2016 facing race report by WCAN

FACING RACE LEGISLATIVE REPORT CARD 2016 WASHINGTON

Washington Community Action Network 1

CONTENTS 5 8 10 11 12 20 26 33 40 42 46 48 54 56 57

Introduction Methodology Data Limitations Report Findings Poverty & Economic Security Education & Youth Criminal Justice Healthy People & Environments Institutional Equity Budget Equity Revenue & Taxation Legislative Report Card Recommendations for 2016 Acknowledgements Endnotes

INTRODUCTION Racism, deeply embedded in our culture and society, distorts our values. Structures that systematically disadvantage communities of color are often taken for granted, even when they directly contradict our stated beliefs in justice and fairness. All Washington residents deserve the resources they need to care for themselves and their families. However, many people in this state, disproportionately people of color, are denied that opportunity. As Washington’s communities of color continue to grow, state legislators stand at a crossroads. Either they can allow inequity to fester, deepening the racial divide, or tackle the consequences of centuries of racism, creating shared prosperity to strengthen our state as a whole. It is often said that one’s character is best judged in trying times. In that spirit, racial justice organizations around Washington State began tracking the State Legislature’s impact on racial equity during the most chaotic and economically unstable time in recent history, the Great Recession. A coalition of more than 50 organizations from every corner of Washington State worked to identify the top legislative priorities impacting our communities and graded our representatives based on their work promoting legislation for racial equity. Perhaps unsurprisingly, we discovered that unprecedented budget shortfalls disproportionately burdened communities of color and legislators made little, if any, progress towards eliminating racial inequities. It might seem that we have entered a better chapter in our state’s economic history. Statewide, housing markets have stabilized, unemployment rates have fallen, and job growth outpaces most other places in the country. However, our state’s economic recovery

has not trickled down to communities of color. People of color still disproportionately live in poverty, with lower wages and higher rates of unemployment across the board. Furthermore, our Legislature has either failed to address or made very little progress in addressing a plethora of issues that specifically impact communities of color. In the last five years, the State Legislature has expanded mass incarceration and deepened the harm that the prison system inflicts on families and communities of color. While we applaud the passage of the Washington DREAM Act in 2014, little else was passed into law that begins to address the adversity that immigrants face. Washingtonians have noticed these failures. As a result, some of the greatest racial justice victories have been won in spite of the State Legislature. Whether through minimum wage increases passed through city government and ballot initiatives or the court-ordered mandate on how our state funds education, one message is clear: the State Legislature is not addressing racial inequities fast enough. Addressing racial inequity is not only important for how we judge the character of our state, but is a vital component of how we grow and ensure prosperity for all Washingtonians. This Facing Race Report Card represents the racial equity agenda of the more 50 organization statewide. Through our work on this report and in our communities, we call on legislators in Washington to be champions for racial equity.

Race Matters in Washington People of color make up a rapidly increasing proportion of Washington. At the turn of the 21st century, onefifth of the state’s population was a person of color (see Figure 1)1. Since 2010, communities of color have grown faster than white communities in Washington2. Up from 26.2% in 2010, people of color in 2014 made up 29.6% of the state’s 7 million residents3. Washington communities of color are, on average, much younger than white communities: 11.9% of Washingtonians over age 65 are people of color, compared to 39.3% of Washingtonians under 184. In Yakima and Adams counties, white people are already less than fifty percent of the population5. Demographers predict that both the Seattle Metro Area6 and Washington State overall7 will be majorityminority by 2050. Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, Latinos, and multiracial individuals are the fastest growing racial groups in the state8. Asian and Pacific Islanders increased from 5.5% of Washington’s population in 2000 to 7.7% of the state in 20139. The Latino population saw similar growth, from 7.5% in 2000 to 11.9% in 2013.

Washington ranks among the top ten states with the largest number of residents with Limited English Proficiency16. As of 2014, about 1 in 5 Washingtonians speak a language other than English at home17. Among the foreign-born population in Washington, 46.3% have Limited English Proficiency18. Spanish is the most common language, spoken by 57% of foreign-born immigrants, followed by Chinese (8%), Vietnamese (7%), Russian (6%), Korean (6%), and Tagalog (6%)19.

Persistent and Growing Racial Disparities Washington policymakers must take these demographic changes to heart and embrace the increasingly important role that people of color play in Washington. Legislators need to recognize and address the significant and persistent racial disparities in income, health care, education, and criminal justice in the state. For example:

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Washington is known as a ‘new growth state’ for its flourishing immigrant population10. Between 2000 and 2013, the number of immigrants in Washington State increased by 48%, compared to just 30% in the U.S. overall. By 2013, about 1 in 7 residents of the state (13.5%) were foreign-born11. More than 1 in 4 young adults, ages 16 to 26, are either immigrants or children of immigrant parents12. The foreign-born population in Washington encompasses great diversity in place of origin, language, socioeconomic status, and immigration and refugee status. Forty-one percent of immigrants in Washington are from Asia, followed by 30.5% from Latin America, 16.2% from Europe, and 5.9% from Africa13. In 2014, less than 1%, or 2,483 people, were officially recognized refugees, including 704 people from Iraq, 534 from Somalia, and 334 from Burma14. Many more were economic refugees, fleeing conditions of poverty in their home countries. In 2012, undocumented immigrants comprised an estimated 3.3% of the state’s population15.

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People of color are more likely to make less money than whites in Washington: African Americans have the lowest median household income in Washington, earning $41,325 on average. American Indians are not far behind at $41,693, Latinos at $42,320, and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders at $54,438, compared to whites at $62,10120. Cambodians and Laotians have the lowest median household income in the Seattle Metro Area, earning $18,548 and $19,239, respectively21. People of color in Washington are more likely to be paid minimum wage22, more likely to be victims of wage theft23, and less likely to receive benefits, like paid sick leave and health insurance24. People of color in Washington are more likely than white people to live in poverty: in 2013, 27% of African Americans, 27% of Latinos, and 26% of American Indians, 26% of Indonesians, 21% of Native Hawaiians, and 19% of Vietnamese, were in poverty, compared to just 12% of whites25,26. As a result, people of color are more affected by cuts to safety nets like statefunded food assistance and TANF27, more likely to be homeless28, and more likely to suffer the penalties for poverty-related offenses29.

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Children of color are more likely to experience poverty and hunger than white children: 35% of American Indian children, 35% of Latino children, 34% of Black children, and 15% of Asian and Pacific Islander children live in families who make incomes below the federal poverty line, compared to 13% of white children30. The proportion of children in poverty in Washington has steadily increased over the last ten years31. Unemployment in Washington is highest among communities of color: 13.8% of African Americans and 9.0% of Latinos were unemployed and actively seeking work in 2014, compared to 5.6% of whites32. In the Seattle Metro Area, 9% of Asian Americans are unemployed33. Although more recent unemployment statistics for native groups are not available, in 2013, American Indians, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders had the highest rates of unemployment of any group, at 16.9%34. People of color are more likely than whites to be uninsured: American Indians and Latinos are, by far, the most uninsured populations in the state. American Indians are 2.5 times as likely as whites to lack health insurance; Latinos are 3 times as likely as whites to be uninsured35. In the Seattle Metro Area, 19% of Koreans, 17% of Vietnamese and Cambodians, and 16% of Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders were uninsured, compared to 12% of white residents36. This contributes to significant racial disparities in health outcomes. For example, mortality rates among American Indian,

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Alaska Native, Asian, and Pacific Islander women in Washington have been steadily increasing since 1998, while the death rates for most other groups are declining37. Poor air quality and environmental hazards in communities of color contribute to public health disparities: For example, due in large part to poor air quality in neighborhoods of color, African Americans are three times more likely than white children to be hospitalized for or die from an asthma attack, and one-quarter of all American Indian households have at least one child with asthma38. Students of color experience more barriers to educational opportunity than white students: In 2014, students of color and immigrant students in Washington were more than twice as likely as their white peers to drop out of high school39. Although the statewide dropout rate improved between 2011 and 2014, from 13% to 12.3%, the dropout rate among American Indian students got worse over the same time period, increasing from 25.5% to 26.6%40. The criminal justice system disproportionately impacts people of color: Even after accounting for the type of crime and previous criminal history, people of color in Washington are more likely than whites to be searched when stopped by police, convicted, denied bail, and incarcerated41. African American defendants receive longer sentences, and Latinos, significantly greater Legal Financial Obligations (LFOs), than similarly situated whites42.

People of color make up a growing proportion of Washington

21%

24%

26%

28%

30%

2000

2007

2010

2013

2014

Figure 1. People of color make up an exponentially growing share of Washington’s population, and are projected to reach 50% of the state population by 2050.

METHODOLOGY This report examines 34 bills from the 2015 Regular and Special Sessions that have the most direct impact on racial equity. While these bills affect all Washingtonians, they have a particular impact on disparities between white residents and people of color. This report evaluates legislators’ leadership and votes on these bills. Legislation is analyzed for both positive and negative effects, and each bill meets at least one of the following criteria:

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Explicitly addresses racial outcomes and reduces racial inequities;

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Increases access to public benefits and institutions for communities of color;

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Advances enfranchisement and full civic participation for everyone in the state;

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Protects against racial violence, racial profiling, and discrimination;

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Exacerbates existing racial inequities, or has unintended consequences for communities of color.

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Each legislator has been given a letter grade based on their voting record and leadership in authoring legislation that promotes racial equity or exacerbates racial inequities. The data were normalized within a range from 45 to 115 percentage points to align the distribution of grades along a normal bell curve. Legislators’ letter grades are based on the “grade breakdown” on the next page. Exceptional leadership for racial equity can result in an A++ (101-115%). This report highlights legislation that promotes racial equities or exacerbates existing inequities in five issue areas: poverty and economic security; education and youth; criminal justice; healthy people and environments; and institutional equity. The report includes:

+ -

Achievements. Bills that passed the Legislature; Missed opportunities. Bills that would have advanced racial equity that were not passed; and Crises averted. Bills that would have exacerbated racial inequities that also did not pass.

GRADE BREAKDOWN

A B C D F

90-100%

80-89%

70-79%

The report evaluates each legislator based on their individual voting record (80 percent of their overall grade), and leadership in authoring or co-sponsoring racial equity legislation (20 percent of their overall grade). Votes for equity legislation increase the legislatorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s grade, while votes for legislation that would exacerbate racial disparities decrease it. This is a change from past Facing Race Report Cards where an individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s voting record was 90 percent of their overall grade. The reasoning for this change in methodology was to portray more accurately and highlight the work of legislators who are taking leadership, and some risk as a consequence, in introducing issues previously unaddressed by the legislature.

60-69%

Under 59%

For each positive bill advancing racial equity, the primary sponsor receives 5 percentage points. For each negative bill exacerbating racial disparities, the primary sponsor loses 5 percentage points. Co-sponsors of legislation positively or negatively impacting racial equity receive or lose 2 points, respectively. The grades for majority and minority leaders are based on the average of the scores of members of their party in their chamber. This report also includes a brief section on the 201517 biennial budget and revenue, qualitatively assessing the impact of budgetary decisions on racial equity.

DATA LIMITATIONS Data in this report are drawn from many sources, including the U.S. Census Bureau, the Washington State Office of Financial Management, the Washington Office of the Superintendent of Public Instruction, and the Washington Department of Corrections. We used the most recent and disaggregated data available at the time the report was written. However, the experiences of several racial and ethnic groups are not accurately represented because there are no data available for these categories.

Sources rarely differentiate data reflecting African Americans and African immigrants and refugees, even though these groups have significantly different historical experiences, socioeconomic conditions, and relations to criminal justice and immigration enforcement agencies. Similarly, there are insufficient data highlighting the experiences of children and grandchildren of immigrants to track how immigrant communities fare generationally, as they are integrated into Washington’s economy and society.

The U.S. Census Bureau uses 1997 Office of Management and Budget (OMB) standards to classify people as “white”43: “people having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa”. People of Arab ancestry, including Lebanese, Egyptian, Syrian, Palestinian, Moroccan, Iraqi, Jordanian, and Yemeni people, are collapsed into this category44. This likely hides disparities faced by a significant portion of Washington’s immigrant and Arab American population. The political, social, and economic climate in Arab countries and the social and economic discrimination faced by Arab Americans in the U.S. in the wake of 9/11 are not adequately tracked by state agencies.

Indigenous people are consistently underrepresented in official estimates of American Indians and Alaskan Natives. Although the U.S. Census Bureau defines “American Indian or Alaska Native’”as “people with origins in the original peoples of North and South America”48, many indigenous people from South, Central, and Latin America are ultimately categorized as Latino, while many indigenous people from Africa and Asia are categorized as African American and Asian. Even American Indians native to what is now the U.S. are consistently underreported because of fear of self-disclosure, European and Hispanic surnames, and stereotypes about the behaviors and appearance that identify a native person49.

“Asian” is another misleading racial category. Fortunately, the U.S. Census Bureau disaggregates Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders separately from people of Asian descent45. Not all sources do this. However, even among people who trace their ancestry to mainland Asia, there is wide diversity in income, wealth, educational achievement, and exposure to the criminal justice system. For example, the aggregate poverty rate for all Asians in Washington is 12%46, which hides much higher rates of poverty among certain Asian immigrant groups, including 26% of Indonesians, 24% of Samoans, and 73% of Burmese47.

Finally, legislators’ grades issued in this report are not representative of legislators’ performance on all issues because some issues received very little attention in the 2015 Legislature. For example, none of the bills impacting racial equity in health, environmental justice, or institutional equity received a floor vote in the Senate. Some issues, such as foreclosure and tribal sovereignty, were not addressed at all.

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REPORT FINDINGS While some legislators stood out for their efforts to address racial equity, the Legislature as a whole received a C+, with a combined House-Senate score of 78%. The two chambers did not have statistically different performance despite differences in party majorities and leadership. Of the 34 positive racial equity bills examined here, 11 bills never received a floor vote in either chamber.

Failing legislators

Exceptional leaders

Twenty-seven percent of all legislators received failing grades. Two Representatives - Vick (18th district), Pike (18th district) - and four Senators - Dansel (7th district), Padden (4th district), Baumgartner (6th district), and Roach (31st district) - had exceptionally low scores, at or below 55%. In addition, some legislators’ grades were remarkably low given the number of residents of color they represent. Representatives Dent (13th district) and Hargrove (47th district), whose districts are 32% and 39% of color, respectively, both scored 59% on racial equity.

Seven Representatives – Goodman (45th district), Jinkins (27th district), Kagi (32nd district), Moscoso (1st district), Ormsby (3rd district), Riccelli (3rd district), and Walkinshaw (43rd district) - and six Senators – Darneille (27th district), Frockt (46th district), Hasegawa (11th district), Jayapal (37th district), Kohl-Welles (36th district), and McAuliffe (1st district) - received A++ for exceptional overall leadership on racial equity. Representative Moscoso had the highest score in the House, coming in at 105%. Senator Jayapal had the highest grade in the Senate and overall, at 111%.

GRADES

Senate Grade

House Grade

78% 78%

Combined Legislature Grade

78% C+ 11

Poverty & Economic Security Even as Washington emerges from a multiple-year recession, the disparity in income between the richest and poorest residents of the state continues to grow50,51. Six in ten jobs in Washington pay less than what is needed for a family of three to meet its basic needs52. More people today are suffering from poverty and unemployment in Washington than at any other time in the past ten years53. Families of color are particularly hard hit: in 2013, 27% of African Americans, 27% of Latinos, 26% of American Indians, 26% of Indonesians, 21% of Native Hawaiians, and 19% of Vietnamese were in poverty, compared to just 12% of whites54,55. Women, young adults, and LGBTQ people of color are particularly vulnerable to poverty. Nationwide, 28% of Latino transgender people live in extreme poverty, making less than $10,000 per year56. People of color and immigrants are overrepresented in low-wage jobs, like food service, retail, construction, and agriculture, where work-availability and income fluctuate, and benefits, like paid sick leave and health insurance, are rarely covered57. During the foreclosure crisis of the past five years, Black and Latino homeownership disappeared fastest58,59. The need for affordable housing now far outpaces its availability: in 2013, Washington had only 51 units of affordable and available housing for every

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100 households with very low-income60. People of color, who face discriminatory leasing, have even fewer options61. Chronic homelessness, especially among people of color, is increasing faster in Washington than in any other state62,63. This should be an indicator of economic crisis and a call to action. Without living wages, stable employment, or adequate housing, families of color are less likely to accumulate savings or pass on wealth to their children, and more likely to shoulder debt. Washingtonians of color need policies that provide short-term relief and enable longterm economic stability.

Poverty & Economic Security

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1355 / SB 5285 Increasing the minimum hourly wage to twelve dollars over four years (Farrell / Jayapal)

People of color are disproportionately represented in minimum wage jobs. Black, Asian, and Latino workers make up 42% of minimum wage earners nationwide, even though they are only 32% of the workforce64. Single mothers are the most likely of all demographic groups to be low-wage workers65 and women of color are twice as likely as white women to work in low-wage jobs66. Arguably, no one feels the impact of minimum wage policies more than children of color in singleparent households.

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1646 / SB 5630 Enacting the equal pay opportunity act by amending and enhancing enforcement of the equal pay act and protecting worker communications about wages and employment opportunities (Senn / Cleveland)

Although women make up more than half of the workforce and earn more college degrees than men, they are paid less on average and receive fewer career opportunities. In Washington, women are paid 78 cents for every dollar paid to their male counterparts; this drops to 62 cents for Black women and only 46 cents for Hispanic women67. Women of color are overrepresented in lower-paying service and office jobs; this accounts for about half of the pay discrepancy overall68. Even when controlling for occupational differences, experience, and education, economists cannot explain 40% of the gender wage gap. Unequal pay contributes to high rates of poverty among women of color in Washington (see Figure 2). These discrepancies add up over a lifetime: compared to $70,030 in median wealth held by white men in the U.S., women of color in the U.S. have only $5, virtually nothing, preventing women of color from owning property, saving for retirement, or building up a safety net69.

A single mother raising two children and working fulltime in a minimum wage job in Washington will earn $393 below the Federal Poverty Level. Many minimum wage workers depend on public assistance programs, like state-funded food programs and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, to supplement their income and meet their basic needs. Low wages also prevent families from saving towards homeownership, college tuition, or retirement, increasing the risk of instability and intergenerational poverty. HB 1355 / SB 5285 would have raised the statewide minimum wage from $9.47 to $12 per hour over a four-year period, giving Washington workers a fighting chance at economic security.

HB 1646 / SB 5630 would have promoted equal pay and career opportunities for women in Washington. The bill guaranteed employees the right to ask why they are not offered the same pay or opportunities as others and required employers to provide a valid business reason, such as education, training, or experience, for a gender disparity in pay or work assignments.

Proportion of Washingtonians living below the poverty line 30%

20%

10%

American Indian Women

Latina Women

Black Women

White Women

White Men

Figure 2: Women of color are twice as likely as white women and almost three times as likely as white men to be in poverty in Washington70.

Poverty & Economic Security

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1273 / SB 5459 Implementing family and medical leave insurance (Robinson / Keiser)

The federal Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) allows workers to take up to 12 weeks of leave to care for their own serious illness, a sick family member, or a new child, but does not provide pay during the leave period. Unpaid leave is out of reach for most low-wage workers. In 2013, more than 3.3 million workers in the U.S. experienced a serious medical emergency or cared for a newborn without taking leave because they could not afford even a temporary loss of income74. Only 43% of Black workers and 25% of Latino workers, compared to 50% of white workers, receive any short-term paid parental leave75.

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1356 / SB 5306 Establishing minimum standards for sick and safe leave from employment (Jinkins / Habib)

Paid sick and safe leave ensures that workers can take paid time off when they get sick or when they experience an emergency like domestic violence or sexual assault. Studies show that workers without paid sick days contract more infectious diseases, experience more injuries on the job, and are less likely to get medical care and recommended preventive health screenings71. Without paid sick days, families are also more economically vulnerable; getting sick can mean not being able to pay this monthâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rent.

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HB 1273 / SB 5459 would have guaranteed 12 weeks of paid leave at two-thirds of a workerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s normal wages. When a similar measure passed in California, 87% of employers reported that the program did not result in any cost increases and 9% reported cost savings through reduced turnover and less frequent use of employer health insurance76. The bill had positive effects on the length and equality of time new mothers have been able to take to breastfeed and care for their babies. Before implementation, Black women averaged just one week of maternity leave, compared to four weeks taken by white women. Three years after implementation, Black and white women both averaged seven weeks of leave, increasing equity in maternal and infant health77. Family and Medical Leave insurance in Washington would help low-wage workers of color take the time they need to heal or care for loved ones without economic crisis.

More than one million workers in Washington have no paid sick leave, especially in retail, food service, and healthcare industries72. Workers of color are least likely to have paid sick days. Only 56% of Black workers and 42% of Hispanic workers in the U.S. have access to paid sick leave, compared to 60% of white workers73. HB 1356 / SB 5306 would have required all employers with at least four full-time employees to offer paid sick and safe leave, ensuring thousands of low-wage workers of color the security of knowing that they can rest when they have the flu without losing their jobs.

PHANNA DUONG ISSAQUAH, WA

My name is Phanna Duong. I was born in Cambodia and immigrated to the U.S. with my family when I was a child. I now live in Issaquah and work in Bellevue as a legal assistant, where I earn just above the minimum wage. Expensive rent combined with low wages means that I live paycheck to paycheck. I constantly worry about whether I will be able to pay all my bills and have enough money left to put into savings. My job does not offer paid sick leave. I am allowed up to two paid vacation days per year, which I can use to take personal leave, see my family, or rest when I get sick. However, if I get sick more than two days a year, I have to request unpaid time off, and I am required to provide a doctorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s note to verify my illness. A few months ago, I came down with the flu and a severe cough. I had already taken two days off earlier in the year, so I did not have any remaining paid leave. I could not afford to take unpaid leave, much less pay for a doctorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s visit to get a note, so I went to work in spite of my illness. Since I could not take the time my body needed to heal, I continued to feel sick and had a horrible cough for a month. I saw coworkers and clients who were sick around me, and I fear that I contributed to their illness by coughing so much in the office. There are many people like me, working full time but living paycheck to paycheck, barely making ends meet. We need paid sick days so we can afford to rest when we get sick, without ending up late on bills or in debt. I hope the Legislature will take action to protect the health of all workers.

Poverty & Economic Security

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1519 / SB 5566 Simplifying and enforcing employee status under employment laws to ensure fairness to employers and employees and address the underground economy (Riccelli / Frockt)

A study by the Department of Labor found that up to 30% of all companies in the U.S. fraudulently misclassify their employees as independent contractors78. Misclassified workers lose protections, like minimum wage standards, health care and retirement benefits, paid sick leave, Family and Medical Leave insurance, workerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s compensation, and unemployment benefits79. This practice occurs most frequently in low-wage industries where immigrants of color predominate, including construction, day labor, janitorial services, home health care, child

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1354 / SB 5569 Concerning the employee antiretaliation act (Ryu / Hasegawa)

Wage theft is a chronic problem in construction, retail, food service, and manufacturing, industries that disproportionately employ workers of color. Between 2006 and 2013, the Department of Labor closed nearly 15,000 claims of wage theft in Washington, totaling over $46 million in stolen wages82. These workplace abuses impact Latino immigrants more than any other demographic83. Among U.S.-born workers, African Americans experience wage violations three times as often as whites.

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care, agriculture, meat processing, and trucking80. Companies engaging in such illegal and low-road practices gain a competitive advantage, in effect penalizing responsible companies who treat their employees fairly. HB 1519 / SB 5566 would have prohibited the misclassification of employees as independent contractors and implemented a civil penalty for employers who misrepresent employees in order to evade taxes, wages, and benefits. When New York passed a similar law, the state identified nearly 24,000 instances of employee misclassification in the first year alone, representing $333.4 million in unreported wages81. This bill is an essential protection to ensure that immigrant workers are not cheated out of wages and benefits.

The actual incidence of wage theft is much higher than what is reported; fear of retaliation prevents workers from filing claims of unpaid wages. In a 2008 study by the National Employment Law Project, 23% of surveyed workers said they had suffered from wage theft but chose not to report the incident for fear that their employer would cut their hours or pay, fire them, or call immigration authorities84. HB 1354 / SB 5569 would have established criminal penalties for employers who take adverse action against employees making lawful demands for their wages or a filing complaints with the Department of Labor.

Poverty & Economic Security

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1565 / SB 5378 Concerning the preservation of housing options for participants in government assistance programs (Ormsby / Kohl-Welles)

Cities in Washington State remain segregated along racial lines, due in large part to overt discrimination88,89. Although the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968 prohibits discrimination against prospective tenants on the basis of race, allegations of racial discrimination made up more than 20% of Fair Housing complaints filed with U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) between 2008 and 201390. In these cases, residents at least have the option of legal recourse. Discrimination against recipients of housing assistance is a more insidious and covert form of racial segregation91. In a study of the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s three largest housing authorities,

CRISIS AVERTED HB 1398 / SB 5321 Concerning registration of persons providing debt settlement services (Kirby / Benton) The recent recession and foreclosure crisis exacerbated decades of disparities in wealth between white communities and communities of color. By 2013, white households in the U.S. had 13 times more wealth than Black households and 10 times more wealth than Latino households85. As a result, households of color are more likely to need to take on debt when faced with unexpected expenses or reductions in income. Debt settlement companies prey on this vulnerability in low-income communities and communities of color. Debt adjusters advertise that they will negotiate with consumer creditors to reduce consumer debt for a fee. An investigation by the U.S. Government

two-thirds of the Housing Choice Voucher recipients were people of color92. Racial segregation is the de facto consequence of discrimination against a tenantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s source of income: a 2011 study of Seattle found that voucher-assisted households are concentrated in racially segregated, impoverished neighborhoods93. HB 1565 / SB 5378 would have guaranteed more choice in place of residence for low-income renters of color by prohibiting discrimination on the basis of a prospective tenantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s source of income. All lawful forms of federal and state assistance would have been protected from discrimination, including Housing Choice Vouchers, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, and Social Security Income, to ensure that disabled individuals and families of color in poverty have more equitable access to housing.

Accountability Office confirmed that debt settlement companies routinely engage in fraudulent, abusive, and deceptive practices and often leave consumers in a worse financial condition, with more debt and worse credit than when they started86. Households of color are not only more likely to have debt, they are also more likely to be targeted by debt settlement companies. A study in New York found that debt settlement companies disproportionately operate in Black and Latino neighborhoods and contract with Black and Latino clients87. Currently, the Debt Adjusters Act prevents debt settlement companies from bringing their exploitative industry into Washington. HB 1398 / SB 5321 would have undone the protections of the Debt Adjusters Act, allowing debt settlement companies to take advantage of economic desperation, deepening racial disparities in wealth.

Poverty & Economic Security

CRISIS AVERTED HB 1922 / SB 5899 Addressing small loans and small consumer installment loans (Springer / Liias) Depressed wages, disparities in wealth, lack of access to mainstream financial institutions, and cuts to social services leave many working families of color struggling to meet their basic needs. The payday lending industry preys on this desperation, offering convenient cash that traps borrowers into mediumto-long-term, high-interest debt. More than 70% of payday borrowers are forced to take out repeat loans for at least five lending periods with accumulating interest and fees94. Payday lending storefronts are much more prevalent in segregated, non-white communities than mainstream financial institutions. A study in North Carolina found that African American neighborhoods have three times as many stores per

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capita as white neighborhoods, even after controlling for other neighborhood characteristics like income, homeownership, poverty, and unemployment95. Similar patterns have been documented in Seattle96, where payday lending disproportionately ensnares people of color. As a result, Washington enacted consumer protections to reign in the payday industry in 2009. Last year, the payday lending industry fought to repeal these much needed protections. HB 1922 / SB 5899 would have allowed lenders to offer loan repayment in installments over one year, with triple-digit interest and high fees. Repaid over one year, a $700 loan would ultimately cost $1,687, compared to just $795 under current payday industry regulations97. This bill would have had significant negative consequences for the economic stability of low-income families and communities of color.

SHELBY POWELL EVERETT, WA

My name is Shelby Powell. I live in Everett, WA. Earlier this year, I had several unexpected and costly emergencies come up for my family. My grandmother passed away in Texas, and because I was living on a monthly income of a few hundred dollars from Social Security Disability Insurance, I had no money to go to her funeral. I turned to a payday lender so I could be with my family during that time of grief. Later, a family member had an illness and needed medication to manage his condition. The co-pays were so high that I took out several payday loans to cover the cost of his medication. Each time I took out a payday loan, I was charged incredibly expensive fees and high interest rates. Being low-income and having no recourse for financial emergencies other than payday loans is a difficult and stressful situation. Our financial system should not force us to choose between caring for our loved ones and taking out high interest loans. Although the payday loan industry preys on low-income people in desperate situations, state regulations implemented in 2009 help to prevent most people from entering never-ending cycles of debt. If I had taken out installment loans, with a year-long repayment period and triple-digit interest rates, I would still be trapped by accumulating debt, forced to take out new loans to pay off the original loans. It was a struggle to pay the pay the few hundred dollars back, but because of the current regulations, I was eventually able to do so. If our state legislators want to do anything about the payday loan industry, they should establish more protections for people like me, not give lenders free reign to prey on people in dire financial straits.

Education & Youth The demographics of Washington’s youngest residents are changing rapidly: more than 40% of Washington students are children of color98. Nonetheless, significant disparities exist in access to opportunity. American Indian, African American, Latino, Pacific Islander, and English Language Learner students lag far behind white students in math and reading by the time they reach the third grade99. Students of color in Washington were more than twice as likely as their white peers to drop out of high school in 2014100. Racial disparities in educational attainment are even higher in Washington than in the nation overall101,102. These disparities are not a reflection of students’ ability or desire to learn, but rather of the inequality and inadequacy of Washington’s education system103. Low-income districts are grossly underfunded compared to schools in wealthier areas104; even within the same district, schools with significant enrollment by students of color receive less money per pupil105. Many schools with majority students of color lack the resources for highly effective teachers, up-to-date curriculum, functional class sizes, or specialized programs106. Systemic issues in school culture, language, and discipline also impact students of color. Relative to the number of students of color and English Language Learners (ELLs) in Washington, the state has a shortage of teachers of color, teachers equipped to serve ELL students, teachers trained in cultural competency, and interpreters107. In 2010, just 7% of the state’s high school teachers were teachers of color, compared to 35% of the state’s high school students108. School districts are also falling short on important opportunities to meet basic physical and emotional needs of students who are hungry, homeless, or experiencing adversity

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at home. Disproportionate discipline of certain racial groups also drives students of color away from school and increases the likelihood of contact with the juvenile justice system109. The passage of the Washington DREAM Act / Real Hope Act in 2014 was a significant, bipartisan victory for racial equity in higher education. It made Washington the fourth state in the nation to allow all eligible students to qualify for state financial aid regardless of immigration status110. Nonetheless, high school graduates of color in Washington are still less likely to enroll in college or earn a college degree111, due in large part to the exorbitant costs of tuition and the lack of funds for federal grants. Women and people of color are also less likely to obtain bachelor’s degrees in Washington than women and people of color in the rest of the United States. In 2013, just 15% of Latina women and 20% of African American women in Washington had bachelor’s112, compared to 18% of Latina women and 23% of African American women nationwide113. Lack of higher education opportunity deters women of color in Washington from achieving long-term economic security. All levels of education in Washington need to be more fully and equitably funded, and more representative of the students they serve.

Education & Youth

ACHIEVEMENT HB 1436 / SB 5404 Concerning homeless youth prevention and protection (Kagi / Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Ban)

The number of children living on the streets or in shelters in Washington has steadily increased, from 18,670 in 2007 to more than 32,500 in 2013114. A number of structural factors, including intergenerational poverty and disproportionate exposure to foster care and the juvenile justice system, contribute to high rates of homelessness among youth of color. In Washington, 7.6% of American Indian students, 7.6% of African American students, 6.6% of Native Hawaiian / Pacific Islander students, and 4.1% of Latino students are homeless, compared to 2.3% of white students115. Among transgender people of color, the rates of homelessness are even higher: 36% of

ACHIEVEMENT HB 1491 / SB 5452 Improving quality in the early care and education system (Kagi / Litzow)

The racial educational gap starts early in life. Children of color have inequitable access to educational programs that adequately prepare them for Kindergarten118. Studies have found that children who do not attend preschool are more likely than their peers to become teen parents, suffer from depression, drop out of high school, and become unemployed in adulthood119. The rate of preschool enrollment is much lower among Latino children than white children120. Access to high quality preschool and early care settings has the potential to close the opportunity gap before it starts. For example, more widely accessible preschool programs could reduce the

American Indian transgender people, 32% of Black transgender people, and 30% of Latino transgender people live on the streets116. Homelessness exists but is less visible in Asian American communities, as many who are homeless couch surf in the overcrowded homes of friends and extended family members117. Homeless youth of color are more likely than their peers to encounter educational barriers and suffer academically, experience social and emotional challenges, and drop out of school. HB 1436 / SB 5404 created a new Office of Homeless Youth Programs to coordinate homeless youth programs across the state to care for children and young adults living on the streets, in crisis residential centers, and in rural areas. The Office will also make funding and policy recommendations to strengthen the safety net available to this vulnerable population.

reading gap between Latino and white children by the time they reach Kindergarten by as much as 36%121. HB 1491 / SB 5452, also known as the Early Start Act, increases the availability and quality of early childhood education for all Washingtonians. It enables low-income families to access child care for up to 12 months without asking applicants to re-verify their income eligibility through the Department of Social and Health Services, thereby cutting red tape and allowing children to have the chance at more stable care. It also adds $98 million in state spending on early learning programs and culturally diverse and linguistically responsive educator training, with a particular emphasis on the needs of low-income children and children of color.

Education & Youth

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 2006 / SB 5787 Concerning a model policy and procedures for language access by limited-English proficient parents of students (Moscoso / Jayapal)

Research has shown that students do best in school when their parents are involved in their childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education122,123. However, immigrant parents face many cultural and linguistic barriers to full participation. As Washingtonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s immigrant population grows, school districts and the state legislature have an increasingly urgent responsibility to make schools more welcoming and accessible to immigrant parents. In 2014, children with immigrant parents made up almost one-third of young children in the state124; about half of all immigrants in Washington have limited English proficiency125. Therefore, an estimated 15% of Washington students have parents with limited English proficiency, who need professional, trained interpreters to fully participate in school-related communication, like parent-teacher conferences and meetings about placement in special education.

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1783 / SB 5675 Expanding dual language and bilingual instruction for early learners through secondary students (OrtizSelf / Roach)

A well-documented achievement gap exists between English Language Learners (ELLs) and non-ELL students. In Washington, only 53% of ELL students graduate from high school in four years, compared to 77% of all students139. In the existing model of English as a Second Language (ESL) pullout, ELL students receive less instructional time in core academic subjects and internalize inferiority to native English speakers140. By 2025, ELLs will make up 25% of all students in the U.S.141 New models are needed to meet the educational needs of this growing population. Research has consistently shown that dual language programs, where students are gaining literacy and content area knowledge in English and a target language, can close the opportunity gap for ELL

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Although school districts are required to provide interpretation services according to Title VI of the federal Civil Rights Act, a study of school districts in Washington found that the services are routinely underfunded and underutilized126. Frequently, teachers are inadequately trained on when and how to use interpretation services, parents are not made aware of the availability of services, and school districts do not have policies about language access and depend on community volunteers, family members and students to interpret for parents with limited English proficiency. HB 2006 / SB 5787 would have required the Washington School Directors Association (WSSDA) to develop a model policy for language access by limited-English proficient parents, and required school districts to adopt a language access policy that meets the minimum standards of the model policy developed by the WSSDA, so that immigrant families have a more equal opportunity to help their children succeed in school.

students and also greatly benefit monolingual English speakers. Such programs already exist in more than 45 schools throughout Washington in English, Spanish, Japanese, and/or Mandarin Chinese142. ELL students enrolled in these programs from Kindergarten reach grade level in English by sixth grade and show abovegrade-level achievement throughout the remainder of their schooling143. Native English learners also benefit through proficiency in a second language, measurable improvements in standardized test scores, and more positive multicultural competences144. HB 1783 / SB 5685 focused on helping to close the achievement gap for immigrant students and created a more inclusive learning environment by funding the capacity to expand dual language programs for early learners and K-12 students, as well as a scholarship program for bilingual teachers. Although this bill was not passed, the Washington legislature allocated $500,000 in the budget for grants to school districts to expand dual language program models.

REGINA ELMI RENTON, WA

My name is Regina Elmi, and these are my three beautiful girls, Ajwa, 11, Raya, 8, and Sadia, 3. I came to the U.S. as a child, about 20 years ago. When I first got here, I was fluent in Somali and Swahili, but my Swahili went out the door almost immediately. I was in an ESL program where I was told I needed to speak English to survive. Looking back, I believe I could have done much better academically if I had been able to maintain my native languages. I am sad to see the same thing happening to my daughters. Ajwa and Raya are taught exclusively in English. At home, they understand when I speak to them in Somali, but they respond in English. I fear that they are losing their language and their connection to being African, Muslim, and Somali. It breaks my heart to think that the Somali culture might stop with me and my husband. I am part of an organization in the Seattle area called the Somali Parent Education Board, part of a broader group of parent leaders through One America, devoted to changing the educational system. Many of our children in the Somali community are failing or struggling academically, and the identity crisis they face is a major source of the problem. They go to school and feel disconnected when they donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t see people who look or talk like they do. If they learn English, forget Somali, and assimilate into U.S. culture, they come home feeling distant from their parents and their community. We want to be involved in our childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education, but sometimes we do not know how to help our children because the language and cultural barriers are too great. There is a lot that needs to be done to make public schools more welcoming to immigrant families like ours. We need more teacher diversity, more interpreters, and more translated materials. Bilingual classrooms would be a very big step in the right direction. I hope that by the time Sadia is in school, she will not be forced to choose between her American identity and her Somali identity. I do not want her to fall between the cracks because she cannot relate to anyone at school. We need an education system that reflects the diversity of this state.

Education & Youth

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1760 / SB 5688 Providing students with skills that promote mental health and wellbeing and increase academic performance (Senn / Litzow)

In the Washington Class of 2014, students of color had persistently high dropout rates compared to white students (see Figure 3). Youth of color are more likely than their white peers to experience poverty and homelessness132, grow up in foster care133, be separated from a parent by incarceration, deportation, or death134, and attempt suicide135. Students dealing with adversity at home may express their stress through behavior problems at school. In overcrowded, underfunded classrooms, disruptions are often met with discipline or isolation, driving students away from school without addressing underlying emotional needs. A growing number of Washington schools adopted a more proactive educational strategy. Social and Emotional Learning (SEL) programs help students make sense of difficult experiences in their lives and teach noncognitive skills, such as emotional management, positive goal-setting, relationship development, and problem solving. SEL instruction is an important tool for increasing racial equity in

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1295 / SB 5437 Concerning breakfast after the bell programs (Hudgins / Litzow)

One in five children in Washington lives in households that are food insecure127. In a 2012 survey of Washington 10th graders, American Indian, Black, Latino, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander students were more likely than white students to report that their family skipped meals in the past year because they did not have money128,129. Longitudinal studies have shown that food insecurity in childhood is associated with more frequent illness, greater

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education: it has been shown to increase achievement test scores, promote school attendance, and decrease dropout rates, especially in racially and socioeconomically diverse schools137,138. HB 1760 / SB 5688 would have created a work group to set benchmarks for SEL competencies in K-12 education throughout Washington.

Percentage of students who dropped out of the Washington high school class of 2014 30%

20%

10%

American Indian Pacific Islander

Latino

Black

White

Figure 3: In 2014, American Indian students had the highest dropout rate of any racial group136.

risk of behavioral problems, and lower academic achievement130. Hunger remains a significant barrier to closing the racial educational gap. Although many low-income students depend on free or reduced-price school lunches, only 33% of all eligible low-income students in Washington eat school breakfasts, one of the lowest participation rates in the country131. HB 1295 / SB 5437 would have ensured that food insecure students get the nutrition they need to focus at school by offering breakfast during the school day in schools where at least 70% of students qualify for free or reduced-price meals.

Education & Youth

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1541 Implementing strategies to close the educational opportunity gap, based on the recommendations of the educational opportunity gap oversight and accountability committee (Santos)

In Washington, students of color score lower on state-level high school assessments and graduate at lower rates than white students145. These disparities cannot be explained solely by the gross inequality in access to resources between schools in rich and poor neighborhoods. Other forms of institutional racism impact the educational achievement of students of color, even compared to white peers at the same school. Black, Latino, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander students are targeted for expulsion and suspension more often than white students, even when they commit similar offenses and have similar discipline records146,147. Studies have shown that

students of color score higher in math and reading when their teachersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; race matches their own148. Yet, 93 percent of the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s high school teachers were white in 2009-2010, compared to just 65 percent of high school students149. Washington also under-invests in teacher training for English Language Learners (ELL). The number of teachers graduating from Washington state universities with an ELL or bilingual education credential is insufficient to meet the hiring needs of Kent School District, let alone the rest of the state150. HB 1541 would have prohibited long-term suspension or expulsion of students as a form of discipline, required cultural competency training for all school staff, expanded a scholarship program for ELL and bilingual certification, and mandated data collection in schools and in the juvenile justice system disaggregated by race and ethnicity.

Criminal Justice Even as crime rates drop, incarceration in Washington is at an alltime high151,152. In 2014, 18,445 people were behind bars in state prisons, up 4% from the previous year153. Another 12,272 people were held in county jails154, and at least 800 people were detained at any one time in Immigration and Customs Enforcementâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Northwest Detention Center155. In an era when people across the U.S. are increasingly recognizing the dangers of mass incarceration, Washington is expanding its carceral state. People of color in Washington bear the brunt of Washingtonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s harsh criminal justice practices. African Americans are incarcerated more than 6 times as often as whites156. Compared to their representation in the population overall, there are 4.5 times as many African Americans behind bars157 and twice as many Native Americans and Latinos. Transgender people of color and young men of color are particularly overrepresented in the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s jails and prisons. Structural inequality, racial profiling, and racially disparate treatment affect every stage of the criminal justice process. Communities of color are subject to disproportionate policing and surveillance, inequitable sentencing, especially for nonviolent drug and property

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crimes, and disproportionate use of life without parole and capital punishment. Collaborations between Immigration and Customs Enforcement and local police departments increase the detention and separation of immigrant families and people profiled as immigrants. Racial disparities in sentencing and incarceration impact individuals for the rest of their lives, and have ripple effects on their families and communities. Debt from sentencing and discrimination in employment, housing, safety nets, and voting prevent formerly incarcerated communities of color from regaining economic security or civil rights.

Criminal Justice

ACHIEVEMENT HB 1481 / SB 5564 Concerning the sealing of juvenile records and fines imposed in juvenile cases (Kagi / Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Ban)

Washington is one of the few states in the country to release juvenile records to any interested parties, including credit bureaus, landlords, employers, and colleges189. Juvenile records follow youth throughout the rest of their lives, closing doors to employment, housing, and education190. After youth meet certain qualifications, including paying all Legal Financial Obligations, they can petition to seal their records.

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1716 Addressing state and local law enforcement of federal immigration detainers and administrative warrants (Moscoso)

Local police enforcement of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detainers make communities of color less safe. ICE holds often lead to deportations, which leave children in foster care, create single parent households, and cause sudden economic insecurity in immigrant families161. Non-immigrant people of color are also impacted by police enforcement of ICE detainers. Police-ICE collaborations increase racial profiling162. Minor traffic violations, like broken tail lights or failure to signal a lane change, become a pretense for

However, this is such an expensive and arduous process that 9 in 10 people eligible to have their records sealed still have open records. Native American, Latino, and African Americans are not only more likely to be arrested as children, they are also less likely to have their records sealed191. HB 1481 / SB 5564 improved access to housing, education, and employment for youth of color by reducing the proportion of LFO repayment required to seal juvenile records. This was a significant achievement for minimizing the collateral consequences of disproportionate minority contact with the juvenile justice system.

police to interrogate people they suspect of being undocumented. In a nationwide survey in 2012, more than 4 in 10 Latinos reported that they are unlikely to contact police when they have been the victim of a crime for fear that police will use the interaction as an opportunity to inquire about the immigration status of someone they know163. Federal courts have ruled that police-ICE collaborations are a violation of civil rights164. Yet, Washington state issued 1,497 ICE detainers in 2014, the majority of which were used to deport community members who had no criminal charges165. HB 1716, also known as the Washington Family Unity Act, would have followed the lead of 19 counties in the state, to ensure that local police resources are used for community safety rather than immigration enforcement.

Criminal Justice

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1885 / SB 5755 Addressing and mitigating the impacts of property crimes in Washington state (Klippert / Hargrove)

Washingtonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s prison population has increased by 8 percent since 2003. Washington Department of Corrections is currently incarcerating 947 people more than the intended operational capacity of its facilities166. Overcrowding in Washington prisons is due, in part, to long sentences assigned to repeat, nonviolent property offenders. In 2013, one-third of all prison admissions in the state were for property crimes167. Washington is the only state in the country to deny community supervision as an alternative to incarceration for most people convicted of nonviolent property crimes168. This excessively punitive strategy does not accomplish its stated goal: Washington still has the highest incidence of burglary and auto theft in the nation169.

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1505 Allowing prosecutors to refer juveniles to restorative justice programs (Goodman)

In 2013, more than 75% of the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s youth behind bars were locked up for nonviolent offenses; the majority (66%) were youth of color172. Compared to white youth, Native American and Black youth in Washington are four times as likely and Latino youth twice as likely to be incarcerated as white youth173. Disparate discipline in schools, racialized understandings of what constitutes a gang174, racially differentiated drug enforcement practices, and enforcement of poverty-related crimes such as loitering and truancy from school175 all contribute to high rates of incarceration of children of color in the state.

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These harsh sentencing laws disproportionately punish people of color. Although white defendants commit property crimes slightly more often than African Americans, African Americans receive longer sentences for property offenses170. This is not an anomaly; African American and Latino defendants are assigned longer sentences for all crimes compared to similarly situated whites. However, these sentencing disparities are especially pronounced in nonviolent property and drug crimes, where sentencing guidelines give judges broad discretion; greater latitude increases the impact of extralegal factors, like race171. HB 1885 / SB 5755 would have reduced mass incarceration of people of color in Washington by creating a felony property offense sentencing grid with shorter sentences, and allowing community supervision as an alternative to incarceration for certain nonviolent property crimes.

The juvenile justice system was not designed to meet the needs of children, teenagers, and young adults. Incarceration isolates and punishes, often with devastating psychological, developmental, and economic consequences. Restorative justice programs offer a more empathetic and needs-based response to youth behavior. In place of incarceration, restorative justice programs provide opportunities for juvenile offenders to accept responsibility for their actions and repair harm to the victim or the community. Legislation passed in 2012 legalized the use of restorative justice for juveniles in very specific circumstances176. HB 1505 would have allowed judges the discretion to apply restorative justice programs in all juvenile cases except sex offenses and violent crimes.

Criminal Justice

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1739 / SB 5639 Reducing criminal justice expenses by eliminating the death penalty in favor of life incarceration (Carlyle / Miloscia)

Racial prejudice plays a significant role in the application of the death penalty177,178. In cases involving aggravated murder where capital punishment could be considered, prosecutors exclude Black people from juries at twice the rate of other jurors, even after controlling for legitimate justifications for striking .jurors, even after controlling for political views179. When people of color are underrepresented on juries, defendants of color are convicted at a higher rate180,181. An analysis of death penalty cases in Washington since 1981 found that the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s disproportionately white juries are four and a half times more likely to impose the death penalty when the defendant is Black182.

the population today185. The race of the victim also impacts the use of capital punishment in Washington. Prosecutors sought the death penalty in 30% of cases since 1981 involving the murder of a white victim, compared to only 25% of cases involving the murder of a Black victim186. In 2014, Governor Jay Inslee placed a moratorium on the death penalty for the remainder of his term in office, citing concerns about its racially biased application and its disproportionate use in counties with budgets large enough to cover the high costs of capital punishment187. However, prosecutors are still seeking the death penalty and 44% of the people currently on death row in Washington are Black188. HB 1739 / SB 5639 would have permanently abolished capital punishment in Washington State, replacing the death penalty with life in prison without parole for defendants convicted of aggravated murder.

Black people are disproportionately executed in Washington. African Americans have comprised 9% of people executed by the state since 1904183, even though Black people were only 0.5% of the total state population in 1904184 and are only 4.1% of

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1910 / SB 5732 Encouraging effective oversight of law enforcement conduct (Ryu / Jayapal)

National awareness of police brutality against communities of color has grown, following the deaths of Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, Freddie Gray, Tanisha Anderson, Rekia Boyd, and others. In the first five months of 2015 alone, 385 people were killed by police nationwide; among the unarmed victims, two-thirds were Black or Latino158. In 2011, the U.S. Department of Justice found that the Seattle Police Department unnecessarily escalated encounters with the public and used force in a way that disproportionately harmed people of color159.

Body-worn cameras could reduce the use of excessive force by officers. A 12-month experiment in Rialto, California, in which police officers completed shifts with and without cameras, found that officers were about twice as likely to use force when there was no camera to observe their behavior160. HB 1910 / SB 5732 would have required body cameras on police to monitor office misconduct and deter police brutality. By contrast, another bill proposing body cameras, HB 1917, would have made communities of color less safe. It gave officers the discretion to decide when to turn on cameras, increasing surveillance of the public without decreasing violence by police, and had onerous requirements for members of the public to access video recordings.

Criminal Justice

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1553 Encouraging certificates of restoration of opportunity (Walkinshaw)

Criminal records have long-lasting effects on a person’s employability and earning potential. Disproportionate incarceration of Black men in Washington partially explains why the Black unemployment rate is twice the state average192. When formerly incarcerated people are able to find employment, a criminal record reduces yearly earnings by 40% on average193. There are more than 90 occupations, including commercial fishing, cosmetology, trucking, and firefighting, that are currently closed to people with criminal records in Washington194. Even when people have lived

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1390 / SB 5713: Concerning legal financial obligations (Goodman / Kohl-Welles)

Legal financial obligations (LFOs), financial penalties attached to a criminal sentence, push former offenders into cycles of poverty, debt, and recidivism and systematically strip wealth from communities of color196. Since people of color are overrepresented in the criminal justice system, they are more likely to incur LFOs. Judges also assess Latino defendants higher LFOs than defendants of any other race, even after accounting for relevant legal factors, like the type of crime and the defendant’s previous criminal history197.

Trapped by interest: Total amount owed with consistent payments of $20 per month $8000 $7000 $6000 $5000 $4000

for years without a conviction and have the skills and qualifications for a job, they can be denied the opportunity to work in their profession because of old charges. HB 1553 would have created a Certificate of Restoration of Opportunity (CROP) issued by judges to people who are in good compliance with sentencing requirements. Although employers can still make their own decisions about whether to offer a job, licensing agencies could not deny a license to someone with a CROP simply because of their criminal history. Six states, including Arizona, California, and Nevada, offer similar certificates, which have increased employment opportunities for rehabilitated ex-offenders195.

In Washington, the average LFO in a felony case is $2540199 with 12% interest200. At this rate, people who pay $20 per month will still have debt twenty years later (see Figure 4). However, even $20 is more than most people coming out of prison can afford. Among people charged with felonies in Washington, 80-90% are found to be indigent by the courts at the time of sentencing201. When people fail to meet LFO payments, the state can garnish wages and public assistance benefits and issue arrest warrants202. In Benton County, more than 20% of people in jail are behind bars because they could not pay back LFO debt203. The Washington Supreme Court ruled in 2015 that courts must make an individual assessment about a defendant’s ability to pay discretionary, non-restitution LFOs, such as the costs of counsel and incarceration204. HB 1390 / SB 5713 would have eliminated the high interest rates on non-restitution portions of LFOs, barred courts from assigning LFOs to people declared indigent at time of sentencing, allowed people unable to pay LFOs to substitute community service hours at the minimum wage rate, and required courts to consider alternatives to re-incarceration for nonpayment.

$3000 $2000 $1000 0

10 Years after Sentencing

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Figure 4: The average LFO in Washington is $2540 with 12% interest198. Many people recently released from prison can only afford to pay $20 per month, if they can afford to pay at all. At this rate, interest accumulates faster than the debt is paid. Even after making consistent payments every month, a person with the average LFO debt would owe $7,684 after twenty years.

NICK MAXWELL MAPLE VALLEY, WA

My name is Nick Maxwell, I currently live in Maple Valley, WA. I grew up in poverty in New York City, and started selling and using drugs as a teenager. Around 1995, I was convicted on drug-related charges and sent to prison. It has now been eighteen years since my release. Even though I have stayed clean and turned my life around, the criminal justice system still casts a long shadow over my life. I struggle to find work because employers do not want to hire someone with a criminal record. My sentence included hundreds of dollars in LFO debt. I want to pay off the fees and put my past behind me, but the debt just gets bigger and bigger as the interest accumulates. Eventually, I became homeless in Seattle. Despite the difficulty of my situation, I was still expected to pay $20 every month. Twenty dollars might not sound like much to some people, but when you are poor or living on the streets, $20 is a lot. I ended up back in jail twice when I was unable to pay my LFOs. Three years ago, I was in jail for a night. Last year, the county held me for a weekend. Each time, I was brought before a judge who admonished me for not paying. I was completely broke, what could I do? I explained my financial situation, but nothing changed. I finally found a place to live last year. This was a huge relief, but it also means I have rent and utility bills to pay, and I rarely have any money left for LFOs. Knowing that I could be arrested at any time causes stress and frustration. I paid my debt to society eighteen years ago, now I just want to be free to rebuild my life. I hope our Legislature changes this system of never-ending debt that is punishing people, like me, for being poor.

Criminal Justice

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1701 / SB 5608 Prohibiting employers from asking about arrests or convictions before an applicant is determined otherwise qualified for a position (Moscoso / Miloscia)

Incarceration in Washington is a revolving door: 28% of people released from prison are rearrested within three years205. People coming out of prison need gainful employment to reestablish themselves socially and economically206. Yet, more than 60% of formerly incarcerated Washingtonians are still unemployed one year after release207. Employer preferences against hiring people with criminal records are a major factor preventing former offenders from finding work. People of color are not only more likely to have a criminal record, they are also more likely to be denied a job by an employer because of their criminal record. On average, applicants with a felony conviction receive

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50% fewer job offers than applicants with no criminal record; for African American and Latino applicants, the criminal record ‘penalty’ jumps to 64% fewer offers 208,209 . In an age of racially biased mass incarceration, in which more than 8% of all U.S. citizens and 25% of African Americans have felony convictions210, hiring discrimination against people with criminal history contributes to persistently high rates of unemployment and poverty in communities of color. HB 1701 / SB 5608 would have prohibited employers from asking about an applicant’s arrest history during the initial stages of an application, protecting employment rights for formerly incarcerated people of color. Similar ‘ban the box’ laws have been adopted in 19 states and more than one hundred cities and counties in the U.S., including Seattle.

Healthy People & Environments All Washingtonians deserve the opportunity to lead healthy and productive lives. Yet, only 77% of African Americans, 73% of American Indians, and 69% of Latinos report being in very good health, compared to 87% of whites211. Alarmingly, mortality rates among American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian, and Pacific Islander women in Washington have been steadily increasing since 1998, even as the death rates for most other groups are declining214. Unequal access to health care is a leading cause of racial health disparities. The rising costs of medical care prevent many low-income families from receiving treatment and preventive exams, especially when they are uninsured. One-third of Latinos, 26% of American Indians, 18% of Native Hawaiians, 18% of African Americans, and 14% of Asians are uninsured, compared to 12% of whites215. Disparities in access to specialized services, like oral health and reproductive health care, are even more pronounced, especially in areas where clinics are scarce and incentives to prioritize patients with private insurance are high216,217,218.

climate change. Waste dumps, landfills, major roadways, sewage and industrial facilities are all more likely to locate in low-income neighborhoods of color, exacerbating racial disparities in disease and illness219. Lax regulation of cheap consumer products also exposes low-income families to high levels of toxic chemicals. In order to reduce racial disparities in health, the Legislature must expand access to comprehensive, affordable and culturally competent care, and protect the places where all residents, including people of color, live, work, pray, and play.

Across Washington, communities of color, farmworkers, and native tribes bear the brunt of environmental hazards, resource depletion, and

Healthy People & Environments

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1321 / SB 5305 Declaring the intent for all Washingtonians to have health care coverage by 2020 (Robinson / Frockt)

Implementation of the Affordable Care Act and expansion of Medicaid has increased health care access for many Washingtonians. Yet, 12% of the state’s population was still uninsured by 2014220. A disproportionate number of the uninsured are people of color; more than a quarter of the state’s Latino and American Indian populations have no coverage221. People without health insurance are less likely than people with insurance to access care when they need it: 46% of uninsured adults in Washington have an unmet health need, compared to 10% of those with

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1669 / SB 5625 Establishing a task force on continuity of health coverage and care (Riccelli / Frockt)

The healthcare system in the U.S. consists of a patchwork of insurance options, including Medicaid for low-income individuals, employer-sponsored health coverage, and plans purchased by individuals on the market. ‘Churning’ refers to the disruption in insurance coverage caused when people transition between types of insurance or become uninsured for short periods of time224. People of color are disproportionately affected by churn because they are more likely to be low-income and have

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insurance222. Uninsured people are less likely to seek preventive care and diagnostic tests and, as a result, die more often from avoidable health problems. When uninsured people do access care, they frequently pay out-of-pocket for medical services and are more likely to declare medical bankruptcy. Even if the Affordable Care Act is fully implemented, an estimated 8.3% of Washingtonians will remain uninsured, either because they cannot afford ACA coverage or because they are ineligible for coverage due to their immigration status223. HB 1321 / SB 5305 would have formalized the intent to provide accessible, affordable, and comprehensive health care coverage to all Washingtonians by 2020.

unstable employment, hours, and wages, resulting in inconsistent access to employer benefits and frequently changing eligibility for Medicaid225. Studies show that people who are uninsured even for short periods of time go without preventive services and accumulate debt from medical emergencies226. The interruption in care is particularly dangerous for pregnant women and people with chronic health problems who depend on consistent services from one primary care provider. HB 1669 / SB 5625 would have commissioned a study of who is left out of health insurance coverage and created a Task Force to identify strategies to improve consistent healthcare access for families at repeated risk of losing coverage.

AMINTA ELGIN SEATTLE, WA

My name is Aminta Elgin, I am a proud mother originally from El Salvador. I now live in Seattle, where Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve lived for many years, running a little bakery with my sister. My income varies month to month. Paying for my house mortgage and health insurance, not including any deductibles or co-pays, takes up almost 70% of my income. I have to work to support myself and my family while dealing with chronic health conditions. I have diabetes and diverticulitis, a painful condition which affects my colon. I pay $300 a month for health insurance, but because of my deductible and co-pays from doctors visits and medications, I am deep in medical debt. I have avoided going to the doctor as much as possible, but sometimes still end up in the emergency room. I need surgery for my diverticulitis, but I delay getting the procedure done because of the cost. All of my extra money goes towards paying off medical bills, which prevents me from helping my children with their college tuition. If we had universal health care in Washington State, I would be able to get the treatment I need without facing a lifetime of debt and may even be in a financial position to help my children pursue their education.

Healthy People & Environments

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1780 / SB 5664: Regulating interpreter services / Promoting efficiency in the procurement of interpreter services (Bergquist / Jayapal)

As Washington’s immigrant population grows, interpretation services are an increasingly important component of safety nets and social services programs that serve the state’s most vulnerable communities. Almost half of all immigrants in Washington have limited English proficiency227. Title VI of the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964 entitles people with limited English proficiency to interpretation services free of charge when applying to federally funded programs228. However, applicants to Washington state-funded

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1647 / SB 5574: Concerning health plan coverage of reproductive health care (Cody / Hobbs)

Unintended pregnancies hold women back: they decrease women’s educational attainment and earning potential, worsen women’s health outcomes, and increase the likelihood that children will grow up in poverty229. While the rate of unintended pregnancies has declined among white women of high socioeconomic status in the U.S., it has continued to climb over the past ten years for women of color and women in poverty230. Black teenagers, Black single adult women, and Black married women are all more

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programs have no guaranteed access to an interpreter, creating a significant barrier to care for immigrant families. HB 1780 / SB 5664 authorized the Washington Department of Social and Health Services, the Health Care Authority, and the Department of Labor to purchase interpreter services on behalf of limitedEnglish speaking applicants, recipients of public assistance, and injured workers. This bill would have improved equity in access to health care, government assistance, and labor protections, and created hundreds of interpreter jobs, expanding economic opportunity in bilingual immigrant communities.

likely to have unintended pregnancies than white women of similar age and marital status231. These disparities are due, in part, to differences in access to contraception, family planning, and reproductive health services232. HB 1647 / SB 5574 would have increased access to reproductive health services for women of color in Washington. The bill requires insurance companies to cover all contraceptive methods, including birth control and IUDs; pay for 12 months of birth control at a time; and cover abortion care if they cover maternity care. It also would have funded a study of reproductive health disparities in Washington to identify the demographics that most need improved access to reproductive health care.

Healthy People & Environments

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1421 / SB 5465 Concerning mid-level dental professionals (Cody / Frockt)

Tooth decay, the leading chronic disease among children, disproportionately impacts children of color: 37% of Black children, 41% of Latino children, and 72% of all American Indian children have untreated tooth decay, compared to only 25% of white children233. Similarly, American Indian, Latino, and Black adults in Washington were more likely than white adults to experience adult tooth loss234. These oral health disparities are caused, in part, by the high cost of dental services, and the paucity of dentists practicing in rural areas and on reservations. Thirty-four of 39 counties in Washington do not have enough oral health professionals to meet community needs235. Dentists’ unwillingness to accept Medicaid patients also contributes to racial disparities in oral health: nationwide, more than 80% of dentists do not accept Medicaid patients236. A 2012 survey found that only 32% of Medicaid patients were seen by a dentist within the year, compared to 57% of people with private insurance237. These disparities in access to oral health care have serious consequences, particularly

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1174 / SB 5684 Concerning flame retardants (Van De Wege / Nelson)

A report released by the Washington State Department of Ecology confirmed the presence of toxic flame retardants in furniture, electronics, clothing, and children’s toys sold in the state244. Although legislation banned certain flame retardants in 2009, two types of toxic flame retardants - TCEP and TDCCP, known to cause liver cancer, infertility, neurotoxicity, and learning disabilities - are still legal245.

for American Indians, and contribute to an American Indian age-adjusted death rate exceeding that of the general population by almost 40%238. Minnesota and Alaska created mid-level dental professions to close the gap in dental health care. In place of eight years of college and dental school, dental therapists complete two years of training in the procedures most needed for basic oral health, and provide low-cost dental care in underserved communities. HB 1421 / SB 5465 would have permitted mid-level dental professions in Washington, with the stipulation that dental therapists practice in high-need areas, including clinics operated by a Tribal Health Program and clinics where at least 35% of patients have Medicaid coverage. The Washington State Board of Health found “very strong evidence” that this bill would have improved oral and overall health outcomes, and decreased health disparities in Washington239. Although HB 1421 / SB 5465 did not pass, Swinomish Tribe announced, in July of 2015, that they sent a student to Alaska to prepare to practice as a dental therapist in the Swinomish dental clinic240. This move will force legislators to take a stand on tribal sovereignty and oral health equity.

manufactured items246. As early as age 3, toddlers of color carry twice the load of toxic flame retardants in their blood compared to white toddlers247. The use of known carcinogens in cheap consumer products, especially when non-toxic alternatives exist, is a form of environmental racism. HB 1174 / SB 5684 would have prohibited the manufacture and sale of upholstered furniture and children’s products containing any flame retardants identified as a high priority concern for children’s health.

Researchers in California found that low-income families face disproportionately high exposure to TCEP and TDCCP, since these chemicals are most often found in older furniture and cheap, poorly

RUDY MORA TACOMA, WA

My name is Rudy Mora, I am Mexican and Chirakawa Apache. I live in Tacoma, Washington with my wife and our kids. I love our little house in the Hilltop Neighborhood, but the pollution from all the industry around here makes it hard for me to breathe. I was born with asthma and allergies. I first ended up in the hospital for an asthma attack when I was 5 years old. My parents could not afford asthma medication, so I took cough lozenges and sat by fans to try to clear my lungs. As an adult, I learned to control my asthma with inhalers. With my insurance, I pay $65 per inhaler, so I am always rationing them, trying to use the inhalers only when I need them most. On days when the air is heavy with pollution, I know I will need to keep an inhaler close at hand. Within a mile of our house, there is a steel mill and a mulch manufacturer. Just up the hill, along the tide flats, there is a recycling plant, a cedar mill, and a pulp mill. The burning smell stays in the air, and the lead and arsenic seep into our soil. It worries me when our children play outside. I worked for a while at the cedar mill because that was the only work I could find. The cedar dust bothered my asthma so much that it only took two weeks on the job before I ended up in the hospital. I have been to the hospital three times for asthma attacks since I moved to this neighborhood. It is not right that I have to worry about having an asthma attack when I go outside or go to work. There are cleaner neighborhoods where the pollution is not so bad, but we do not have the money to move right now. Washington should not allow corporations to use poor neighborhoods as their toxic dumping grounds. I hope that the Legislature takes action to protect the air in neighborhoods like ours so that my children do not have to grow up trying to manage severe asthma like I do.

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Healthy People & Environments

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1314 / SB 5283 Implementing a carbon pollution market program to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (Fitzgibbon / Ranker)

Climate change in Washington is causing higher summer temperatures and lower summer precipitation, increased drought and water shortage, rising sea levels and flooding, and exacerbated air pollution conditions and health problems241. Low-income communities of color, who have contributed the least to greenhouse gas emissions, are most affected by climate change and the pollution that causes it. Studies in the Puget Sound area found that low-income neighborhoods of color in South Seattle, Tukwila, and Greater Duwamish have more industrial waste facilities, worse air pollution, and higher rates of asthma than the rest of the region242,243. Low-income communities also have fewer resources to adapt to the effects of climate

change. People whose cultural identities or livelihoods are tied to specific lands, including indigenous tribes and farmworkers, are particularly vulnerable to economic and health consequences. HB 1314 / SB 5283, also known as the Carbon Pollution Accountability Act, would have promoted environmental justice by making the biggest polluters in the state purchase permits for the carbon they emit. Revenues from these permits would have funded the Working Families Tax Rebate, offsetting some of the billâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s potential tax burden on low-income families. Most importantly, this bill included stipulations to increase accountability to communities of color. It would have created an Environmental Justice Oversight Board to ensure that the carbon tax will not negatively impact low-income communities or communities of color. It also mandated a study of Environmental Justice Hotspots, areas with serious environmental problems and socioeconomic disparities.

Institutional Equity For a state where people of color comprise more than one-quarter of the population248, the Washington Legislature has a remarkable lack of diversity: only 13 of 147 state legislators were people of color in 2015249. The problem of underrepresentation can be seen at every level of government throughout the state250. Not only does lack of representation deny people of color their basic civic rights, it also means that issues affecting communities of color are less likely to be addressed. The Washington Legislature needs to protect voting rights and equal representation, and implement mechanisms to evaluate the impact of policies and budget decisions on racial equity. There are also 29 federally recognized American Indian tribes and 7 non-federally recognized tribes in Washington State. They are sovereign nations in government-to-government relations with the U.S. Yet,

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federal, state, and corporate actions frequently undermine tribesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; ability to oversee their own territories, negatively impacting American Indian well-being. American Indians in Washington have the highest rates of infant morbidity, mental illness, suicide, and mortality of any racial group251. Less likely to obtain a college degree, more likely to live in poverty, and more likely to be incarcerated, American Indians continue to suffer the consequences of historical and contemporary disadvantage252,253. In 2015, the Washington Legislature took no significant action to advance tribal sovereignty.

Institutional Equity

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 1745 / SB 5668 Enacting the Washington Voting Rights Act (Moscoso / Habib)

People of color are vastly underrepresented on school boards, city councils, and county offices in Washington. For example, among the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ten most Latino counties, where 14-55% of residents are Latino, fewer than 4% of all local-level officials are Latino254. In the city of Yakima, sued by the ACLU for violation of the federal Voting Rights Act, there are no Latinos on city council, even though 41% of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s residents are Latino255. The dearth of people of color in local office directly and negatively impacts communities of color. Studies suggest that African American legislators tend to propose legislation and make speeches that promote African American interests at significantly higher rates than white legislators256. It is, therefore, unsurprising that African Americans are more likely to pay attention to elections and vote when they are represented by an African American in office257. Research in Texas found

MISSED OPPORTUNITY HB 2076 / SB 5752 Regarding information concerning racial disproportionality (Sawyer / Hasegawa)

Mass incarceration in the U.S. has a profoundly unequal impact on African American, Latino, and Native American communities260. Yet, most of the laws that disproportionately incarcerate people of color are facially neutral261. For example, there is no explicit racial content in policies that more harshly enforce crack cocaine compared to powder cocaine, even though cocaine sentencing policies have had a significant racial impact: African Americans make up more than 80 percent of convictions for crack262.

that school districts where Latinos sit on the school board hire more Latino administrators and teachers, and achieve lower disparities in discipline and higher graduation rates258. At-large election systems, common throughout Washington, are a major cause of underrepresentation of racial minorities259. In at-large elections, interests and candidates favored by 50.1% of residents will be elected into office 100% of the time. When voting is polarized along racial lines, candidates of color have almost no chance of getting elected. HB 1745 / SB 5668 would have protected equal opportunity for people of color to participate in elections and provided local jurisdictions with the opportunity to avoid costly litigation through the federal Voting Rights Act. Also known as the Washington Voting Rights Act, this bill would have created a process for local governments to change their electoral system when they deny people of color an equal opportunity to elect candidates of their choice.

As awareness of disproportionate minority contact with the criminal justice system grows, states across the U.S. have begun to implement Racial Impact Statements to reduce the unintended consequences of criminal justice policies263. Racial Impact Statements allow legislators proposing new policies to consider the potential consequences for communities of color. Like fiscal or environmental impact statements, racial impact statements inform the development of more just policies without limiting legislatorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; discretion to act on that information as they see fit. HB 2076 / SB 5752 would have created a procedure for producing racial impact statements in Washington, and permitted any legislator to request a racial impact statement on any piece of legislation.

Budget Equity Social safety nets, like cash and food assistance, and public investments, like education, affordable housing, and living wage jobs, are essential lifelines for families and communities of color. In 2015, the Washington Legislature faced the legacy of six years of budget cuts that decimated K-12 and higher education, food and disability assistance, and affordable housing. These budget cuts contributed to growing racial disparities in health, educational attainment, and income264. This year, legislators were forced to grapple with court rulings that their cuts to state services have reached unconstitutional levels. In 2012, the Supreme Court ruled, in McCleary v. State, that Washington has failed to comply with its constitutional obligation to fully fund basic education265. Similarly, the U.S. District Court ruled in 2014 that delays in competency services for people experiencing mental illness in Washington jails, caused by lack of funding for mental health services and the courts, violates constitutional due process rights266. For the first time in many years, the 2015-17 biennial budget partially restored funding for human services, education, and safety structures cut during the recession. These changes did not fully restore funding to pre-recession levels or bring Washington

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into compliance with policy initiatives. There were also many missed opportunities to address economic disenfranchisement and regressive taxation. The budget was balanced with short-term financial transfers, rather than a long-term plan for revenue sustainability, which leaves programs critical for communities of color vulnerable in the next biennium. Nonetheless, the 2015 budget brought long-overdue progress for people of color who have borne the brunt of budget cuts over the last five years. More works is needed in the next biennial budget to restore funding for state services and develop more sustainable revenue.

Budget Equity

Improving K-12 educational equity The Washington Legislature is now on schedule to comply with McCleary v. State. Legislators added $1.3 billion to K-12 education, including money to fulfill mandatory Maintenance, Supplies, and Operating Costs (MSOC), reduce K-3 class sizes, and expand fullday Kindergarten. Another $700,000 was allocated to train and hire bilingual teachers, who will be critical to the educational success of immigrant and firstgeneration American students. These are the first investments in a multi-year plan to fulfill Washingtonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s constitutional obligation to fund basic education. Although the state is now on track to meet the minimum standards for education spending, it has not addressed districtsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; over-reliance on local levies, a real problem for equity in education. Levies raised through property taxes are intended to fund extracurricular clubs and programs, however, the scarcity of state funding for basic education has led many school districts to use levies for essentials, like teacher salaries and textbooks. When districts are forced to rely on local property tax revenue for the basics, schools in low-income neighborhoods end up with a much lower quality of education than schools in wealthy neighborhoods. The legislature also left Initiative 1351, a voter mandate to reduce class sizes by hiring more teachers, unfunded. The Office of Financial Management estimates that implementing I-1351 would require an additional $2 billion investment in education.

Improving access to early learning This year, legislators took significant steps to advance early learning. The Early Start Act enables low-income families to access child care for up to 12 months without asking applicants to re-verify their income eligibility through the Department of Social and

Health Services, thereby cutting red tape and allowing children to have the chance at more stable care. The bill also added $98 million in state spending on early learning programs. This will significantly improve access to preschool programs for children of color.

Improving access to higher education The Legislature set a national precedent to make college more affordable for high school graduates from middle-income families. A budget allocation of $113 million enables tuition costs by 5% at community and technical colleges, 10% at state universities, and 15% at regional universities.

Supporting families in need The 2015 Legislature restored funding to support food insecure families, families in need, and people in mental health crisis. Legislators added $30 million to the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) cash grant. This was an important 9% increase, although 15% would have been needed to fully restore TANF to pre-recession levels. Fully restoring TANF would have given families an additional $84 per month for basic survival needs like rent, utilities, diapers, and food267. The state-funded food assistance program helps immigrant families, who do not qualify for federal food assistance. Budget cuts in the previous year reduced the amount of food assistance for immigrant families to 75% of what other families receive. This year, legislators restored $9.6 million to the program, so that immigrants and non-immigrants receive the same amount of food assistance and have equal access to food security. Another $100 million was added to the mental health care system to reduce psychiatric boarding and overcrowding at psychiatric hospitals that cannot provide adequate care.

Budget Equity

Increasing access to public transportation The 2015 Transportation Package is, unsurprisingly, weighted towards freeway expansion. The budget also excludes low-carbon fuel standards, an environmental justice measure considered in debates about the budget. Nonetheless, there were some important gains for public transportation and equity. Through funds tied to freeway expansion, Washington developed a Highway Construction Apprenticeship program, creating living wage jobs and career development opportunities for women and people of color. Of the $16.1 billion transportation package, $1 billion will fund multi-modal transit, like bike paths, walkways, and buses. These investments increase mobility for low-income communities who depend on alternatives to automobiles. Legislators also voted to allow Sound Transit to submit a $15 billion tax package on the 2016 ballot in Snohomish, King and Pierce counties. This measure would extend light rail transit to Everett, Tacoma, Redmond, Ballard, and West Seattle, and help to connect workers of color living in outlying suburbs to jobs in the Seattle city center.

Expanding affordable housing For the first time in many years, the Legislature invested $75 million in the Housing Trust Fund to fill the gap between housing needs and affordable housing availability. This investment will pay for nearly 2,000 affordable homes for seniors, homeless families, and people with disabilities and mental illness, as well as 176 farmworker homes and 500 seasonal beds. Additional affordable housing was created through new requirements to more equitably use surplus lands purchased for the construction of light rail. The Transportation Package stipulates that Sound Transit must develop 80% of its land, and allocate 80% of its housing units to affordable housing for people making less than 80% of the median income in the area. It also requires Sound Transit to dedicate $20 million to the Regional Equitable Development Initiative (REDI) fund for affordable housing development.

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Paying public workers In general, public workers fared better in this yearâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s budget than in past years. The legislature allocated $800 million to fund public worker agreements. Through Initiative 732, teachers received a Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA) to bring salaries up to par with inflation. The Initiative also included an additional $150 million on top of COLA, so that teacher salaries would be equivalent to what other state employees receive. Unfortunately, this was only a temporary bonus for the next two years. Home care workers, domestic workers who help the elderly and disabled, received retirement benefits and wage increases for the first time in many years. This was a significant positive change for a workforce that is disproportionately Asian, Pacific Islander, and African American.

Promoting healthy environments Several environmental measures were incorporated into the 2015 budget that will help to create jobs and reduce climate change without disproportionately burdening low-income communities of color. These measures included stormwater financial assistance, floodplains by design, and solar energy plants for public buildings, along with $15 million for weatherization of homes owned by low-income homeowners. The Carbon Pollution Accountability Act would have addressed climate change, mitigated environmental hazards impacting communities of color, raised muchneeded revenue, and funded the Working Families Tax Rebate. This was a significant missed opportunity for environmental justice and progressive taxation. The Legislature also failed to enact a Pesticide Drift proviso, a critical protection for rural communities. The proviso would have developed a notification system to warn neighbors before farmers apply pesticides in a way that could be carried through the air to surrounding residents.

Budget Equity

MISSED OPPORTUNITIES

Financial Aid for Higher Education This yearâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s tuition cuts will help to reduce the amount of student debt for many middle-income students. However, tuition cuts do not help low-income students for whom higher education is completely unaffordable. Low-income students rely on need-based financial aid grants. There are more than 30,000 students in Washington who qualify for state-based tuition assistance but do not receive financial aid because the state has inadequately funded the grant.

Reductions in Mass Incarceration In 2014, Governor Inslee mandated a proposal from the Washington Department of Corrections outlining how the agency would achieve a 15% budget reduced. The resulting proposal would have cut the DOC caseload by 4,500 inmates and 2,700 people under community supervision, lowering earned time for people sentenced to community supervision, reducing sentences for drug possession, and releasing people from prison 150 days early268. This budget-driven sentencing reform could have alleviated some of the disproportionate harm to communities of color caused by mass incarceration and war on drugs. However, these reforms were not incorporated into the enacted budget.â&#x20AC;?

Investment for Low-income Families The amount of financial support currently dispersed through TANF and state-funded food assistance is insufficient to sustain low-income families in crisis. Although these programs were partially restored to pre-recession levels this year, legislators still need to restore funding, at the minimum, to the capacity before cuts. Additional investments are also needed to keep up with inflation and the rising cost of living. Since 2001, the cost of basic needs has increased by 54%, while the value of the TANF cash grant has decreased by 34%269. The state has also set increasingly harsh time limits on TANF eligibility, cutting off many families in need270. Such punishing time limits should be eliminated so that families have financial support for long enough to successfully transition out of crisis and achieve longterm economic stability. Although substantial gains were made for firsttime homeowners, renters, and formerly homeless individuals, no financial support was offered to families in foreclosure.

Revenue & Taxation Washington State has one of the most upside down tax structures in the country, overburdening low-income and working families, who are disproportionately likely to be families of color. Families living below the poverty line pay as much as 16% of their income in state taxes, while the wealthiest 1% of Washington pays only 2.4% of their income to the state. This tax structure also generates insufficient revenue to fund the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s most basic needs, including education, healthcare, and job training programs. A few positive changes were made to the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s tax structure in 2015. Four tax breaks subsidizing wealth and corporate profit were closed, including a businessand occupation tax rate for royalty income and a tax break for software manufacturers272. These tax breaks added $162 million in revenue to fund state services. However, ten additional tax breaks were created, cutting $36 million in state revenue273. Legislators also passed an 11.9-cent increase in the gas tax, to be implemented over the next two years274. Like sales tax, the gas tax disproportionately burdens low-income families because it charges all consumers a flat rate regardless of income. New excise, sales, and business taxes on marijuana are projected to increase revenue by about $300 million.

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According to the Initiative passed in 2012 authorizing the sale of marijuana, at least some of these funds must be earmarked for health care, education, and substance-abuse prevention275. An additional $178 million in revenue was transferred from other accounts276. Overall, new spending on education vastly outweighed new revenue created, even though the 2015 increase in education spending was insufficient to meet existing requirements. The state did not substantially reduce its disproportionate tax burden on low-income families, and balanced the budget with short-term strategies that put state services and low-income families of color at risk in the next budget cycle.

Revenue & Taxation

MISSED OPPORTUNITIES

INCOME

STATE AND LOCAL TAXES AS A SHARE OF FAMILY INCOME

less than $21,000

16.80%

$21,000 - 40,000

11.70%

$40,000 - 65,000

10.10%

$65,000 - 103,000

8.50%

$103,000 - 197,000

6.60%

$197,000 - 507,000

4.60%

more than $507,000

2.40%

Figure 5: Washington has one of the most regressive tax systems in the country, meaning that people with lower incomes pay a significantly larger proportion of their income in taxes than people with higher incomes271.

HB 2224: Capital Gains Tax Legislators in this 2015 session missed an important opportunity to create a more progressive tax structure and reduce some of the wasteful tax breaks afforded to wealthy individuals and corporations in Washington. HB 2224 would have established an excise tax on capital gains, profits made from the sale of financial assets, such as stocks, bonds, or vacation homes. A capital gains tax would only impact a small portion of the population: more than 80% of taxable capital gains are held by the wealthiest 3% of the population277. However, the sizable resources generated from the collection of the capital gains tax, as much as $1 billion a year, could help to protect programs that serve the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s most vulnerable families.

Working Families Tax Rebate The Working Families Tax Rebate would return some of the income taken from low-income families through regressive sales taxes, and help families, including families of color, to achieve economic stability. Intergenerational transfers of wealth in white families, alongside past barriers to wealth accumulation in African American, Latino, Asian, and American Indian families, drive disproportionate poverty in communities of color278. State investment is necessary to ensure that children of color have the housing, food, and economic stability they need for a fair chance to escape poverty. Although the Working Families Tax Rebate was enacted in 2008, funds have not yet been allocated to implement the program. HB 1314, the Carbon Pollution Accountability Act, would have funded the rebate through a tax on carbon emissions. Funding for the Working Families Tax Rebate from general revenue was also proposed by Governor Jay Inslee and included in the House proposal, but cut in the Senate279.

LEGISLATIVE REPORT CARD Legislators were graded based on their voting record on racial equity legislation included in this report, as well as their leadership authoring or co-sponsoring these bills. Many of the bills advancing racial equity did not make it out of committee, so they are not included in legislatorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; voting points. For this reason, it is useful to consider both voting and leadership points to accurately assess legislatorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; impact on racial equity. The intent of this grading is not to stigmatize legislators for their votes, but rather to initiate a dialogue about how Washington State can move forward towards racial and economic equity, and increase opportunities for all.

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House of Representatives DISTRICT

% POC IN DISTRICT

GRADE

TOTAL %

LEADERSHIP POINTS

VOTING POINTS

Sherry Appleton

23%

A+

100%

Steve Bergquist

55%

A+

97%

Brian Blake

17%

83%

Vincent Buys

21%

58%

-2

Michelle Caldier

17%

64%

Reuven Carlyle

20%

B+

89%

Bruce Chandler

60%

57%

Frank Chopp

25%

93%

Judy Clibborn

34%

B+

87%

Eileen Cody

35%

95%

Cary Condotta

32%

57%

-2

Richard DeBolt

15%

57%

-2

Tom Dent

32%

59%

Hans Dunshee

22%

B+

89%

Susan Fagan

29%

D+

67%

-2

Jessyn Farrell

26%

A+

100%

Jake Fey

35%

A-

91%

Joe Fitzgibbon

35%

A+

100%

Roger Goodman

23%

A++

101%

Mia Gregerson

53%

A+

98%

Carol Gregory

44%

86%

Dan Griffey

16%

64%

Larry Haler

25%

64%

Drew Hansen

23%

83%

Mark Hargrove

39%

59%

Mark Harmsworth

22%

59%

Paul Harris

20%

D-

62%

Brad Hawkins

32%

D-

62%

-2

Dave Hayes

16%

59%

Jeff Holy

14%

D-

60%

Zack Hudgins

55%

96%

Graham Hunt

23%

59%

-4

Sam Hunt

23%

A+

97%

REPRESENTATIVE

House of Representatives, cont. DISTRICT

% POC IN DISTRICT

GRADE

TOTAL %

LEADERSHIP POINTS

VOTING POINTS

Ross Hunter

38%

B+

88%

Christopher Hurst

19%

C+

79%

-2

Laurie Jinkins

35%

A++

104%

Norm Johnson

37%

C-

71%

Ruth Kagi

34%

A++

102%

Christine Kilduff

33%

B+

88%

Steve Kirby

49%

B-

82%

-1

Brad Klippert

25%

56%

Linda Kochmar

44%

D+

68%

Joel Kretz

13%

D-

60%

-2

Dan Kristiansen

16%

D-

62%

Kristine Lytton

20%

B+

89%

Drew MacEwen

16%

D+

68%

Chad Magendanz

20%

73%

Matt Mannweller

32%

66%

Joan McBride

38%

A-

92%

Gina McCabe

37%

66%

Bob McCaslin

11%

59%

Jim Moeller

24%

A-

90%

Jeff Morris

20%

B-

82%

Luis Moscoso

26%

A++

105%

Dick Muri

33%

C-

70%

Terry Nealey

41%

58%

-2

Ed Orcutt

15%

56%

Timm Ormsby

19%

A++

101%

Lillian Ortiz-Self

35%

96%

Tina Orwall

53%

A-

91%

Kevin Parker

14%

57%

-4

Strom Peterson

35%

A-

91%

Eric Pettigrew

62%

A-

90%

Liz Pike

13%

55%

-2

Gerry Pollet

26%

A+

100%

Chris Reykdal

23%

A+

97%

REPRESENTATIVE

50 | FACING RACE: LEGISLATIVE REPORT CARD 2016

House of Representatives, cont. DISTRICT

% POC IN DISTRICT

GRADE

TOTAL %

LEADERSHIP POINTS

VOTING POINTS

Marcus Riccelli

19%

A++

102%

June Robinson

29%

A+

100%

Jay Rodne

20%

59%

Cindy Ryu

34%

A+

99%

Sharon Tomiko Santos

62%

93%

David Sawyer

49%

94%

Joe Schmick

29%

59%

Elizabeth Scott

16%

59%

Mike Sells

29%

94%

Tana Senn

34%

94%

Matt Shea

11%

57%

Shelly Short

13%

58%

-2

Norma Smith

16%

59%

Larry Springer

23%

83%

Melanie Stambaugh

27%

C-

70%

Derek Stanford

26%

A-

91%

Drew Stokesbary

19%

66%

Pat Sullivan

39%

86%

Dean Takko

17%

84%

Gael Tarleton

20%

A-

91%

David Taylor

60%

58%

Steve Tharinger

15%

A+

100%

Kevin Van De Wege

25%

A-

90%

Luanne Van Werven

21%

59%

Brandon Vick

13%

54%

-4

Brady Walkinshaw

25%

A++

102%

Maureen Walsh

41%

B-

80%

J.T. Wilcox

23%

65%

-2

Lynda Wilson

20%

59%

Sharon Wylie

24%

A-

91%

Jesse Young

17%

59%

Hans Zeiger

27%

66%

REPRESENTATIVE

Senate DISTRICT

% POC IN DISTRICT

GRADE

TOTAL %

LEADERSHIP POINTS

VOTING POINTS

Jan Angel

17%

57%

-2

Barbara Bailey

16%

64%

Michael Baumgartner

14%

52%

Randi Becker

23%

63%

Don Benton

20%

D-

61%

-3

Andy Billig

19%

A+

97%

John Braun

15%

C-

71%

Sharon Brown

25%

D-

61%

Maralyn Chase

34%

93%

Annette Cleveland

24%

95%

Steve Conway

49%

A+

100%

Bruce Dammeier

27%

73%

Brian Dansel

13%

52%

Jeannie Darneille

35%

A++

104%

Doug Ericksen

21%

63%

-2

Joe Fain

39%

75%

Karen Fraser

23%

A-

91%

David Frockt

26%

A++

103%

Cyrus Habib

38%

A+

97%

James Hargrove

15%

B+

89%

Bob Hasegawa

55%

A++

102%

Brian Hatfield

17%

74%

Mike Hewitt

41%

65%

Andy Hill

23%

74%

Steve Hobbs

22%

74%

Jim Honeyford

60%

59%

-2

Pramila Jayapal

62%

A++

111%

Karen Keiser

53%

A+

97%

Curtis King

37%

69%

-2

Jeanne Kohl-Welles

20%

A++

109%

Marko Liias

35%

B-

82%

Steve Litzow

35%

C+

79%

26%

A++

103%

SENATOR

Rosemary McAuliffe

52 | FACING RACE: LEGISLATIVE REPORT CARD 2016

Senate, cont. DISTRICT

% POC IN DISTRICT

GRADE

TOTAL %

LEADERSHIP POINTS

VOTING POINTS

John McCoy

29%

A-

91%

Mark Miloscia

44%

C+

79%

Mark Mullet

20%

B+

87%

Sharon Nelson

35%

93%

Steve O'Ban

33%

D+

69%

Mike Padden

11%

45%

Linda Evans Parlette

32%

65%

Kirk Pearson

16%

58%

Jamie Pedersen

25%

93%

Kevin Ranker

20%

86%

Ann Rivers

13%

65%

Pam Roach

19%

52%

Christine Rolfes

23%

A-

92%

Mark Schoesler

29%

65%

Tim Shelden

16%

63%

-2

Judy Warnick

32%

76%

SENATOR

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR 2016 Legislators should pass the following bills in the 2016 session to reduce racial disparities and increase opportunities for all:

»»

Allowing prosecutors to refer juveniles to restorative justice programs

»» »» »»

Anti-retaliation against wage theft

»» »» »» »»

Breakfast after the bell

Ban the Box, aka, Fair Chance Act Body cameras to monitor police brutality Carbon Pollution Accountability Act Concerning flame retardants Concerning mid-level dental professionals

»»

Continuity of health coverage and care

»» »» »»

Dual language programs

»» »»

Family Unity Act

»»

Improving interpreter services

Eliminating the death penalty Encouraging certificates of restoration of opportunity Implementing strategies to close the educational opportunity gap

54 | FACING RACE: LEGISLATIVE REPORT CARD 2016

»»

Increasing the minimum hourly wage

»» »» »»

Intent to cover all

»»

Paid family and medical leave insurance

»» »» »» »» »»

Paid sick and safe leave

»» »» »» »»

Social and emotional learning

Equal Pay Opportunity Act Language access for Limited English Proficient parents

Preservation of housing options Prohibit employee misclassification Racial impact statements Reducing sentencing for property crimes Reform legal financial obligations Reproductive Health Equity Act Washington Voting Rights Act

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report would not have been possible without the immense contributions of many people - those who shared their stories and experiences, those who participating in the planning and execution of this report, and those who provided feedback on its contents. We are deeply indebted to those individuals.

Authors

Margaret Diddams, Ph.D., Community Organizer, Washington CAN! Chris Genese, Organizing Director, Washington CAN!

Contributed written content to the report

Xochitl Maykovich, Community Organizer, Washington CAN!

Assisted with research, data collection, and editing

Racial Equity Team, Shetha Alaskar, Jennifer Allen, Brandon Anderson, Rolando Avila, Mauricio Ayon, Margaret Babayan, Kate Baber, Alex Becker, Debbie Carlsen, Bob Cooper, Ellicott Dandy, Mahnaz Eshetu, LaKecia Farmer, Eric Gonzรกlez Alfaro, Ben Henry, Adam Hyla Holdorf, Sybill Hyppolite, Pam Johnson, Terry Keleher, Joe Kendo, Sunshine Monastrial, Teresa Mosqueda, Rachel Myers, Diane Narasak, Sharonne Navas, Roxana Norouzi, Marc Taylor, Heather Villanueva, Marilyn Watkins, Margaret Weihs

Design

Tara Bostock The Legislative Report Card on Racial Equity model comes from Race Forward: The Center for Racial Justice Innovation.

56 | FACING RACE: LEGISLATIVE REPORT CARD 2016

ENDNOTES 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

U.S. Census Bureau. “ACS Demographic and Housing Estimates.” 2000. Geographic Area: Washingto Balk, Gene. “Census: Washington getting less white, older; Asians growing fastest in state.” The Seattle Times. 12 June 2013. <http://blogs.seattletimes.com/fyi-guy/2013/06/12/census-washington-getting-less-white-older-asians-growing-fastestin-state/> U.S. Census Bureau, “State and County QuickFacts.” Data Set: Population Estimates, American Community Survey. 2015. Geographic Area: Washington. “Changing Demographics by Race/ Ethnicity & Socioeconomic Status in Washington State.” University of Washington: Assessment Unit Staff. 30 October 2013. <http://www.washington.edu/omad/files/2011/11/2013-10-30Changing-Demographics-by-Ethnicity-Race-Socioeconomic-Status-2-Read-Only.pdf> Krogstad, Jens Manuel. “Reflecting a Racial Shift, 78 Counties Turned Majority-Minority Since 2000.” Pew Research Center. 8 April 2015. <http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/04/08/reflecting-a-racial-shift-78-counties-turnedmajority-minority-since-2000/> Teixeira, Ruy. “When Will Your State Become Majority-Minority.” Think Progress. 8 May 2013. <http://thinkprogress. org/politics/2013/05/08/1978221/when-will-your-state-become-majority-minority/> Teixeira, Ruy, William Frey, and Rob Griffin. “The Demographic Evolution of the American Electorate, 19742060.” Center for American Progress. 24 February 2015. <https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/ uploads/2015/02/24060014/SOC-reportAugust15.pdf> Balk, Gene. “Census: Washington getting less white, older; Asians growing fastest in state.” The Seattle Times. 12 June 2013. <http://blogs.seattletimes.com/fyi-guy/2013/06/12/census-washington-getting-less-white-older-asians-growingfastest-in-state/> “New Americans in Washington: The Political and Economic Power of Immigrants, latinos, and Asians in the Evergreen State.” American Immigration Council. June 2015. <http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/ docs/new_americans_in_washington_2015.pdf> Hooker, Sarah, Margie McHugh, Michael Fix, and Randy Capps. “Shaping Our Futures: The Educational and Career Success of Washington State’s Immigrant Youth.” Migration Policy Institute. June 2013. “State Immigration Data Profiles: Washington.” Migration Policy Institute. <http://www.migrationpolicy.org/data/ state-profiles/state/demographics/WA> “Washington State’s Immigrant Young Adults have Mixed Record of Success in High School and College, New Report Finds.” Migration Policy Institute. 25 June 2013. <http://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/washingtonstate%E2%80%99s-immigrant-young-adults-have-mixed-record-success-high-school-and-college-new> “State Immigration Data Profiles: Washington.” Migration Policy Institute. <http://www.migrationpolicy.org/data/ state-profiles/state/demographics/WA> “Refugee Arrivals for FY 2014 by State and Country of Origin.” Office of Refugee Resettlement. 11 February 2015. <http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/fiscal-year-2014-refugee-arrivals> “New Americans in Washington: The Political and Economic Power of Immigrants, latinos, and Asians in the Evergreen State.” American Immigration Council. June 2015. <http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/ docs/new_americans_in_washington_2015.pdf> “Limited English Proficient Individuals in the United States: Number, Share, Growth, and Linguistic Diversity.” Migration Policy Institute. December 2011. U.S. Census Bureau, “State and County QuickFacts.” Data Set: Population Estimates, American Community Survey. 2015. Geographic Area: Washington. “Washington: Language and Education.” Migration Policy Institute. <http://www.migrationpolicy.org/data/stateprofiles/state/language/WA> “Limited English Proficient Individuals in the United States: Number, Share, Growth, and Linguistic Diversity.” Migration Policy Institute. December 2011. “Median Income in the Past 12 Months (in 2013 Inflation-Adjusted Dollars): Washington.” U.S. Census Bureau, 20092013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates. <http://factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/

productview.xhtml?pid=ACS_13_5YR_S1903&prodType=table> 20. “Median Income in the Past 12 Months (in 2010 Inflation-Adjusted Dollars): Seattle Metro Area.” U.S. Census Bureau, 2006-2010 American Community Survey 5-year Estimates. 21. Cardenas, Vanessa. “The Benefits of Increasing the Minimum Wage for People of Color.” Center for American Progress. 21 April 2014. <https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/race/news/2014/04/21/87248/the-benefits-ofincreasing-the-minimum-wage-for-people-of-color/> 22. Bernhardt, Annette, Ruth Milkman, Nik Theodore, Douglas Heckathorn, Mirabai Auer, James DeFilipis, Ana Luz Gonzalez, Victor Narro, Jason Perelshteyn, Diana Polson, and Michael Spiller. “Broken Laws, Unprotected Workers: Violations of Employment and Labor Laws in America’s Cities.” National Employment Law Project. 2009. <http:// www.nelp.org/content/uploads/2015/03/BrokenLawsReport2009.pdf ?nocdn=1> 23. Smith, Rebecca, Sarah Paoletti, Erin Argueta, Robert Manzanares, Chris Newman, and Chivy Sok. “Labor and Employment Rights in the United States: A Critical Look at U.S. Compliance with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.” U.S. Human Rights Network Labor Caucus.. February 2008. 24. U.S. Census Bureau, “ACS Poverty Status in the Past 12 Months,” Data Set: 2013 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates, Geographic Area: Washington. 25. “The Hidden Academic Opportunity Gaps among Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders: What Disaggregated Data Reveals in Washington State.” National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research in Education. March 2015. <http://capaa.wa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/iCount-WA-Report.pdf> 26. “DSHS Client Services: All Ages by Race.” Washington State Department of Social and Health Services. July 2012 - June 2013. <http://clientdata.rda.dshs.wa.gov/ReportServer/Pages/ReportViewer.aspx?/CSDBAnyYear/ StateClientSvcsByAge_RaceCrosstab> 27. Kinney, Sally. “Homelessness: Myths and Facts.” Interfaith Task Force on Homelessness. 2013. <http:// greaterseattlecares.org/wp-content/uploads/Homelessness-Myths-and-facts.pdf> 28. “Preliminary Report on Race and Washington’s Criminal Justice System.” Task Force on Race and the Criminal Justice System. 2011. <http://www.law.seattleu.edu/Documents/korematsu/race%20and%20criminal%20justice/ preliminary%20report%20-%20final%20release%20march%201%202011%20for%20printer%202.pdf> 29. “Children in Poverty by Race and Ethnicity.” Kids Count Data Center. Sepetember 2015. <http://datacenter. kidscount.org/data/tables/44-children-in-poverty-by-race-and-ethnicity?loc=49&loct=2#detailed/2/49/fal se/869,36,868,867,133/10,11,9,12,1,185,13/324,323> 30. “Children Under 18 in Poverty.” Kids Count Data Center. April 2015. <http://datacenter.kidscount.org/data/ tables/3298-children-under-18-in-poverty?loc=49&loct=2#detailed/2/any/false/36,868,867,133,38/any/7986,6800> 31. “Employment Status of the Civilian Noninstitutional Population by Sex, Race, Hispanic or Latino Ethnicity, Marital Status, and Detailed Age, 2014 Annual Averages.” Bureau of Labor Statistics. 2014. <http://www.bls.gov/lau/ table14full14.pdf> 32. “Employment Status: Seattle Metro Area.” U.S. Census Bureau, 2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates. 33. “Employment Status: Washington.” U.S. Census Bureau, 2011-2013 American Community Survey 3-Year Estimates. <http://factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?pid=ACS_13_5YR_ S2301&prodType=table> 34. “Health Insurance Coverage State: 2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates.” U.S. Census Bureau, 2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates. <http://factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/ productview.xhtml?pid=ACS_13_5YR_S2701&prodType=table> 35. “Health Insurance Coverage: Seattle Metro Area.” U.S. Census Bureau, 2011-2013 American Community Survey 3-Year Estimates. 36. “The State of Asian Americans & Pacific Islanders in Washington.” Commission on Asian Pacific American Affairs. 2010. <http://capaa.wa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/StateofAPAReport_9_1_10.pdf> 37. “Children and Youth with Asthma in Washington State.” Washington State Department of Health. 2012. <http://www. doh.wa.gov/portals/1/documents/pubs/345-269-cyasthmareport.pdf> 38. Carne, Deb and Lisa Ireland. “Graduation and Dropout Statistics: Annual Report.” Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. April 2015. <http://www.k12.wa.us/LegisGov/2015documents/GradandDropoutStats2015.pdf> 39. Carne, Deb and Lisa Ireland. “Graduation and Dropout Statistics: Annual Report.” Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 2012-13. <http://www.k12.wa.us/dataadmin/pubdocs/GradDropout/12-13/2012-13GraduationAndDrop

58 | FACING RACE: LEGISLATIVE REPORT CARD 2016

40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61.

outStatisticsAnnualReport.pdf> “Preliminary Report on Race and Washington’s Criminal Justice System.” Task Force on Race and the Criminal Justice System. 2011. <http://www.law.seattleu.edu/Documents/korematsu/race%20and%20criminal%20justice/ preliminary%20report%20-%20final%20release%20march%201%202011%20for%20printer%202.pdf> Ibid “Race: About.” U.S. Census Bureau. <http://www.census.gov/topics/population/race/about.html> Asi, Maryam, and Daniel Beaulieu. “Arab Households in the United States: 2006-2010.” American Community Survey Briefs. May 2013. <https://www.census.gov/prod/2013pubs/acsbr10-20.pdf> “Race: About.” U.S. Census Bureau. <http://www.census.gov/topics/population/race/about.html> “Poverty Status in the Past 12 Months: 2014 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates.” U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey. 2014. <http://factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview. xhtml?pid=ACS_14_1YR_S1701&prodType=table> “The Hidden Academic Opportunity Gaps among Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders: What Disaggregated Data Reveals in Washington State.” National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research in Education. March 2015. <http://capaa.wa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/iCount-WA-Report.pdf> “Race: About.” U.S. Census Bureau. <http://www.census.gov/topics/population/race/about.html> “Invisible Tribes: Urban Indians and Their Health in a Changing World.” Urban Indian Health Commission. 2007. <http://www.uihi.org/download/UIHC_Report_FINAL.pdf> “Poverty, income inequality increase in Washington State.” UW Today. 18 September 2014. <http://www.washington. edu/news/2014/09/18/poverty-income-inequality-increase-in-washington-state/> U.S. Census Bureau, “ACS Selected Economic Characteristics,” Data Set: 2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Geographic Area: Washington. Pfingst, Lori, Angela Powell, and Elena Hernandez. Creating an Equitable Future in Washington State: 2015 Black Well-Being and Beyond. <http://center-stone.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/SOBW_report_r701_ Final_032515_LowRes_spreads.pdf> U.S. Census Bureau, “ACS Selected Economic Characteristics,” Data Set: 2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Geographic Area: Washington. U.S. Census Bureau, “ACS Poverty Status in the Past 12 Months,” Data Set: 2013 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates, Geographic Area: Washington. “The Hidden Academic Opportunity Gaps among Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders: What Disaggregated Data Reveals in Washington State.” National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research in Education. March 2015. <http://capaa.wa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/iCount-WA-Report.pdf> “A Broken Bargain for LGBT Workers of Color.” Movement Advancement Project, Center for American Progress, Freedom to Work, Human Rights Campaign, and National Black Justice Coalition. November 2013. <http://www. lgbtmap.org/file/a-broken-bargain-for-lgbt-workers-of-color.pdf> Smith, Rebecca, Sarah Paoletti, Erin Argueta, Robert Manzanares, Chris Newman, and Chivy Sok. “Labor and Employment Rights in the United States: A Critical Look at U.S. Compliance with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.” U.S. Human Rights Network Labor Caucus.. February 2008. Hall, Matthew, Kyle Crowder, and Amy Spring. “Variations in Housing Foreclosure by Race and Place, 2005-2012.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 660.1 (2015): 217-237. Weller, Christian, Julie Ajinkya, and Jane Farrell. “The State of Communities of Color in the U.S. Economy.” Center for American Progress. April 2012. <https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2012/04/pdf/ comm_of_color.pdf> “Washington State Housing Needs Assessment – 2015.” Washington State Department of Commerce. <www. commerce.wa.gov/commissions/AffordableHousingAdvisoryBoard/Affordable-Housing-Needs-Study/Pages/default. aspx> Quinn, Lois and John Pawasarat. “Racial Integration in Urban America: A Block Level Analysis of African American and White Housing Patterns.” University of Wisconsin Employee & Training Institute. January 2003. <https://www4. uwm.edu/eti/integration/integration.pdf> “The 2014 Annual Homeless Assessment Report (AHAR) to Congress.” The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. October 2014. <https://www.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2014-AHAR-Part1.pdf>

62. Ibid. 63. Cardenas, Vanessa. “The Benefits of Increasing the Minimum Wage for People of Color.” Center for American Progress. 21 April 2014. <https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/race/news/2014/04/21/87248/the-benefits-ofincreasing-the-minimum-wage-for-people-of-color/> 64. “Low-Wage Jobs and Workers: Trends and Options for Change.” National Displaced Homemakers Network and Institute for Women’s Policy Research. 65. Ahmad, Farah and Sarah Iverson. “The State of Women of Color in the United States: Too Many Barriers Remain for This Growing and Increasingly Important Problem.” Center for American Progress. October 2013. 66. NWLC calculations from U.S. Census Bureau, 2012 American Community Survey, http://www.census.gov/acs/www/ (Tables B170108, B170101, S1702). Figures are based on householder’s race or ethnicity. 67. Ibid. 68. Kerby, Sophia. “How Pay Inequity Hurts Women of Color.” Center for American Progress. 9 April 2013. <https:// cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/KerbyPayEquity-1.pdf> 69. Milli, Jessica and Cynthia Hess. “The Status of Women in Washington: Forging Pathways to Leadership and Economic Opportunity.” Women’s Funding Alliance and the Institute for Women’s Policy Research. 2015. <http://www.wfalliance. org/docs/ReportStatusofWomeninWA.pdf> 70. “Public Health Risks of Working When Ill.” Tacoma - Pierce County Health Department. 16 December 2014. <http://www.tpchd.org/files/library/e00672e1f505ee84.pdf> 71. “State House passes Washington’s first statewide paid sick days bill.” Economic Opportunity Institute. 29 January 2014. <http://www.tpchd.org/files/library/e00672e1f505ee84.pdf> 72. “Access to Paid Sick Days Less Common Among Workers of COlor.” Institute for Women’s Policy Research. 15 March 2011. <http://www.iwpr.org/press-room/press-releases/access-to-paid-sick-days-less-common-among-workers-of-color> 73. “Paid leave would address unmet need, financial burden.” Center for Law and Social Policy. February 2013. <http:// www.clasp.org/resources-and-publications/publication-1/Businesses-FMLA-Unmet-Need-Paid-Leave.pdf> 74. “Washington FAMLI Act.” Washington Work and Family Coalition. <http://www.eoionline.org/wp/wp-content/ uploads/FAMLI-Act3.pdf> 75. Go Hollo, Tatsuko. “Evaluating Family and Medical Leave Insurance for Washington State.” Economic Opportunity Institute. May 2012. <http://www.eoionline.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/family-leave-insurance/ EvaluatingFamilyandMedicalLeave-May12.pdf> 76. Ibid 77. de Silva, Lalith, Adrian Millett, Dominic Rotondi, and William Sullivan. “Independent Contractors: Prevalence and Implications for Unemployment Insurance Programs.” U.S. Department of Labor. February 2000. <http://wdr.doleta. gov/owsdrr/00-5/00-5.pdf> 78. “Wage and Hour Division: Misclassification of Employees as Independent Contractors.” U.S. Department of Labor. <http://www.dol.gov/whd/workers/misclassification/> 79. Smith, Rebecca, Sarah Paoletti, Erin Argueta, Robert Manzanares, Chris Newman, and Chivy Sok. “Labor and Employment Rights in the United States: A Critical Look at U.S. Compliance with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.” U.S. Human Rights Network Labor Caucus.. February 2008. 80. Rivera, Peter. “Annual Report of the Joint Enforcement Task Force on Employee Misclassification.” New York State Department of Labor. 1 February 2014. <https://labor.ny.gov/agencyinfo/PDFs/Misclassification-Task-ForceReport-2-1-2014.pdf> 81. Sederbaum, Isaac. Wage Theft in Washington: An Examination of Labor & Industries Claims 2009-2013. M.A. Thesis, University of Washington: 2014. 82. Bernhardt, Annette, Ruth Milkman, Nik Theodore, Douglas Heckathorn, Mirabai Auer, James DeFilipis, Ana Luz Gonzalez, Victor Narro, Jason Perelshteyn, Diana Polson, and Michael Spiller. “Broken Laws, Unprotected Workers: Violations of Employment and Labor Laws in America’s Cities.” National Employment Law Project. 2009. <http:// www.nelp.org/content/uploads/2015/03/BrokenLawsReport2009.pdf ?nocdn=1> 83. Bernhardt, Annette, Diana Polson, and James DeFilipis. “Working without Laws: A Survey of Employment and Labor Law Violations in New York City.” National Employment Law Project. 2010. <http://www.nelp.org/content/ uploads/2015/03/WorkingWithoutLawsNYC.pdf>

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84. Huelsman, Mark. “The Debt Divide: The Racial and Class Bias Behind the ‘New Normal’ of Student Borrowing.” Demos. 19 May 2015. <http://www.demos.org/publication/debt-divide-racial-and-class-bias-behind-new-normalstudent-borrowing> 85. Kutz, Gregory. “Debt Settlement: Fraudulent, Abusive, and Deceptive Practices Pose Risk to Consumers.” United States Government Accountability Office. 22 April 2010. <http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d10593t.pdf> 86. Wilner, Claudia and Nasoan Seftel-Gomes. “Debt Deception: How Debt Buyers Abuse the Legal System to Prey on Lower-Income New Yorkers.” The Legal Aid Society, Neighborhood Economic Development Advocacy Project. May 2010. <http://www.neweconomynyc.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/DEBT_DECEPTION_FINAL_WEB-newlogo.pdf> 87. “Seattle Segregation Maps 1920-2010.” Seattle Civil Rights & Labor History Project: University of Washington. 2015. <http://depts.washington.edu/civilr/segregation_maps.htm> 88. Quinn, Lois and John Pawasarat. “Racial Integration in Urban America: A Block Level Analysis of African American and White Housing Patterns.” University of Wisconsin Employee & Training Institute. January 2003. <https://www4. uwm.edu/eti/integration/integration.pdf> 89. Zillah, Alice. Alicia LeDuc, Lea Mitchell, and Steve Salmi. “Analysis of Impediments to Fair Housing Choice.” Department of Commerce. March 2015. <http://www.commerce.wa.gov/Documents/CDBG-Analysis-of-ImpedimentsFINAL-2015.pdf> 90. Beck, Paula. “Fighting Section 8 Discrimination: The Fair Housing Act’s New Frontier.” Harvard Civil Rights- Civil Liberties Law Review. 31 (1996): 155-186. 91. Galvez, Martha, Callie Black, Barbara Felver, and Sharon Estee. “Characteristics of Housing Assistance Recipients from Three Public Housing Authorities.” Department of Social and Health Services: Research and Data Analysis Division. April 2014. <https://www.dshs.wa.gov/sites/default/files/SESA/rda/documents/research-11-204.pdf> 92. Martha, Galvez. Defining ‘Choice’ in the Housing Choice Voucher Program: The Role of Market Constraints and Household Preferences in Location Outcomes. Dissertation. New York: New York University, 2011. 93. King, Uriah and Leslie Parrish. “Springing the Debt Trap.” Center for Responsible Lending. 2007. 94. King, Uriah, Wei Li, Delvin Davis, and Keith Ernst. “Race Matters: The Concentration of Payday Lenders in African American Neighborhoods in North Carolina.” Center for Responsible Lending. 22 March 2005. <http://www. responsiblelending.org/payday-lending/research-analysis/rr006-Race_Matters_Payday_in_NC-0305.pdf> 95. “Segregated Communities: Segregated Finance. An Analysis of Race, Income, and Small Consumer Loans in Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN, Portland, OR and Seattle, WA.” Institute on Race and Poverty. August 2009. <http://www. law.umn.edu/uploads/7c/c2/7cc216dfacc0ed9734ff9ab5bb057c16/2-Segregated-Communities-Segregated-FinanceFULL.pdf> 96. Burbank, John. “Payday loan legislation in Olympia would lay a heavy toll on poor people.” Real Change. 18 February 2015. <http://realchangenews.org/2015/02/18/payday-loan-legislation-olympia-would-lay-heavy-toll-poor-people> 97. “Washington State Report Card.” Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 2014-15. <reportcard.ospi.k12. wa.us/summary/aspx?groupLevel=District&schoolId=1&reportLevel=State&year=2014-15> 98. “Closing the Opportunity Gap.” Educational Opportunity Gap Oversight and Accountability Committee (EOGOAC). 2015. <http://www.k12.wa.us/Workgroups/EOGOAC/pubdocs/EOGOAC2015AnnualReport.pdf> 99. Carne, Deb and Lisa Ireland. “Graduation and Dropout Statistics: Annual Report.” Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. <http://www.k12.wa.us/LegisGov/2015documents/GradandDropoutStats2015.pdf> 100. Hess, Cynthia and Jessica Milli. “The Status of Women in Washington: Forging Pathways to Leadership and Economic Opportunity.” Institute for Women’s Policy Research. February 2015. <http://www.wfalliance.org/docs/ ReportStatusofWomeninWA.pdf> 101. Table 104.20 Percentage of persons 25 to 29 years old with selected levels of educational attainment, by race/ethnicity and sex: Selected years, 1920 through 2014. National Center for Education Statistics. <http://nces.ed.gov/programs/ digest/d14/tables/dt14_104.20.asp> 102. Alberton, Sarah. “The Achievement Gap and Disparate Impact: Discrimination in Washington Schools.” Seattle University Law Review. 36.1919 (2013): 19191-1941. 103. Rothstein, Richard. “The Racial Achievement Gap, Segregated Schools, and Segregated Neighborhoods: A Constitutional Insult.” Race and Social Problems. 7 (2015): 21-30.

104. Miller, Raegen and Diana Epstein. “There Still Be Dragons: Racial Disparity in School Funding is No Myth.” Center for American Progress. July 2011. <https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2011/07/pdf/ still_be_dragons.pdf> 105. Goldhaber, Dan, Lesley Lavery, Roddy Theobald. “Uneven Playing Field? Assessing the Teacher Quality Gap Between Advantaged and Disadvantaged Students.” Educational Researcher. 44.5 (2015): 293-307. 106. Hooker, Sarah, Margie McHugh, Michael Fix, and Randy Capps. “Shaping Our Futures: The Educational and Career Success of Washington State’s Immigrant Youth.” Migration Policy Institute. June 2013. 107. Ibid. 108. Rose, Claudia. “Race Dramatically Skews Discipline, Even in Elementary School.” The Seattle Times. 24 June 2015. <http://www.seattletimes.com/education-lab/race-dramatically-skews-discipline-even-in-elementary-school/> 109. Tran, Alexander. “WA State Dream Act gives undocumented students a shot at higher education.” The Seattle Globalist. 20 March 2014. <http://www.seattleglobalist.com/2014/03/20/wa-state-dream-act-gives-undocumentedstudents-a-shot-at-higher-education/21623> 110. Table 302.20. Percentage of recent high school completers enrolled in 2- and 4-year college, by race/ethnicity: 1960 through 2013. National Center for Education Statistics. <http://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d14/tables/ dt14_302.20.asp> 111. Hess, Cynthia ad Jessica Milli. “The Status of Women in Washington: Forging Pathways to Leadership and Economic Opportunity.” Institute for Women’s Policy Research. February 2015. <http://www.wfalliance.org/docs/ ReportStatusofWomeninWA.pdf> 112. Table 104.20 Percentage of persons 25 to 29 years old with selected levels of educational attainment, by race/ethnicity and sex: Selected years, 1920 through 2014. National Center for Education Statistics. <http://nces.ed.gov/programs/ digest/d14/tables/dt14_104.20.asp> 113. “Total Number of Homeless Students Enrolled in LEAs with or without McKinney-Vento Subgrants - 2012-2013.” U.S. Department of Education. <http://eddataexpress.ed.gov/data-element-explorer.cfm/tab/trend/deid/4569/state/ WA/#viewdata> 114. Dyer, Melina and Jordyn Green. “Homeless Students Data: 2013-14.” Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. 2015. <http://www.k12.wa.us/LegisGov/2015documents/HomelessStudentsJan2015.pdf> 115. Grant, Jaime, Lisa Mottet, and Justin Tanis. “Injustice at Every Turn: A Report of the National Transgender Discrimination Survey.” National Center for Transgender Equality. 2011. <http://www.thetaskforce.org/static_html/ downloads/reports/reports/ntds_full.pdf> 116. Knauf, Ana Sofia. “Seattle’s Asian American Homeless Need Visibility.” International Examiner. 18 March 2015. <http://www.iexaminer.org/2015/03/seattles-asian-american-homeless-need-visibility/> 117. Rouse, Cecilia, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, and Sara McLanahan. “Introducing the Issue.” School Readiness: Closing Racial and Ethnic Gaps. 15.1 (200): 5-14. 118. Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne. “Do you believe in magic? What can we expect from early childhood intervention programs.” Society for Research in Child Development. 17.1 (2003): 3-15. <http://srcd.org/sites/default/files/documents/spr171.pdf> 119. Magnuson, Katherine and Jane Waldfogel. “Early Childhood Care and Education: Effects on Ethnic and Racial Gaps in School Readiness.” Early Childhood Care and Education: Effects on Ethnic and Racial Gaps in School Readiness. 15.1 (2005): 169-196. 120. Ibid 121. Henderson, Anne and Karen Mapp. “A New Wave of Evidence: The Impact of School, Family, and Community Connections on Student Achievement.” National Center for Family and Community Connections with Schools. 2002. <http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED536946.pdf> 122. Fan, Xitao and Michael Chen. “Parental Involvement and Students’ Academic Achievement: A Meta-Analysis.” Educational Psychology Review. 13.1 (2001): 1-22. 123. “Washington State: Quick Stats on Young Children and Workers Providing Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC).” Migration Policy Institute: National Center on Immigration Integration Policy. 2015. 124. “Washington: Language and Education.” Migration Policy Institute. <http://www.migrationpolicy.org/data/stateprofiles/state/language/WA>

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125. Gillett, Stacy. “Providing Language Access Services for Limited English Proficient Parents in Washington Schools.” Office of the Education Ombuds. January 2015. <http://oeo.wa.gov/wp-content/uploads/Language-Access-ReportBinder-January-20-2015.pdf> 126. “Children Living in Households that were Food Insecure at Some Point During the Year.” National KIDS COUNT. January 2015. <http://datacenter.kidscount.org/data/Tables/5201-children-living-in-households-that-were-foodinsecure-at-some-point-during-the-year?loc=1&loct=1#detailed/2/49/false/868,867,133,38,35/any/11674,11675> 127. “Food Insecurity and Hunger.” Department of Health: MCH Data Report. June 2014. <http://www.doh.wa.gov/ portals/1/documents/pubs/160-015-mchdatarptfoodinsechunger.pdf> 128. “Nutrition and Physical Activity.” Washington State Department of Health. January 2010. <http://www.doh.wa.gov/ Portals/1/Documents/Pubs/910-907_CFHNeedsAssessNPA.pdf> 129. Jyoti, Diana, Edward Frongillo, and Sonya Jones. “Food Insecurity Affects School Children’s Academic Performance, Weight Gain, and Social Skills.” Journal of Nutrition. 135.12 (2005): 2831-2839. 130. “Breakfast After the Bell Works.” 2014. <https://schoolbreakfastwa.files.wordpress.com/2014/09/bab-2014-print. pdf> 131. Patten, Eileen and Jens Manuel Krogstad. “Black Child Poverty Rate Holds Steady, Even as Other Groups See Declines.” Pew Research Center. 14 July 2015. <http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/07/14/black-childpoverty-rate-holds-steady-even-as-other-groups-see-declines/> 132. Wulczyn, Fred and Bridgette Lery. “Racial Disparity in Foster Care Admissions.” Chapin Hall Center for Children at the University of Chicago. 2007. <http://www.chapinhall.org/sites/default/files/old_reports/399.pdf> 133. Thompson, Heather Ann. “Inner-City Violence in the Age of Mass Incarceration.” The Atlantic. 30 October 2014. <http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2014/10/inner-city-violence-in-the-age-of-massincarceration/382154/> 134. Wong, Shane Shucheng, Jeanelle Sugimoto-Matsuda, Janice Change, and Earl Hishinuma. “Ethnic Differences in Risk Factors for Suicide among American High School Students, 2009: The Vulnerability of Multiracial and Pacific Islander Adolescents.” Archives of Suicide Research. 16 (2012): 159-173. 135. Carne, Deb and Lisa Ireland. “Graduation and Dropout Statistics: Annual Report.” Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. <http://www.k12.wa.us/LegisGov/2015documents/GradandDropoutStats2015.pdf> 136. Joseph Durlak, Celene Domitrovich, Roger Weissberg, and Thomas Gullotta, Eds. Handbook of Social and Emotional Learning: Research and Practice. New York: The Guilford Press, 2015. 137. Hamedani, MarYam and Linda Darling-Hammond. “Social Emotional Learning in High School: How Three Urban High Schools Engage, Educate, and Empower Youth.” Stanford Center for Opportunity Policy in Education. March 2015. <https://edpolicy.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/publications/scope-pub-social-emotional-learning-researchbrief.pdf> 138. “Washington State’s Immigrant Young Adults have Mixed Record of Success in High School and College, New Report Finds.” Migration Policy Institute. 25 June 2013. <http://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/washington-state %E2%80%99s-immigrant-young-adults-have-mixed-record-success-high-school-and-college-new> 139. Marlow, Kimberly. Closing the Achievement Gap for English Language Learners: A Comparison of Language Arts ESOL and One-Way Developmental Bilingual Programs. Dissertation, University of Central Florida: 2008. 140. “English Language Learners Face Unique Challenges.” National Education Association. 2008. <http://www.nea.org/ assets/docs/HE/ELL_Policy_Brief_Fall_08_(2).pdf> 141. Mikkelsen, Marta. “Dual Language Schools.” Dual Language Washington and Washington Association for Bilingual Education. 2014. <http://duallanguagewa.org/dual-language-school-list/> 142. Collier, Virginia and Wayne Thomas. “The Astounding Effectiveness of Dual Language Education for All.” National Association for Bilingual Education Journal of Research and Practice. 2.1 (2004): 1-20. 143. Gomez, Leo, David Freeman, and Yvonne Freeman. “Dual Language Education: A Promising 50-50 Model.” Bilingual Research Journal: The Journal of teh National Association for Bilingual Education. 29.1 (2005): 145-164. 144. Hooker, Sarah, Margie McHugh, Michael Fix, and Randy Capps. “Shaping Our Futures: The Educational and Career Success of Washington State’s Immigrant Youth.” Migration Policy Institute. June 2013. 145. “The Hidden Academic Opportunity Gaps among Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders: What Disaggregated Data Reveals in Washington State.” National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research in Education. March 2015. <http://capaa.wa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/iCount-WA-Report.pdf>

146. “Helping to Ensure Equal Access to Education.” U.S. Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights. 2012. <http://www2.ed.gov/about/reports/annual/ocr/report-to-president-2009-12.pdf> 147. Ahmad, Farah and Ulrich Boser. “America’s Leaky Pipeline for Teachers of Color: Getting More Teachers of Color into the Classroom.” Center for American Progress. May 2014. <https://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/ uploads/2014/05/TeachersOfColor-report.pdf> 148. Hooker, Sarah, Margie McHugh, Michael Fix, and Randy Capps. “Shaping Our Futures: The Educational and Career Success of Washington State’s Immigrant Youth.” Migration Policy Institute. June 2013. 149. Ibid. 150. “The Criminal Justice System in Washington State: Incarceration Rates, Taxpayer Costs, Crimes Rates, and Prison Economics.” Washington State Institute for Pubilc Policy. January 2003. <http://www.wsipp.wa.gov/ReportFile/824/ Wsipp_The-Criminal-Justice-System-in-Washington-State-Incarceration-Rates-Taxpayer-Costs-Crime-Rates-andPrison-Economics_Full-Report.pdf> 151. Chettiar, Inimai. “The Many Causes of America’s Decline in Crime.” The Atlantic. 11 Feb 2015. <http://www. theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/02/the-many-causes-of-americas-decline-in-crime/385364/> 152. “Fact Card.” Department of Corrections, Washington State. June 30, 2015. <http://www.doc.wa.gov/aboutdoc/docs/ msFactCard.pdf> 153. Pflug, Anne. “Analysis of Statewide Adult Correctional Needs and Costs.” Washington Office of Financial Management. 6 November 2014. <http://www.ofm.wa.gov/reports/Correctional_Needs_and_Costs_Study2014.pdf> 154. “Northwest Detention Center.” The Geo Group. 2014. <http://www.geogroup.com/maps/locationdetails/52> 155. Mauer, Marc and Ryan King. “Uneven Justice: State Rates of Incarceration by Race and Ethnicity.” The Sentencing Project. July 2007. <http://www.sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/rd_stateratesofincbyraceandethnicity.pdf> 156. Satterberg, Daniel. “Thinking about Criminal Justice Reform.” King County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office. 2014. <http://www.k12.wa.us/BEST/Symposium/5a.pdf> 157. Kindy, Kimberly, Julie Tate, Jennifer Jenkins, Steven Rich, Keith Alexander, and Wesley Lowery. “Fatal Police Shootings in 2015 Approaching 400 Nationwide.” The Washington Post. 30 May 2015. <https://www.washingtonpost.com/ national/fatal-police-shootings-in-2015-approaching-400-nationwide/2015/05/30/d322256a-058e-11e5-a428c984eb077d4e_story.html> 158. “Investigation of the Seattle Police Department.” United States Department of Justice Civil Rights Division. 16 December 2011. <http://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/crt/legacy/2011/12/16/spd_findletter_12-16-11.pdf> 159. Farrar, William. Self-Awareness to Being Watched and Socially-Desirable Behavior: A Field Experience on the Effect of Body-Worn Cameras and Police Use-of-Force. Washington, D.C.: Police Foundation, 2013. 160. Dreby, Joanna. “How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Communities: A View from the Ground.” Center for American Progress. August 2012. <https://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/ uploads/2012/08/DrebyImmigrationFamiliesFINAL.pdf> 161. Gardner, Trevor and Aarti Kohli. “The C.A.P. Effect: Racial Profiling in the ICE Criminal Alien Program.” The Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Race, Ethnicity & Diversity. September 2009. <https://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/ policybrief_irving_0909_v9.pdf> 162. Theodore, Nik. “Insecure Communities: Latino Perceptions of Police Involvement in Immigration Enforcement.” Policy Link. May 2013. <http://www.policylink.org/sites/default/files/INSECURE_COMMUNITIES_REPORT_ FINAL.PDF> 163. Maria Miranda-Olivares v. Clackamas County. U.S. District Court. 2014. <http://immigrantjustice.org/sites/ immigrantjustice.org/files/Miranda-Olivares%20%20v%20Clackamas%20County%20(D%20Or.%20detainer%20 SJ%20decision).pdf> 164. “Number of ICE Detainers Issued by State and Time Period.” Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, Syracuse University. 2014. <http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/370/include/table2.html> 165. “Fact Card.” Department of Corrections, Washington State. June 30, 2015. <http://www.doc.wa.gov/aboutdoc/docs/ msFactCard.pdf> 166. Chung, Karen. “Justice Reinvestment in Washington: Analysis and Policy Framework.” Justice Center: The Council of State Governments. <https://csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/JusticeReinvestmentinWashington. pdf>

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167. Inslee, Jay. “Justice Reinvestment in Washington: Analysis and Policy Framework.” Justice Center: The Council of State Government. <https://csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/JusticeReinvestmentinWashington.pdf> 168. “Crime in the United States, by State, 2013.” The Federal Bureau of Investigation. <https://www.fbi.gov/about-us/ cjis/ucr/crime-in-the-u.s/2013/crime-in-the-u.s.-2013/tables/5tabledatadecpdf/table_5_crime_in_the_united_states_ by_state_2013.xls> 169. Hartney, Christopher and Linh Vuong. “Created Equal: Racial and Ethnic Disparities in the US Criminal Justice System.” National Council on Crime and Delinquency. March 2009. <http://www.nccdglobal.org/sites/default/files/ publication_pdf/created-equal.pdf> 170. Kansal, Tushar and Marc Mauer. “Racial Disparity in Sentencing: A Review of the Literature.” The Sentencing Project. January 2005. <http://www.sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/rd_sentencing_review.pdf> 171. “The Right to a Childhood ought to exist for all young people regardless of their race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, income, or ability.” The W. Haywood Burns Institute for Youth Justice Fairness and Equity. 2015. <http:// www.burnsinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/BI-Infomational-8.5-x-11.pdf> 172. “Unbalanced Juvenile Justice, National Map, Washington: One-day Count.” 2011. <http://data.burnsinstitute.org/ decision-points/48/washington#comparison=3&placement=3&races=1,2,3,4,5,6&offenses=5,2,8,1,9,11,10&odc=1&d mp=0&dmp-comparison=2&dmp-decisions=5&dmp-county=-1&dmp-races=1,2,3,4,7,5,6&dmp-year=2012> 173. Zatz, Marjorie and Richard Krecker. “Anti-gang Initiatives as Racialized Policy.” Crime Control and Social Justice: The Delicate Balance. Eds. Darnell Felix Hawkins, Samuel Myers and Randolph Stone. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2003. Pp. 173-196. 174. Jenkins, Austin. “Locked Up at Age 11: One Truant’s Cycle in and out of Juvenile Detention.” NW News Network. 4 March 2015. <http://nwnewsnetwork.org/post/locked-age-11-one-truants-cycle-and-out-juvenile-detention> 175. “An Act Relating to Juvenile Restorative Justice Programs.” House Bill 1775. State of Washington, 62nd Legislature. <http://lawfilesext.leg.wa.gov/biennium/2011-12/Pdf/Bills/House%20Bills/1775.pdf> 176. Wolfgang, Marvin. “Race, Judicial Discretion, and the Death Penalty.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 407.1 (1973): 119-113. 177. Steiker, Carol and Jordan Steiker. “The American Death Penalty and the (In)Visibility of Race.” The University of Chicago Law Review. 82.1 (2015): 243-294. 178. O’Brien, Barbara and Catherine Grosso. “Report on Jury Selection Study.” Digital Commons at Michigan State University College of Law. 15 December 2011. <http://digitalcommons.law.msu.edu/cgi/viewcontent. cgi?article=1330&context=facpubs> 179. Anwar, Shamena, Patrick Bayer, and Randi Hjalmarsson. “The Impact of Jury Race in Criminal Trials.” The Quarterly Journal of Economics. (2012): 1-39. 180. Gau, Jacinta. “A Jury of Whose Peers? The Impact of Selection Procedures on Racial Composition and the Prevalence of Majority-White Juries.” Journal of Crime and Justice. (2015): 1-13. 181. Beckett, Katherine. “The Role of Race in Washington State Capital Sentencing, 1981-2012.” University of Washington. 27 January 2014. <http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/documents/WashRaceStudy2014.pdf> 182. Calculations from data provided by: “Capital Punishment in Washington State.” Department of Corrections Washington State. 2015. <http://www.doc.wa.gov/offenderinfo/capitalpunishment/> 183. Caldbick, John. “1900 Census: The 12th Federal Census Reveals that Population has Grown in Every County in Washington State, Cities Have Gotten Bigger, And Populations of Women and Minorities have Grown.” HistoryLink. org. 3 March 2010. <http://www.historylink.org/index.cfm?DisplayPage=output.cfm&file_id=9332> 184. U.S. Census Bureau, “ACS Demographic and Housing Estimates,” Data Set: 2009-2013 American Community Survey Five-Year Estimates, Geographic Area: Washington. 185. Beckett, Katherine. “The Role of Race in Washington State Capital Sentencing, 1981-2012.” University of Washington. 27 January 2014. <http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/documents/WashRaceStudy2014.pdf> 186. Bacon, John. “Washington governor suspends death penalty.” USA Today. 12 February 2014. <http://www.usatoday. com/story/news/nation/2014/02/11/washington-death-penalty-inslee/5394917/> 187. Howard, Cory. “Inmates Currently Sentenced to Death in Washington State.” KHQ. 11 February 2014. <http://www. khq.com/story/24697591/photos-inmates-currently-sentenced-to-death-in-washington-state> 188. Scigliano, Eric. “To seal or not to seal: WA’s battle over juvenile records.” Crosscut: News of the Great Nearby. 27 January 2014. <http://crosscut.com/2014/01/washingtons-never-ending-punishment-of-juveniles/>

189. “The Use of Criminal History Records in College Admissions Reconsidered.” Center for Community Alternatives. 2010. <http://www.communityalternatives.org/pdf/Reconsidered-criminal-hist-recs-in-college-admissions.pdf> 190. Calero, Tony. Open Juvenile Records in Washington State: Process, Effects, and Costs of Protective Mechanisms. Master’s Thesis. University of Washington, 2013. 191. Pfingst, Lori, Angela Powell, and Elena Hernandez. Creating an Equitable Future in Washington State: 2015 Black Well-Being and Beyond. <http://center-stone.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/SOBW_report_r701_ Final_032515_LowRes_spreads.pdf> 192. Pinard, Michael. “Criminal Records, Race and Redemption.” Legislation and Public Policy. 16 (2013): 963-997. 193. “Collateral Consequences.” Columbia Legal Services. <http://www.columbialegal.org/sites/default/files/CROP_ Collateral-Consequences-List.pdf> 194. “Summary of State Laws.” Legal Action Center. <http://lac.org/toolkits/certificates/summary_state_laws.htm> 195. Beckett, Katherine, Alexes Harris, and Heather Evans. “The Assessment and Consequences of Legal Financial Obligations in Washington State.” Washington State Minority and Justice Commission. August 2008. <http://www. courts.wa.gov/committee/pdf/2008LFO_report.pdf> 196. “Preliminary Report on Race and Washington’s Criminal Justice System.” Task Force on Race and the Criminal Justice System. 2011. <http://www.law.seattleu.edu/Documents/korematsu/race%20and%20criminal%20justice/ preliminary%20report%20-%20final%20release%20march%201%202011%20for%20printer%202.pdf> 197. “Modern-Day Debtors’ Prisons: The Ways Court-Imposed Debts Punish People for Being Poor.” American Civil Liberties Union of Washington. February 2014. <https://aclu-wa.org/sites/default/files/attachments/Modern%20 Day%20Debtor’s%20Prison%20Final%20(3).pdf> 198. “Modern-Day Debtors’ Prisons: The Ways Court-Imposed Debts Punish People for Being Poor.” American Civil Liberties Union of Washington. February 2014. <https://aclu-wa.org/sites/default/files/attachments/Modern%20 Day%20Debtor’s%20Prison%20Final%20(3).pdf> 199. “Legal Financial Obligations (LFOs): Understanding How LFOs Work.” Seattle University School of Law. <http:// sites.lawhelp.org/documents/472551SULFOBrochure.pdf ?stateabbrev=/WA/> 200. “Modern-Day Debtors’ Prisons: The Ways Court-Imposed Debts Punish People for Being Poor.” American Civil Liberties Union of Washington. February 2014. <https://aclu-wa.org/sites/default/files/attachments/Modern%20 Day%20Debtor’s%20Prison%20Final%20(3).pdf> 201. Vander Giessen, Michael. “Legislative Reforms for Washington State’s Criminal Monetary Penalties.” Gonzaga Law Review. 47.2 (2011): 547-585. 202. “Modern-Day Debtors’ Prisons: The Ways Court-Imposed Debts Punish People for Being Poor.” American Civil Liberties Union of Washington. February 2014. <https://aclu-wa.org/sites/default/files/attachments/Modern%20 Day%20Debtor’s%20Prison%20Final%20(3).pdf> 203. State of Washington v. Matthew David Leonard. Supreme Court of the State of Washington. 8 October 2015. <https://www.courts.wa.gov/opinions/pdf/908974.pdf> 204. Satterberg, Daniel. “Thinking about Criminal Justice Reform.” King County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office. 2014. <http://www.k12.wa.us/BEST/Symposium/5a.pdf> 205. Solomon, Amy. “In Search of a Job: Criminal Records as Barriers to Employment.” National Institute of Justice Journal. 270 (2012): 42-51. 206. Evans, Michael. “Tracking Washington State Offenders Pilot Study: Do Education Programs Affect Employment Outcomes?” Washington State Department of Corrections. March 2011. 207. Pager, Devah. “The Mark of a Criminal Record.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. Chicago, IL: 2002. 208. Pager, Devah. “The Mark of a Criminal Record.” American Journal of Sociology. 108 (2003): 957-960. 209. Shannon, Sarah, Christopher Uggen, Melissa Thompson, Jason Schnittker, and Michael Massoglia. “Growth in the U.S. Ex-Felon and Ex-Prisoner Population, 1948 to 2010.” Princeton University. 2011. <http://paa2011.princeton.edu/ papers/111687> 210. “Addressing Health Disparities through the Marketplace.” Alliance for a Just Society: An Action Agenda for Washington State. February 2015. <http://allianceforajustsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/2015.02_Health-Disparities_ WA-2.20.20151-2.pdf>

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211. “Washington State Diabetes Disparities Report: A Review of WAshington State Data.” Washington State Department of Health. July 2006. <http://www.doh.wa.gov/portals/1/Documents/Pubs/345-248-DiabetesDisparitiesReport.pdf> 212. “The Costs of Impoverished Asian Americans & Pacific Islanders.” Washington State Commission on Asian Pacific American Affairs. 2014. <http://capaa.wa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Week7-Poverty-CAPAA.pdf> 213. “The State of Asian Americans & Pacific Islanders in Washington.” Commission on Asian Pacific American Affairs. 2010. <http://capaa.wa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/StateofAPAReport_9_1_10.pdf> 214. U.S. Census Bureau, “ACS Health Insurance Coverage Status: 2013,” 2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Geographic Area: Washington. 215. Mouradian, Wendy, Douglas Schaad, Sara Kim, Penelope Leggott, Peter Domoto, Russell Maier, Nancy Stevens, and Mark Koday. “Addressing Disparities in Children’s Oral Health: A Dental-Medical Partnership to Train Family Practice Residents.” Journal of Dental Education. 67.8 (2003): 886-895. 216. “Mid-Level Dental Providers: Expanding Care to Every Community.” W.K. Kellogg Foundation. 2014. 217. Sonfield, Adam. “Provider Refusal and Access to Reproductive Health Services: Approaching a New Balance.” Guttmacher Policy Review. 11.2 (2008): 1-6. 218. Brulle, Robert and David Pellow. “Environmental Justice: Human Health and Environmental Inequalities.” Annual Review of Public Health. 27 (2006): 103-124. 219. “QuickFacts.” U.S. Census Bureau. 2014. <http://www.census.gov/quickfacts/table/HEA775214/00> 220. “The State of the Uninsured and Underinsured, 2010-2014.” Washington State Office of the Insurance Commissioner. 30 January 2014. <http://www.insurance.wa.gov/about-oic/commissioner-reports/documents/state-of-the-uninsured. pdf> 221. Ibid 222. Hamel, Liz, Mira Norton, Larry Levitt, Gary Claxton, Cynthia Cox, Karen Pollitz, and Mollyann Brodie. “Survey of Non-Group Health Insurance Enrollees.” Kaiser Family Foundation. 19 June 2014. <https://kaiserfamilyfoundation. files.wordpress.com/2014/06/survey-of-non-group-health-insurance-enrollees-findings-final1.pdf> 223. Dickson, Virgil. “Income-based ‘Churn’ in Coverage Less Common than Feared.” Modern Healthcare. 22 April 2015. <http://www.modernhealthcare.com/article/20150422/NEWS/150429959> 224. Farnham, Jennifer and Dorothy Gaboda. “Helping New Jersey Families Coordinate Transitions and Maintain Coverage when Changing Health Plans.” Rutgers Center for State Health Policy. March 2012. <http://www.cshp. rutgers.edu/Downloads/9240.pdf> 225. Schoen, Cathy and Catherine DesRoches. “Uninsured and Unstable Insured: The Importance of Continuous Insurance Coverage.” Health Services Research> 35.1 (2000): 187-206. 226. “Washington: Language and Education.” Migration Policy Institute. <http://www.migrationpolicy.org/data/stateprofiles/state/language/WA> 227. “Guidance to Federal Financial Assistance Recipients Regarding Title VI and the Prohibition against National Origin Discrimination Affective Limited English Proficient Persons.” Office for Civil Rights. <http://www.hhs.gov/ocr/ civilrights/resources/laws/summaryguidance.html> 228. “Educational Attainment, Employment, and the Benefits of Birth Control in America.” Getting the Facts Straight. <https://thenationalcampaign.org/sites/default/files/resource-supporting-download/getting-the-facts-straight-chapter5-unemployment-educational-attainment.pdf> 229. Hall, Kelli, Caroline Moreau, and James Trussell. “Determinants of and Disparities in Reproductive Health Service Use among Adolescent and Young Adult Women in the United States, 2002-2008.” American Journal of Public Health. 102.2 (2012): 359-367. 230. Anachebe, Ngozi, PharmD, and Madeline Sutton. “Racial Disparities in Reproductive Health Outcomes.” American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology. 188.4 (2003): S37-S42. 231. Ibid 232. “Mid-Level Dental Providers: Expanding Care to Every Community.” W.K. Kellogg Foundation. 2015. 233. Rotakhina, Sierra, Christy Hoff, Michelle Davis, and Timothy Grisham. “Executive Summary: Health Impact Review of HB 2321, Concerning Mid-Level Dental Professionals.” Washington State Board of Health. 6 November 2014. <http://sboh.wa.gov/Portals/7/Doc/HealthImpactReviews/HIR-2014-08-HB2321.pdf>

234. “Federally Designated Health Professional Shortage Areas for Dental Care.” Washington State Department of Health. 2 March 2015. <ftp://ftp.doh.wa.gov/geodata/layers/maps/dental.pdf> 235. “Mid-Level Dental Providers: Expanding Care to Every Community.” W.K. Kellogg Foundation. 2015. 236. “The Role of Dental Hygienists in Providing Access to Oral Health Care.” National Governors Association. <http:// www.nga.org/files/live/sites/NGA/files/pdf/2014/1401DentalHealthCare.pdf> 237. Sarche, Michelle and Paul Spicer. “Poverty and Health Disparities for American Indian and Alaska Native Children: Current Knowledge and Future Prospects.” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. 1136 (2008): 126-136. 238. “Executive Summary: Health Impact Review of HB 2231, Concerning Mid-Level Dental Professionals.” Washington State Board of Health. 2014. <http://sboh.wa.gov/Portals/7/Doc/HealthImpactReviews/HIR-2014-08-HB2321esum.pdf> 239. Trahant, Mark. “Tribal Sovereignty and the Call for Better Oral Health.” Indian Country Today Media Network. 10 July 2015. <http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2015/07/10/tribal-sovereignty-and-call-better-oralhealth-160990> 240. Dalton, Meghan, Philip Mote, and Amy Snover. Climate Change in the Northwest: Implications for Our Landscapes, Waters, and Communities. Washington: Island Press, 2013. 241. Abel, Troy and Jonah White. “Skewed Riskscapes and Gentrified Inequities: Environmental Exposure Disparities in Seattle, Washington.” American Journal of Public Health. 101.1 (2011): S246-254. 242. Massey, Rachel. “Environmental Justice: Income, Race, and Health.” Global Development and Environment Institute. 2004. <http://www.ase.tufts.edu/gdae/education_materials/modules/Environmental_Justice.pdf> 243. Van Bergen, Saskia and Alex Stone. “Flame Retardants in General Consumer and Children’s Products.” Washington State Department of Ecology. June 2014. <https://fortress.wa.gov/ecy/publications/documents/1404021.pdf> 244. McGrath, Susan. “The Fight Against Toxic Flame Retardants in Your Couch.” Seattle Magazine. July 2013. <http:// seattlemag.com/article/fight-against-toxic-flame-retardants-your-couch> 245. Quiros-Alcala, Lesliam, Asa Bradman, Marcia Nishioka, Martha Harnly, Alan Hubbard, Thomas McKone, and Brenda Eskenazi. “Concentrations and loadings of polybrominated diphenyl ethers in dust from low-income households in California.” Environment International. 37.3 (2011): 592-596. 246. Stapleton, Heather, Sarah Eagle, Andreas Sjodin, and Thomas Webster. “Serum PBDEs in a North Carolina Toddler Cohort: Associations with Handwipes, House Dust, and Socioeconomic Variables.” Environmental Health Perspectives. 120.7 (2012): 1049-1054. 247. U.S. Census Bureau, “ACS Demographic and Housing Estimates,” Data Set: 2009-2013 American Community Survey Five-Year Estimates, Geographic Area: Washington. 248. Kucklick, Annie. “Candidates address startling dearth of diversity in State Legislature.” The Seattle Globalist. 1 August 2014. <http://seattleglobalist.com/2014/08/01/washington-state-legislature-diversity/28169> 249. Duffy, Zachary. “Unequal Opportunity: Latinos and Local Political Representation in Washington State.” 2009. <http://walatinos.net/wp/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/UnequalOpportunityZachDuffy.pdf> 250. Teeter, Dorothy. “Improving Indian Health through Tribal -State Collaboration.” American Indian Health Commission for Washington State. 10 August 2015. <http://www.hca.wa.gov/hw/Documents/waiverappl_appnd7. pdf> 251. “The American Indian Commission for Washington State.” American Indian Health Commission for Washington State. February 2013. <http://www.aihc-wa.com/files/2011/09/AIHC-Healthy-Communities-Resolution.pdf> 252. Tighe, Scott. “‘Of Course We Are Crazy: Discrimination of Native American Indians through Criminal Justice.” Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice. 11.1 (2014): 1-38. 253. Duffy, Zachary. “Unequal Opportunity: Latinos and Local Political Representation in Washington State.” 2009. <http://walatinos.net/wp/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/UnequalOpportunityZachDuffy.pdf> 254. AP. “Washington Voting Rights Act Advances to State Senate.” The Oregonian. 7 March 2013. <http://www. oregonlive.com/politics/index.ssf/2013/03/washington_voting_rights_act_a.html> 255. Baker, Andy and Corey Cook. “Representing Black Interests and Promoting Black Culture.” W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research. 2.2 (2005): 227-246. 256. Shanton, Karen. “The Problem of African American Underrepresentation in City Council.” Demos. <http://www. demos.org/sites/default/files/publications/Underrepresentation_0.pdf>

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257. Polinard, J.L., Robert Wrinkle, Tomas Longoria, and Norman Binder. Electoral Structure and Urban Policy: The Impact on Mexican American Communities. Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 1994. 258. Leal, David, Valerie Martinez-Ebers, and Kenneth Meier. “The Politics of Latino Education: The Biases of At-Large Elections.” The Journal of Politics. 66.4 (2004): 1224-1244. 259. Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press: New York, 2010. 260. Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press: New York, 2010. 261. Mauer, Marc. “Racial Impact Statements: Changing Policy to Address Disparities.” Criminal Justice. 23.4 (2009): 1-4. 262. Erickson, Jessica. “Racial Impact Statements: Considering the Consequences of Racial Disproportionalities in the Criminal Justice System.” Washington Law Review. 89.4 (2014): 1425-1465. 263. “Facing Race: How Budget Cuts are Increasing Racial Disparities.” Washington Community Action Network! 2011. <http://washingtoncan.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/RacialReportCard-FINAL-VERSION.pdf> 264. Justice, Kim, Michael Mitchell, Andy Nicholas and Lori Pfingst. “A Paramount Duty: Funding Education for McCleary and Beyond.” Washington State Budget & Policy Center. <http://budgetandpolicy.org/reports/a-parmount-dutyfunding-education-for-mccleary-and-beyond> 265. “Court Orders State to Stop Violating Rights of People with Mental Illness in Jail.” American Civil Liberties Union of Washington State. 3 April 2015. <https://aclu-wa.org/news/court-orders-state-stop-violating-rights-people-mentalillness-jail> 266. Hernandez, Elena and Lara Sim. “Invest in TANF to Help Strengthen Families.” Washington State Budget & Policy Center. 10 March 2015. <http://budgetandpolicy.org/schmudget/invest-in-TANF-to-help-strengthen-families> 267. “Department of Corrections Budget: 2015-17 Budget Development.” Department of Corrections Washington State. <http://www.doc.wa.gov/aboutdoc/budget/> 268. “Temporary Assistance for Needy Families.” Washington State Budget and Policy Center. <http://budgetandpolicy. org/schmudget/TANF%20Factsheet.pdf> 269. Patton, Deleena, Melissa Ford Shah, Barbara Felver and Kathryn Beall. “TANF Caseload Decline: The Well-Being of Parents and Children Leaving WorkFirst in Washington State.” Washington State Department of Social and Health Services Research and Data Analysis Division. April 2015. <https://www.dshs.wa.gov/sites/default/files/SESA/rda/ documents/research-11-216_1.pdf> 270. “Who Pays? A Distributional Analysis of the Tax Systems in all 50 States.” Institute on Taxation and Policy. January 2015. <http://www.itep.org/pdf/whopaysreport.pdf> p. 123. 271. Sullivan, Joseph and Katherine Long. “Legislature OKs new budget with rare tuition cuts and pay raises for teachers.” The Seattle Times. 29 June 2015. <http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/politics/budget-deal-cuts-tuition-closestax-breaks/> 272. Justice, Kim. “Final Budget: Hits and Misses.” Washington State Budget and Policy Center. 30 June 2015. <http:// budgetandpolicy.org/schmudget/final-budget-hits-and-misses> 273. Lindblom, Mike. “Lawmakers release $16 billion transportation plan with 11.9-cent gas tax.” The Setatle Times. 29 June 2015. <http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/transportation/lawmakers-release-16-billion-transportationplan-has-119-cent-gas-tax/> 274. La Corte, Rachel. “Legal Pot in Washington Bringing in More Tax Revenue Than Predicted.” Huff Post Business. 20 November 2014. <http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/11/20/legal-pot-washington-market-tax-revenue_n_6191848. html> 275. Santos, Melissa and Jordan Schrader. “Legislature approves budget that cuts tuition, funds state worker raises.” The News Tribune. 29 June 2015. <http://www.thenewstribune.com/news/local/politics-government/article26438932. html> 276. Nicholas, Andy. “A Capital Reform: Using Capital Gains to Fuel Job Creation and Economic Prosperity in Washington State.” Washington State Budget and Policy Center. <http://budgetandpolicy.org/reports/a-capital-reform-usingcapital-gains-to-fuel-job-creation-and-economic-prosperity-in-washington-state> 277. Hamilton, Darrick. “Race, Wealth, and Intergenerational Poverty.” The American Prospect. 14 August 2009. <http:// prospect.org/article/race-wealth-and-intergenerational-poverty> 278. “Giving Working Families a Break.” Washington Governor’s Office. March 2015. <http://www.governor.wa.gov/sites/ default/files/policy_briefs/PB_GivingWorkingFamiliesABreakMarch2015.pdf>

ENDORSEMENTS Alliance for a Just Society American Federation of Teachers Washington American Friends Service Committee Asian Counseling and Referral Service Asian Pacific American Coalition for Equality Asian Pacific Cultural Center Casa Latina Center for Multicultural Health Centerstone of Seattle Chief Seattle Club Children’s Alliance Coalition Ending Gender-Based Violence Economic Opportunity Institute El Centro de la Raza Entre Hermanos Faith Action Network Fuse Washington International Community Health Services LGBTQ Allyship NAACP Alaska Oregon Washington State Area Conference NARAL Pro-Choice Washington National Association of Social Workers - WA Chapter Non-Profit Anti-Racism Coalition Odessa Brown Clinic One America One American Votes Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights Peace and Justice Action League of Spokane People of Color Against AIDS Network People’s Institute Northwest

Puget Sound Advocates for Retirement Action Puget Sound Sage Race Forward: The Center for Racial Justice Innovation Racial Equity Team Real Change Refugee Women’s Alliance Seattle Human Rights Commission Seattle Indian Health Board Seattle King County NAACP SEIU Healthcare 1199NW SEIU Local 6 SEIU-775 Skagit Immigrant Rights Council Solid Ground Spokane NAACP Statewide Poverty Action Network Tenants Union of Washington State Trusted Advocate Association UAW Local 4121 UFCW Local 21 Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle United Black Christian Clergy of Washington WA State Labor Council, AFL-CIO Washington Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers Washington Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty Washington Defender Association Washington Community Action Network Washington Federation of State Employees Washington Low Income Housing Alliance Win / Win Network Youth Undoing Institutional Racism