact have naturally blonde hair, and half of women lighten their hair. But what draws people to dye their hair and keep it blonde when, in fact, in the working world it is proven that having blonde hair can set you back, even if you have the qualifications? It’s proven that blondes get rejected from jobs more often than brunettes, due to the stereotype of blondes being dumb, and, even worse, recruiters often make biased decisions without realising it. Research was conducted by Brian Bates, a psychologist at the London Business School. The research recruiters, who were MBA students, were given six CVs with a job description and photo attached to each and were told to hire for a managerial job. Half the CVs contained females with blonde hair, and the other half had the same candidate, but the picture attached was a brown haired female instead. The recruiters made their selections and Bates asked them if they thought the picture influenced their decisions; many said that it didn’t at all and that the picture wasn’t important, when in fact the results show that the picture did highly influence the decisions. The candidates were more or less appointed to the same positions, but the wages were different and the brunettes were all awarded higher salaries. After the realisation sunk in about how they had given out the jobs and salaries, they did admit the pictures influence their decisions. One of them even said ‘The woman with blonde hair is more of a wannabe - I would think she is probably an experienced secretary or something.’ This shows how deep these stereotypes have become embedded in people’s minds and impact on job opportunities for people with blonde hair. The psychological science behind this is that blonde hair is more sexually appealing, the hair attracts light, and therefore more 52

attention, to the woman. This makes females with blonde hair seemingly more feminine and this can affect their opportunities, as male bosses psychologically view them as not being able to do ‘manly’ jobs. Even fake blonde hair can affect job prospects as they are viewed by many as being more obsessed with their appearance.

There is also research that shows us how science has an impact on this stereotype, not just culture. Blonde hair is associated with youth - when people are children their hair, eyes and skin are generally lighter and, as they grow up, all these aspects become darker. Therefore people with blonde hair and fair skin are subconsciously perceived by society as being more naïve and younger as their appearance has more similarities to that of a child. Surprisingly, evolution came into play with the blonde stereotypes. In Stone Age times the men were more focused on having children and therefore wanted more fertile partners. Because blondes appear younger, men generally chose blonde partners as they looked more fertile. But this isn’t the only factor for the choice of partners. New evidence shows that ‘Blondes evolved because of oestrogen levels [making them appear more fertile]. Immediately after the last Ice Age 10,000 years ago, Northern Europe had many more women than men, and cavemen preferred blondes for their high oestrogen levels.’ In fact these perceptions are still subconsciously in us today, not only because blondes appear younger, but also because it is easier to tell if they are healthy or not (also due to fair skin), which does seems to influence people’s opinions. The evolutionary stereotype of blondes looking younger is also the reason why many are viewed as being more innocent and naïve, as well as more ‘sexually available’. Blue eyes also play a factor as research conducted on infants’ showed that blue eyed infants are generally more shy, and blue eyes and blonde hair generally go hand in hand. These views, rather than being caused by a cultural impact, are wired in our brains and it’s therefore hard to override them without a conscious effort.

Yet having blonde hair isn’t necessarily a drawback. Studies show that only 1-2% of the world’s population have naturally blonde hair (this figure increases when including people who dye their hair), and only 5% of white people in the US have 53

naturally blonde hair. Yet contrasting these small statistics, 35% of female US senators have blonde hair and 48% of female CEOs at S&P 500companies are blonde, though it does not state whether this includes people who dye their hair. 70 The reason for this is that people subconsciously see blondes as being gentler and weaker than people with other hair colours, therefore making a less threatening leader. The first woman to get a major party nomination for president, the first woman to sit on the US Supreme Court and the first woman president of Harvard were all blonde. Yet despite this, the statistics are far lower for a quote from a CEO that said, ‘I don’t want there to be any ambiguity about who’s male blondes, with only 2.2% being CEOs. This is due to the earlier stereotypes of gentleness and innocence seeming ‘too feminine’ for a male leader as they come across as less aggressive. There was a study done called the ‘blonde paradox’. Men were asked to rate female leaders who displayed a dominant leadership style. They were read a quote from a CEO that said, ‘I don’t want there to be any ambiguity about who’s in charge’ and ‘My staff knows who the boss is’.

Surprisingly, when this came from the mouth of the brunette, she was rated as being harsh, while the blonde was rated as warm.

‘It’s great to be blonde. With low expectations it’s very easy to surprise people.’

Pamela Anderson

In conclusion, these views against blondes started in Roman times, yet are still apparent nowadays, due to evolution wiring them into our brains, making it hard to override these views without a conscious effort. They were around in 18th century Paris and the one-act play starring Duthé unintentionally started the phrase ‘dumb blonde’, meaning beauty without brains. This then went onto 1920s America, when Gentlemen Prefer Blondes culturally impacted and commercialised the stereotypes ‘The Standard & Poor's 500, often abbreviated as the S&P 500, or just the S&P, is an American stock market index based on the market capitalizations of 500 large companies having common stock listed on the NYSE or NASDAQ.’ Wikipedia definition.

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surrounding blondes. Yet Monroe was neither blonde, nor was she dumb. After investigations into the ‘dumb’ part of the phrase, studies showed that that there is ‘compelling evidence that there shouldn't be any discrimination against blondes based on their intelligence.’ Meaning that this phrase isn’t even accurate. Only 1-2% of the world’s population have naturally blonde hair, and this hair colour doesn’t originate outside of Europe, proving that this hair colour is popular, even with its drawbacks.

With blonde men being viewed as weaker and blonde women being paid less, this hair colour can cause problems in the work environment, even though blonde women are given high positions. Therefore, in conclusion, it is proven that blondes are not dumb, but whether they have more fun is still up for debate!

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Xenizonta: an explanation ξενίζοντα - n. pl. strange things

In Ancient Athens there was a place called the Areopagus, a council where philosophers, thinkers and politicians could toss ideas around as they searched for wisdom, practical or otherwise. No idea, however strange it appeared to be, was off limits in the Areopagus, as we hear in the Acts of the Apostles, when some Epicurean and Stoic philosophers asked St Paul, ‘what is this new teaching which you present?

For you bring new and strange things (xenizonta) to our ears.’

Schools are, or should be, like the Areopagus. Places where ideas can be explored, challenged and developed. Places where strange things can shake us out of our intellectual complacency, compelling us not just to think, but also to live, differently.

This journal aims to be an Areopagus for our times, for our place. In creating Xenizonta, we are providing our talented students with a forum in which they can discuss their interests, whether they fit into the confines of the examination syllabus or not. But it’s more than that. This journal, like the Areopagus, is a meeting place for what is too often kept apart. Students and teachers bring school, universities and the world of work into one location. Sometimes we will concentrate more on the world of work and sometimes on what is going on in the field of higher education, but in every edition of this Areopagus, we will always concentrate on the connections.

So why Xenizonta, a word from Ancient Greece? Because, with Faulkner, we believe that the past is never dead, that it’s not even past. Because we believe that if we open our minds to strange things, we will make some fascinating discoveries.

Because, as St Paul demonstrated when he brought xenizonta to the intellectual capital of the ancient world, what is strange and foreign has the power to change us.

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The Final Word research n. & v.

Like most words, ‘research’ has changed its meaning over the years. The first record we have of the noun comes in a translation of the wonderfully entitled A legendarie, conteining an ample discourse of the life and behauiour of Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, and of his brethren, of the house of Guise from 1577: ‘Being deliuered of that which they most feared, which was the researche for the Princes imprisonment.’ In this sentence the word means ‘the act of searching carefully for or pursuing a specified thing or person; an instance of this,’ according to the Oxford English Dictionary.

There is no sense here of a second search, of looking again as the prefix ‘re-’ would suggest. That particular meaning of the word first appears in print in 1605 in another book with an intriguing title, G. Affinati's Dumbe Diuine Speaker by Anthony Munday: ‘In search and research of the whole history of Dauid, I could neuer yet find that he had any such key.’

The first recorded use of ‘research’ as a verb came in 1588 in A discoursiue probleme concerning prophesies (a book that is probably worth looking up in your local library). ‘Peruse some of their owne writings, research their antiquities, compare their chronologies, examine their records and registers,’ the author, John Harvey, tells us.

Again there is a secondary meaning – to search again – and that usage is first recorded as late as 1708 in a book which has what looks like a rather abbreviated title: Account Remarkable Passages Life Private Gentleman. I will let the anonymous author have the final word and will refrain from offering any comment at all: ‘Suspect thy own [heart],’ he writes, ‘search and research it, and thou shalt find one abomination hid under another.’

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Woldingham School, Marden Park, Woldingham, Surrey, CR3 7YA T: +44 (0)1883 349431 F: +44 (0)1883 348653 E: info@woldinghamschool.co.uk www.woldinghamschool.co.uk