A long-lasting refuge: The resilience of rural Khmer dwellings, in Cambodia

William Field

History and Theory Studies | 2020

A long-lasting refuge: the resilience of rural Khmer dwellings, in Cambodia

(Fig. i)

Abstract - A trip breeds curiosity 1 D. Evans and others, “A Comprehensive Archaeological Map of The World’s Largest Preindustrial Settlement Complex at Angkor, Cambodia”, Proceedings of The National Academy of Sciences, 104.36 (2007), 14277-14282 <https://doi.org/10.1073/ pnas.0702525104>.

During a trip to the Siem Reap province of Cambodia in 2018, I ventured on a tour around the esteemed UNESCO heritage site, The Temples of Angkor, as part of a greater trip around South East Asia. The site comprises some of the most ancient wonders of the world, providing a network of temples spread over an area of nearly 1000 square kilometres, constituting, “the most extensive urban complex of the preindustrial world.” 1 Serving as a mecca for those lusting after the chance to experience the structures of an ancient civilisation.

Towards the fringes of the vast site, are situated a number of temples with a marginally reduced footfall, thanks to their isolation. Far too great a distance to travel by foot, I was able to access these, as a passenger in the back of a guided minivan. Each journey commenced from the heart of Krong Siem Reap, the region’s principal city, which lies adjacent to the most famous of archaeological sites, such as Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom.

Coincidentally, the string of journeys accessing the more remote sites, provided a perfect outlook from which one could compare the architectural legacies of kings from an ancient civilization, to that of the everyday Cambodian dwelling. Passing through numerous rural communities, I encountered the repeated reincarnation of humble, traditional Khmer dwellings. As a consequence, I grew steadily more interested in the fabrication and materiality of each vernacular structure that passed the car window, the personal significance of each began to match that of the crumbling relics of the many temples. In this paper, I question, how such a recognisable vernacular has developed, and as a consequence, how these rural Khmer dwellings remain so resistant to change. Firstly, discussing the typical traditional Khmer dwelling, its form, setting and architectural features and then subsequently unpicking its qualities of resilience in relation to the Cambodia’s historical, cultural and political context.

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Abstract

(Left) Intricate Central Tower carvings on Banteay Srei Temple Author’s Own, Siem Reap, 2018.

(Below) Rural Cambodian Settlement seen in transit Author’s Own, Siem Reap, 2018.

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Introduction - A typical rural Khmer dwelling 2 “Cultural Life in Cambodia”, Frommers.

Com <https://www. frommers.com/ destinations/cambodia/indepth/cultural-life>.

3 François Tainturier, Wooden Architecture of Cambodia (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Centre for Khmer Studies, 2006), p.30.

The typical rural Khmer dwelling sits at the centre of a rectangular plot, lined with a border of green tropical vegetation: The leaves of Laingchey, Mango, Banana and Coconut Palm, shade its interior. The houses themselves are of two-stories, raised from the ground on evenly spaced timber stilts which stretch up to eaves-level. An external void remains at ground level, with a floor-to-ceiling height of some two to three metres, lying beneath a raised and enclosed living space.

Traditional houses, “vary in size, measured by the number of vertical posts used in their construction,” 2 however, in-plan they generally range from four by six metres (24m2) to six by ten metres (60m2). (See Fig. iv) Much like other South East Asian countries, the materials which constitute the external cladding of the buildings differ according to each household’s financial means. The supporting structural grid beneath, however, remains universal; constituting the base from which all Cambodian building archetypes have developed. Roof shape and materiality often reflects the inhabitant’s economic constraints: Wealthier families shelter their dwellings with a combination roof, the upper portion of which constitutes two Dutch gables, hung with clay tiles. Less privileged families utilise thatched leaves of dry coconut palms, or corrugated sheet metal to top a more basic gable-ended structure.

The correlation between affluence and materiality is also inherent in the walls of Khmer dwellings, François Tainturier, clarifies, “Depending on the family’s wealth, walls were either made of wooden panelling or bamboo wickerwork.” 3 (See Images p. 5) The walls of simple farm workers’ houses have the appearance of brilliantly textured wiry hair, fabricated with woven sections of palm-leaf-matting. This cladding is pinned directly to its timber frame, laid like weatherboarding and battened down with a grid of bamboo struts. In the case of building projects, where the money runs out before completion,

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Introduction

a

b

d

a.

Kitchen - Annexed area to the rear of the dwelling, sometimes totally detached.

c

e

f

b.

Daughters’ sleeping area - The furthest point from the dwelling entrance for security and privacy. c.

Sons’ sleeping area (if allocated) - Segregated from the daughters’, in smaller dwellings, the sons sleep in the main reception/living space. d.

Mothers’ sleeping areaSeparate from the fathers’ sleeping area. e.

Reception Area/Living Space - Main area central to the living space, to receive guests. Also often features a small shrine to its inhabitants deity. f.

Fathers’ sleeping area

Furniture storage threshold - The furniture for each family member occupies the space between this line and the external wall.

Typical Khmer dwelling layout (single living space)_(Fig. ii) (Approx. Scale: 1-100)

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(Right) Dwelling with tiled roof, window and door joinery. Home to a Khmer family with greater wealth - Nina Karnikowski, Rural House, Angkor Ban, 2017.

(Below) Dwelling with palm thatch and cladding. Home to a rice farming family - Brian Hoffman, Cambodian House And Sugar Cane Field, 2012.

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(Above) Small Rural Dwelling with timber weatherboarding - Brian Hoffman, Cambodian House With Palm Leaves, 2012.

(Left) Rural collection of farm buildings, different cladding materiality, same base structure Brian Hoffman, Rural Cambodian Farm Houses, 2017.

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4 “Cambodia Tradition & Culture”, Angkorfocus.

Com <https://angkorfocus. com/cambodiainformation/cambodiatradition-culture.html>.

5 “Cultural Life in Cambodia”, Frommers.

Com <https://www. frommers.com/ destinations/cambodia/indepth/cultural-life>.

the vertical structure remains bare, bar the sleeping areas, until funds are sufficient for completion.

The enclosed accommodation at first floor level is accessed via timber steps, ladders or a long approach ramp constructed of timber planks. Regardless of the wealth of the household, Khmer dwellings typically constitute three main living areas: a reception and living space (where the sons of the household sleep), segregated sleeping areas for both parents and another area to the rear of the enclosed accommodation for the household’s unmarried daughters. 4 In wealthy families, these zones are separated by woven bamboo screens, positioned to give privacy from the area where guests are received. However, the majority of Cambodians live communally in one large room, “… with a very different concept of privacy than is customary for families in the West.” 5 In this arrangement, the furniture of the household is placed around the perimeter of the space, the belongings of each family member located and stored adjacent to their assigned sleeping area.

In parallel with the layout of dwellings, Khmer households are also accustomed to use and designate different external areas within their plot’s curtilage in a common way. (See Fig. ii) The house is built on the plot’s highest point, promoting drainage away from the dwelling. The void beneath the house, therefore, remains the driest external point on the plot and provides an area for the storage of building materials and often the household’s mode of transport: a motorbike. The household’s kitchen and cooking area is often situated as an annex to the property. Located as a raised, lean-to, a number of steps down from the main living area, at the rear of the house, or indeed as a separated hut. A latrine is also dug at the furthest point from the house towards the rear of the property, shielded for privacy by an additional simple outbuilding.

The remaining external ground floor area of the plot is where the majority of daily life takes place. The bare patch of vivid red and ochre soil to the front of the plot provides the primary working area; the threshing and drying of harvested rice, is carried out here, alongside all manner of maintenance jobs. The space to rear of the property provides the plot’s primary storage area for additional building materials as well as for crops.

Simple pens are also constructed here for livestock, in the case of families rearing pigs, a small sheltered hut is constructed to the extreme rear of the site, away from the house.

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Introduction

a.

Paddy fields Communally worked fields to the rear of the settlement properties.

a

b.

Latrine hut - Furthest point from the dwelling.

b

c.

Secondary working area - Main storage area for spare materials.

c

d.

Kitchen hut/lean-to - Mostly situated to the back of the house.

d

e.

Ground level sheltered area - Below the stilted hut, for storage and living space out of the sun.

e

f

f.

Allocated space for family expansion Adjacent dwellings are built in the same or neighbouring plots. g.

Primary working area h.

Water channel - Natural trough for watering family livestock.

g

i.

Main road - Connecting the village to the nearest Kampong.

h Plot Boundary Line

i Activity Zones

Typical Khmer plot layout_(Fig. iii) (Approx. Scale: 1-200)

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a.

Corrugated metal roofing - Many houses are also roofed with rice-palm leaves.

a

b.

Timber rafters and purlins - Traditional joinery used, housed within the houses columns.

b c.

Bamboo battens Securing the palm leaf matting securely down.

c

d.

Loose palm section - Covering window opening.

d e

e.

Palm-leaf matting Fastened directly to timber structure below.

f g

f.

Timber columns

h

g.

Timber bearers and floor joists - This supports simple slatted wooden floor boards. h.

Hewn stone footings - Positioned on piled foundations.

Typical Khmer Dwelling Build-Up_(Fig. iv) (Approx. Scale: 1-150)

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(Top Left) A typical housed junction between floor joist, bearer and column Cam42, Joists, 2006.

(Above Right) A sequence of stilted additions to dwelling Brian Hoffman, Rural Cambodian House, 2012.

(Bottom Left) ‘Wiry Hair’ palm-matting Cam42, Thatched Wall Cladding - Traditional Khmer House In Cambodia, 2006.

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6 David P. Chandler, A History of Cambodia, 4th edn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2009), p. 145-147.

David P. Chandler is an academic and historian, renowned as being one of the foremost authorities on modern Cambodia. In his book, A History of Cambodia, Chandler discusses traditional societal structures and the formation of communities; describing three types of traditional Khmer settlement. 6 The first, is the ‘Kampong’ (Malay for Landing-Place), which formed most of the country’s principle towns. Kampong are located on the banks of major navigable bodies of water, initially formed as small ports for fishermen. These ports then expanded, becoming a base for the trade of rice and produce, as communities in the surrounding catchment were able to transport a portion of their own harvested crop to other parts of the country. The second form of settlement developed as rice growing villages, enclosing the Kampong in a “broken arc”. The Khmer settlements of ricegrowing communities, to this day, spread along principal roads which formed as artillery routes, which stem from nearest Kampong. The final form of settlements are the villages found in the ‘prei’ (Wilderness), which made up the vast majority of communities during the Nineteenth Century and earlier. Prei villages are typically located in native forested areas. Their population gaining a livelihood through the exploitation of the abundant surrounding natural resource; the harvested lumber a valuable commodity for trade in Kampong commerce.

In Siem Reap province, settlements are primarily that of rice growing villages, capitalising on the fertile flood plains of the Tonle Sap, as an area to cultivate their crops. Their long rectangular plots are aligned side-by-side, fronting on to a main street. A water channel often divides the row of plots from the road, providing a natural trough for the Khmer to water their livestock. Due to the tropical climate, these also provide an environment for water lilies to flourish. In smaller settlements, Khmer plots back directly onto the paddy fields, which are farmed collectively as a community. (See Fig. ii)

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B

B A

A

i.

Elevation A.A Doorway often left as a void, in poorer households.

i.

Elevation B.B - Pitched, gable-end form with a slip-roof to the rear.

Typical Khmer Dwelling Section and Side Elevation_(Fig. v) (Approx. Scale: 1-130)

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Ancient Angkor - Surving timber craft & culture 7 Helen Ibbitson-Jessup, Art and Architecture of Cambodia (London: Thames & Hudson, 2004), p.193.

8 François Tainturier, Wooden Architecture of Cambodia (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Centre for Khmer Studies, 2006), p.vi.

9 David P. Chandler, A History of Cambodia, 4th edn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2009), p.72.

When visiting Siem Reap, it is easy to overlook the domestic architecture of the everyday, as it finds itself in the relative shadow of the UNESCO site. The modest examples of rural Cambodian vernacular form the antithesis of the heavy and grandiose stone temples of Angkor, for which the country is famous. Helen Ibbitson-Jessup discusses this in her book, The Art and Architecture of Cambodia: “Angkor has so dominated perceptions of Cambodia that the events and creations falling outside the time and style it encompasses have tended to lack attention.” 7 However, it is fundamental to mention that the timber structures which constitute townships in between the temples are, in fact, architectural descendants of buildings of the same era. Bas-reliefs featured in the stone walls of the ancient temples depict engraved representations of wooden architecture; “In minute detail, the master carvers of the Angkorian times had fixed forever in sandstone these perishable but ubiquitous architectural structures that would evolve little over time.” 8 (See Images p. 16) “Bas-reliefs on the Bayon show us that their tools, clothing, and houses changed little between Angkorian times and the period of the French protectorate. The bas-reliefs also depict their domestic animals, games, and marketing and clowns, shamans, ascetics, and peddlers.” 9

An initial suggestion for the resilience of the rural Khmer dwelling, is that Cambodia’s socio-cultural traditions have remained relatively unchanged between Angkorian times, up to the present: A large proportion of rural Cambodians, remain occupied as subsistent rice farmers. From the little knowledge we have of the daily lives of ancient Cambodians, it has been possible to determine that their diets and shelters were likely to have been very similar to that of the country today. Chandler references very early Chinese records made in the first few centuries of the ‘Christian Era’. They describe the kingdom of Funan (Cambodia), vividly:

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“The houses are covered with leaves of a plant which grows on the edge of the sea. These leaves are six to seven feet long and take the form of a fish… For living, they cultivate the soil; they sow one year, and reap for three [rice crops] …” 10

10 David P. Chandler, A History of Cambodia, 4th edn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2009), p. 32.

The construction of rural Khmer dwellings closely reflects the way in which their inhabitants live. The functional layout and spatial designations of their plots, as well as the utilisation of rice leaves in cladding and thatching post-harvest, provide two examples of this. As Khmer diets and daily agricultural practices have remained unchanged for centuries, so too could the dwellings within which they reside.

11 “Religions in Cambodia”, Globalreligiousfutures.

Org, 2020 <http://www.

An important transformation within Cambodia’s ‘Middle Period’ saw a shift in Khmer culture and society which in some part, led to the decline of the Angkor civilisation. This was the mass conversion of the population to Theravada Buddhism, which to this day, accounts for practically the entirety of the country’s religious landscape (at 96.8% of the population). 11 Even with this transformation, folk religion, remains embedded in Cambodian cultural heritage. The Khmer Loeu, for example, represent a small remainder of the population which continue to practice as their ancient ancestors did. This ethnic group is formed from a collection of indigenous tribes residing in the remote prei settlements of the Cambodian highlands, primarily along the country’s Northern border with Thailand. A satellite enclave also inhabits the Phnom Kulen mountain range, lying just north of Siem Reap; stone was excavated from the ancient quarry here, to build the temples of Angkor. The Khmer Loeu practice an animist form of religion, “attributing life, soul, or spirit to inanimate objects,” 12 in their immediate natural environment. Their daily lives are accompanied by invisible spirits called Yang, which are present in the earth, rocks, trees and water, everything which constitutes their surroundings.

The Khmer have great respect for the natural objects which make up their environment and traditional construction practices in turn reflect this ethos.

globalreligiousfutures.org/ countries/cambodia#/ ?affiliations_religion_ id=0&affiliations_ year=2020&region name=All%20 Countries&restrictions_ year=2016>.

12 Bron Taylor, “Animism”, Encyclopaedia Of Religion and Nature (London & New York: Continuum, 2005).

13 David Adams Leeming, The Oxford Illustrated Companion to World Mythology (New York: Tess Press, 2008).

The projection of spirits and sacred importance of Khmer architectural elements is testament to the importance of the physical dwellings in Cambodian life. A community’s wellbeing and future prosperity is often dependent upon adhering to tradition and ritual when building their community. Dr Ang Choulean, a celebrated Cambodian artist and anthropologist, examines the presence of symbiosis which is rich within

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(Right) Timber Khmer shelters of the 12th Century - Robyn Lines Š, Wall Carving Art Scene, Bayon Temple, Siem Reap, 2015.

(Below) Traditional rural Khmer dwelling of today - Leszek Stefaniuk Š, Cambodian Rural House, 2014.

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Khmer society: Regarding the wealth of historical influences from a succession of different ancient cultures as well as the sympathetic relationship between Cambodians and the earth which surrounds them.

In his monograph, People and Earth, Choulean pays attention to Neak Ta shrines (See Image p.19) which are omnipresent across rural Cambodia; a very basic form of structure bridging the gap between the Khmer built environment and their spiritual beliefs. Neak Ta are, “earth spirits who watch over people, places, and things, as long as they are paid proper respect.” 13 The shrines and small huts within which they are housed, are erected to connect the human population of rural towns, with that of the supernatural. They offer a key example of how the Khmer value their surrounding environment. In the case of the Neak Ta huts, Choulean writes, “the buildings share one fate as they are interconnected through the system.” 14 The buildings themselves become part of the ground upon which rural communities grow. For Cambodian farmers, making up just short of 40% of the country’s workforce 15 (and contributing 22% of Cambodia’s GDP 16), the role that the soil itself plays in their livelihoods is substantial. Choulean continues, “a simple stone [Neak Ta] can stand for the space of communal activity, that is their houses, the fields, and the nearby forest where wood is gathered, collected into a single sign.” The spiritual and communal belief system, revolving around their natural environment provides a base upon which a community can be forged.

14 Ang Choulea, People and Earth (Phnom Penh: Reyum Gallery, 2000).

15 “Cambodia Agricultural Sector”, Export.Gov, 2019 <https://www.export.gov/ article?id=CambodiaAgricultural-Sector>.

16 World Bank Group, Cambodia Economic Update (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: World Bank Group, 2019).

As François Tainturier suggests, wooden construction remains an essential feature of Khmer architecture and cultural heritage, embodying many spirts of the supernatural world.

Traditional construction within each Khmer plot of land comprises religious ritual in strong community-centric rural villages. When founding a new settlement, the Khmer tradition specifies a staged intervention into the plot. A delineated plot boundary is determined by the headman of a family or clan, the erection of a small hut, called a khtòm, follows shortly.

This is placed just outside the bounds of the plot and situated directly adjacent to the area’s tallest tree; its purpose, is to encourage the spirts inhabiting the trees surrounding the plot aimed for felling, to relocate and find refuge in the newly built shrine. Cambodian tradition then stipulates the importance of building a physical wall around the perimeter of the plot. In addition to forming a visual ‘edge’, indicating the plot boundary,

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17 François Tainturier, Wooden Architecture of Cambodia (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Centre for Khmer Studies, 2006), p.16.

the wall provides a symbolic protection against intruding evil spirits.

The construction of Khmer dwellings themselves, adheres to a similar step-by-step process. Solely utilising the straightest, tallest trees, without knots, sourced from the surrounding forest, the ‘planting’ of the building’s structural posts takes precedent. Forming an integral element of any Khmer dwelling’s framework, the trees felled, are done so during the dry season.

“Like monks or species of the vegetable kingdom, trees ‘follow’ the annual retreat of the rainy season,’ [which, the indigenous call] the vassā, cutting them over that period was not seen as auspicious.” 17

Jacques Népote, referenced by Tainturier, discusses Khmer custom to anthropomorphise elements of their own dwellings.

Important structurally and indeed symbolically for each dwelling, the central column is named the Mé Sâsâr or ‘Chest Column’ hosting the ancestral male guardian protecting the inhabitants, whilst the houses’ ridge beam (Mé Dâmbaul) manifested the female guardian of the house, warding off any evil spirits which may have penetrated the peripheral boundary walls.

The importance of spiritualism within the construction of Khmer dwellings, constitutes a second factor in securing the resilience of the vernacular form. For all Cambodians, Buddhists and indigenous groups alike, the importance and sensitivity of building with respect to the surroundings of the house, could encourage Cambodians to continue constructing as their forebears did. The fact that spirts themselves inhabit the structural framework of many rural dwellings, could also play a factor in the continual re-incarnation of similar structures. A culture, so attentive towards the supernatural, would do everything in their power to shelter benevolent spirts and in turn, receive protection. An architectural form used for centuries could therefore, provided a tried and tested design solution.

A particularly admirable quality of the traditional Khmer vernacular, much the same as other ancient indigenous styles, is the fact that the form and aesthetic of each dwelling is a direct translation of the surrounding available materials. In addition to the pragmatics of fabrication, this is undeniably an element

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(Left) Neak Ta Hut in a prei settlement - Keith Kelly Š, Spirit House For The Domray Choan Bunong Village, 2009.

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18 Hok Sokol, “Sacred and Profane Wooden Architecture”, in Wooden Architecture of Cambodia (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Center for Khmer Studies, 2006), p. 42.

19 Russell R Ross, Cambodia (Washington, D.C.: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1987).

20 Kumiko Tsujimoto et al, “Diurnal Pattern of Rainfall In Cambodia: Its Regional Characteristics And Local Circulation”, Progress In Earth And Planetary Science, 5.1 (2018) <https://doi. org/10.1186/s40645-0180192-7>.

21 Jeffrey Hays, “TONLE SAP | Facts and Details”, Factsanddetails.

Com, 2008 <http:// factsanddetails.com/ southeast-asia/Cambodia/ sub5_2f/entry-3506.html>.

linked to the importance of the inclusion of their own natural setting. It is true to say that most Khmer dwellings also reflect the immediate climatic environment of where they are located – their form and design detailing the result of an efficient use of local materials – honed over an irreducible period of time.

The stilt elements of rural Khmer dwellings, specifically, provide examples of where the vernacular holds both spiritual importance, as well as a highly pragmatic function.

Hok Sokol, writes:

“For both sacred and domestic Khmer architecture, houses built on stilts and raised religious buildings are constructed symbolically above ground level, resonating with natural peaks and cosmic Mount Meru. Further advantages include security from seasonal flooding.” 18

Hok Sokol highlights a correlation between the aspiration of Khmer families to ascend and connect with their religion (highly spiritual), and an equally important requirement to avoid flooding during monsoon season (highly practical). As Russell Ross explains in his detailed country Study, Cambodia experiences a tropical wet and dry climate, much like that of the rest of South East Asia, marked with distinct seasonal differences. 19 The rainy season stretches from May through to early October, bringing a vast amount of precipitation. At the height of the summer monsoon season, the country receives nearly 50-78% of its annual rainfall: 20 Causing the water channels skirting the road edges of rice-growing villages and their neighbouring flooded paddy fields, to overflow their banks and submerge the plots of many residents.

More extreme water level changes are experienced in the southern part of the Siem Reap province, which borders the northern most edge of the Tonlé Sap (commonly translated as the ‘Great Lake’): Cambodia’s primary source of crop irrigation.

The Great Lake sits at a mid-point along the Mekong River’s course and experiences a sizeable expansion, during wet season: Monsoonal rains combine with melt water from the Himalayas causing the Tonlé Sap to expand to more than six or seven times its normal size. 21 The lake water’s edge licks inland, merging with rising water channels caused by localised rainfall compounding the flooding. The stilted design of traditional Khmer dwellings protects against this.

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The lakeside town of Kampong Phluk, sits at the epicentre of this seasonal shift and demonstrates how the Khmer community have altered their own vernacular to live in tandem with their country’s climate. When visiting the village mid-way through dry season (December to April), one is presented with an almost comical spectacle: A series of Khmer dwellings, schools, shops and even temples elevated above the ground by some ten metres. The stilted structures of traditional Cambodian houses in this settlement, are pushed to the extreme, extruded in some cases, to three times the height of regular rural dwellings.

Navigating the narrow waterway, which snakes its way through the village, from the vantage point of a deafeningly loud longtailed boat, one gains an abstract viewpoint of Kampong Phluk’s ‘under-belly’. (See Image p.19) In the place of rectangular plots lined with vegetation, the town’s dwellings sit in a forestlike collection of tall piled stilts, topped with gabled huts of corrugated iron and bamboo wickerwork, painted in a broad collection of greens, reds and blues.

22 Ian Brown, Cambodia (Oxford: Oxfam, 2000), p.11-12.

Much like the road-side houses of rural rice growing villages located further inland from the Tonlé Sap, Kampong Phluk’s residents utilise the standard grid of vertical columns and apply a modification which echoes the monumental change in the water level of the neighbouring lake: A rise of up to nine metres in some areas. Thus, harnessing a direct translation of its surrounding environment into its architectural form. In his country profile, Cambodia, Ian Brown writes: “Like history, land and climate have helped to shape the Cambodian people and their way of life. Two annual monsoons set the rhythm of rural life, based on rice farming and fishing.” 22 The architecture of the Cambodian nation emanates from a requirement to work with climatic cycles, upon which its rural population are particularly reliant for their livelihoods.

The raised accommodation of rural Khmer dwellings also provides sanctuary for their inhabitants during the high temperatures of the dry season. The house acts as a ‘solar umbrella’. The void at ground level beneath the enclosed accommodation, provides shade and ample space for daily work away from the direct rays of the sun. Cambodia’s tropical climate means that there is a constant year-round temperature, of 25-28°C. At the end of the dry season, however, parts of the country experience temperatures of 38°C or above, making shade a prerequisite.

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(Above) The ‘underbelly’ of the stilted village of Kampong Phluk - Author’s Own, Siem Reap, 2018.

(Right) Hand crafted palm-leaf matting Cam42, Palm Thatch Wall Cladding, 2006.

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In addition to shade, the dwelling’s floating form promotes natural ventilation. Due to the high humidity, average internal and external temperatures either side of dwelling walls vary little. The vernacular’s large roof reflects the majority of the sun’s solar radiation, whilst a pleasant internal environment is actually maintained through cross-ventilation: Gaps left at the junction between its walls and oversailing eaves, guide air through the upper portion of the enclosed accommodation, 23 clearing the hot air collecting in its rafters.

23 Hok Sokol, “Sacred and Profane Wooden Architecture”, in Wooden Architecture of Cambodia (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Center for Khmer Studies, 2006), p. 40.

The palm leaf matting, which clads the dwellings of poorer rice farming families, also provides a breathable membrane.

Produced from vegetation gathered from neighbouring fields, Khmer dwellings possess a hyper-local materiality, which stands as testament to the sustainability of traditional Cambodian building practices. These rural dwellings are fabricated from surrounding materials, utilising the appropriate construction methods. If the materials used and the techniques employed remain unchanged over the centuries, then arguably, so does the form of their resultant buildings.

The necessity for Cambodians to construct functional dwellings, which perform well in a testing climate, could suggest a third reason for the resilience of the vernacular: Their stilted and well-ventilated houses are fabricated with locally sourced materials, performing to the requirements of rural villagers. The rural Khmer dwelling acts as an efficient archetype, providing refuge from both the floods of the wet season and the high temperatures and humidity of the dry season. Climatically, the seasons and environment have varied little, since Angkorian times; it is therefore plausible to suggest that there has been little need to alter their traditional building practices.

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French Colonialism – cultural urbanisation and rural neglect 24 Joseph Freeman, “In Phnom Penh, Cambodia, The French Influence Lives On”, The Washington Post, 2014 <https://www. washingtonpost.com/ lifestyle/travel/in-phnompenh-cambodia-thefrench-influence-liveson/2014/01/23/8023 ea12-7eec-11e3-95564a4bf7bcbd84_story.html>.

25 David P. Chandler, “Cambodian History: Searching for The Truth”, Cambodiatribunal.

Org, 2009 <https:// www.cambodiatribunal. org/history/cambodianhistory/>.

26 John Pike, “1863 1953: French Colonial Rule”, Globalsecurity.

Org <https://www. globalsecurity.org/military/ world/cambodia/historyfrance.htm>.

24

Throughout the country’s middle period, Cambodia (circa 1450-1863) had to endure a bout of territorial advances from neighbouring Siam, along with numerous civil wars, rebellions, plus a prolonged Vietnamese protectorate, which had engulfed Cambodia and decimated its population. A particularly intense period of unsettlement during the Nineteenth Century, culminated in the establishment of a French Protectorate in 1863. Tired of defending Cambodia, both on its national borders and indeed against rebels, the Khmer King Norodom, “agreed to swap protection in exchange for trading rights.” 24 Unable to defend Cambodia with its own army, Norodom viewed the French offer, as dependable protectors against an impending invasion, like that of the preceding 50 years. However, as David Chandler states, the colonial “… protection over the next thirty years turned into extensive political and economic control,” 25 resulting in the marginalisation of native sovereignty. Much like many European colonial advances during the same period, France had an ulterior motive: “… they were seeking to expand French commercial interests in Southeast Asia, and believed that Cambodia, or more precisely the Mekong, was a gateway to China.”

The French colonial protectorate took authoritative power, reducing Cambodian royalty to mere figurehead roles, as Heads of State or Patrons to the Buddhist faith. Native French officials called Résidents, were subsequently appointed by the government in Paris, to hold the highest political positions.

John Pike writes, “even on the lower rungs of the bureaucracy, Cambodians found few opportunities because the colonial government preferred to hire Vietnamese.” 26 Chandler, alludes to the fact that that biggest inadequacy, of the protectorate was its failure to educate Cambodian people. This is in stark contrast to the education system that the French put in place in neighbouring Vietnam, as part of their Indochinese Federation (historically constituting the current nations of Laos, Cambodia

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French Colonialism

and Vietnam). The exclusion of the native population allowed the country fewer opportunities to develop and participate in politics, preparing Cambodia very poorly for independence in 1953.

The influx and employment of foreign nationals in combination with the lack of education that Cambodians received, created a gap between the ruling political class and ordinary Khmer people. The country was not able to develop in tandem with its colonial protectorate, and its population was compelled to continue their lives as agricultural peasants. The imposed jurisdiction, in turn, served to keep Cambodia’s working class very poor. The economic standing of the country served as a continuing constraint on architectural development and unlike other countries in the region, such as Laos and Myanmar, Cambodia had very little in the way of natural precious minerals and gems from which to create wealth.

27 David P. Chandler, A History of Cambodia, 4th edn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2009), p. 143.

28 Joseph Freeman, “In Phnom Penh, Cambodia, The French Influence Lives On”, The Washington Post, 2014.

In a similar way, Cambodia’s commerce and trade continued to be underdeveloped during the colonial occupation and to this day, the majority of its finished goods are imported from abroad. Chandler refers to the country’s past in discussing its current economic state: “Cambodia had a subsistence economy; most of its people spent most of their time growing rice, with men and women working side by side. Landholdings tended to be small (even high officials seldom had access to more than a few hectares), yields were low, and irrigation works, which might have increased production, were rare.” 27

Neglecting rural Cambodia, the French created major architectural developments in the country’s newly established capital, Phnom Penh, along with several other provincial towns. French colonial master-planning of city streets, in addition to a number of inner-city civic buildings such as the General Post Office, National Library and office buildings, remain as testament. (See Image p. 26) Joseph Freeman discusses the residual French Influence on the built fabric of the capital in an article for The Washington Post, maintaining, “Phnom Penh still retains a strong French feel.” 28 The growth in urbanisation during the colonial occupation, brought about increased migration of the native population from rural to urban areas, with people looking for alternative work to traditional rural Khmer occupations. It is plausible to suggest

A Long-Lasting Refuge

25

(Above) Rural riverside brovas dai construction project - Paul Oliver, Construction Of Riverside House, Khmer, Cambodia, 2007.

(Top Right) Communal effort in Rural Cambodia - Keith Kelly, Evictees From Borei Keila, 2012.

(Bottom Right) Post Colonial Remains in Phnom Penh - Justin Calderรณn, French Colonial Building In Phnom Penh, 2006.

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French Colonialism

that this resettlement meant left a more conservative section of the rural population in situ and these people continued to construct traditional Khmer dwellings.

The Khmer families who remained in a rural setting, continued to fabricate dwellings and work their crops, in a relationship which had been practiced for centuries, known as brovas dai.

29 In this scenario, an entire village will work collectively (in groups of perhaps 20 or 30 people), cooperating to sew and harvest a rice crop as well as constructing the community’s dwellings. Neighbours cooperate to build and farm, keeping track of labour hours and tasks knowing that the effort will be reciprocated later. 30 (See Images p. 26) Construction in this form, necessitates rural communities to build its houses, often without drawings, with fabrication techniques that are familiar.

The familiarity, in turn, could provide another rationale as to the resilience of the timber Khmer dwelling, providing a collectivised design handed from one neighbour to another.

A Long-Lasting Refuge

29 W. Nathan Green, “Remembering Lost Landscapes in Cambodia”, in Water and Power: Environmental Governance and Strategies for Sustainability in The Lower Mekong Basin (New York: Springer, 2018), p. 49-66.

30 “Cultural Life in Cambodia”, Frommers.

Com <https://www. frommers.com/ destinations/cambodia/indepth/cultural-life>.

27

The Khmer Rouge – a homogenous architecture for a classless population 31 Poppy McPherson, “Glimpses of Cambodia’s French Past”, The Diplomat, 2015 <https://thediplomat. com/2015/05/glimpses-ofcambodias-french-past/>.

32 David P. Chandler, “Reflections on Cambodian History”, Cultural Survival, 1990.

The French protectorate bred a great deal of unrest and anger, particularly in its later years. The reaction of Cambodia’s downtrodden population to this occupation, is not surprising and xenophobia took hold of many native Cambodians.

Following France’s eventual withdrawal, the inequalities that had materialised during their period in power, “helped pave the way for the Khmer Rouge [The Communist Party of Kampuchea or CPK] to take over in 1975 and use their Marxist ideology, imported from Paris, to slaughter a quarter of the population.” 31

Democratic Kampuchea (the state founded by the CPK), subsequently launched campaigns against large ethnic groups within the country, namely the Chinese-Cambodian race called the Cham and Cambodian Muslims. However, it was the Vietnamese population residing in Cambodia, which received the most brutal treatment. Scapegoated by the Khmer Rouge, the Vietnamese symbolised the small majority of individuals who benefited from the French colonial presence. In addition, the Siam race presented the reason for colonial protection being agreed in the first place. Throughout history, a notable difference has always existed, between the religious backgrounds of Cambodia and its immediate neighbours, Thailand and Vietnam. A divide which, David Chandler believes, indicated a remaining component of the three countries’ ‘cultural baggage’ which, “deeply influenced Cambodian political behaviour in the 1970s.” 32

Led by Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge enforced racial cleansing, as part of their wider communist ideology: aiming to restore Cambodia to the strength of its Angkorian past. Pol Pot and his immediate supporters were infatuated with the period of ‘greatness’, symbolised by The Kingdom of Angkor. An obsession, perhaps, which contributed to the continuity of rural Khmer architecture in Cambodia. The Khmer Rouge strove to reinstate Cambodia to ‘Year Zero’; instigating a symbolic restart

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The Khmer Rouge

(Top Left) Khmer Rouge propaganda magazine cover - DDR, Democratic Kampuchea Is Moving Forward, 1977.

(Above) Khmer couple in front of their traditional dwelling, taken during Cambodiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s communist occupation - Elizabeth Becker, 1978.

(Bottom Left) Democratic Kampuchea an Angkorian inspired agrarian republic Elizabeth Becker, 1978.

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29

33 Khamboly Dy, A History of Democratic Kampuchea (19751979) (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Documentation Center of Cambodia, 2007), referenced in “Khmer Rouge History”, Cambodiatribunal.

Org <https://www. cambodiatribunal.org/ history/cambodian-history/ khmer-rouge-history/>.

34 Abby Coomes et al, Racial Ideology and Implementation of The Khmer Rouge Genocide (Morehead, KY: Morehead State University) <https://scholarworks. moreheadstate.edu/ cgi/viewcontent. cgi?article=1011&context =student_scholarship _posters>.

35 Joseph Freeman, “In Phnom Penh, Cambodia, The French Influence Lives On”, The Washington Post, 2014 <https:// www.washingtonpost. com/lifestyle/travel/ in-phnom-penhcambodia-the-frenchinfluence-lives-on/2014/ 01/23/8023ea12-7eec11e3-9556-4a4bf7bcbd84_ story.html>.

30

from scratch. This political notion was labelled in imitation of the term, ‘Year One’ of the French revolution in the eighteenth century; announced at the country’s new beginning, following the abolition of its monarchy. In initiating ‘Year Zero’, the CPK began a programme to restore the country to an agrarian republic: “A rural, classless society in which there were no rich people, no poor people, and no exploitation.” 33 In reality, the communist action saw the forced relocation of, nearly two million people from Phnom Penh and other provincial cities into the countryside to undertake back-breaking agricultural work. (See Images p. 29)

The Khmer Rouge created a division between Cambodia’s rural and urban populations, categorising them as ‘New People’ (the urban and educated), and ‘Old People’ (rural farmers and industrial workers). This categorisation served as a better fit to their classless national model. 34 This genocidal regime caused one of the most horrific periods of human tragedy ever to occur in modern history:

“… A movement that targeted the educated classes, turned the country into a prison and eliminated markets and private property.” 35

Any sense of individualism was lost, as money, free markets, normal schooling, private property, foreign clothing styles, religious practices, and traditional Khmer culture were all abolished. Under the regime, the daily lives and practices of each and every Cambodian were replaced with a homogenous substitute.

Democratic Kampuchea forbade the hierarchical structures of traditional Khmer communities, which very likely had a severe impact on subsequent architectural detailing. Within the construction of traditional rural Cambodian dwellings, households were able to display their importance within the community, with unique carvings on the timber panelling. In addition, the hewn stone footings which support the dwellings’ stilts, contained decorations which further demonstrated this hierarchy. The quality of ornamentation on these footings, indicated the socio-cultural ranking of families within communities, which directly demonstrated their wealth and served as a lucky prediction of each family’s future wellbeing.

William Field

The Khmer Rouge

Under the strict rules imposed by the Khmer Rouge, it is possible to infer that dwellings constructed during this period, were obliged to forgo any decoration, in order to answer the requirement to be the humblest of peasant structures.

When considering the construction of traditional Khmer dwellings, it is also important to refer to the prominence of craftmanship and the transfer of this knowledge from one generation to the next. In his chapter featured in Wooden Architecture of Cambodia, Chhim Phet, discusses this passing on of knowledge:

“Arts and crafts dealing with traditional wooden architecture were infrequently detailed in old manuscripts but the majority of the time, they were transmitted orally. They all draw their origins in a syncretism that is specific to Khmer culture: a blend of very ancient animist beliefs, remains of Brahmanic religion, and Buddhist doctrine and a vision of the universe that is subject to fate.”

36 Chhim Phet, “Passing Knowledge onto Younger Generations: Portraits of Old Masters in Siem Reap Province”, in Wooden Architecture of Cambodia (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Center for Khmer Studies, 2006), p. 46.

37 Adi-Irfan Che-Ani, et al, “Assessing the Condition of Traditional Khmer Timber Houses in Cambodia: A Priority Ranking Approach”, Journal of Building Appraisal, 4 (2008), 87-102 <https://doi. org/10.1057/jba.2008.33>.

“Historically in Cambodia, this spread of knowledge has taken place orally, and it was tragically disrupted during the Khmer Rouge period, when those who were educated or knowledgeable in certain fields were killed. Additionally, the few written documents were often destroyed. Consequently, the elders now have the knowledge of traditions and customs, with few among younger generations willing to become their apprentices. Recollection of this oral culture is thus a matter of urgency.” 36 Phet refers to the seismic interruption caused by Pol Pot’s dictatorship, which severely jeopardised the transfer of craft skills from one generation to the next. With the elimination of educated citizens, and strict rules on communal gatherings, it is likely that the Khmer Rouge generation and their descendants, may not possess the required skills to recreate traditional Khmer dwellings. Rural Khmer dwellings have a relatively short lifespan of about 100-120 years; 37 Cambodia’s housing stock, therefore, needs more regular rebuilding than western archetypes. The inadequate knowledge transfer between generations, during Cambodia’s communist period, has meant subsequent generations have had to endeavour to gain the knowledge necessary to keep the country’s rural vernacular alive. The dwellings built since the fall of democratic Kampuchea, therefore stand as monuments to a people, resilient to the crimes committed in their own nation.

A Long-Lasting Refuge

31

Conclusion - constant factors in Cambodia shaping resilient domestic architecture 38 Khamboly Dy, A History of Democratic Kampuchea (19751979) (Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Documentation Center of Cambodia, 2007), referenced in “Khmer Rouge History”, Cambodiatribunal.

Org <https://www. cambodiatribunal.org/ history/cambodian-history/ khmer-rouge-history/>.

Surviving a tropical climate and turbulent political environment: What are the key factors, contributing to the resilience of rural Khmer dwellings?

Contrary to many other aspects of Khmer culture, Cambodia’s traditional dwelling remained resilient to change; even through Cambodia’s periods of political depredation, in the Nineteenth and Twentieth centuries. Notably, the rural dwelling endures, representing a familiar and efficient shelter within which its inhabitants find refuge. Cambodia’s human population, on the other hand, still feels the effects of both the French colonial protectorate and the crimes inflicted by the Khmer Rouge.

Dr Khamboly Dy, a native academic and key coordinator of Cambodia’s Genocide Education Project, writes of the current population’s mental health impacts, as a lasting effect of Democratic Kampuchea:

“A large proportion of the Cambodian people have mental problems because their family members were lost and their spirits damaged. These factors are some of the major causes of the poverty that plagues Cambodia today.” 38

Cambodia remains a relatively poor country and therefore, the development of an alternative architectural style is difficult, as the building material stock and construction methods remain virtually unchanged since the country’s Middle Period.

However, the country’s forests offer Cambodians a plentiful and inexpensive domestic building resource. Rural communities remain primarily as subsistent rice farmers or freshwater fisherman and these practices ensure that there continues to be an abundance of a cheap, if not free, cladding material, in the form of rice palm leaves.

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Conclusion

Their homes retain a very strong physical resemblance to those of their ancestors, reflecting programmatic requirements for the needs of the household. The rural Khmer dwelling, as a consequence, remains one of the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s most abundant forms of functional vernacular.

2

What is more, the cultural rituals and spirituality of the Khmer population, remain fairly unchanged, even surviving the upheaval caused by the Khmer Rouge. The presence of spirits in the dwellingsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; structure and communal consideration made for the invisible Yang during construction, provide a cultural resilience upon which the vernacular is based. The traditional Khmer dwelling caters for its inhabitants as a space to return to and reflect: a reference point of familiarity and comfort.

What can we learn from the environmental sensitivity and hyper-localisation of Khmer building practice?

The importance of the immediate environment which surrounds Khmer dwelling plots, embodies an aspirational quality of the rural vernacular. When considering construction in a contemporary and global context, architects should take heed of the power of this precedent.

As architects, the need to address the climate crisis, is becoming paramount. Through utilising local materials and considering simple passive solutions to internal spatial climatic conditions, the carbon footprint of the construction industry, as well as the energy used throughout a dwellingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lifetime, are massively reduced. Rural Khmer dwellings could act as a precedent for a resilient form architecture, produced using primarily sustainable methods of production and locally sourced materials.

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33

39 Phoonsab Thevongsa, “Climate Change and Its Impact on The Lao And Cambodian People”, Vientiane Times, 2012, p. 17 <https:// www.iucn.org/sites/dev/ files/import/downloads/ climate_change_and_ its_impacts_on_the_lao_ and_cambodian_people_ vientiane_times.pdf>.

How might climate change effect the resilience of the Khmer dwelling which is such a strong translation of the natural environment?

“As climate change intensifies, so do the threats to the environment and ecosystems because they are affected by variations in the weather such as temperature, rainfall and river flow. In recent years these have led to widespread flooding and drought, especially in the Mekong Basin countries.” 39

Phoonsab Thevongsa alludes to a global conversation, which is threatening the constancy of rural Khmer livelihoods and in some parts of the country, the viability of traditional residential architecture. As long as the climate remains stable Cambodia’s rural dwellings continue to successfully manifest as a direct translation of their environment: the stilted element of their structure is a prime example of this. However, the threats outlined by Thevongsa, could severely compromise the suitability of the traditionally built home as it becomes at odds, rather than in harmony with, its surroundings.

The ‘Floating Dwellings’ of Kampong Phluk represent a community which has altered the Cambodian vernacular beyond any other. Maintaining the structural arrangement of columns and the general internal layout of their ‘inland’ relatives, Kampong Phluk shows how far the rural Khmer vernacular can be stretched to adhere to its location. The rural Khmer dwelling archetype continually responds to its natural environment and stands testament to the resilience of the vernacular – as the climate alters – so will the houses of Cambodia.

34

William Field

Conclusion

(Above) Subsistence rice farming group - Kevin Evans Š, Cambodia - Working In The Rice Paddies, 2009.

(Left) Kompong Phluk, a Khmer solution to rising water levels - BestPrice Travel Š, The Local Life On Kampong Phluk.

A Long-Lasting Refuge

35

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37

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Image references Figure (i), A Long-Lasting Refuge (cover image), Author’s Own, 2020.

Figure (ii), Typical Khmer dwelling layout (single living space), Author’s Own, 2020.

Figure (iii), Typical Khmer Plot Layout, Author’s Own, 2020.

Figure (iv), Typical Khmer Dwelling Build-Up, Author’s Own, 2020.

Figure (v), Typical Khmer Dwelling Section and Side Elevation, Author’s Own, 2020.

Becker, Elizabeth, 1978 <https://www.washington.edu/ news/2019/03/07/uw-anthropologist-connects-communities-to-archive-of-khmer-rouge-era-cambodia/>

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Cam42, Palm Thatch Wall Cladding, 2006 <https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/ index.php?curid=8763724> [Accessed 14 April 2020] Cam42, Thatched Wall Cladding - Traditional Khmer House In Cambodia, 2006 <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rural_Khmer_house#/media/File:Cambo_575.jpg> DDR, Democratic Kampuchea Is Moving Forward, Magazine Cover, 1977 <https://cambodiatokampuchea.wordpress.com/author/emao2015/ page/2/>

Evans, Kevin, Cambodia - Working in The Rice Paddies, 2009 <https://www. flickr.com/photos/106853342@N04/10678730813>

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Image References

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Hoffman, Brian, Rural Cambodian Farm Houses, 2017 <https://www.flickr. com/photos/buzzhoffman/32220237060>

Hoffman, Brian, Rural Cambodian House, 2012 <https://www.flickr.com/photos/buzzhoffman/8270691315> Hoffman, Brian, Rural House - Cambodia, 2012 <https://www.flickr.com/photos/buzzhoffman/8184338427> Karnikowski, Nina, Rural House, Angkor Ban, 2017 <http://travelswithnina. com/folios/angkor-ban/>

Kelly, Keith, Evictees from Borei Keila, 2012 <https://www.flickr.com/photos/ keithkelly/7975584429/>

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Oliver, Paul, Khmer House Under Construction Self-Build in One Day, 2007

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