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GEOGRAPHIESOFMUSLIMWOMEN

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Geographiesof MUSLIMWOMEN

Gender,Religion,andSpace

CAROLINENAGEL

THEGUILFORDPRESS

©2005TheGuilfordPress

ADivisionofGuilfordPublications,Inc.

72SpringStreet,NewYork,NY10012 www.guilford.com

Allrightsreserved

Nopartofthisbookmaybereproduced,translated,storedin aretrievalsystem,ortransmitted,inanyformorbyanymeans, electronic,mechanical,photocopying,microfilming,recording, orotherwise,withoutwrittenpermissionfromthePublisher.

PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica

Thisbookisprintedonacid-freepaper.

Lastdigitisprintnumber: 987654321

LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationData

GeographiesofMuslimwomen:gender,religion,andspace/editedby Ghazi-WalidFalah&CarolineNagel. p.cm.

ISBN1-57230-134-1(pbk.)—ISBN1-59385-183-9(cloth) 1.Muslimwomen.2.Women—Legalstatus,laws,etc.—Islamiccountries. 3.Humangeography.I.Falah,Ghazi-Walid.II.Nagel,CarolineRose. HQ1170.G442005 305.48′697—dc22

2004028841

ForMohammad-AllamandPhilippa

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ExploringtheNatureofGirlhoodinNorthernPakistan SarahJ.Halvorson

2(Re)DefiningPublicSpacesthroughDevelopmental EducationforAfghanWomen

NaheedGinaAaftaab

3ASpaceofHerOwn

DianaK.Davis

4ChangingIdentitiesandChangingSpacesinVillage LandscapesofSettledPastoralistsinEasternMorocco

SusanneH.Steinmann

IndonesianMigrantDomesticWorkersinSaudiArabia RachelSilvey

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GEOGRAPHIESOFMUSLIMWOMEN

Introduction

InJanuary2004thousandsofMuslimwomentooktothe streetsinCairo,Tehran,Gaza,Amman,andBeiruttoprotesteffortsby Frenchauthoritiestobanthe hijab,orIslamicheadscarf,instateschools andotherpublicinstitutions.Aphotographpublishedinthe Economist showsagroupofyoungveiledprotestorsinBeirutholdingaFrenchtricolor(whichflewoverthatcityforthreedecadesafterWorldWarI)emblazonedwiththewords“LeVoile:DroitetLiberté”(TheVeil:Rightand Freedom).InFranceitselfMuslimwomenprotestorssimilarlywavedthe tricolorandsangthe“Marseillaise”whilecarryingbannerswithslogans suchas“Theveil:mychoice”and“BelovedFrance,whereismyliberty?” (“VeilofTears,”2004,p.34).

TheFrenchgovernmenthasmaintainedforseveralyearsnowthatits policiestorestrictthewearingofreligiousattireinschoolsisnotantiIslamic,butratherthatitreflectsFrance’shistoricalcommitmenttosecularisminthepublicsphere.Indeed,thebancoversnotjustthe hijab, but alsoJewishskullcaps(or yarmulkes)and“large”Christiancrosses.But manyMuslimsinFranceandbeyondremainunconvincedbytheFrench government’sposition,andFrenchauthoritieshavebeencompelledtodefendtheofficiallinebothtoFrenchMuslimsandtoMuslimleaders abroad.

TheFrenchauthorities’senseofembattlementhasbeenheightenedby criticismoftheFrenchheadscarfpolicyfrompoliticiansontheothersideof theAtlantic.SeizingtheopportunitytochallengeFrenchmoralauthorityin thewakeoftheU.S.invasionofIraq,whichFrancevehementlyopposed, U.S.officialshavecriticizedFrancefornotadheringtoitsownrevolutionaryprincipleofindividualliberty.TheBushadministration,havingused

theimageryofwomenin burqas in2001tocondemntheoppressivenessof theTalibanregimeandtojustifymilitaryactioninAfghanistan,hasmore recentlychampionedtheMuslimheadscarf,declaringpubliclythatsuchreligiousdisplaysconstitute“abasicrightthatshouldbeprotected”(“Chirac BacksLaw...,” 2003,p.A17).TheU.S.DepartmentofJustice,inparticular,whichhasbeenotherwisenotedforthetargetingandharassmentof Muslimimmigrantsinthenameof“antiterrorism,”hasemergedasthe greatadvocateofMuslimwomenandtheirrighttoveil.In2004,forinstance,theU.S.DepartmentofJusticefiledamotioninafederaldistrict courtinsupportofaMuslimgirlinOklahomawhohadbeensuspended fromschoolforwearingher hijab. Inthewordsofanassistantattorney general,“Nostudentshouldbeforcedtochoosebetweenfollowingher faithandenjoyingthebenefitsofapubliceducation.... ReligiousdiscriminationhasnoplaceinAmericanschools”(U.S.DepartmentofJustice, 2004).

Severalobservationscanbemadeaboutthisevolvingcontroversy. Firstandforemost,theheadscarfissueinFranceandthetremendouspoliticalresponseithasengenderedworldwide,bothamongordinarypeopleand amongpowerfulpoliticians,isindicativeofthecentralityofwomenin long-standingculturalpoliticsthatspanandlinktogethertheMuslim worldandtheWest(Abu-Lughod,2002).Clearly,theheadscarfdebatein FranceisnotsimplyaboutwhatFrenchMuslimgirlswearinFrenchstate schools.Instead,Muslimgirlsandtheirattirehavebecomeaflashpointin widerdebatesabouttherelativeworthofWesternandMuslimculturethat havetakenplacesincetheeraofEuropeancolonialism(Ahmed,1992; Fleuhr-Lobban,1993).ThegenderdiscoursesofEuropeancolonialism, whichassumedtheinferiorityofArabandMuslimsocietiesandwhichattributedthecolonialsubjugationofthesesocietiestothesupposedlylowly, cloisteredstatusofMuslimwomen,generatedagreatdealofsoulsearching anddebateinthecolonizedMuslimworld.Forsomereligiousscholarsand socialreformers,theemancipationandrevivalofMuslimsocietiesrequired thetransformationofwomen’srolesinsocietythrougheducation,legislativereform,and,perhapsmoresymbolically,theabolitionoftheveil.For others,therebirthofMuslimsocietiesandfreedomfromWesterndominationrequiredtheachievementofgreaterculturalauthenticityandstricter adherencetogenderrolesprescribedbyIslam(seeBaron,1994).Inthe postcolonialera,thesegender-centereddebatescontinuedandindeedintensifiedasnewlyindependentstatesstruggledtosetforthanewpathofeconomic,political,andsocialdevelopment(Haddad,1998;Hatem,1995; Hijab,1998).Atthesametime,thegrowthofMuslimpopulationsinEuropethroughlabormigrationandsubsequentfamilyreunificationbrought the“womanquestion”totheWestitself.Todayissuesrelatingtowomen andgender—forinstance,headscarves,sexsegregationinschools,andar-

rangedmarriages—remainintertwinedwithdiscussionsabouttheassimilabilityofMuslimsandIslaminWesternsocieties.

Inthepost-September11geopoliticalcontext,theseculturalpolitics appearevermorecomplex.Whilesomecommentators—MuslimandnonMuslim—speakindualistictermsofa“clashofcivilizations”betweenIslamandtheWest,theactualpoliticalengagementbetweenMuslimsand non-Muslimsrevealsamultitudeofcontradictionsandambiguities.Thus, asweseewiththerecentheadscarfcontroversiesinFranceandelsewhere, Muslimwomenareusingthelanguageofreligiousfreedom,citizenship, anduniversalhumanrightstodefendpracticeslikeveiling,whichsomesee asinimicaltoWesternsecularismandliberalism(Soysal,1997).Atthe sametime,theUnitedStatesassertsitscommitmenttoliberaldemocratic valuesanddefendsitsmilitaryinterventioninMuslimregionsbychampioningMuslimwomen’sculturalpractices.

Anotherobservationthatemergesfromtherecentheadscarfcontroversyisthatwhilewomenhavetypicallybeenobjectifiedinthecultural politicsofIslamandtheWest,theyarealsoincreasinglyvisibleandactive inshapinggenderdiscoursesorpractices.Oneimportantsetofvoicesto emergeinrecentyearshasbeenthatofIslamicfeministswhohavesought toreclaimtheemancipatorymessageoftheQur’anandtorecoverthe rightsbestoweduponthemintheearliestMuslimcommunities.Islamic feministviewpointshaveoftendefiedWesternconceptionsoffeministpoliticsbycontestingmale-dominatedinterpretationsofIslamandthesubjugationofwomenwhileatthesametimeembracinggenderdivisionsasnaturalanddesirable(Hatem,1998;Poya,1999).Tobesure,manyofthose womeninvolvedintheproteststosupporttheheadscarfmightnotthinkof themselvesas“Islamicfeminists,”asIslamist,orevenasparticipantsina politicalmovement.YettheyareintentuponpubliclyreclaimingIslamon theirownterms,andinamanner,asdescribedabove,thatdrawsupona varietyofpoliticaldiscourses.

ButdespitethegrowingvisibilityofveilingpracticesintheMuslim worldandtheWest,itmustbeemphasizedthatnotallMuslimwomenadvocatetheincorporationofIslamintopubliclife.Infact,whilethecontroversyathandhasbeenportrayedasonepittingMuslimsagainstasecular (andanti-Islamic)Frenchstate,arecentsurveyreportedbythe Economist (“VeilofTears,”2004)suggeststhatmoreFrenchMuslimwomensupport theheadscarfbanthanopposeit.Italsoappearsthatthedebatehasledto conflictswithinmajorMuslimorganizationsinFrance,asMuslimgroups grappleindifferentwayswithcompetingimperativesofsecularismandreligiousfreedomsandobligations.Thisleadsustoafinalobservationthat thevoicesandviewpointsofMuslimwomenandMuslimsmoregenerally needtobeunderstoodashighlydifferentiatedandnoteasilyreducibleto notionsof“religion”or“culture.”Thereisnosingleperspectiveamong

Muslimsonanypoliticalorsocialissue,justasthereisnosingleperspectiveamongChristiansoranyothergroup.

ABOUTTHISVOLUME

ByhighlightingthecentralityofMuslimwomen’spositioninthegendered culturalpoliticstakingplacewithinandbetweentheWestandMuslim countries,theircomplexandoftenambiguousroleswithinthesecultural politics,andthediversityoftheirvoicesandviewpoints,theFrench headscarfcontroversyunderscoresourmotivationforputtingtogetherthis collectionofwritingsonMuslimwomen.Thecontributionstothisvolume reflecttheimportanteffortsbyfeministscholarsinvariousdisciplinesto elucidatethecontentiouspositionofwomenandgenderrelationsinthe MuslimworldandinthegeopoliticalengagementbetweenWesternand Muslimsocieties.Thisscholarshiphastakenthecategoryof“Muslim woman,”soofteninvokedinpublicdebateanddiscourse,andhassought todestabilizeitbyrevealingthewaysinwhichwomen’slivesarecomplicatedbyeconomicinequalitiesandclassrelations,distinctiveregionalculturalpractices,andideologiesofraceandethnicity(Kandiyoti,1996; Khan,2000).Assuch,thisscholarshiphasemphasizedthatMuslim women’sexperiencesarenotdefinablesolelyinreligiousterms,andthatIslamitselfservesasarepertoireofsocialpracticesandidealsarticulatedin differenthistoricalandgeographicalcontexts,ratherthanasamonolithic beliefsystemwithcausalpower(Moghadam,1993).Muslimwomen’sexperiences,wehavebeenurgedtorecognize,are,likeallwomen’sexperiences,ambiguousandhighlyvariable,markedbysubordinationandopportunity,mobilityandimmobility,securityandinsecurity.

ThisbookattemptstobuilduponthisscholarshipbypresentingspecificallygeographicalperspectivesontheexperiencesofMuslimwomen.The disciplineofgeography,asmanygeographersconcede,isratherdifficultto define,asitencompassesamultitudeofsubfieldsthat,tomanyoutsideobservers,seemtobearnorelationtooneanother.Thecontributionstothis volumerepresentawiderangeofdisciplinarysubfieldsandperspectives— culturalgeography,politicalgeography,developmentstudies,migration studies,andhistoricalgeography—eachwithitsownsetofdebatesand methodologies.Butwhatiscommontogeographyscholarsisaconcern withspaceandplace,and,morespecifically,with(1)thewayinwhichsocialrelationshipsareinscribedinandorganizedthroughspace—beitthe spaceofahome,avillage,anation-state,ortheglobe;(2)thewayinwhich specificplacesbecomeimbuedwithparticularsocialmeanings;and(3)the wayinwhichthemeaningsandrepresentationsassociatedwithcertain placesarecontested,negotiated,andtransformedthroughindividualand collectiveaction.Geographicalthemeshaveemergedinagreatdealofre-

centliteratureaboutMuslimwomen—mostclearlyindiscussionsabout women’suseofvariousveilingpracticestonegotiateandtotransformthe natureofpublicspace(e.g.,ElGuindi,1999;alsoseeAsk&Tjomsland, 1998;Macleod,1991).But,forthemostpart,thespatialityofgenderrelations,identities,andpracticeshasseldombeenexplicitlytheorizedormade thefocusofattention.Theaimofthisbookthereforeistobringissuesof spaceandplacetotheforefrontofaccountsofMuslimwomen’slivedexperienceinavarietyofregionalcontexts.

Whilethepurposeofcompilingthisvolumeistoexplorethecomplex spatialityofwomen’slives,itmustberecognizedthatthisventurecarries theriskofvalidatingtheverycategoryof“Muslimwomen”thatitseeksto unhinge.Therearefewsocialcategoriestodaythatgenerateasmuchinterest,attention,andscrutinyasthatof“Muslimwomen.”Toillustrate,in 2001,aninformalbooksearchIconductedonAmazon.comgenerateda listof292publicationsonMuslimwomen.Incontrast,asearchonHindu womengeneratedonly47books(Nagel,2001).In2004,inthewakeofthe “WaronTerrorism,”Irepeatedthisexerciseandfoundthatthenumberof publicationsonMuslimwomenhadincreasedto383,whilethepublicationsonHinduwomenhadincreasedmoremodestly,to58.Ifthepublic’s fascinationwithMuslimwomenseemsboundless,sotooisthecapacityfor scholarsandpopularcommentatorstoanalyzetheirlivesandexperiences, largelyforthebenefitofnon-Muslims.

SowhileIhaverelishedtheopportunitytocoeditabookaboutthegeographiesofMuslimwomen,Ihavealsobeenacutelyawarethatthisvolumemayfurtherreifythecategoryof“Muslimwoman,”therebyreducing theidentitiesandexperiencesofthesewomentotheirreligiousaffiliation. Yet,aswithmanycontentioussocialcategories,thesocialcurrencyofthe “Muslimwoman”category—notleastofallintheeyesofmanyMuslim womenforwhomIslamservesasamoralcodeandasourceofidentity— requiresthatitbeaddressedassuch,evenasitisshowntobehighlyproblematic.Inthepresentpoliticalclimate,inwhichMuslimwomenmore thaneveraresubjecttostereotypes,negativerepresentations,andconstant scrutinywithintheirownsocietiesandbyothers,itbecomesimportantto presentmorecomplicatedreadingsoftheMuslimwomancategory,evenif thismeans,inasense,legitimatingthecategoryitself.

Afinalissuetoberaisedisthatonlyafewofthecontributorstothis volumearethemselvesMuslimwomen,reflectingtheunderrepresentation ofMuslimwomeningeographyandothersocialsciencedisciplines.The limitedpresenceofMuslimwomeninthisvolumeandintheacademymore generallyishighlyproblematicgiventheamountofliteraturegenerated aboutthem,anditraisestroublingquestionsabouttheaccuracyandrepresentativenessofaccountsgivenofMuslimwomen’slives.Attheheartof thematteriswhocontrolstheproductionofknowledge—thatis,theformulationofresearchquestions,thegatheringandinterpretationofdata,

andthevalidationandpublicationoffindings—aboutMuslimwomen. How isknowledgebeingproduced, who isproducingit,andfor whose consumption?

Suchissueshavebeenthesubjectofintensivediscussionatleastsince the1980s,whenfeministscholarsbegantochallengenotionsofobjectivity andscholarlydetachmentfoundinmainstreamsocialscienceapproaches (Haraway,1988;Harding,1991).Asaresultofsuchcritiques,manyfeministshaveadoptedareflexiveapproachtoresearchthatconsiderstheways inwhichtheresearcher’spositioninvarioussocialcategoriesandhierarchies(e.g.,class,“race,”andgender)affectsresearchencounters(e.g., McDowell,1992;Moss,2002).Whileembracingreflexivityinresearch, however,feministshavealsoquestionedtheirownabilitytotrulyelucidate thecomplexrelationshipsinvolvedintheresearchprocess.Somehavesuggestedthatbeingan“insider”inaparticulargroupgivesonegreaterinsightandauthoritytospeakaboutthatgroup(Collins,1991).Butothers arguethatidentitiesandhumaninteractionsaresocomplexandcontingent ondifferentcircumstancesthattheimpactoftheresearcher’ssocialpositioncanneverfullybeelucidatedorunderstood(Rose,1997).Sowhile theyhavenotabandonedreflexivity,feministresearchershaveincreasingly suggestedthatoneisneverfullyaninsiderorfullyanoutsider,butusually somecombinationtherein,givingtheresearcheraccessandinsightinsome respectsbutonlyaverypartialunderstandingofaparticularresearchsubjectinotherrespects(Mullings,1999).

Whatthismeansisthattheoutcomeofanyresearchencounterisinevitablyincomplete,regardlessoftheauthorship.Eachcontributortothis volume,whethermaleorfemale,Muslimornon-Muslim,hasbroughtto hisorherresearchdifferentviewpoints,experiences,andidentitiesthat haveshapedtheknowledgepresentedinthechapters.Whilewemaintain thatthelackofvisibilityofMuslimwomeninthisvolumeishighlyproblematicandindicativeofwiderinequalitiesintheproductionofknowledge aboutIslamandwomen,wealsorejectthenotionthathavingaparticular identitygivesanyscholarprivilegedaccesstoknowledgeortotalauthority tospeakonbehalfofothers.Iwouldthereforeurgereaders(ashaveseveral ofthecontributors)toapproachtheseaccountsnotasthedefinitiveexpert “truth”aboutMuslimwomen,butaslimited,unfinishedaccountsthatare subjecttomultipleinterpretations,includingyourown.

THECONTRIBUTIONS

Thiscollectionhasbeendividedintothreemainsectionsaddressingdifferentgeographicalthemes.Thesedivisionsaresomewhatarbitrary,inthat therearemanycommonthemes across sectionsandmanydifferences within themintermsofthecontexts,issues,andexperiencesbeingde-

scribed.Buteachsectionreflectsaparticularclusterofresearchingeographyandisintendedtoexposereaderstosomeofthedifferenttheoretical approachesandempiricalconcernsthathavebeenbroughttobearonthis topic.

Gender,Development,andReligion

Thefirstsetofchaptersconsiderstheintersectionsbetweengender,development,andreligion.Geographershaveplayedanimportantrolein critiquingmainstreammodelsof“ThirdWorld”developmentanduncoveringtheunequalpowerrelationsinherentinthedevelopmentprograms oftenimposedontheglobalSouth(Routledge,1995;Slater,1995).Feministgeographers,inparticular,havebeeninstrumentalinillustratingthe genderedcharacterofdevelopmentpoliciesintermsoftheirformulation, implementation,andoutcomes(see,e.g.,Chant&Gutmann,2002;Lawson,1998;Radcliffe,1999).Suchconcernshaveoftenledfeministgeographerstoexplorelocalexperienceandthewaysinwhichpolicies,oftengeneratedatanationaloraglobalscale,aremediatedandtransformedby,as wellastransformativeof,genderdivisionsoflaborandwomen’saccessto resourcesatmorelocalizedscales(e.g.,Rocheleau,1995).

TheauthorsofthefourchaptersinthissectionexaminetheintersectionsbetweengenderrelationsanddevelopmentprocessesastheyaremediatedbyIslamicpracticesanddiscourses.SarahJ.Halvorson’sstudyof Gilgit,acommunityinnorthernPakistan,forinstance,uncoversthedifferentlifeoptionsmadeavailabletoboysandgirlsashouseholdsfacemore intensivemarketization.InherconversationswithGilgit’smothers,Halvorsonfindsthatgirlsarebecomingincreasinglyimportanttohouseholdand farmmanagementasfamiliesbecomemoredependentonlocalandexternalcasheconomiesandmarkets.Buttheincreasingvalueplacedongirls’ labordoesnotnecessarilytranslateintoexpandedopportunitiesforthem. Whilesomegirlsareabletotakeadvantageofneweducationalandemploymentopportunities,itisusuallyboyswhoaregivenfamilialresources togaintheeducationnecessarytosecureoff-farmemployment.Indeed,the region’sgrowingreligiousconservativism—reflectingideologicalinfluences fromIranandSaudiArabia—has,insomeinstances,placedgirls’behavior undergreaterscrutiny,therebyincreasingconstraintsontheirspatialmobility.

TheambivalencesofdevelopmentprocessesdescribedbyHalvorson arealsohighlightedinNaheedGinaAaftaab’schapterongirls’education inpost-TalibanAfghanistan.TheoverthrowoftheTalibanwaswidely viewed,especiallyintheWest,asavictoryforAfghanistan’soppressed women,andmanyanticipatedanimproving“qualityoflife”forwomenas aresultoftheirexpandingeducationalopportunities.YetinAfghanistan, Aaftaabsuggests,newinstitutionsforwomen’seducationappeartobere-

inforcingculturallyandreligiouslysanctionedrolesforwomenratherthan freeingthemfromsuchconstraints.Insofarasruralcommunitieslookfavorablyuponfemaleeducation,itistoimprovegirls’marriageabilityand domesticcompetencyintheprivatesphereratherthantheiremployability inthepublicsphere.Themainchangeengenderedbytheeducationsystem, fromAaftaab’sperspective,isnot“freedom”andmobilityinaWestern sense,butratherwomen’senhancedabilitytonavigateexistingsocialsystemsandspacesinwaysnotimaginedbyliberaldevelopmentdiscourses.

DianaK.Davis’schapteralsodealswithAfghanistan,and,like Aaftaab’schapter,revealsthelimitationsofmainstreamdevelopmentdiscoursesandtheunintendedconsequencesofWestern-ledpolicies.Revisitingresearchonlivestockmanagementprogramsinrural,nomadic communitiesconductedpriortotheriseoftheTaliban,Davisarguesthat suchprogramstendedtodisempowerwomen,astheyoperatedunderthe assumptionthatMuslimwomenarenotsignificantlyinvolvedwiththe raisingoflivestock.Inpost-TalibanAfghanistan,theWestern-leddevelopmentagenda,whichisfocusedonprivatizationandcommercialization,is morelikelytohurtruralwomenbyerodingtheirbasisofsubsistencethan tofreethemfromoppression.Moreover,thegrowingcontroloverruralareasbyso-calledwarlords,manyofwhomupholddeeplyconservativeinterpretationsofIslamandwomen’srolesinsociety,islikelytofurthercurtail women’sproductivespacesandcapacities.Sociallyjustdevelopmentprograms,Davisconcludes,needtoconsiderthewaysinwhichgenderdivisionsoflaborandattitudestowardwomenandtheirworkinparticular communitiesmaydiffermarkedlyfromtheviewsespousedbyeitherconservativeIslamicleadersorWesterndevelopmentagencies.

SusanneH.Steinmann’sresearchonsedentarizedpastoralistcommunitiesineasternMoroccoreiteratesDavis’spointthatstandarddiscourses aboutgenderrolesandgendersegregationinMuslimsociety—discourses propoundedbothintheWestandintheMuslimworld—failtocapturethe waysinwhichgenderdivisionsoflaborandgenderedspacesareconstantly negotiatedinparticularcontexts.Steinmann’sstudyofthesedentarization oftheBeniGuilpeopleintwotownsuncoversdistinctiveland-usepatterns andgenderdivisionsoflabor.InonetownSteinmannnotestheincreasing importanceofagricultural—ratherthanpastoral—livelihoodsandofwomen’s workinhouseholdgardens,whileintheothertownsheobservesthegrowingrelianceonmen’slabormigrationandwomen’sinvestmentsinlivestock.Inbothinstances,genderrolesandidentitieshavebeennegotiatedin differentwaysthatsimultaneouslychallengeandupholdestablishedpatternsanddiscoursesofIslamicgenderrelations.

GeographiesofMobility

Thesecondsectionofthisvolumedealswithissuesofmobilityandmigration,whichinthepresenterainvariablyincludetransnationalidentitiesand 8Introduction

linkages.Thefirsttwochaptersengagewithnewtheoreticalapproachesto migrationthatcomplicatetheviewofmigrantsasindividual,rational,economicactorsbyfocusingonthewaysinwhichgenderrelations,political structures,culturalideologies,andeconomicprocessesintersecttoshape migrationflowsandexperiences(e.g.,Lawson,1998,2000).Thethird chapterinthissectionexaminesthelabormarketexperiencesof“secondgeneration”womenlivinginthediaspora—inthiscase,thePakistani diasporainBritain.Fortheauthorsofthesechapters,asforotherfeminist migrationresearchers,theuseofmigrants’personalnarrativesbecomes crucialtounderstandinghoweverydaydecisionmakingtakesplaceatthe intersectionbetweengender,culture,andpolitical–economicprocesses (e.g.,Dwyer,2000;Yeoh&Khoo,1998).

RachelSilvey’schapter,tobegin,examinesthegrowingnumberof low-incomeIndonesianwomen—mostfromruralareasofJava—migrating toSaudiArabiaasdomesticservants.Silvey’sresearchfocusesontheways inwhichreligiousbeliefsandpractices,whichintersectwithgenderroles andideologies,informandshapeeveryaspectofthemobilityexperience. Shenotes,forinstance,thattherecruitmentofIndonesianwomenoften takesplaceingirls’Islamicboardingschools,wherestrictreligiousobservanceandtheteachingofArabicareviewedasproducingidealworkersfor theSaudilaborforce.ThatSaudiArabiaisstrictlyMuslim—unlikeother potentialdestinationsinAsia—andthatworkingtherebringsthepossibilityofmakingthepilgrimagetoMecca,serveassellingpointsforrecruiters, whomustcounteractfrequenttestimoniesofhardshipandabuseinthe Gulf.Atthesametime,theIndonesianstatehasbuiltonthemoralauthorityofIslamtoencouragethemigrationoftheseyoungwomen.Specifically, ithasrecasttheidealofthedomesticallylocatedMuslimwifeandmother toincludethemigratoryincome-earningwoman,whoisportrayedassacrificingherowninterestsforthesakeofnationaleconomicdevelopment. ThemigrationofIndonesianwomen,then,isnotsimplyamatterofpure economiccalculationonthepartofindividualmigrants.Instead,itreflects theconfluenceofeconomicneed,religiousidentity,genderdiscourses,and statedevelopmentaims.

AmyFreeman’schaptersimilarlycritiquestraditionaleconomistic analysesofmigrationandexamineshowMoroccanwomen’smobility— bothtransnationalandmorelocalized—isbothconstrainedandenabledby culturalandreligiouspracticesanddiscourses,andbyone’smaterialcircumstances.Freemanisparticularlyinterestedintheideaof“freedom,” andshenotesthatintheMuslimworld—asintheWest—anxietiesabout women’sfreedomhavebeenrelatedtothedesiretocontrol,sociallyand spatially,women’ssexualitytoensuretheirpurity.Butshe,likeothercontributorstothisvolume,cautionsagainstrigidviewsofgendersegregation andpublic/privatedichotomies,arguingthatthe“moralgeographies”in whichMuslimwomenaresituatedare,insomeways,fluidandopentointerpretation.Thus,sheshowsthatwomen,particularlythoseinmigratory Introduction9

andtransnationalsituations,constantlymoveinandoutofgeographies where“freedom”takesondifferentmeaningsandwheretheymustadjust theirbehaviortoaccommodatedifferentnorms.Forthemostpart,Freeman’sintervieweesexpressadesireforgreaterfreedomtocontroltheir ownlivesandmobility,buttheyalsorejectnotionsoffreedomthatimply disregardforcommunitynormsandreligiousbeliefs.

Theconstructionandnegotiationoftransnationalmoralgeographies isalsoakeythemeofRobinaMohammad’schapteronPakistani-origin womeninGreatBritain.ForMohammad,thecontinuousinterchangebetweenPakistanicommunitiesinGreatBritainandthehomelandhasreinforcedaconservativeinterpretationofIslamamongBritishPakistanisthat positswomenasguardiansofcollectiveidentityandthatrequirestheregulationofwomen’sspatiality.ForyoungBritishMuslimwomen,theemphasisonfemalepurityhasaprofoundinfluenceoneducationaloutcomesand laborforceparticipation.Mohammadfindsthatwomenfromlesseducated backgroundsseemtofacemuchtighterspatialconstraintsthanthosefrom bettereducatedbackgrounds,whomaybepermittedtopursuehighereducationawayfromhome.Ingeneral,though,thetypesofjobsthatyoung BritishPakistaniwomenperformarecircumscribedbycommunityimperativestocontrolwomen’spresenceinpublicspaces,andwomen’sabilityto pursueandtoadvanceinparticularcareersrequirestheircarefulnegotiationofparentalandcommunalstrictures.

Discourse,Representation,andtheContestationofSpace

Whileallofthechaptersdiscussedthusfardealinsomewaywiththeproductionandcirculationofdiscourse,thefinalsetofchaptersfocusesmore directlyontherepresentationofIslam,gender,andMuslimwomenbythe media,governmentofficials,novelists,andMuslimwomenthemselves. Discourseandrepresentation,ofcourse,arenotsimplyaboutimageryand descriptivelanguage.Instead,theseconceptsmakereferencetosystemsof powerthatoperatetoshapeknowledgeofotherpeopleandplacesand,in manycases,tojustifypoliticaldominationandsocialinequalities(Said, 1978).Whilecertaindiscoursesandrepresentationscanbethoughtofas hegemonicordominantinanygivencontext,thesearealwayssubjectto thechallengeofalternativewaysofseeingandknowing.Geographershave beenespeciallykeentoexplorethewaysinwhichdominantdiscoursesand representationsareenactedby—andcontestedthrough—spatialpractices (e.g.,Anderson,1991;Cresswell,1996;Nagar,2000),andtheauthorsof thefollowingchaptersexaminedifferentkindsofspatialconflictsthat emergefromcompetingarticulationsofIslamandgenderrelations.

AnnaSecor’schapter,forinstance,explainstheintensedebateoverthe wearingoftheheadscarfinpublicspacesinTurkey.Forthosesympathizing withIslamistmovements,theTurkishstate’srestrictiononthewearingof theveilincertainpublicspacesinthenameofstatesecularismcallsinto 10Introduction

questionthestate’scommitmenttodemocraticfreedoms.Aswiththe womenprotestorsdescribedatthebeginningofthisIntroduction,Secor’s intervieweesspeakofveilingnotsomuchasareligiousimperative,butasa basichumanrightthatcannotbedeniedbythestate.Yetthearticulationof theheadscarfasahumanrightbeliescomplicatedideasaboutdemocracy attheheartofIslamistdiscourse.Fortheadvocacyoftherighttowearthe headscarfinpublicisnotnecessarilyaccompaniedbyamoregeneraldesire toabolishregulatoryregimesofpublicdressandbehavior.Instead,for manyofthoseparticipatinginSecor’sstudy,thestate’sviewsonheadscarves becomesproofoftheneedtoIslamicizethepublicsphere—preciselywhat theTurkishstateandmanysecularistsareseekingtoavoidbyexercising rigidcontroloverpublicspace.

AbdiIsmailSamatar’saccountoftheformationofawomen’smosque intheSomalitownofGabileypresentsaverydifferentinstanceofthe contestationofIslamicspace.Intheearly1960s,Samatarshows,theeducationofgirlshadbecomeatopicofintensedebateinGabiley,asgovernmenteffortstopromotegirls’educationclashedwithlocaldiscoursesabout girls’naturalroleasfuturehousewives.Intothisfrayinthe1970sstepped SheikhMarian,afemaleIslamicscholarwhobroughtreligiouseducation tolocalwomen—aprerequisiteforentryintostateschools.Awomen’s mosquewasbuiltunderherleadership,butitcontinuedtolackthesupport oflocaltownsmen,evenafteritwasdamagedinthecivilunrestofthe 1980s.Attheheartofthecontroversyoverthewomen’smosque,Samatar argues,hasbeenaconflictoverviewsofwomen’srightfulgeographical placeandtheirplacewithinIslam.AsSamatarnotes,thewomenwhobuilt themosquewerenotinformedbyWesternfeministideologyorbyantiIslamicsentiment.Rather,“theyfeltthatIslamicpracticeinthissocietyundulyrestrictedwomen’sopportunitiestolearnandinterpretIslamictexts andtraditions,”andtheradicalismofthisprojectlayinitsquestioningof themarginalizationofwomeninlocalIslamicpractice.

Likeothercontributionsinthiscollection,MalekAbisaab’schapter questionsdichotomousconceptionsofpublic–privatespacethatdominate theliteratureonwomeninArab/Muslimsocieties.ContrarytomanyaccountsthatsituateArabandMuslimwomensquarelyintheprivatedomesticsphere,Abisaabexplorestheurbanfactoryas“women’sspace”andasa siteofgenderedstruggles.Hisaccountfocusesonthe1970strikeinvolving femaletobaccofactoryworkersinLebanonandthewaysinwhichArab womeninLebanon—bothMuslimandChristian—resistedpublic–private dichotomiesintheirdemandstobeincludedinsocietalconceptionsoffactoryaswellashome.Theparticularshapetheiractivismtook,Abisaab shows,reflectedtheintegrationoftheirfactorylaborwiththeirrolesand experiencesoutsidetheindustrialworkplace,thuscallingintoquestionthe divisionofspaceinArabandMuslimsocietiesintodiscretemaleandfemalerealms.

MarcBrosseauandLeilaAyari’schapterisdistinctiveinitsuseof Introduction11

fiction—specifically,novelswrittenbyTunisianwomen—toexplorerepresentationsofMuslimwomenandtheirgeographies.BrosseauandAyari notetheambivalencewithwhichTunisianwomenwritersviewpracticesof gendersegregationexperiencedbymanymiddle-classArab/Muslimwomen. Thefemalecharactersoftenviewtheirchildhoodhomeswithgreatnostalgiaandtenderness,andyet,asadultwomen,bristleagainsttheirownsense ofisolationinthehomeandthefeelingthattheirpresenceonthestreetis anintrusiononmen’sspace.Thenovelsalsospeaktowomen’sabilityto transgressspacesbydescribinginstancesinwhichfemalecharacterscovertlyoropenlydefygenderboundaries.Indoingso,theirworkresonates withMalekAbisaab’scriticalapproachtounderstandingpublicandprivatespace.ParallelingAmyFreeman’sanalysisoftransnationalMoroccan womenandAbdiIsmailSamatar’sinterpretationoftheSomaliwomen’s mosque,theauthorscautionagainstreadingthesenovelsasradicallyfeministaccountsofMuslimwomen’slives,andsuggestthattheauthorsdesire amiddleground“whichaccommodatesrespectfortraditionaswellasa woman’sneedforempowermentandequality.”

ThefinalchapterinthecollectionisGhazi-WalidFalah’sanalysisof thevisualrepresentationofMuslimwomeninAmericannewspapersbetweenSeptember11,2001,andthestartoftheU.S.attackonIraqinthe springof2003.Falah’smainconcernisthewayinwhichsupposedlyobjectivereportingmayinfactservetopromoteparticulargeopoliticaldiscoursesandagendas.Falah’ssurveyofscoresofnewspaperphotographsrevealsthatimagesofwomenandgirlstendtorevolvearoundafewkey themes—forinstance,women’svictimizationatthehandsof“terrorists”or theslavishadulationofcorruptleaders.Significantly,editorsseeminclined toinsertsuchimagesintoarticlesthathavelittleornothingtodowithgenderorwomen’sissues.Thecommondeploymentoftheseimages,Falah suggests,projectsaviewofArabandMuslimsocietiesasforeign,irrational,andinneedofWesterncivilizationandenlightenment.EvenwhereeditorsarecriticalofU.S.militaryinterventioninvariousMuslimcontexts, theseimages,inasense,validatesuchintervention,whileatthesametime hidingfromviewtherootcausesofconflictinArabandMuslimstates.

INCLOSING

Thediversityoftopics,themes,regionalcontexts,andresearchapproaches coveredbythecontributionstothisvolumeprovidesomeindicationofthe myriadchallenges,dilemmas,andopportunitiesfacedbyMuslimwomen today.InpresentingsuchadiversityofaccountsouraimhasbeentocomplicateunderstandingsofMuslimwomenandtorevealthedifferentways Islamicdiscourseandpracticeintersectwithgenderrelationsandwiderpoliticalandeconomicprocessestoshapewomen’sgeographies.

Asindicatedinthetitle,thisvolumemakesaspecialattempttoexplorethewaysinwhichreligiousbeliefs,institutions,practices,anddiscoursesshapewomen’sspatiality.Religionhastakencenterstageinmany popularaccountsofglobalculturalchangeandconflict(e.g.,SamuelHuntington’s ClashofCivilizations [1996]andBenjaminBarber’s Jihadversus McWorld [1996]).Yetreligionremainscuriouslyabsentfrommanyacademicaccountsofculturaltransformation,especiallyinthedisciplineofgeography.Itisourhopethatthisvolumehelpstoremedythissituationby makingreligionamoreexplicitfactorinanalysesofhumanexperienceand spatiality,whileatthesametimecounteringviewsofreligionasamonolithicentityor“civilizational”force.ThesignificanceofIslam—andindeed,anybeliefsystem—variesagreatdealbetweenandwithinsocieties, andshouldnotbetreatedasacausalforceinandofitself,apointthat seemstobelostonmanycontemporarysocialcommentatorsbothinthe WestandinpredominantlyMuslimsocieties.Ourintentionisthatthisvolume,againstthetideofcurrenteventsandcontemporarydiscourse,enables andencouragesdialoguebetweenMuslimsandnon-Muslims,menand women,andhelpsthemtoidentifycommonalitiesintheirexperiences ratherthanonlydifferenceandotherness.

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Chant,S.,&Gutmann,M.C.(2002).‘Men-streaming’gender?:Questionsforgender anddevelopmentpolicyinthe21stcentury. ProgressinDevelopmentStudies, 2(4), 269–282. Chiracbackslawtokeepsignsoffaithoutofschool.(2003,December18,p.A17.). The New York Times. Collins,P.H.(1991).Learningfromtheoutsiderwithin:Thesociologicalsignificance ofblackfeministthought.InM.M.Fonow&J.Cook(Eds.), Beyondmethodology:Feministscholarshipaslivedresearch (pp.35–59).Bloomington:Indiana University Press. Introduction13

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Kandiyoti,D.(Ed.)(1996). GenderingtheMiddleEast:Emergingperspectives.Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. Khan,S.(2000). Muslimwomen:CraftingaNorthAmericanidentity.Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Lawson,V.(1998).Hierarchicalhouseholdsandgenderedmigration:Aresearch agenda. Progress in Human Geography, 22, 32–53. Lawson,V.(2000).Argumentswithingeographiesofmovement:Thetheoreticalpotential of migrants’ stories. Progress in Human Geography, 24(2), 173–189. Macleod,A.E.(1991). Accommodatingprotest:Workingwomen,thenewveiling, and change in Cairo. New York: Columbia University Press. McDowell,L.(1992).Doinggender:Feminismandfeministresearchmethodsinhumangeography. TransactionsoftheInstituteofBritishGeographers,17,399–416.

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Nagel,C.(2001).Contemporaryscholarshipanddemystification—andremystification— of “Muslim women.” Arab World Geographer, 4, 63–72. Poya,M.(1999). Women,work,andIslamism.LondonandNewYork:ZedBooks. Radcliffe,S.A.(1999).Rethinkingdevelopment.InP.Cloke,P.Crang,&M. Goodwin(Eds.), Introducinghumangeographies (pp.84–92).London:Arnold. Rocheleau,D.(1995).Maps,numbers,text,andcontext:Mixingmethodsinfeminist political ecology. Professional Geographer, 47, 458–466.

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Soysal,Y.N.(1997).Changingparametersofcitizenshipandclaims-making:Organized Islam in European public spheres. Theory and Society, 26, 509–527. U.S.DepartmentofJustice(2004,March30). JusticeDepartmentfilescomplaint againstOklahomaschooldistrictseekingtoprotectstudent’srighttowear headscarftopublicschool [pressrelease].Washington,DC:Author.Accessed online: www.usdoj.gov/opa/pr/2004/March/04_crt_195.htm

Veil of tears. (2004, January 17). The Economist, p. 34. Yeoh,B.,&Khoo,L.M.(1998).Home,workandcommunity:Skilledinternational migrationandexpatriatewomeninSingapore. InternationalMigration,36(2), 159–186.

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PartI Gender,Development, andReligion

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1GrowingUpinGilgit

ExploringtheNatureofGirlhood inNorthernPakistan

Thegeographyofgirlhoodremainsunderstudiedinmuchof theso-calledIslamicworld.Myaiminthischapteristoconsiderthe relationshipbetweenMuslimgirlhoodandrurallivelihoodinamountain communityintheIslamicRepublicofPakistan.Inrecentdecadesthisrelationshiphasundergoneadramatictransformationasthemountainous northernpartofthecountryhastransitionedfromasubsistence-basedtoa market-orientedeconomy.Thistransformationisacutelymanifestedinthe deepeningintegrationofthelivesofruralgirlsintomarketandcivilsociety relationsoftheglobaleconomyandtheincreasinglyarduousandimpoverishedcircumstancesunderwhichtheyworkandcontributetotheirfamilies’survival.OnechallengepresentedbytheunprecedentedsocialtransformationinmountaincommunitiesofnorthernPakistanhastodowith thecomplexitiesof“growingup”asthespecificmeaningsofMuslimgirlhoodare(re)interpretedbyfamilies,secularandreligiousdevelopmentactors,andthestate.

ThebodyofknowledgeaddressingthegeographiesofMuslimgirlsis fragmentedandparallelstheincompletenatureofevidenceonMuslim womenintheregion(see,e.g.,Kandiyoti,1991;Papanek&Minault, 1982).InPakistanrelativelylittlehasbeenwrittenaboutgirlhoodorthe roleoffemalechildreninthehistoryofthecountry’sdevelopmenttrajectory.Additionally,verylittlescholarshiphasgivenattentiontotherolethat religiousdiscourseplaysinshapingconstructionsofgenderedchildhoods

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lateral spurs, in twos or in threes; pedicels nearly one inch long, slender, with thin pubescence, greenish; calyx-tube green, campanulate, glabrous; calyx-lobes small, narrow, acute, pubescent on the inner surface, erect; petals oval, entire, not clawed; anthers yellow with a tinge of red; filaments three-eighths inch long; pistil glabrous, equal to the stamens in length, often abortive.

Fruit late, intermediate in length of ripening season; small, obovate or oval, slightly necked, truncate at the base, compressed, halves equal; cavity shallow, narrow, flaring; suture varies from shallow to deep, often prominent; apex depressed; color dull green, changing to golden-yellow, overspread with thin bloom; dots numerous, small, gray, inconspicuous, clustered about the apex; stem slender, very long, often one and oneeighth inches in length, glabrous, adhering well to the fruit; skin thick, tough, clinging slightly; flesh light golden-yellow, juicy, fibrous, sweet, mild, pleasant, not high in flavor; good; stone clinging, three-quarters inch by one-half inch in size, oval, flattened, slightly acute at the base and apex, with roughened surfaces; ventral suture finely grooved, blunt; dorsal suture with a wide, shallow groove.

SAINT JULIEN

Prunusinsititia

1. Miller Gard. Dict. 3. 1754. 2. Lond. Hort. Soc. Cat. 153. 1831. 3. Prince Pom. Man. 2:73. 1832. 4. Noisette Man. Comp. Jard. 2:500. 1860. 5. Downing Fr. Trees Am. 946. 1869. 6. Hogg Fruit Man. 725. 1884. 7. Mathieu Nom. Pom. 449. 1889. 8. Rev. Hort. 438. 1892. 9. Trait. Prat. Sech. Fruits 170. 1893. 10. Bot. Gaz. 26:425. 1898.

Common Saint Julian 3. Common Saint Julien 5, 7. French St. Julien 3, 5, 7. Gros Saint-Julien 3. Gros Saint-Julien 4. Kleine Blaue Julians Pflaume 7. Large Saint Julien ?3. Petit Saint Julien 4. Petit Saint Julien 3, 5, 7. Prunus Insititia var. 7. Prunus Domestica Juliana 10. Prunier Saint-Julien 8. St. Julien 6. St. Julian 3. Saint Julien 3. Saint Julien Petit ?2. Saint-Julien Petit 3, 5, 7. The St. Julian Plum 1. Weichharige Schlehen Damascene 7.

The Saint Julien plums, as we now use the name, constitute a division of Prunus insititia used as propagating stocks. Whether the name was ever applied to a specific variety can not be said. Miller, in 1754, described a “St. Julian” and gave its chief use as a stock for

plums, peaches and Bruxelles Apricot. Later writers recommend them chiefly, if not only, as stocks though in France it is said the fruits are dried and sold by the pharmacists and herbalists under the name Prunus medicines (medicinal prunes). Carrière, in Revue Horticole 1892, speaks very highly of these plums as stocks and describes them as follows:

“Tree vigorous, with branches spreading-straggling, relatively short, branched at the extremity. Leaves numerous, slightly roughened by the prominence of the numerous nerves on the lower surface, short, oblong, usually rounded at the apex, attenuated at the base, where are found a few very small glands; petiole about two centimeters long, yellowish, lengthening out into a prominent midrib; buds short, oval, pointed, deep reddish-brown; dark green above, pale green below, bordered regularly with very close, short, slightly inclined teeth.

Fruits very abundant, pedunculate, spherical or oblong, peduncle a little bent, rather strong, nearly three centimeters long, inserted in a very small cavity, regularly rounded. Skin strongly attached to the flesh, even, glossy, purplish-black, more or less glaucous; flesh free from the seed, pulpy, very juicy, soft, greenish, sweet, leaving a taste a little strong, but not disagreeable; seed short oval, elliptical, flattened, ten millimeters in width, nearly fifteen to sixteen millimeters in length, with grayish-red surface roughened by small, regular projections. Matures from July to September.”

SAINT MARTIN

Prunusdomestica

1. Lond. Hort. Soc. Cat. 144, 153. 1831. 2. Prince Pom. Man. 2:74. 1832. 3. Downing Fr. Trees Am. 295 fig. 119. 1845. 4. Poiteau Pom. Franc. 1. 1846. 5. Mag. Hort. 14:151 fig. 15. 1848. 6. Thomas Am. Fruit Cult. 336 fig. 260, 337. 1849. 7. Elliott Fr. Book. 423. 1854. 8. Thompson Gard. Ass’t 515. 1859. 9. Am. Pom. Soc. Cat. 40. 1867. 10. Guide Prat. 162, 365. 1895.

Catherine violette 8, 10. Coe’s Fine Late Red8. Coe’s Fine Late Red 1, 5, 7, 10. Coe’s Late Red 3, 6, 9. Coe’s Late Red 5, 6, 7, 10. Coë’s sehr späte rothe Pflaume 10. De la Saint-Martin 10. Oktoberpflaume 10. Prune de la St. Martin 3. Prunier de Saint Martin 2, 5, 7. Red St. Martin 2, 7. Red Saint Martin 5, 6, 7. Rouge tardive de Coë 10. Saint Martin Rouge 5. Saint-

Martin Rouge 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 10. Saint Martin 2, 3, 5. St. Martin 2, 6, 7, 8. St. Martin Rouge 8. Violette d’Octobre 10. Violette Octoverpflaume 8. Violette Oktoberpflaume 10.

Saint Martin is an old French variety now hardly worth growing, brought into England by a Mr. Coe who called it Coe’s Fine Late Red, a name continued by the London Horticultural Society in its catalog. In the United States, too, it became quite generally known as Coe’s Late Red in spite of the efforts of Prince, Downing and Elliott to have it pass under its true name. The variety was mentioned in the American Pomological Society’s catalogs from 1867 to 1897. It is described as follows:

Fruit very late; of medium size, roundish, bright purplish-red with thin blue bloom; suture distinct; cavity shallow; stem of moderate length and thickness; flesh yellow, with a vinous flavor; fair to good; freestone.

SATSUMA

Prunustriflora

1. Gard. Mon. 366, 367. 1887. 2. U. S. D. A. Rpt. 652, Pl. I fig., 636. 1887. 3. Gard. & For. 1:471. 1888. 4. Bailey Ann. Hort. 103. 1889. 5. Am. Pom. Soc. Rpt. 105, 106, 125. 1891. 6. Ga. Hort. Soc. Rpt. 54. 1892. 7.

SATSUMA

Cornell Sta. Bul. 62:29. 1894. 8. Rev. Hort. 458. 1894. 9. Ga. Hort. Soc. Rpt. 96. 1895. 10. Guide Prat. 165, 366. 1895. 11. Cornell Sta. Bul. 106:46, 53. 1896. 12. Ala. Col. Sta. Bul. 85:446. 1897. 13. Cornell Sta. Bul. 139:38, 42. 1897. 14. Am. Pom. Soc. Cat. 26. 1897. 15. Mich. Sta. Bul. 169:243, 250. 1899. 16. Cornell Sta. Bul. 175:151. 1899. 17. Ohio Sta. Bul. 113:158. 1899. 18. Waugh Plum Cult. 141. 1901. 19. Mich. Sta. Bul. 187:77, 80. 1901. 20. Ga. Sta. Bul. 68:14, 33, 34. 1905. 21. De Vries Pl. Br. 170. 1907.

Beni Smono No. 4 ?6. BloodPlum 7, 9, 16, 18, 20. Blood Plum? 1. Blood Plum No. 4 ?9, 13. Blood Plum No. 4 ?11. Honsmomo 11. Honsmomo ?9, 11. Japan Blood Plum 3. Sanguine 10. Satsuma Blood 4. Yonemomo 5, 7, 9, 16, 20. Yonesmomo 5, 20.

There is a group of several varieties of Triflora plums unique in having the flesh deep red in color and very firm and juicy. Of these red-fleshed plums, Satsuma was the first to be introduced into fruitgrowing in America and is one of the parents of most of the others. While the fruit is not as large nor as handsome in color as in some of its offspring, it is still one of the best varieties for quality of fruit and its trees are possibly as good as those of any of the other sorts of red-fleshed Trifloras. Satsuma, besides being one of the best of its class in quality for either dessert or culinary purposes, keeps and ships very well and if the plums are of sufficient size and have been allowed to color properly, the variety makes a good showing on the markets. Too often, however, it is so unattractive as it reaches the market that it does not sell well. In the South the plums are said to be much attacked by brown-rot but they are not more susceptible here than other plums. The trees are rather above the average for the species in size, habit, health, hardiness and productiveness though they bear sparingly when young. They bloom early in the season and are distinguished from other Triflora sorts by having many spurs and short branches along the main branches. Satsuma might possibly be found worth growing commercially in a very small way in some parts of the State.

Satsuma was raised from the same lot of plum pits from which the Burbank came, the seeds having been sent to Luther Burbank by a Japanese agent in 1883. In 1887 Burbank’s tree was the only

bearing one in America but since then it has been tested in all of the large plum regions, having been introduced by Burbank in 1889. In 1897 it was added to the fruit catalog list of the American Pomological Society. Even though this plum is very distinct, with its solid red flesh, it is much confused with other sorts. A Japanese in a letter[222] to L. A. Berckmans says “Beni-Smomo comprises a group of red-fleshed plums. In Satsuma, my native home, Hon-smomo and Yone-smomo are the most noted and familiar fruits of this group, the first is the smallest in size and deepest in color, while the second is the largest and most highly esteemed. In some districts, plums in this group are called Uchi-Beni, which means red inside.” Honsmomo or Blood Plum No. 4 was separated from the Satsuma or Yonemomo by the Georgia Horticultural Society but Bailey found them indistinguishable.

Tree medium to large, vigorous, upright-spreading, usually quite hardy, moderately productive, bearing heavier crops as the tree becomes older; branches grayish-brown; branchlets medium to above in thickness and length, with short internodes, dark chestnut-red, glabrous, with slightly raised lenticels of medium number and size; leaf-buds small, short, conical, appressed.

Leaves somewhat lanceolate, four inches by one and one-half inches in size, of medium thickness; upper surface dark green, with a shallow, grooved midrib; lower surface light green, glabrous; margin finely and doubly crenate, glandular; petiole three-quarters inch long, tinged red, with from one to three reniform, greenish-yellow glands variable in size, usually at the base of the blade.

Blossoms white; borne in pairs or in threes; pedicels nine-sixteenths inch long, slender, glabrous, greenish; calyx-tube green, obconic, glabrous; calyx-lobes medium in width, acute, somewhat serrate, with dark colored glands, glabrous, erect; petals tapering below to claws of medium length, reddish at the base.

Fruit mid-season or later; one and seven-eighths inches by two inches in size, variable in shape, ranging from roundish-cordate to somewhat oblate, flattened at the base, compressed, halves unequal; cavity deep, narrow, abrupt, compressed; suture variable in depth, prominent; apex pointed or roundish; color dark dull red, with thin bloom; dots numerous, of medium size, russet, somewhat conspicuous, clustered about the apex;

stem slender, three-eighths inch long, glabrous; skin of medium thickness and toughness, bitter, semi-adherent; flesh dark purplish-red, juicy, tender at the skin, becoming tough at the center, sweet, with an almond-like flavor; of good quality; stone semi-clinging or clinging, seven-eighths inch by five-eighths inch in size, oval, strongly pointed, rough, tinged red; ventral suture narrow, winged; dorsal suture grooved.

SAUNDERS

Prunusdomestica

1. Am. Pom. Soc. Rpt. 143. 1885. 2. Can. Hort. 14:92, 223. 1891. 3. Ibid. 19:253. 1896. 4. Ont. Exp. Sta. Rpt. 45, 46. 1899. 5. Can. Hort. 27:244. 1904.

Saunders Seedling 5.

The American Pomological Society recommends this variety for trial with the statement that the quality is of the best and that it is almost free from black-knot. But on the grounds of this Station, fruiting for several years, the plums have been inferior in size and somewhat so in quality and all told much less attractive than a number of other sorts of the same season. Saunders originated with John Arris of Belleville, Ontario, Canada. It was first exhibited before the Fruit-Growers’ Association of Ontario at St. Catherines in 1883. In 1884, upon its being again exhibited before the same association, it was named Saunders in honor of the society’s noted president. The variety was mentioned in the catalog of the American Pomological Society in 1897.

Tree of medium size, round-topped, very productive; branchlets brash, slender, very pubescent; leaves flattened, obovate or oval, one and threequarters inches wide, four inches long, somewhat velvety, rugose; margin finely serrate, eglandular or with small dark glands; petiole pubescent, glandless or with from one to three small glands; blooming season intermediate in time and length; flowers appearing after the leaves, one and one-quarter inches across, white; borne on lateral buds and spurs, usually singly; pedicels very pubescent.

Fruit early, season short; one and one-half inches by one and oneeighth inches in size, oblong-oval, greenish-yellow changing to goldenyellow, covered with thin bloom; skin thin, tender, slightly sour, cracking when fully mature; flesh yellowish, tender and melting, sweet, mild; of good quality; stone free, one inch by five-eighths inch in size, long-oval, flattened, with rough surfaces; ventral suture winged; dorsal suture with a narrow, shallow groove.

SERGEANT

Prunusdomestica

1. Cal. State Bd. Hort. 49, 51. 1887. 2. Ibid. 234, 235. 1890. 3. Ibid. 105. 1891. 4. Wickson Cal. Fruits 357. 1891. 5. U. S. D. A. Div. Pom. Bul. 7:316, Pl. IV fig. 2. 1898. 6. Am. Pom. Soc. Cat. 39. 1899. 7. Waugh Plum Cult. 121. 1901.

Prune d’Ente 2. Prunier Datte 1. Robe de Sergent 2, 5, 6. Robe de Sergeant 7. Robe de Sergent 1, 3, 4.

In France, from whence Sergeant was imported to California, Sergeant, Agen and Prunier Datte are held to be identical. But in America only the first and last are identical, the Agen being quite distinct. It would seem that the French should know their own plums and that their nomenclature should be accepted but the Sergeant is now so widely distributed in America as distinct that we give a brief description of the plum. There may be more than one type of the Agen in France or American nurserymen may have received wrongly named varieties.

Tree upright, with branches and branchlets thickish, more robust than Agen; foliage large, lancet-shaped, glossy, much broader and more shiny than Agen; fruit mid-season; of medium size, roundish-oval, enlarged on one side; skin deep purple to blackish with a thick bloom; flesh greenishyellow, juicier than Agen, sweet, high flavored; quality good; stone partially clinging; valuable for preserving and drying.

SHARP

Prunusdomestica

1. Lond. Hort. Soc. Cat. 153. 1831. 2. Downing Fr. Trees Am. 315. 1845. 3. Ann. Pom. Belge 63, Pl. 1859. 4. Cultivator 8:25 fig. 1860. 5. Downing Fr. Trees Am. 948. 1869. 6. Guide Prat. 160, 358. 1895. 7. Jour. Roy. Hort. Soc. 21: Pt. 2, 222. 1897. 8. Waugh Plum Cult. 122, 123 fig. 1901.

Alderton 5. Dolphin 5. Dauphin 5. Denyer’s Victoria ?2, 5, 7. Empereur de Sharp 3, 6. Imperialde Sharp 5. Imperiale de Sharp 6. Prune Imperiale de Sharp 3. Queen Victoria ?2. Royal Dauphine 5. Sharp 8 incor. Sharp’s Emperor 1, 2 incor., 4, 5 incor. Sharp’s Emperor 3, 6, 8 incor. Sharpe’s Emperor 7. Sharps Kaiserpflaume 6. Victoria 5, 8 incor.

Sharp was briefly described in the London Horticultural Society catalog in 1831. Later, in 1845, A. J. Downing described the variety but thought it identical with the Victoria, as did other writers, as will be seen by referring to the Victoria. H. A. Pearson in the Journalof the Royal Horticultural Society, comparing these two sorts says, “Sharp’s Emperor is a second rate plum, resembling Victoria, in appearance, but very inferior in point of cropping and quality, a decided clingstone, often gumming at the stone, and ripening a fortnight later than its supposed synonym, not worthy of cultivation.” August Royer in the Annals de Pomologie Belge et Etrangere also separated the two varieties but describes them both as freestones. While there is a lack of uniformity in the descriptions yet the total evidence weighs in favor of two types which are very similar. The Victoria is probably the better plum of the two.

SHELDRAKE

Prunusdomestica

Although extremely vigorous and productive this variety is so inferior in quality as to be of doubtful value. Sheldrake originated as a chance seedling on the shore of Cayuga Lake near the town of Sheldrake, New York. It was discovered and propagated by J. T.

Hunt of Kendaia, New York, and has been under test at the Geneva Station since 1895.

Tree large, vigorous, round-topped, productive; branchlets thick, with long internodes, pubescent; leaves drooping, somewhat flattened, oval, nearly two and one-half inches wide, four and one-quarter inches long; margin serrate with few, small, dark glands; petiole pubescent, tinged red, thick, glandless or with from one to four rather large glands usually at the base of the leaf; blooming season intermediate in time, short; flowers appearing after the leaves, nearly one and one-quarter inches across; borne singly or in pairs.

Fruit rather early; one and one-half inches by one and three-eighths inches in size, roundish-oblong; cavity very deep, abrupt; color purplishblack, overspread with thick bloom; dots conspicuous; stem thickly pubescent; skin thin, tender, slightly acid; flesh yellow, tender, sweet next the skin, but sour near the center, inferior in flavor; poor in quality; stone dark-colored, semi-clinging, one inch by three-quarters inch in size, broadly ovate or irregularly oval, flattened, with roughened and granular surfaces; ventral suture prominent, blunt.

SHIPPER

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