Omnino

Undergraduates from every discipline are encouraged to submit their work; papers from upper level courses are suggested.

The word “Omnino” is Latin for “altogether.” Omnino stands for the journal’s main mission to bring together all disciplines of academia to form a well-rounded and comprehensive research journal.

ISSN: 2472-3223 (Print), 2472-3231 (Online)

Managing Editors

Rachel Larson

Joy Tillman

Student Editors

Baylee Davis

Jalanda Freeman

Tianna George

Caitlyn Koske

Leigh Ann Overlaur

Laurynn Peters

Jackie Robinson

Jahnyaa Scott

Bailey Wilson

Graphic Designer

Katie Holton

Faculty Advisor

Dr. Anne Greenfield

Brandon Booker

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Anne Price, Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Criminal Justice

Lauren D. Vosburgh

Faculty

Sarah D. Burch

Addeline Wright

Faculty

Exploring The Global Sex Industry: The Digital Age, Policy Approaches, Human Rights, and Public Health Considerations 130

By Meia Little

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Michael Baun, Department of Political Science

“God wants to use you”: The Perversion of Religion in Postmodernist Works 150

By Amber Velasquez

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Adam Wood, Department of English

Predictors of State Support for Undocumented Students across University Systems 151

Chiamaka Nwigwe

Faculty Mentor: Dr. James LaPlant, Department of Political Science

Ethical Issues within the Criminal Justice System: 8 Case Studies

By Katherine Carpenter

163

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Rudy Prine, Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Criminal Justice

Wage Gap in the United States: What Factors Explain the Pay Gap Between Men and Women Across the 50 States? 182

By Abigail G. Wilcher

Faculty Mentor: Dr. James LaPlant, Department of Political Science

Myth and Reality: Literary and Psychological Perspective in the Short Story “El hijo”/ “The Son” by the Uruguayan Writer Horacio Quiroga 204

By Aldo Madrigal Olivares

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Ericka H. Parra, Department of Modern and Classical Languages

Stigmatizing Sexuality: Public Support for Restrictions on Blood Donation for Men Who Have Sex with Men

By Brandon Booker

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Anne Price, Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Criminal Justice

Article Abstract:

Blood donation is an essential component in the health care system, as blood transfusions are needed to compensate for blood lost during surgery or as part of care for patients with serious health conditions. From 1983 to 2023, sexually active gay and bisexual men were prohibited or restricted from donating blood over safety concerns about blood borne disease risk within this population. However, with advances in the accuracy and speed of blood screening, and a serious blood shortage during the COVID-19 omicron surge of 2022, these restrictions came to be seen by a growing proportion of the population as outdated and stigmatizing. This research was conducted in 2022, a pivotal moment in the growing movement to remove restrictions on blood donation for sexually active gay and bisexual men. It is a sociological investigation of the socio-demographic factors shaping individual support for sexuality-based bans on blood donation. Specifically, this study asks, “What characteristics of individuals influence their support of the FDA policy that restricts blood donation in sexually actively gay men?” To answer this question, I survey a non-probability purposive sample of 97 diverse individuals using Qualtrics. I examine the effect of gender, sexuality, and political affiliation on attitudes toward sexuality-based restrictions on blood donation using univariate and bivariate analysis. Overall, 67% of all respondents disagree with blood donation restrictions for men who have sex with men. However, there is a statistically-significant association between political affiliation and support for blood donation restrictions for gay and bisexual men. In May 2023, the FDA eliminated the previous deferral process on blood donation for men who have sex with men in favor of individualized risk assessments for all potential donors.

Introduction

Between 1983 and May 2023, men who reported having sex with men were banned or deferred from donating blood by the Food and Drug Administration’s (FDA) stigmatizing policies. The specific policy restrictions evolved over the time period, decreasing from a total lifetime ban to the policy that was current through May 2023, under which all men who reported sex with men in the last three months were ineligible to donate blood (Catstronuovo 2022, FDA 2023). Restricting voluntary blood donation from sexually active gay and bisexual men not only negatively affected the LGBTQ+ community by discriminating against a portion of their population and perpetuating harmful stereotypes about the health of men who have sex with men, but also reduced the eligibility of a significant portion of the population to donate blood. In 2022, the United States faced the biggest blood shortage in recent decades due to the COVID-19 Omicron surge, where blood donations from members of the LGBTQ+ community would have benefited the nation’s public health needs (Red Cross 2022). Under FDA policies, all blood donations must go through a laboratory screening process where the components are examined for several viruses including HIV/AIDS. This means that the safety of blood that is donated is determined scientifically, yet the discriminatory policies remained in place despite the scientific advances.

The current study was carried out in 2022 when the discriminatory policy based on gender and sexual orientation (specifically targeting men who have sex with men) was still in place. Because the discriminatory ban was lifted in May 2023, this study provides sociological insight into the public view of gender and sexual orientation, specifically restrictions on blood donation policies at a pivotal point in history, approximately one year before the restriction was eliminated in favor of one that focused on individualized risk assessments to determine the eligibility of potential donors. It did not, however, treat gay male sex as inherently risky (Miller, Cahill, and Mayer 2023). The purpose of this research project is to answer the question, “What motivating factors lead people to support the current blood donation restrictions placed on sexually active men who have sex with men (MSM), and what factors make them more likely to support overturning the current restrictions?” Specifically, I examine how individual age, gender, sexuality, and political identity affect peoples’ support for bans on sexually active gay and bisexual/pansexual (bi/pan) men donating blood. I predict that people who identify as politically conservative will be more likely to agree with stricter blood donation policies in comparison to those who identify as politically liberal because of traditional values. Specifically, I hypothesize that there will be significant differences in support for bans on blood donation for MSM across categories of political identity.

I also predict that people who identify as homosexual or bi/pan will be more likely to disagree with restrictions on blood donation policies than those who identify as heterosexual. In other words, I predict to see differences in support for bans on blood donation for MSM across categories of sexual identity. This article first reviews the literature on blood shortages and the history of disease screening in blood donation; then, it discusses the methodology of the current study, which relies on original survey data to assess public views on blood restriction for men who have sex with men. Lastly, this article concludes with research findings and broader implications.

Literature Review

For 40 years, from 1983 to 2023, men who had sex with men faced specific sexuality-based restrictions on blood donation. When the data for this study was being collected in 2022, sexually active gay and bisexual men faced a three-month deferral process to donate blood (Park et al, 2021). This is much less restrictive than the lifetime ban that was in place through 2015 or the 12-month deferral period that was in place through 2019. However, national blood crises still wreak havoc across the U.S., providing a justification to eliminate unnecessary restrictions on blood donation. Matt Lavietes (2022) addresses the topic in his article titled “Critics Call to End Three-Month Celibacy Requirement for Gay, Bisexual Men Amid Blood Shortage,” noting that the January 2022 blood shortage is the largest that the nation has faced in decades, with the COVID-19 pandemic creating a 62% decrease in donations from high school and college blood drives. The sudden, extreme drop in blood donation resulted in the U.S. experiencing the worst blood donation crisis that the nation had faced in decades. Sexually active gay, bisexual, or pansexual men were restricted from blood donation for three months after sexual activity. Chief medical officer of Cerus Corp, a biomedical products company, Richard Benjamin, argues that people who are infected with HIV test negative during the first one to two weeks after infection. Benjamin says that the waiting period to test HIV positive is only ten days, so having a three-month-long restriction period does nothing but harm the gay community by emphasizing stigmatizing beliefs (Lavietes 2022).

Many people wonder how blood is screened for diseases, as well as why the question “Have you had sex with another man in the past three months?” was for so long a key question during the donation screening process. The article “Blood Donation, Deferral, and Discrimination: FDA Donor Deferral Policy for Men Who Have Sex with Men” states that the FDA has a strategy for blood safety with “five overlapping layers of safeguards” (Galarneau 2010). The first step in the strategy plan is donor screening and deferral, which is where potential donors

fill out a questionnaire. Depending on the answers to the survey, the potential donor is either accepted and moves on to the next step in the process or is deferred for a period that varies according to the reason for deferral. Next, the deferred donors are listed on a registry, where the deferred can be contacted after their deferral period or listed as not being able to donate blood at all. Afterward, the blood donor has their blood taken by a phlebotomist before being “screened” for any transmitted infections such as HIV, hepatitis, syphilis, etc. There are specific tests performed for certain diseases, like nucleic acid amplification testing (NAT) for HIV-I with the test detecting the genetic material of the virus rather than the antibodies for the virus. With the move to NAT testing, the window period for HIV detection was reduced to twelve days, meaning that HIV can be detected earlier than in previous years (Galarneau 2010). With scientific consensus demonstrating that HIV positivity or negativity can be detected in twelve days, more speculation on why the three-month ban existed arises.

To understand the history of blood donation bans and restrictions for men who have sex with men (MSM), it is important to understand the fundamentals of HIV. HIV, which stands for human immunodeficiency virus, affects thousands of people across the U.S. Many people worry about contracting HIV because of its dangers. HIV attacks the immune system by targeting white blood cells, a group of cells designated to fight off infections. When the immune system detects that HIV has entered the body, it alerts the white blood cells, which are administered to the site of infection; however, HIV is a hard virus to attack. The virus enters the membrane of the white blood cell to replicate itself before commanding the white blood cell to self-destruct, releasing the hundreds of copies into the body. Then the cycle repeats unless treatment is applied, but if no treatment is applied, then the infection goes into a deadly state known as acquired immunodeficiency syndrome, or AIDS (CDC HIV Basics). During the epidemic of the 1980s, the gay and bisexual communities were attacked by the heterosexual community since the disease seemed to only be prevalent in the LGBTQ+ community or MSM. Gregory M. Herek and Beverly Greene’s book Aids, Identity, and Community: The HIV Epidemic and Lesbians and Gay Men (1995) details the prejudice that the LGBTQ+ community experienced at this time. HIV prevention is also intricately impacted by societal rejection of homosexuality. It influences the lifestyles and subcultural practices that organize homosexuality as well as how homosexuality is expressed (Herek and Greene 1995). The stigma that the HIV epidemic created negatively affected the LGBTQ+ community as many people reported increased rates of discrimination from the heterosexual community (Herek and Greene 1995).

In September 2010, Mark Wainberg, Talia Shuldiner, Karine Dahl, and Norbert Glimore wrote an article for the Canadian Medical Asso -

ciation Journal (CMAJ) called “Reconsidering the Lifetime Deferral of Blood Donation by Men Who Have Sex with Men.” The article explains the history of blood restriction on gay and bi/pan men by elaborating on how and why the blood donation restriction came into existence. The authors note that the HIV/AIDS epidemic led to panic during the 1980s, given that the virus was brand new and not well understood. Most HIV/ AIDS cases were reported from gay and bisexual men, which created a conflation between the virus and the demographic group. Wainberg et al. (2010) mention that there was no effective method to screen for HIV infection until 1985. The authors note that countries such as the U.S., France, and Germany have issued lifetime bans on blood donation for gay men in the past, while countries such as Argentina, Australia, Japan, Hungary, and Sweden never issued lifetime bans. Instead, the countries previously mentioned have always had shorter restriction times compared to the U.S. This shows different social construction of the disease, different stigmatization of particular communities, and different policy reactions cross-nationally.

One of the issues that contributed to lifting the restriction on blood donations for MSM was national blood shortages following the COVID-19 pandemic. The decline in blood drives because of mitigation processes to reduce COVID-19 transmission caused national shortages in early 2022. Only about 75% of hospitals in the U.S. were receiving sufficient blood quantities, so that means 25%, or one-fourth of the hospitals in the U.S., were not receiving the necessary quantities of blood that could save patients’ lives. The national blood crisis led several senators to speak up for the good of the nation. In a letter addressed to the FDA written by Senators Chris Coons, Tammy Baldwin, Elizabeth Warren, Cory Booker, and thirteen others, the “self-sabotaging, discriminatory blood donation restrictions” were addressed; the senators argued, “We must take every possible step to secure our nation’s blood supply in this critical time, and to do so, we need to shift away from antiquated and stigmatizing donation policies to ones that are scientifically sound. . .” (Coons 2020). The U.S.’ senators argued that pleas were being made to the public that blood needs to be urgently donated; however, the current restrictions prevent even healthy gay and bi/pan individuals from donating precious blood that could be used to save lives.

Another article called “Blood Donation and COVID-19: Reconsidering the 3-Month Deferral Policy for Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Other Men Who Have Sex with Men” written by Park et al. raises awareness of the current three-month blood donation policy put into place on April 3, 2020, by the FDA. The authors note how the pandemic has affected blood supplies across the U.S. with the same statistics as mentioned before, but the researchers investigate the reasons why the policy was created and why it still exists in the contemporary U.S. The authors note that during the HIV/AIDS epidemic of the 1980s,

blood donation restrictions were present, and needed to be present, as HIV and AIDS were not fully understood, had no effective treatment, and diagnostics were severely constrained by high false-negative rates, along with a long period between HIV infection and positive test results. Although the restrictions arose partly from homophobic public perceptions, the one-year deferral process lasted for three decades because of morbidity and mortality rates related to transfusion-associated HIV (Park et al. 2021). Since then, testing for HIV and AIDS has become highly accurate with several testing options available. There are also more HIV prevention methods available for use in the current world, such as pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) which is taken daily to prevent transmission of HIV/AIDS, and there is also post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) which is taken within 72 hours after a possible contraction of HIV/AIDS (Park et al. 2021).

Canada has held discriminatory policies very similar to the U.S. In fact, Canada had a lifetime ban on members of the LGBTQ+ community donating blood and plasma until 2013. The ban was eventually shortened to a five-year ban, then one year, before adjusting to the current three-month restriction (Adam et al. 2021). The restrictions from the FDA also prohibit the donation of plasma from sexually active gay and bi/pan males. A research team was dedicated to investigating plasma donation in Canada. Plasma is an essential component of blood, making up 55% of the total volume found in blood.

In “Stepping Stones or Second-Class Donors: a qualitative analysis of gay, bisexual, and queer men’s perspectives on plasma donation policy in Canada,” a team of researchers explored the restriction policy in Canada as well as the views from gay, bisexual, queer, and other men who have sex with men in relation to the blood donation policy (Adam et al. 2021). Early in the article, the researchers mention another study that was conducted in Israel by Levy et al., where the team found high acceptability rates among sexually active MSM to participate in a policy called the Frozen Plasma Quarantine Policy (FPQP), which would allow MSM to donate blood that would be frozen, quarantined, and released after four months if the donation tested negative for HIV and other STIs (Adam et al. 2021).

The sociological examination of this literature shows that blood donation bans and restrictions for MSM have varied across time and region, reflecting the social construction of the disease and its stigma. Variations in policies that still exist today across countries prove the social construction of these policies, reflected in the scientific consensus. These decisions are designed to minimize risk, but are not aligned with new scientific developments, and further perpetuate harmful stereotypes against the LGBTQ+ community.

Methodology

My research serves the purpose of evaluating the attitudes of adults in Georgia towards the FDA’s ban on blood donations from sexually active gay males to understand whether there is cultural support for the ban or whether the ban may no longer be following the views of the American public. My primary research question is, “What characteristics of individuals influence their support of the FDA policy that prevents blood donation in actively gay men?” Because multiple factors shape an individual’s beliefs about whether gay, bisexual, and pansexual men should face any restrictions on blood donation, I incorporate multiple independent variables, including political identity, sexuality, gender, and whether the respondent had ever been told they were not eligible to donate blood. For the dependent variable, I asked respondents to state their level of agreement with the statement: “Men who have sex with men should not be allowed to donate blood,” with choices of strongly agree, agree, neither agree nor disagree, disagree, and strongly disagree. I expected that women and non-binary individuals would be less likely to agree with stricter blood donations when compared to the male sample based on American cultural expectations of masculinity. I also hypothesize that people who identify as conservative would be more willing to agree with stricter blood donations.

Variables:

The first independent variable that I wanted to examine reflects a person’s gender, which I conceptualized as a person’s identity through their perspective. To make my survey as inclusive as possible, I included two questions about gender. The first question asked, “What is your gender?” with answer choices “Male,” “Female,” “Non-Binary” or “Other.” If a participant selected “Other” as their answer, then they were asked to specify their gender in the next question. “In your own words, what is your gender?” The two research questions about gender have face validity since both questions appeal to the “Common Sense Approach.” Gender is an expression that humans learn about at an early age, so all my participants are aware of gender, because the youngest individuals to take my survey were eighteen years old.

My second independent variable, political identity, I conceptualized as “the political party that someone feels most likely reflects their political viewpoints.” The survey question asked, “Which of these categories best summarizes your political identity?” with the answer choices being “Conservative,” “Liberal,” and “Other.” I included political identity because I wanted to investigate whether there was a link between a person’s political affiliation and their beliefs about whether gay, bisexual, or pansexual men should be restricted from blood donation. Both

gender and political identity are nominal variables since the categories cannot be numerically measured or ranked.

My third independent variable was whether respondents indicated if they were told they were ineligible to donate blood. I asked the question “Have you been told that you were unable to donate blood?” with answer choices “Yes,” “No,” and “I have never been interested and/or asked about my eligibility to donate blood.” The answer choices are a good measure of this nominal variable as the question is clear and concise along with simple answer choices that are easy to understand. My third independent variable has a nominal measurement level since the choices cannot be listed in order and the order of operations cannot be applied to choices.

To provide more detail in responses, I decided that I would ask two questions concerning my last independent variable of sexuality, one fixed-choice and one open-ended. In one of the questions participants are asked “What is your sexuality?” with answer choices “Heterosexual,” “Homosexual,” “Bisexual/Pansexual,” “Asexual,” and if none of the previous answer choices described an individual’s sexuality then the individual was asked to select “Other, please specify on the next question.” The open-ended question that participants were asked to answer was “In your own words, what is your sexuality?” with the answer being a fill-in-the-blank box. I chose to use both questions for this variable because I wanted to follow the same approach that was taken for my previous variable, gender. Sexuality, like the other two variables, has a nominal measurement, meaning that sexuality cannot be ranked or added/subtracted. Sexuality is another area of “self” that is explored as people progress through puberty. By the time that the respondents are old enough to be considered adults, their idea of their own sexuality should be mostly concrete.

The dependent variable for this study relates to individual beliefs about sexuality and blood donations by asking participants to state their level of agreement with the following statement: “Men who have sex with men should not be allowed to donate blood” with answer choices ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree along with the option to choose neither disagree nor agree. The answer choices are good measures for this question, seeing as respondents dictate their level of agreement without confusion, which allows my dependent variable to have face validity as the question is not difficult to answer and the question relates to the survey. I could have possibly included a second question that asked, “Why do you believe men who have sex with men should/shouldn’t be allowed to give blood?” but I believe that the answers would have been too extraneous as a person’s answer to the question could not be related to their age, gender, sexuality, or political identity. The level of measurement for this variable is ordinal as I can place the answer choices in order from strongly disagree to

strongly agree or vice versa.

Data and Sampling

The population for this study consisted of university students, friends, and family members, including residents of two states: Georgia and Florida. The sampling strategies, which were used for my Qualtrics survey, were non-probability purposive and convenience sampling strategies. My survey was distributed through email to the entire university list service at Valdosta State University. I also shared the survey through social media networks and emailed a link to friends and family members to complete the survey. This purposive sampling allowed me to be sure to include responses from individuals with a diversity of sexual identities. Once I cleaned my data to remove non-responses, I had a total sample size of 97 individuals.

My results are generalizable to the southern region of Georgia, considering most of my sample resides in Georgia. Qualtrics is a free survey tool that is entirely web-based, which uses data that is entered from respondents who can access it through a hyperlink. Qualtrics provides tools for viewing data in graphical form and simple analysis. It also allows users to export their data to the software system of their choice for additional analyses. I exported my dataset to Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and conducted univariate and bivariate analyses. I do expect sampling errors as Qualtrics uses GPS tracking to pinpoint as accurately as possible where participants were when they submitted their survey, yet GPS tracking can be faulty if glitches appear or even if the GPS happens to transmit the wrong information, resulting in a participant’s location to appear differently from where they submitted the survey. However, location is not a variable in my study.

Analysis

In my research, I used a combination of univariate frequency distributions and bivariate analysis, specifically cross-tabulations and chisquare tests. Univariate frequency distributions are observations based on a singular data characteristic or attribute, which can be displayed through summaries and visualizations such as frequency tables, box graphs, pie charts, etc. I used several pie charts to display data across my dependent and all my independent variables.

Bivariate analysis refers to examining the relationship between two variables. I use cross-tabulations to achieve this. For example, two of the graphs that I used in my data feature two variables: one explores the percentage of people agreeing with the statement, “Men who have sex with men should not be able to donate blood,” while considering their sexuality. The other graph uses the same statement but incorporates

political identity in the data.

Results

Univariate analysis

My dependent variable for this study was individual attitudes towards blood restriction for men who have sex with men. The exact question asks individuals, “State your agreement with the following statement: Men who have sex with men should not be allowed to donate blood” with answer choices of “strongly agree,” “somewhat agree,” “neither agree nor disagree,” “somewhat disagree,” and “strongly disagree.” Figure 1 shows that much of the sample, 67%, strongly disagree with restrictions on blood donation for men who have sex with men. Only 7% strongly agree with such restrictions, with the rest of the respondents falling somewhere in between (specifically, 3% somewhat agree with restrictions on blood donation for men who have sex with men, 9% neither agree nor disagree, and 11% somewhat disagree with such restrictions).

Figure 1. Individual Attitudes Regarding Whether Men Who Have Sex with Men Should be Permitted to Donate Blood

Next, I turn to the univariate findings from my independent variables. During my research process, I asked participants to answer several questions pertaining to their age, gender, sexuality, and political identity, which are variables that I believed would impact a person’s decision about blood donations. In my survey, I asked participants to indicate their age range by selecting one of the following age groups: 18-26, 27-40-, 41-60, or 61+. The modal, or the most common age group of people to participate in my survey, was between the ages of 18 and 26 years old, and the median age also fell in the category of 18 to 26 years old. This didn’t surprise me as much of my sample is university students.

Moving on to my next independent variable, I asked participants to state their gender. Figure 2 shows that 66% of my sample is female, 27% is male, and 5% of my sample identified as non-binary. Figure 3 demonstrates the open-ended responses when individuals were permitted to self-identify their gender. This data is important to show the diversity in gender self-identity that is represented in my sample. Because of the way Qualtrics treats open-ended responses, there was duplication of certain genders depending on how individuals responded, including capitalization. For example, “Woman” and “woman” are treated as two separate categories. I use the close-ended item for purposes of my research, in looking at the relationship between sexuality and attitudes towards blood donation restrictions for men who have sex with men.

My next variable focused on the political identity of my respondents. Respondents identified as either conservative, liberal, or if neither of those choices applied to them, they selected “other.” Figure 4 displays the percentages from each political identity with 47% of my sample identifying as liberal, 22% as conservative, and 28% of my sample identified in the other category.

Figure 2. Gender of Respondents, Fixed Choice

Figure 3. Gender of Respondents in Their Own Words

Figure 4. Political Affiliations of Respondents

Figure 5. Sample Characteristics: Sexuality of Respondents

Heterosexual Homosexual Bisexual/Pansexual Asexual Other

Sexuality was a key independent variable that I wanted to investigate. I hypothesized that a greater majority of the heterosexual community would be against changing the current FDA restrictions on blood donations than those who identified as non-heterosexual. The pie chart titled “Sample Characteristics: Sexuality of Respondents” (Figure 5) shows that the majority (66%) of my respondents identified as heterosexual. 19% of the sample belonged to the bisexual/pansexual community, only 10% of my sample were homosexual. Surprisingly, 4% of my sample identified as asexual, and 2% committed to the other category. The asexual community tends to get overlooked, so I was surprised that 4% of my sample identified that way.

Figure

In the pie chart presented in Figure 6, participants wrote in their sexualities, so that any sexual orientation or identity could be presented within my data. The data collected from the pie chart still shows that there was duplication of sexualities depending on how the respondents typed their answers, but it also shows the diverse identities individuals can encompass, such as “I am bisexual, though I do have a boyfriend.” This shows that while we may think of sexual orientation as relatively categorizable, there are many different possible identities.

Bivariate analysis

I used figures, cross-tabulation tables, and chi-square tests to examine the relationship between political identity and support for restrictive blood donation policies for men who have sex with men. I also examined sexual orientation and support for restrictive blood donation policies for MSM.

Figure 7. Percentage Agreeing with Restrictions on Blood Donation by Political Identity

The graph in Figure 7 and Tables 1 and 2 above shows a cross-tabulation of the percentage of respondents agreeing/disagreeing with restrictions on blood donations by political identity. A chi-square test (Table 2) showed that the association between political identity and support for blood donation restrictions for men who have sex with men was statistically significant. The significant chi-square (p<.05) shows that political identity is associated with variation in support for blood donation restrictions. My hypothesis that there would be significant differences across political affiliations in support of blood donation bans for sexually active MSM was supported. This means the association I found can be expected in the larger Georgia and Florida populations beyond this sample. 18% of conservatives strongly agreed with restrictions on blood donation for sexually active gay men and 9% somewhat agreed. In contrast, 0% of liberals strongly agreed with restrictions, and 2% somewhat agreed. 10% of those identifying as some other political group strongly agreed and 0% somewhat agreed. Looking next to the percentages that strongly disagree with blood donation restrictions for gay, pansexual, or bisexual men, 40% of conservatives strongly disagree with blood donation restrictions based on sexuality. More than twice

as many (85%) of liberals agreed with such blood donation restrictions, and 64% of all other political groups disagreed.

Figure 8. Percent Agreeing with Blood Restrictions by Sexual Orientation

The chart above shows the percentage of individuals of different sexual identities disagreeing with the idea of restrictions on blood donation for men who have sex with men. In a chi-square test, there was no significant difference in opposition to restrictions on blood donation based on sexuality. The data did not support my hypothesis that sexual orientation would affect the respondents’ support for blood donations for MSM. This means that there was no statistically significant difference between heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual/pansexual, and asexual men. This is an important and surprising finding because you might think that those who identified as homosexual or bisexual/pansexual would be much more likely to oppose restrictions on blood donation for MSM, but there was a lot of support across the different categories of sexuality. This included large support from the heterosexual community (59% disagreed with the restriction on blood donation for men who have sex with men). 90% of homosexuals disagreed with the restriction and 94% of bisexuals/pansexuals disagreed. (50% of asexuals disagreed with the restriction, but there are only 4 individuals in this category.)

Discussion and Conclusions

There are several interesting and important findings from this study with policy implications. First, it is important to note that the majority of this sample (67%) strongly disagrees with blood donation restrictions for men who have sex with men. This means that there is

cultural support from the American public for removing or reducing the barrier to blood donation for MSM. A second important finding from my research is that there is an association between political identity and disagreement with the current FDA blood donation restriction policy. The data supported my hypothesis that individuals would vary in their support for restrictions on blood donation based on political affiliation. Liberals were much less likely to support blood donation restrictions for men who have sex with men than were conservatives. However, it was also surprising to see that there was a substantial proportion of conservatives who favored the removal or reduction of bans on blood donation for homosexual, bisexual, or pansexual men. 40% of conservatives strongly disagreed with blood donation restrictions for MSM. This shows that although support for removing barriers is much stronger among liberals (with 85% disagreeing with blood donation bans for MSM), support extends across the political spectrum.

Another interesting finding from this research is that there is not a significant relationship between sexualities and views on who should not be able to donate blood. My hypothesis that people who identify as homosexual or bisexual/pansexual would be most likely to disagree with restrictions on blood donation policies was proven to be incorrect as I found no statistically significant relationship between an individual’s own sexual identity and support for bans on blood donation for men who have sex with men. I find it natural to expect that members of the LGBTQ+ community would be more in disagreement with the current policies, since LGBTQ+ people are most affected by the policies. It is important to note the limitations of this research. First, this is a convenience and purposive sample of two states in the southeastern U.S. and, therefore, is likely not generalizable to the U.S. I believe that if this research topic is investigated further then the data would be more representative of the U.S. I believe that I could have incorporated multiple other variables into my research such as race and ethnicity, which could have displayed more significant findings. My survey was also only distributed through online forms of media, so only people who had access to an Internet connection were able to see and participate in my survey. Also, there was a lot of duplication of answers when respondents were given the task of writing in their own gender and sexuality, which resulted in the pie charts each having duplicate sections that could have been combined to avoid confusion. Overall, there is substantial support for the removal of FDA restrictions on blood donation for MSM, and this stretches across the political spectrum. Removing barriers to blood donation would be one of many tools available to reduce blood shortages, by increasing donation eligibility. In times of shortage, such as in January 2022 when the U.S. faced the COVID-19 Omicron surge, the American Red Cross struggled to supply blood to hospitals with the organization only having less than

a one-day supply of critical blood types, which resulted in making difficult decisions about who should receive blood. Second, these rulings are stigmatizing. The FDA can change the policies that are currently in place to single out the LGBTQ+ community. This can contribute to negative perceptions or stereotypes of this minority group in the U.S. The American Red Cross supports lifting the ban, stating on its website that blood donation eligibility should not be determined by methods based on sexual orientation. This research shows that the American public also overwhelmingly favors removing bans on blood donation for sexually active gay, bisexual, or pansexual men.

In May 2023, the FDA removed the policy that restricted men who have sex with men from donating blood for three months, and the Red Cross adopted this policy in August 2023. This article has shown how risk, stigma, and science can be affected by social construction, panic, and fear of particular groups. My survey findings from 2022 show that not only had science advanced beyond current policy restrictions on blood donation for men who have sex with men, but cultural perceptions had advanced as well. Now, current policies reflect science and public attitudes by using an individual risk assessment screening for blood donation rather than one based on gender and sexual orientation.

Works Cited

Castronuovo, Celine. 2022. “Trust-Building Sought with FDA’s Blood Donor Policy for Gay Men,” Bloomberg Law. Available at: https://news.bloomberglaw.com/ health-law-and-business/trust-building-sought-with-fdas-blood-donor-policyfor-gay-men [Accessed 5 December 2022].

Coons, C., 2020. U.S. Senator Christopher Coons of Delaware. [online] Coons.senate.gov. Available at: <https://www.coons.senate.gov/news/press-releases/sen-coons-colleagues-urge-fda-to-change-discriminatory-blood-donation-policies-to-combat-coronavirus-pandemic> [Accessed 3 May 2022].

FDA News Release. “FDA Finalizes Move to Recommend Individual Risk Assessment to Determine Eligibility for Blood Donations,” May 11, 2023. https://www.fda. gov/news-events/press-announcements/fda-finalizes-move-recommend-individual-risk-assessment-determine-eligibility-blood-donations

Grace, D., Gaspar, M., Klassen, B., Lessard, D., Anand, P., Brennan, D., Lachowsky, N., Adam, B., Cox, J., Lambert, G., Jollimore, J. and Hart, T., 2022. Stepping Stones or Second Class Donors?: a qualitative analysis of gay, bisexual, and queer men’s perspectives on plasma donation policy in Canada, <https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/ articles/10.1186/s12889-021-10480-x> [Accessed 3 May 2022].

Grace, D., Gaspar, M., Klassen, B., Lessard, D., Anand, P., Brennan, D., Lachowsky, N., Adam, B., Cox, J., Lambert, G., Jollimore, J. and Hart, T., 2022. Stepping Stones or Second Class Donors?: a qualitative analysis of gay, bisexual, and queer men’s perspectives on plasma donation policy in Canada. [online] Available at: <https://bmcpublichealth. biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-021-10480-x> [Accessed 3 May 2022].

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Lavietes, M., 2022. Critics call to end three-month celibacy requirement for gay, bisexual men amid blood shortage, NBC News. Available at: <https://www.nbcnews.com/nbc-out/ out-politics-and-policy/national-blood-crisis-reignites-calls-fda-end-gay-donorrestrictions-rcna11918> [Accessed 3 May 2022].

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Park, C., Gellman, C., O’Brien, M., Eidelberg, A., Subudhi, I., Gorodetsky, E. F., ... & Reich, D. L. (2021). Blood donation and COVID-19: reconsidering the 3-month deferral policy for gay, bisexual, transgender, and other men who have sex with men. American Journal of Public Health, 111(2), 247-252.

Park, C., Gellman, C., O’Brien, M., Eidelberg, A., Subudhi, I., Gorodetsky, E., Asriel, B., Furlow, A., Mullen, M., Nadkarni, G., Somani, S., Sigel, K. and Reich, D., 2021. Blood Donation and COVID-19: Reconsidering the 3-Month Deferral Policy for Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Other Men Who Have Sex With Men.

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Wainberg, M., Shuldiner, T., Dahl, K. and Gilmore, N., 2022. Reconsidering the lifetime deferral of blood donation by men who have sex with men. [online] CmajGroup. Available at: <https://www.cmaj.ca/content/182/12/1321.short> [Accessed 3 May 2022].

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Genotype-Host Specificity and Evolution

of Viral Hemorrhagic Septicemia Virus (VHSV)

By Lauren D. Vosburgh

Faculty Mentor: Dr. John G. Phillips, Department of Biology

Article Abstract:

Viral Hemorrhagic Septicemia Virus (VHSV) is a highly virulent virus, which infects and causes mortality in more than 140 species of marine and freshwater fish across the globe. Since the first appearance of the virus in 1938, VHSV has diversified and become notably problematic for fisheries across Europe and Asia. In recent decades, however, the virus has also emerged as a prominent threat to fish populations in the Laurentian Great Lakes of North America (hereafter “Great Lakes”) following initial cases from the region in 2003. Studies of the genotype-host relationship, virulence, and evolutionary patterns of VHSV have become popular subjects among researchers in attempts to define the future outbreaks and trajectory of viruses. In this article, genotype-host specificity and virulence of VHSV genotypes will be examined in addition to the role of reservoir species in the maintenance of isolates within susceptible populations of hosts. The evolutionary patterns of genotypes and sub-genotypes are defined and compared. Preliminary data suggest host specificity is often present and an important factor in patterns of virulence across VHSV genotypes. However, some host fish are also susceptible to multiple genotypes. From the viral standpoint, data also suggest similarities in virulence and rapid radiation between sub-genotypes of VHSV (e.g. Ia and IVb).

Introduction

Outbreaks of Viral Hemorrhagic Septicemia Virus (VHSV) have been problematic for fisheries, tourism, and global populations of wild fish since the virus was first described in Europe in 1938 (Schäperclaus, 1938). VHSV has emerged as one of the leading piscine viral threats currently increasing morbidity in over 140 species of marine, freshwater, and brackish fish of various habitats around the world (Escobar et al., 2018; Niner et al., 2021). The purpose of this article is to define and further evaluate the current knowledge of genotype-host relationships and evolutionary patterns of VHSV.

VHSV is an enveloped, single-stranded negative-sense RNA virus of the genus Novirhabdovirus (family Rhabdoviridae). Novirhabdovirses are exclusively pathogenic to fish and carry a gene encoding for a nonvirion (Nv) protein, which has been associated with increased virulence of Novirhabdovirus as the protein effectively delays host cell apoptosis (Ammayappan & Vakharia, 2011; Baillon et al., 2017). The non-segmented genome of VHSV is 11,158 bp and encodes for five structural proteins: nucleoprotein (N), phosphoprotein (P), matrix protein (M), glycoprotein (G), and RNA polymerase (L) and Nv, a non-structural protein (Baillon et al., 2020; Cieslak et al., 2016 Stepien & Niner, 2020). Among these proteins, the underlying genes of the G, N, and Nv protein are frequently used to study the virulence, diversity, and evolution of the genotypes and sub-genotypes of VHSV (Baillon et al., 2020; Cieslak et al., 2016; Panzarin et al., 2020; Niner et al., 2021).

VHSV has diversified into four genotypes (I, II, III, and IV), and various sub-genotypes, all of which are genetically distinct, and endemic to their respective geographic regions (Escobar et al., 2018). VHSV-I is believed to be the oldest genotype and has the largest geographic distribution, primarily in Central and Eastern Europe (Niner et al., 2021). Five sub-genotypes of genotype I (Ia, Ib, Ic, Id, and Ie) have been found in marine fishes surrounding Central/Eastern Europe and freshwater species in aquacultures and lakes located within the region. Particularly virulent, sub-genotype Ia is associated with outbreaks in aquacultured salmonids across continental Europe (Cano et al., 2016; Cieslak et al., 2016; Pierce & Stepien, 2012; Stepien & Niner, 2020). However, isolates of sub-genotype Ia have been found in numerous rainbow trout (Oncorhynchus mykiss) from farms in Iran, which have experienced outbreaks and mass mortality (Ahmadivand et al., 2016). Isolates of sub-genotype Ib are commonly isolated from the Baltic and North Seas in several species including Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua), Atlantic halibut (Hippoglossus hippoglossus), Atlantic herring (Clupea harengus), and sprat (Sprattus sprattus; Cieslak et al., 2016; Pierce & Stepien, 2012; Snow et al., 2004; Snow et al., 2005a). Sub-genotype Ic have been isolated across continental Europe and sub-genotype Id isolates have been found in marine and freshwater habitats throughout Northern Europe (Cieslak et al., 2016).

Lastly, sub-genotype Ie has been found in the Black Sea (Cieslak et al., 2016; Pierce & Stepien, 2012). VHSV-II and -III do not contain sub-genogroups. VHSV-II is composed strictly of marine isolates originating from the Baltic Sea (Cano et al., 2016; Niner et al., 2021; Stepien & Niner, 2020). However, in Finland, isolates of VHSV-positive freshwater river lamprey (Lampetra fluviatilis) were most closely related to genotype II (Gadd et al., 2010). VHSV-III isolates are associated with infecting marine and estuary species in the North Sea (Einer-Jensen et al., 2004; Stepien & Niner, 2020) and waters surrounding the United Kingdom, Ireland, and Scotland (Einer-Jensen et al., 2004; Munro et al., 2015).

VHSV-IV consists of four sub-genotypes (IVa, IVb, IVc, and IVd) and is an evolutionarily newer genotype of VHSV notably affecting species of both marine and freshwater fish across the continent of North America. Phylogenetic analyses using G, N, and Nv protein sequences have identified genotype IV as a sister clade to all European genotypes (I–III; Niner et al., 2021; Pierce & Stepien, 2012; Stepien & Niner, 2020; Studer & Janies, 2011). Genotype IV first emerged in North America (sub-genotype Iva) along the coastline of the Pacific Northwest in the late 1980s (Stepien et al., 2015; Thompson et al., 2011). Sub-genotype IVa affects wild marine species of fish including Pacific herring (Clupea pallasii ), walleye pollock (Gadus chalcogrammus), sardines (Sardinops sagax), and Pacific hake (Merluccius productus; Garver et al., 2013). In Asia, sub-genotype IVa was responsible for mass mortalities of olive flounder (Paralichthys olivaceus) across farms in Korea (Kim et al., 2009). More recently in China, wild-caught VHSV-positive largemouth bass (Micropterus salmoides) were infected with sub-genotype IVa (Zhang et al., 2019). Sub-genotype IVb is most notable for causing mass outbreaks of mortality across >32 species of freshwater game fish and baitfish throughout the Great Lakes (Niner et al., 2021; Stepien & Niner, 2020), since the first isolation of the sub-genotype in 2003 from muskellunge (Esox masquinongy; Elsayed et al., 2006). In the northwestern Atlantic coast of North America, sub-genotype-IVc has been found and caused mortality in wild populations of three-spined stickleback (Gasterosteus aculeatus) from eastern Canada (Gagné et al., 2007). Sub-genotype IVd has been isolated from wild lumpfish (Cyclopterus lumpus) near Icelandic waters and has yet to be thoroughly studied (Guðmundsdóttir et al., 2019; Niner et al., 2021; Stepien & Niner, 2020).

Research surrounding VHSV is extensive, but in recent years has shifted towards diversity of the virus and hosts infected to forecast future outbreaks, naïve populations of fish at high risk of infection, and evolution of the virus following new outbreaks within vulnerable regions. Factors used to formulate these projections include genotype-host specificity, the role of reservoir species in viral transmission, virulence, and elucidation of evolutionary patterns across genotypes and sub-genotypes of the virus. In addition to studies on individual

genotypes and sub-genotypes, some researchers have begun to compare these characteristics to observe variations and similarities between European genotypes I–III and the North American genotype IV with intentions to understand the collective trajectory of VHSV. In addition, assessments of genotypes and sub-genotypes of the virus are made based on available literature to contribute to the identification of new areas of research on the impact VHSV has on diverse communities and populations of fishes.

Viral Transmission and Reservoir Species

Fish infected with VHSV commonly exhibit hemorrhaging of the eyes, body, fins, and internal organs due to the virus attacking the endothelial lining of blood vessels (Cieslak et at., 2016; Imanse et al., 2014). Additional symptoms may include abdominal ascites, gill and hepatic pallor, and exophthalmia (Cieslak et al., 2016; Imanse et al., 2014). In experimental trials and wild-caught species, lesions causing multifocal myocardial necrosis, hemorrhaging of the brain and kidney, and degradation of gastrointestinal tissue have additionally been reported (Hopper et al., 2023; Lovy et al., 2013; Munro et al., 2015; Skall et al., 2004). The severity of disease and form of symptoms displayed among infected individuals has been shown to vary among species of fish based on the genotypes of VHSV (Al-Hussinee et al., 2010; Kim & Faisal, 2010; López-Vázquez et al., 2011) and methods of experimental viral infection (i.e., intraperitoneal injection, intramuscular injection, and water immersion; Al-Hussinee et al., 2010; Kim et al., 2016; Lovy et al., 2013; Matejusova et al., 2016). Both wild and experimental infection studies have found species of fishes that display no clinical signs of disease upon exposure to the virus, but are still VHSV-positive (Emmenegger et al., 2013; Getchell et al., 2013; Hershberger et al., 2007; Hopper et al., 2023; Mortensen et al., 1999), suggesting that some unaffected individuals serve as possible reservoirs, or carriers of the virus within their environment.

Horizontal transmission is thought to be the main mode of viral transmission for VHSV. This has been confirmed through cohabitation studies, observing transmission of the virus from infected naïve fish from either a single or several species through contact with reproductive fluids, waste, and secretions of compromised fish (Guðmundsdóttir et al., 2019; López-Vázquez et al., 2011; Matejusova et al., 2016; Schönherz et al., 2013; Stepien et al., 2015). However, oral transmission by predation upon VHSV-positive fish (Getchell et al., 2013) and contact with host viral reservoirs have been identified as other possible forms of VHSV transmission. Several marine and freshwater species have been identified as potential VHSV reservoir hosts contributing to the sustained presence of a VHSV genotype within a given environment.

In the Great Lakes, amphipods (Hyalellidae spp. and Diporeia spp.; Faisal & Winters, 2011; Throckmorton et al., 2017) and leeches (Faisal & Schulz, 2009), as well as fishes including largemouth bass and fathead minnows (Pimephales promelas; Throckmorton et al., 2017; Getchell et al., 2013), have been identified as likely reservoirs of sub-genotype IVb and are hypothesized to be involved in the maintenance of the enzootic presence of VHSV within the Great Lakes via shedding of viral particles or as consumption as prey.

Wild species of marine fishes located in the vicinity of aquacultures also have the potential to transmit VHSV to naïve farmed species of fish and act as a source for sustained viral infection. Phylogenetic and sequence analyses indicate that isolates obtained from farmed and wild marine outbreaks are genetically similar, indicating the likelihood of wild marine fish transmitting VHSV to farmed fish (Garver et al., 2013; Stone et al., 1997; Wallace et al., 2015). Additionally, cohabitation studies have confirmed the possibility for wild marine fish to transmit the virus to farmed species of fish and act as reservoirs (LópezVázquez et al., 2011; Lovy et al., 2013; Schönherz et al., 2013). Reservoirs of marine genotype and sub-genotypes of VHSV have been identified in numerous species including: Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar), Atlantic cod, Atlantic herring, haddock (Melanogrammus aeglefinus), Norway pout (Trisopterus esmarkii ), Pacific herring, plaice (Pleuronectes platessa), sardine, sprat, turbot (Scophthalmus maximus), whiting (Merlangius merlangus), and whitefish (Coregonus lavaretus; Garver et al., 2013; Lovy et al., 2013; Meyers et al., 1999; Schönherz et al., 2013; Skall et al., 2004; Stone et al., 1997; Wallace et al., 2015).

Host Specificity and Virulence

Genotype-host specificity of VHSV is possible as suggested by the findings of a recent, global ecologic study of 144 species of fish across several taxonomic orders, some of which demonstrated specificity with a single VHSV genotype (Escobar et al., 2018). Fish in the order Pleuronectiformes (flatfishes) were frequently observed to only test positive for genotype I, while Petromyzontiformes (lampreys) and Clupeiformes (herrings) were reported VHSV-positive only for genotype II. Many Salmoniformes (salmonids) were susceptible to infection by genotype IV, but rainbow trout and chinook salmon (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha) have also been found to be highly susceptible to genotype I (specifically sub-genotype Ia; Cano et al., 2016; Ceislak et al., 2016; Emmenegger et al., 2013).

However, many fishes did not display these levels of specificity as some orders were susceptible to multiple VHSV genotypes (Escobar et al., 2018). Perciformes (perch-like fishes) were infected by isolates of genotypes I, III, and IV; Gadiformes (cods) were infected by isolates of

genotypes I, II, and III; and Cypriniformes (minnows) were infected by genotypes II and IV. The potential for a species to be susceptible to multiple genotypes and involved in the sustainment of the virus within given regions as reservoirs should be further examined to understand the role different host species have in maintaining the genetic diversity of VHSV within regions where more than one genotype or sub-genotype are present in the community.

Environmental conditions also likely influence the specificity of a genotype or sub-genotype to populations of host species within a geographic region, resulting in certain populations being more susceptible to different genotypes of VHSV. Additionally, ecological niche models utilized abiotic and biotic factors to compare niches of the different isolates of VHSV, finding the niches for sub-genotypes Ib, Ic, Ie, IVa, and genotype III as significantly similar (Escobar et al., 2018). Isolates of these sub-genotypes generally inhabit marine ecosystems and have often been isolated from the same sea, or seas within a given geographic region (e.g., the North Sea where genotype III and sub-genotype Ib are prevalent; Getchell et al. 2017). Shared ecological affinity may contribute to the observed overlap of susceptible species of fish to these sub-genotypes as isolates belonging to these sub-genogroups can spread to new regions where conditions are favorable and subsequently infect new hosts. More selective sub-genotypes displaying unique niches were sub-genotypes Ia, Id, IVb, and IVc (Escobar et al., 2018). The narrow niche preference for these sub-genotypes indicates potential restriction of host diversity as the conditions of which the isolates can inhabit are limited to specific geographic regions. This may contribute to the explanation why certain species are strictly susceptible to a single genotype or sub-genotype. However, the influence of niche conditions needs further study to understand the relationship of niche factors to genotype-host specificity.

The susceptibility of a species to additional genotypes and sub-genotypes, excluding the primary genotype or sub-genotype commonly associated with infection of the species, has been observed with variations in viral virulence. Variations in virulence of VHSV genotypes in species have been observed across isolates of the same genotype or sub-genotype (Getchell et al., 2017; Imanse et al., 2014; Snow et al., 2005b). In contrast to European genotypes I–III, literature analyzing temporal changes in virulence of genotype IV report a decrease in virulence across specifically sub-genotype IVb isolates of which were found in populations of fish affected by recent outbreaks of the virus compared to isolates originating in the initial, or early, outbreaks within the Great Lakes (Getchell et al., 2017; Imanse et al., 2014; Niner et al., 2021). Differences among the virulence of a genotypes or isolates for a host may be due to any number of factors such as mutations in the viral genome (Ammayappan & Vakharia, 2011; Baillon et al., 2017; Panzarin

et al., 2020), virus-host coevolution as VHSV diversifies (Niner et al., 2021), or the level of adaptability of a given genotype or isolate to diverse environments (Escobar et al., 2018).

Differences in mortality across VHSV genotypes have been observed in experimental trials in several species of fish. Turbot experienced significant rates of mortality (78.7%) upon exposure to genotype III; however, they also become VHSV-positive but experience low to moderate mortality (1%–45%) when exposed to genotype II and sub-genotypes Ia and Ib (Snow et al., 2005b). Atlantic cod and Atlantic halibut have been found VHSV-positive with sub-genotype Ib and genotypes II and III (Snow et al., 2004; 2005a). Chinook salmon are most susceptible to sub-genotypes IVa and IVb (Garver et al., 2013; Kim & Faisal, 2010), but also experience significant mortality (76%) when exposed to sub-genotype Ia (Emmenegger et al., 2013). Finally, sub-genotype Ia is associated with species viral infection yielding a maximum of 98% mortality in rainbow trout (Emmenegger et al., 2013); however, significant mortality (78%) also occurred when exposed to sub-genotype IVb (Kim & Faisal, 2010).

Patterns of Evolution

Evolutionary patterns among genotypes support the classification of VHSV as a viral quasispecies. A viral quasispecies has characteristics such as rapid geographic and genomic diversification that over time results in a series of genetically diverse variants of the virus (Domingo & Perales, 2019; Niner et al., 2021; Pierce & Stepien, 2012). All four genotypes of VHSV display high rates of genomic diversity, although evolutionary and spatial distribution patterns differ among genotypes and specific sub-genotypes. Phylogenetic and sequence analysis of genotypes I and IV—specifically sub-genotypes Ia, IVa, and IVb—found substantial diversity evidenced by numerous haplotypes in multiple clades present within sub-genotype phylogenies (Abbadi et al., 2016; Ceislak et al., 2016; Niner et al., 2021; Pierce & Stepien, 2012; Stepien & Niner, 2020). Similar patterns have been observed for genotypes II and III, but with fewer haplotypes (Pierce & Stepien, 2012). Additionally, genotypes I and IV display greater diversification of genomic isolates within broad geographic locations inhabited by these genotypes compared to genotypes II and III (Escobar et al., 2018; Pierce & Stepien, 2012). Initial patterns of sub-genotype IVb isolates responsible for the early outbreaks of the virus within the Great Lakes were widely dispersed with low genetic diversity (Throckmorton et al., 2011). However, local effects likely play a strong role on viral diversity as more recent work on spatial and temporal evolution of sub-genotype IVb within the Great Lakes, found rapidly diverging populations of haplotypes endemic to smaller regions (Stepien & Niner, 2020).

Conclusion

Forecasting future outbreaks of VHSV is complex and requires a multitude of factors regarding past and current outbreak trends such as a genotype’s virulence, spatial and temporal distribution, environmental adaptability, and relationship with susceptible host species of fish. Despite differences in trends across sub-genotypes, collectively the virus remains a threat to freshwater and marine species of fish around the globe regardless of geographical location and wild or aquaculture populations. Specificity of VHSV infections may impact host preference and niche conditions, but the body of knowledge on these factors can help researchers develop models to identify at-risk geographic regions and fish species based on taxonomy and history of compromised closely related hosts. More data on virulence and genotype-host specificity will prove useful for determining vulnerable host species following introduction into new regions because history of mortality rates and evolutionary relatedness will give insight to the possibility of outbreak dynamics in naïve fish populations. Detailing the phylogeny of known reservoir species with consideration to genotype host preference and further defining the role of reservoir species in the maintenance and transmission of VHSV isolates may be an additional area of study to aid in the understanding of future outbreaks. Evolutionary similarity was observed across two sub-genotypes. Early isolates of sub-genotype IVb appear to resemble the initial and current hyperendemic, high mortality rate outbreaks of sub-genotype Ia, while marine isolates of genotypes II and III lack data on evolutionary patterns within their regions. However, based on the impact of numerous marine reservoir species neighboring aquaculture communities, it remains likely that these isolates will remain problematic for fish.

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Film vs. Reality: The Perspective of the Western Film

The Undefeated from a Historic Lens

By Isabelle Reimer

Faculty

Mentor: Dr. John Dunn, Department of History

Article Abstract:

The production of The Undefeated by Andrew V. McLaglen in 1969 alters the recollection of Confederate migration from the South to Mexico and can be seen through the perception of indigenous and native people, Southern colonization, and the history of Confederate General Joseph O. Shelby. John Wayne starred in the film as General Thomas, a character heavily influenced by General Shelby. The film follows the migration of Confederate soldiers after the surrender of Robert E. Lee in 1865. The soldiers’ journey is an adventurous tale of triumph, hope, and unity as the group bands together to defeat the antagonist of the film, the Mexican Republicans. Unlike the film, historically, General Shelby’s migration was anything but triumphant. The exaggerated accounts produced by Major John Edwards provide a first-hand account of this expedition and the achievement of his goal to create a Confederate colony in Mexico. His migration was notable due to the establishment of an immigration commissioner, incentives given by King Maximilian, and newspapers publishing the new Confederate colonies abroad. Through the film and the impressive persona created by history, General Shelby was established in American pop culture as an undefeated Confederate general who consistently sought out new adventures and added to his heroic image. The film prioritized and dramatized the white and European perspectives of history to create a plot that antagonized the natives of Mexico while producing the persona of the “Undefeated” hero

The 20th century saw the introduction of Western films, many starring American actor, John Wayne. These films covered a variety of topics about the American Midwest and events within American history. In 1969, John Wayne starred in the film The Undefeated; it followed a group of Union soldiers’ journey to Mexico after the surrender of General Lee in 1865.1 The migration of Confederate soldiers to Mexico following the French intervention in the early 1860s directly correlated with the loss of the Civil War and the idea of Reconstruction within the United States. Many of the Confederate soldiers lived in fear of what the United States would become under Union rule and how it would affect them both economically and socially. The migration to Mexico starting in 1865 was notable, due to things such as an immigration commissioner, incentives given by King Maximilian, and newspapers publishing about the new Confederate colonies abroad. The production of The Undefeated by Andrew V. McLaglen in 1969 alters the recollection of the Confederate migration from the South to Mexico and can be seen through the perception of indigenous and native people, Southern colonization, and the history of Confederate General Joseph O. Shelby. The Undefeated opens with a group of Union soldiers led by General Thomas, played by John Wayne, in Texas who decide to migrate to Mexico rather than return to their homes. This group of soldiers is loosely based on the group of men who Confederate General Shelby took with him to Mexico. The number of men Shelby took ranges from our hundred to one thousand. Regardless of the number, the group of men voted Shelby as a leader and were willing to follow him. 2

Historians Rolle and Rowse describe the migration based on the accounts of Shelby’s own historian, Major John Edwards.3 Through newspapers and books, both Edwards and modern historian O’Flaherty establish Shelby as the “Undefeated Hero” who is brought to life by John Wayne in the Western film. The newspaper published by University of North Carolina Press describes Shelby’s journey as, “Shelby ignored his orders to surrender and instead led his soldiers toward Mexico City for a final fling, inviting further adventure under a new banner.”4 However, Shelby’s migration was anything but heroic.

As portrayed in the film, Shelby’s large group began their migration following the surrender of General Lee. Shelby’s decision was

1 The Undefeated. DVD. United States: Twentieth Century Fox, 1969. 2:17.

2 “Village of Carlota: It was the last rally point of the Confederacy American refugees in Mexico under Alcaide Isham G. Harris Maximillians and the Missourians—General Shelby made a Knight of the Order of Guadalupe.” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Jun 17, 1894. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/village-carlota/ docview/193279707/se-2.

3 Andrew F Rolle and A. L. Rowse. The Lost Cause: The Confederate Exodus to Mexico. 1st ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965, 66.

4 Harnett T. Kane. A Flaming Spirit: General Jo Shelby: Undefeated Rebel. by Daniel O’Flaherty. 437 pp. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. $6.” New York Times (1923-), Jul 04, 1954. https://www.proquest.com/ historical-newspapers/flaming-spirit/docview/112992039/se-2 .

not impulsive, contrary to how it is illustrated in the film. Within the months predating Lee’s surrender, one major event results in Shelby’s migration.The film shows the troops under General Thomas turning to him for their next orders; Thomas would plan to lead the troops toward Mexico, still having to decide whether to work with the Liberals, Juárez, or the Conservatives, Maximilian.5 One of the major misinterpretations of history within the movie is the portrayal of the troop’s age. Shelby was the leader of the Missouri Cavalry Division.6 Many of the men were extremely young and did not have children or spouses, yet the film depicts them as aged war veterans. Shelby was married but similar to other generals and soldiers within the Confederate and Union Army; he had not seen his family since 1861.7 Due to the group’s status and circumstances, leaving for Mexico was far easier because of minimal family relations and monetary attachments to the United States.

General Shelby made it obvious to those around him, including other generals, that he did not wish to stay within the U.S. following the eminent Confederate defeat. He increased his intent to establish the grand design: a newer, larger, and wealthier Confederate state in Mexico. The major event that enabled Shelby’s migration was his influence to oust Kirby Smith and support Simon Bolivar Buckner as the new commander of the Trans-Mississippi army. With the help of Buckner, Shelby planned to create an army much larger than his current troops. He planned on having 75,000-100,000 Confederate soldiers join either Maximillian’s or Juárez’s army.8 Buckner initially accepted the position but later turned it down, leaving Kirby Smith over the Trans-Mississippi army. Smith surrendered to the troops, barring them to fight. This acted as a catalyst to the migration. Shelby no longer had his “army,” but he still sensed the expected loss of the Confederacy.9

Shelby’s group, like most immigrants from the South, faced the decision to choose between Juárez or Maximilian. Before they even reached the Mexican border, soldiers had to pass completely through Texas. Within the film, General Thomas’ group traveled with Blue Boy, Thomas’ Native American adopted son, and other Native Americans from the Oklahoma and Indian Territories. The group transported thousands of horses with the intent of selling them to Maximilian’s government.10 Toward the middle of the film, Blue Boy discovers that Mexican bandits have plans to attack the Confederate group led by Colonel Langdon. The Confederate group differs greatly from General Thomas’ because it includes families traveling with covered wagons.

5 The Undefeated, 1969.

6 Daniel O’Flaherty. General Jo Shelby: Undefeated Rebel Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1954, 226.

7 Rolle and Rowse, The Lost Cause, 97.

8 O’Flaherty, General Jo Shelby, 227-30.

9 O’Flaherty, General Jo Shelby, 230, 233-4

10 The Undefeated, 1969. 20:56-21:50.

Each group represents a separate type of migration and a separate political group.11 Blue Boy and General Thomas warn the Confederate group of the impending danger of the bandits, resulting in both groups coming together to stop the “common” enemy. To establish the “togetherness” of both groups, McLaglen uses a Fourth of July celebration to establish a unified front.12

While The Undefeated depicts the multitude of different immigrants within this exodus, it still leaves out many perspectives. General Shelby’s group migration from 1864-1865 was characterized by the individual migration of people or groups, excluding their families who later migrated. Additionally, the migration was not only done by white people. Western films, such as The Undefeated, greatly reduce the minority perspective of the exodus to Mexico. The film briefly includes Colonel Langdon’s slaves, whom he left on his plantation “freed,” and briefly includes the Native Americans traveling with General Thomas. None of these minor characters tell their own story, which whitewashes all of the “history” depicted in the film.

Migration happened on a very small scale for Native Americans, African Americans, and imported Chinese individuals. The main purpose for Southerners migrating to Mexico was for economic gain, while still maintaining their current way of life within South America. Based on the cheap and fertile land in Mexico, many Southerners forcibly transported their slaves with them to work the land.13 The Commissioner of Colonization, Matthew Fontaine Maury, did not wish to “revive slavery,” but believed that the use of “loyal” slaves for agriculture and other labor would help rebuild Southerners’ lives outside of the South. For this very reason, he heavily encouraged the dual migration of White Southerners and African American slaves.14 French King Maximilian also endorsed the migration of ex-slaves to Mexico, but he disapproved of slavery. Maximilian decreed in October of 1865 that the Southerners were welcome to bring “laborers,” but they received “special protective regulations” that did not exist in America.15 Maximilian wanted to stop the mistreatment of African Americans and, unlike Brazil, did not want the economy to be primarily dependent on the labor of others. Maximilian encouraged the establishment of an apprentice path for ex-slaves to learn a trade in effort to make money for themselves. Maury proposed a system of apprenticeship where both the patron and apprentice would be bound to care for others in a “patriarchal

11 The Undefeated, 1969. 36:00-37:20.

12 The Undefeated, 1969. 1:03:14-1:17:06.

13 Todd W. Wahlstrom. The Southern Exodus to Mexico: Migration across the Borderlands after the American Civil War. Borderlands and Transcultural Studies. University of Nebraska Press, 2015. https://search.ebscohost.com/login. aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=cat06556a&AN=val.9915158162302931&site=eds-live&scope=site.

14 Wahlstrom. The Southern Exodus to Mexico, 11.

15 George D. Harmon. “Confederate Migration to Mexico.” The Hispanic American Historical Review 17, no. 4 (1937): 461-2.

and paternal manner during their apprenticeship.” Maury believes that the apprentice should be at disposal of his patron for 10-20 years. However, Maximilian disagreed, and the time of apprenticeship was shortened to 5-10 years.16 From an outside perspective, this plan presented an opportunity for emancipated slaves, yet it also continued racial control over African Americans and led to the import of Chinese immigrants to work in agriculture. If the main plan for Southern colonization was economic growth, Mexico would also see an era of modernization. Before the exodus, 1/8 of the population was within the laboring class. When both White southerners and Europeans controlled portions of Mexico, they saw economic opportunities because of the lack of modernization. Mexican leaders like Jose Maria Luis Mora would also sponsor the white immigration, due to the economic advancements it would bring to Mexico.17 In the 1860s, the Maximilian administration had control of central Mexico, but his government did not have the public support of traditionalist leaders. While some Mexican leaders did wish to increase immigration and modernize the country, other traditional self-sustaining, rural communities did not wish to be controlled by an outsider.18 This reduced the possibility of ever establishing a stable monarchy in Mexico. Compared to other southern exoduses, like Brazil, the plan to migrate to Mexico was far less organized. It is also very important to remember that many Confederate soldiers were migrating to colonize Mexican land or land that had been taken from Mexican citizens by the French throne.19 The French monarchy had established control of haciendas land, taken by the government or church for debt. The land was then reserved for Southerners and Europeans who came to Mexico. The options for new, fertile land were broadcasted by Maury through newspapers using transcriptions of Maximilian’s decrees and appointed agents of colonization in states like Virginia, the Carolinas, Louisiana, Alabama, and other states in the South, which greatly influenced the migration to Mexico. 20Many Confederate generals were offered positions and even salaries to come to Mexico because Maximilian depended on immigrants to protect the French settlement from the Liberals. 21

Shelby and his men had not decided whether to support Juárez or Maximilian. In The Undefeated, it is implied that the only option is sup-

16 Wahlstrom. The Southern Exodus to Mexico, 11-2.

17 Wahlstrom. The Southern Exodus to Mexico, 14.

18 John Mason Hart. Empire and Revolution: The Americans in Mexico Since the Civil War. 1st ed. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002, 19.

19 Harmon, “Confederate Migration to Mexico,” 459.

20 Harmon, “Confederate Migration to Mexico,” 461

21 “When Civil War Really Ended: Serious Menace to peace of country continued for nearly two years after Lee’s surrender” The Washington Post (1877-1922), Apr 18, 1915. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/ when-civil-war-really-ended/docview/145391364/se-2 .

porting Maximilian, and Juárez, along with his followers, are viewed as the antagonists of the movie. They are depicted as blocking the Confederate and Union groups from completing their migration to Mexico City. Following the Fourth of July celebration, it was believed Colonel Langdon met with Maximilian’s court. However, the Confederate group was tricked by Juárist. The group was trapped by the Juárist and forced to bring the Unionists to them or face execution.22 The hostile behavior of the Liberals was depicted only in the film. Historically speaking, the Juárez Liberals were Mexican natives forced out of their land by French intervention. They were still trying to protect what little land they had left. Because of this, they were very suspicious of all Americans coming into their country. In 1866, with the help of General Phil Sheridan, they blocked the passage on land from Texas to Mexico and overseas from New Orleans to Mexico, making migration harder.23 Maximilian advertised payments or credit for traveling by steamboat. Individuals would travel to New Orleans, Louisiana or Mobile, Alabama for example, and take a steamboat to Vera Cruz then travel to Mexico City. These steamboat routes were posted in The Mexican Times and assisted Maury in convincing more people to migrate. 24The hostility between the American migrants and the natives of Mexico was because of the attempted colonization of stolen land.

General Thomas and his troops were depicted traveling with thousands of horses, minimal weapons, and a smaller group than was realistically taken. Compared to the film, General Shelby and his troop traveled very heavily, not with a herd of horses, but with many weapons. The weapons would include “2,000 Enfield rifles, 40,000 rounds of ammunition, bushels of gun caps, pistols, cartridges, and 500 dragon sabres.”25 Shelby and his group would start in Pittsburg, Texas, where they were stationed, and work their way toward Mexico City.26 On the way there, they would encounter a group of Liberals. Shelby would proceed to sell them weapons to dispose of his heaviest cargo and make a profit. He and his troops would make 16,000 dollars in silver and almost 32,000 dollars in useless Juárist script. The Confederate soldiers were invited to join the Liberals, but Shelby declined stating his loyalty already lay with Maximilian. 27

Throughout the film, it appears that the exodus to Mexico was an afterthought, yet the migration was advertised heavily by newspapers. The Mexican Times was an American newspaper in Mexico, started

22 The Undefeated, 1969. 1:30:35- 1:37:07.

23 “When Civil War…” Rolle and Rowse, The Lost Cause, 77. Wahlstrom. The Southern Exodus to Mexico, 24.

24 Alfred J. Hanna. “A Confederate Newspaper in Mexico.” The Journal of Southern History 12, no. 1 (1946): 74. https://doi.org/10.2307/2197731. Harmon, “Confederate Migration to Mexico,” 463.

25 O’Flaherty, General Jo Shelby, 235.

26 O’Flaherty, General Jo Shelby, 226.

27 Rolle and Rowse, The Lost Cause, 59

by Henry Allen with the funding and sponsorship of Maximilian. The main purpose of the newspaper was to advocate for the immigration of all Americans who did not wish to live under the Union. 28 Allen would publish the newspaper to inform Americans within Mexico of Maximillian’s decrees, but it would evolve into an American gossip column. The Mexican Times would establish a form of normalcy within Mexico for American immigrants, and well-known names would be published in the newspaper.29 General Shelby, for example, was mentioned multiple times upon arriving and cultivating his farm. The newspaper transitioned into new leadership, including Shelby’s historian Edwards. No matter who was writing it, the newspaper always had the same purpose: to advocate for migration.30 Maximilian used this newspaper similarly to how he did with Maury. Maximilian used The Mexican Times to combat the opposition to French intervention in Mexico and to insert French claim on the land. For example, Allen would call the Monroe Doctrine a “bloated humbug.”31 Another newspaper The Two Republics, published by George W. Clarke, sought to create a first-class newspaper, but similarly to The Mexican Times the demographic was only for English speakers. This newspaper would follow largely different topics including Jefferson Davis’ future, Reconstruction, and the future of emancipated slaves.32 The newspaper received financial assistance from the U.S. government to defend U.S. policies toward Mexico and not encourage Maury’s action with immigration.33 This vastly differed from the perspective of The Mexican Times. Both newspapers would present a different level of bias and describe Maximilian’s government in different ways.

Maximilian was very fearful of what his empire and the country of Mexico would look like without outside support. The Two Republics, The Herald, and The New York Times reported that most Americans outside of Mexico did not support French intervention or the exodus of Confederates. Maximilian and his troops could only hold off the Liberals for so long, and like the Confederates, the new United States government was one of their largest enemies. Executive documents would show that the U.S. was following the Republic of Mexico, as they would track whom Maximilian appointed to office by 1863. The Annual Message of the President in 1866 would include a summary of France’s occupation, and the French throne securing an independent

28 Hanna, “A Confederate Newspaper in Mexico,” 67.

29 Hanna. “A Confederate Newspaper in Mexico,” 69-71.

30 Wahlstrom. The Southern Exodus to Mexico, 87.

31 Hanna. “A Confederate Newspaper in Mexico,” 75.

32 Frank A. Knapp. “A New Source on the Confederate Exodus to Mexico: The Two Republics.” The Journal of Southern History 19, no. 3 (1953): 366-7. https://doi.org/10.2307/2954707.

33 Knapp. “A New Source…” 368, 373.

cotton supply in Mexico.34 The French intervention would be under the scrutiny of Europeans, Americans, and native Mexicans alike.

Maximilian established a very questionable government within Mexico from the start of the intervention. Napoleon had been influenced by other European monarchies to consider another ruler.35 One of the many reasons for this was based on how Maximilian was perceived. Based on Shelby’s migration, Maximilian is described as a figurehead. The conversations between the French throne and Shelby were all done through Queen Carlota. This was common for everyone who met with the King and Queen since Maximilian’s English was not good.36 Maximilian’s opinion in Mexico was extremely superficial due to a biased survey. The intervention of a European monarchy was viewed to provide the people of Mexico with an opportunity to re-organize their country. Both England and France had looked at Mexico as a possible overseas opportunity, but based on a more reliable survey, the English believed that Mexico would only result in a loss of money and become a problem. France used this opportunity to create new markets for European commerce.37 While Maximilian was never shown in the film, he is alluded to having a great source of power. This influence is seen throughout history and was a major reason why so many were willing to put their livelihoods toward migration. Maximilian’s power would later translate into newspapers and broadcast the power of the French throne across the United States and even into Europe, but it originated with individuals.

Maximilian would establish communication with American officials, including ex-senator William Gwin and Matthew Fontaine Maury in 1862, almost three years before Shelby’s migration.38 Gwin and Shelby would end up crossing paths during his migration to Mexico. Gwin would attempt to persuade Shelby of how dissatisfied Maximilian had left him. Gwin described how Napoleon had given him the title of Duke. Maximilian voiced his ambitions to use the French army to seize the rest of the land from Juárez in northern Mexico. Napoleon was devoted to Gwin, but Maximilian was indifferent. Within their meeting, Gwin warned Shelby to not trust Maximilian.39 Shelby did not listen to the warning and continued toward settling within the already unstable French throne.

34 H. Ex. Doc. 38-1 - Message of the President of the United States and accompanying documents to the two Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Eighth Congress, part I, 117. H. Ex. Doc. 39-73 - Message of the President of the United States, of March 20, 1866, relating to the condition of affairs in Mexico: in answer to a resolution of the House of December 11, 1865, 74.

35 Joan Haslip. The Crown of Mexico; Maximilian and His Empress Carlota. New York: Holt and Winston, 1972. 159.

36 Rolle and Rowse, The Lost Cause, 75.

37 Haslip. The Crown of Mexico. . . 163-4.

38 Kathryn Abbey Hanna. “The Roles of the South in the French Intervention in Mexico.” The Journal of Southern History 20, no. 1 (1954): 13. https://doi.org/10.2307/2954576.

39 Rolle and Rowse, The Lost Cause, 63-65

Where The Undefeated ends, history continues. The film ends with General Thomas, Colonel Langdon, and the Juárist toasting each other and then parting ways toward their respective homes. Neither the Colonel nor General Thomas would continue toward Mexico City to meet Maxmillian.40 The film depicts Mexican natives and supporters of the Juárez government as the antagonists and villains of General Thomas’ and Colonel Langdon’s migration. This is far from the truth. Due to the French intervention, many pieces of property offered to Europeans and Americans alike were taken. The New York Herald states how Liberals viewed Maximilian’s claim on Mexican land without any authority. Many American immigrants struggled to understand this because they viewed the exodus as similar to claiming land across the Western frontier. They did not understand how the land was acquired but did not care about its availability. To some extent, it was a social norm within American history to drive natives from the land.41 Film director, Andrew V. McLaglen used the native Mexicans and their backlash toward French invention to develop the plot of Shelby’s migration for Hollywood.

The Undefeated displays multiple racially-targeted stereotypes of Native Americans, native Mexicans, and African Americans. The insertion of Blue Boy portrayed Wayne’s character as a righteous white man. At multiple points within the film, he would express sentiments toward Blue Boy around the other characters describing him as just as efficient as any other man.42 As Confederate Colonel James Langdon leaves his home, viewers see less than 5 minutes of interaction between him and his slaves. Within this interaction, slaves are presented as obedient, questioning how they will continue without their master or current way of life.43 The presentation of African American slaves within the film visually enforces the rhetoric of the Lost Cause, which expresses the idea slaves did not wish to be freed but wanted to be obedient to their masters.

In Western films, you see the insertion of different ideals like the Lost Cause. By using both Blue Boy and slaves, the director establishes races apart from each other and creates the Lost Cause narrative on screen. Within the film, the surrender of General Lee was discussed to the extent that it was almost bound to happen because of the resources of the North, the money they had, as well as other resources. The film establishes the white characters in the best light through multiple actions. Examples include, General Henry raising Blue Boy as a son, Colonel James freeing his slaves and not taking them to Mexico, and

40 The Undefeated, 1969. 1:53:29- 1:57:56.

41 Harmon, “Confederate Migration to Mexico,” 480-1.

42 The Undefeated, 1969. 59:30-1:01:16.

43 The Undefeated, 1969. 12:59-13:36.

Colonel James’ group setting aside differences to work with General Thomas.44 All these examples help to create the persona of a “kind or generous” white man who does not discriminate based on race. Even then, elements of the film continue to enforce this perspective. Blue Boy’s lines make him appear uneducated due to broken English, and Colonel James’ slaves appear to not seek freedom. The friendship within the film between the Confederate and Union groups reflects a perspective of the time. Viewers during the film’s release in 1969 could interpret the relationship between Union and Confederate soldiers as symbolism of the American need to come together in opposition to communists.45

Upon the Southerners’ arrival to Mexico, Maximilian had already selected a section of land for their establishment. He allotted individuals with families to receive 640 acres for as many dollars, and her provided 320 acres to those without families for as many dollars.46 In September of 1865, Maximilian made a decree that divided the land into three classes. The first class was for the public domain that had not been used for cultivation. The second class was haciendas that Maximilian’s government had acquired by purchase or being taken. The third class was private land and haciendas whose owners were “disposed to others than to immigrants.”47 Most, if not all, of the land was taken from natives to Mexico following the French intervention, so that Maximilian could build a community of Americans and other Europeans to protect the French claim to the land. This, as stated before, was one of the major reasons that Maximilian supported the migration of individuals like General Shelby.

Following Shelby’s arrival in Mexico City, he was met by Queen Carlota and King Maximilian. Shelby had planned to provide Maximilian with an army of Confederate soldiers. Before meeting with Maximilian, Shelby was questioned by French official Jeanningros to understand where his loyalties lay. Based on the weaponry sold to Juárez, his image was put into question. After proving to Jeanningros that his alliance was with Maximilian, not Juárez, the group was granted a meeting with Maximilian. The French monarchy turned down the option to use Shelby to establish an army, mostly because they wished for those that served in the Civil War to settle down in Mexico as farmers.48 The monarchy also feared the power of organized armed forces,

44 Marco A Macias, and Daniel Robert McClure. “Undefeated: John Wayne’s Confederate-Yankee Adventure in Mexico and the Rise of Populist-Conservatism, 1860s/1960s.” Film & History: An Interdisciplinary Journal 52 (2022): 37-9. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=mzh&AN=202226199260 &site=eds-live&scope=site.

45 Macias and Mcclure. “Undefeated: John Wayne’s Confederate…”, 32-3.

46 Rolle and Rowse, The Lost Cause, 92.

47 O’Flaherty, General Jo Shelby, 292.

48 Rolle and Rowse, The Lost Cause, 75.

as they could create a hostile environment for the French. Shelby did listen to him and would settle down within a plantation growing crops, such as coffee, with his wife and two sons. Their settlement was next to the largest, most populated southern colony within Mexico, Carlota named after the Queen.49

The colony Carlota was originally viewed as an expansion of Southern culture that would house housekeepers, blacksmiths, carpenters, bakers, and others.50 Similarly to how Shelby defined the “Grand Design,” many Americans who migrated to Mexico believed colonies would be established in a similar way to the towns that were leaving with extravagant plantation-style homes. Many were very defeated when they discovered what the colonies truly looked like. Towns would be established with very simplistic clay and brick buildings. The towns appeared to be completed within a short amount of time, which helped those with land to move into a community sooner. During the interview with the Herald, the colony was described as “a few tents scattered here and there… a dozen unfinished houses”. The interview published in 1866, gave one of the most unbiased opinions on Southern colonization and truly demonstrated the simplistic nature of the colonies.51

The Mexican Times found itself in the judgment of American newspapers such as the New York Times. They published an article called “Interview with Seedy Southern Exiles—Failure of Southern Emigration Scheme” to describe the settlements, and unlike what could be hoped, the newspaper did not encourage migration. They provided the idea of migration in an extremely negative light while comparing settlement to what is seen within the U.S. Other newspapers such as Mobile Press-Register and Charleston Daily Courier would reduce the enthusiasm for migration.52 Due to this and the blockages, migration never met Maximilian’s expectations. The idea Shelby had of a Confederate exodus to Mexico creating the Grand Design was not produced.

The film creates the visual idea of what the Southern “Grand Design” was, but it also neglected to provide any influence or perspective of those already in Mexico. The film was directed to create a heroic narrative based on the image of the “Undefeated” General Shelby. Outside of Shelby’s journey, there was an influence ignored within the film: the French. Individually, the French had their expectation for the “Grand Design” referred to as “la Grande Pensée de l’Empereur.”53 The French were extremely private with the plans and the future of the French Emperor’s design. Part of this design was to permanently establish a settlement within Mexico. Napoleon had planned the intervention

49 Harmon, “Confederate Migration to Mexico,” 468.

50 Rolle and Rowse, The Lost Cause, 92.

51 Harmon, “Confederate Migration to Mexico,” 466.

52 Harmon, “Confederate Migration to Mexico,” 476-7.

53 Hanna. “The Roles of the South…,” 3.

to happen around the same time as the Civil War to reduce interference from the United States government, specifically the Monroe Doctrine. 54The conflict in the United States allowed the French to control central Mexico and open space for Confederate soldiers.

Napoleon and French commissioners were able to create a partnership between the Mexican church and the French throne. As a result of this partnership, the church and Maximilian were dependent on the conflict related to the Civil War to establish a prefabricated throne. The pieces of land labeled as haciendas would sometimes fall under the church. The relationship between the throne and the church was why the land was offered to Confederate migrants. One common misunderstanding within Maximilian’s rule is how much of Mexico was under his control. Technically he only had portions of central Mexico. La Grande Pensée de l’Empereur was smaller than anticipated and on an unstable foundation. The Monroe Doctrine became a threat to the intervention after 1866. In a domino effect, colonies would begin to fail due to Liberals attacks, and soon French troops would begin to pull out of Mexico. The withdrawal of French troops was done quietly, predating and following Maximilian’s execution on July 19, 1867.55 Without the protection of French troops, colonies would begin to fail, and American settlers would be uprooted again.

The colonies would fail for multiple reasons, including the unstable French government which would progressively get worse after Maximilian’s execution, depleted money, extreme decrease in migration, and loss of a labor class. The downfall of colonies would follow Maximilian’s death and the withdrawal of troops would increase banditry. Carlota began to experience banditry in 1866 due to the withdrawal of troops, and colonists had to organize self-defense. At this point in the colonization, Maury and Allen had both left, and the original plan for a Grand Design was nonexistent.56 Some would choose to stay following the summer of 1867, like General Shelby. They would choose to migrate to Vera Cruz, but even then, the culture was too unstable, and nothing as organized as Carlota would exist. Shelby would return home following the failure of this second colony.57 Immigration and migration alike would decrease due to these conditions and by 1868 the exodus to Mexico would be no more.

Through both the film and the impressive persona created by the media, General Shelby was established in American pop culture as an undefeated Confederate general who was consistently seeking out new adventures and adding to his heroic image. General Shelby was

54 Hanna. “The Roles of the South…,” 8.

55 “When Civil War…”

56 Wahlstrom. The Southern Exodus to Mexico, 91-2.

57 Rister, Carl Coke. “Carlota, A Confederate Colony in Mexico.” The Journal of Southern History 11, no. 1 (1945): 50. https://doi.org/10.2307/2197956 .

not an unheroic individual, yet the idea of his heroic persona was exaggerated. As already described, the character of General Thomas was loosely based on General Shelby’s life. The film failed to provide information on how he migrated, what he carried with him, and his intentions of settling. Maximilian’s throne would be the largest mistake in the movie. The Undefeated would turn Maximilian throne into an empire over all of Mexico. It would establish the French claim over the land as more important that the claim by those who already live there. The film director turns Juárez’ followers into the antagonists of the film and lessens their claim over the land. The film prioritizes and dramatizes the white and European perspectives of history to create a plot that antagonizes the natives of Mexico.

Bibliography

Primary Sources

H. Ex. Doc. 38-1 - Message of the President of the United States and accompanying documents to the two Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the First Session of the Thirty-Eighth Congress, part I.

H. Ex. Doc. 39-73 - Message of the President of the United States, of March 20, 1866, relating to the condition of affairs in Mexico: in answer to a resolution of the House of December 11, 1865.

Kane, Harnett T. “A Flaming Spirit: General Jo Shelby: Undefeated Rebel. by Daniel O’Flaherty. 437 Pp. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. $6.” New York Times (1923-), Jul 04, 1954. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/flaming-spirit/docview/112992039/se-2https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/flaming-spirit/docview/112992039/se-2.

The Undefeated. DVD. United States: Twentieth Century Fox, 1969.

Village of Carlota: It was the last rally point of the Confederacy American refugees in Mexico under Alcaide Isham G. Harris Maximillians and the Missourians—General Shelby made a Knight of the Order of Guadalupe” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Jun 17, 1894.

“When Civil War Really Ended: Serious menace to peace of country continued for nearly two years after lee’s surrender.” The Washington Post (1877-1922), Apr 18, 1915. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/when-civil-war-really-ended/docview/145391364/se-2.https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/ when-civil-war-really-ended/docview/145391364/se-2.

Secondary Sources

Hanna, Alfred J. “A Confederate Newspaper in Mexico.” The Journal of Southern History 12, no. 1 (1946): 67–83. https://doi.org/10.2307/2197731.

Hanna, Kathryn Abbey. “The Roles of the South in the French Intervention in Mexico.” The Journal of Southern History 20, no. 1 (1954): 3–21. https://doi.org/10.2307/2954576.

Harmon, George D. “Confederate Migration to Mexico.” The Hispanic American Historical Review 17, no. 4 (1937): 458–87. https://doi.org/10.2307/2507127.

Haslip, Joan. “The Crown of Mexico; Maximilian and His Empress Carlota.” New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972.

Hart, John Mason., and John Mason. Hart. Empire and Revolution: The Americans in Mexico Since the Civil War. 1st ed. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.

Knapp, Frank A. “A New Source on the Confederate Exodus to Mexico: The Two Republics.” The Journal of Southern History 19, no. 3 (1953): 364–73. https://doi. org/10.2307/2954707.

Macias, Marco A., and Daniel Robert Mcclure. “Undefeated: John Wayne’s Confederate-Yankee Adventure in Mexico and the Rise of Populist-Conservatism, 1860s/1960s.” Film & History: An Interdisciplinary Journal 52(2022): 32–46. https:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=mzh&AN=2 02226199260&site=eds-live&scope=site.

O’Flaherty, Daniel. General Jo Shelby: Undefeated Rebel. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1954.

Film vs. Reality

Rolle, Andrew F., and A. L. Rowse. The Lost Cause: The Confederate Exodus to Mexico. 1st ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965.

Wahlstrom, Todd W. The Southern Exodus to Mexico: Migration across the Borderlands after the American Civil War. Borderlands and Transcultural Studies. University of Nebraska Press, 2015. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=cat06556a&AN=val.9915158162302931&site=eds-live&scope=site

2022 Georgia Gubernatorial Race: The Re-Election of Governor Brian Kemp

By: Sarah D. Burch

Faculty Mentor: Dr. James LaPlant, Department of Political Science

Article Abstract:

The purpose of this quantitative study is to examine the key factors that predicted the vote for Governor Brian Kemp in the 2022 Georgia gubernatorial election as well as the change in his vote share from 2018 to 2022 against returning challenger, Stacey Abrams. This study evaluates the factors that led to the re-election of Kemp in 2022 by reviewing data across the 159 counties of Georgia. The study analyzed several independent variables through correlation analysis, scatterplots, and multivariate regression analysis to determine how they related to the Kemp vote in 2022. The independent variables analyzed in relation to the dependent variable of the Kemp vote in 2022 include the vote for Trump in 2020, the percentage of the population with a college degree, the African American population, voter turnout in 2022, unemployment rates in 2022, population per square mile, percentage of the population 65 and older, and poverty rate. For the Kemp vote in 2022, three variables were negative and statistically significant predictors: population per square mile, percentage African American population, and of the population with a college degree. Voter turnout was revealed to be a positive statistically significant variable. This study evaluates a second dependent variable of the change in the vote for Kemp from 2018 to 2022. The independent variables analyzed for the dependent variable of the vote change for Kemp from 2018 to 2022 include the percentage of the population with a college degree, African American population, change in voter turnout from 2018 to 2022, change in the unemployment rate from 2018 to 2022, change in Trump vote from 2016 to 2020, population per square mile, percentage of the population 65 and older, and poverty rate. When examining the second dependent variable, population 65 and older and change in the Trump vote from 2016 to 2020 were found to be positive and statistically significant variables. Intriguingly, the percentage of the population with a college degree was also found to be a positive and statistically significant variable.

After Biden’s surprising win in the Peach State in the 2020 presidential election, the 2022 Georgia gubernatorial race was one of the most closely watched in the country. The gubernatorial race was between Governor Brian Kemp, a strong Republican incumbent who was well-positioned for re-election in Georgia, and Stacey Abrams, the darling of the Democratic Party. The two candidates squared off once again to determine control of Georgia. As this election had many factors which contributed to Kemp’s re-election, questions have quickly arisen as to what key factors led to this outcome. This study looks at the research questions of what factors led to Kemp’s victory in 2022 and how these factors changed over time from the 2018 election to the 2022 election.

In addition to the examination of the key factors that predicted the vote for Governor Brian Kemp in the 2022 Georgia gubernatorial election, as well as the change in his vote share from 2018 to 2022 against returning challenger, Stacey Abrams, this study includes a detailed literature review that expands on other factors beyond the stated independent variables which may have contributed to both of the dependent variables. The literature review includes topics such as the effects of abortion, Biden’s low approval ratings, Kemp’s incumbent advantage, the connections between members of the Republican Party, and the conspiracy theories of 2020. Also included in this study is a data and methods section which provides descriptive statistics of the variables and outlines the study’s hypotheses. The findings section explains all key findings from the study through tables and figures calculated through correlation and regression analysis. Lastly, the conclusion of this study explains which hypotheses from the data and methods section are rejected and which will fail to be rejected. Additionally, the conclusion provides an expansion on the topic of Southern politics and possible effects on the 2022 election, and highlights what data could be analyzed over time for this study.

Literature Review

There are many predictors outside of the collected data from the 159 counties of Georgia that could have predicted the votes for Governor Kemp in 2022. A large factor in the vote share for Governor Kemp could easily be his incumbency advantage over Stacey Abrams. Kemp has maintained his advantage through both elections against Abrams even when she used allegations against him for being an “extremist” on issues such as guns and abortion; Abrams also criticized Kemp for being a “Jim Crow 2.0” because of the voting changes that were happening in Georgia. However, Kemp gained support due to his defiance towards former president Trump, and Abrams continued to lose support over lack of power, campaigning, and the suggestion to expand Medicaid,

which many Georgians do not support. In 2018, Kemp essentially won with the power of incumbency through his record of tax cuts and pay raises for Georgian educators. Support for Abrams has also become increasingly weak since her running in 2018. It is acknowledged that her best chance to win was in 2018 (Barrow 2022). It is also important to acknowledge the possible effects of the overturning of Roe v. Wade, the heartbeat bill, and other pro-life actions that could have cost Kemp votes during the election. Kemp’s signing of the heartbeat bill could have lost him many female voters over his pro-life movements during his time in office. In turn, this may have caused increasing electoral support for Stacey Abrams (Darnell 2022).

Since the 2020 presidential election, conspiracy theories have emerged that are increasingly harmful to not only the Republican Party, but to voter turnout in general. The theory of the 2020 election being stolen from former president Trump is widely known. The idea of a potential pattern of cheating and stealing within these elections, and the idea of rigged voting systems have been harming the Republican Party in recent years. The conspiracies have discouraged the idea of early voting and mail-in ballots due to perceptions of a corrupt voting system and, as mentioned before, has caused hesitation towards not only voting for Republicans but also hesitation towards voting in general (Cassidy 2022). However, it should be noted that “Where available, early voting has proven popular with growing numbers of voters willing to stand in long lines to cast a ballot before Election Day. African Americans have found early voting especially appealing” (Bullock et al. 2019, 102). It should also be acknowledged that the suspected fraud in the 2020 election shows that it has no connection to the midterm elections in 2022. Although not a direct connection to the Kemp vote, the theories of stolen elections have caused voters to become hesitant to vote for any party in any election, causing decreasing numbers in voter turnout. However, even with a decreased number in voters, Governor Kemp has held strong for the Republican Party by standing against these fraudulent claims and defending Georgia from a re-count of the state’s results (Mascaro 2022).

After Kemp’s retaliation against Trump to overturn the 2020 election results, it was demonstrated that Kemp is not tied to extremist Republicans, such as former president Trump who is still widely dominating the Republican Party. Kemp’s retaliation also concluded that he may fall within the more moderate margins of politics. This in turn helped prove that Gov. Kemp has no connection to U.S. Senate candidate, Herschel Walker. Stacey Abrams had previously attempted to prove a connection between these two in order to increase votes in her favor. Gov. Kemp claims that Abrams used this tactic to avoid speaking about her own policies for Georgia (Doherty and Hurt 2022). Lastly, it is important to acknowledge that voters cast their votes based on eco -

nomic issues. Given the surging inflation rate, many voters have cast their votes for the Republican Party. The effects of President Biden’s approval ratings have impacted the midterm elections negatively for Democrats and positively for Gov. Kemp and the Republican Party. Biden’s unfortunate approval ratings during his term has severely harmed the reputation and support of the Democratic Party as a whole and has directly affected a lack of Abrams’ support which potentially caused her loss (Gibson 2022).

Since the 2022 Georgia gubernatorial race was between a white male and an African American female, it is important to acknowledge that “African Americans cast most of the votes in Georgia’s and South Carolina’s Democratic primaries according to turnout data reported by these states” (Bullock et al. 2019, 95). However, it should also be acknowledged that “In South Carolina and Georgia, more than 90 percent of the ballots in GOP primaries come from whites” (Bullock et al. 2019, 96). It may also be beneficial to this study to evaluate the “black belt” across Georgia and how Democrats, regardless of ethnicity, have little success in promoting their agendas due to the domination of the Republicans. In turn, Democrats attempt to use minorities as a basis for enhancing their position. However, with this being said, “Plaintiffs contend that minorities, the elderly, and the youngest voters are less likely to have a driver’s license, the most widely used state-issued photo-ID…” (Bullock et al. 2019, 100). This may have been a factor in the results of the 2022 gubernatorial race since the state of Georgia requires a photo-ID.

Data and Methods

The units of analysis for this study are the 159 counties of Georgia. There are two dependent variables that will be analyzed within this study. These variables include the percentage of the vote for Georgia Governor Brian Kemp in 2022 and the change in the vote for Governor Kemp from 2018 and 2022.

There are several independent variables used within this study that have been observed to help determine what key factors affected Governor Kemp’s re-election and further, what factors contributed to the vote change for Kemp between 2018 and 2022. The independent variables in relation to the Kemp vote in 2022 include: the percentage of population with a college degree, percentage of African American population, voter turnout in 2022, percentage of population per square mile, percentage of population 65 and older, the unemployment rate in September of 2022, and percentage of poverty rate by county. The Trump vote by county in 2020 is utilized in the bivariate correlation analysis, but not in the multiple regression because of multicollinearity. For the second dependent variable (change in the Kemp vote from 2018 to 2022), population with a college degree, percentage of African

American population, percentage of population per square mile, percentage of population 65 and older, and percentage of poverty rate by county were also observed for final calculations. In addition, the voter turnout change from 2018 to 2022, the unemployment rate change from 2018 to 2022, and the change in the Trump vote from 2016 to 2020 were also observed for this dependent variable. All variables, dependent and independent, are listed in Table 1 accompanied by the source of the data.

Table 1 summarizes the descriptive statistics of the study including the minimum, maximum, mean, and standard deviation. For example, the Kemp vote in 2022 dependent variable ranged from 13.4 percent (Clayton County) to 92.8 percent (Glascock County) with a mean of 67.969 and a standard deviation of 16.1849. The change in Kemp vote from 2018 to 2022 dependent variable ranged from -3.8 percent (Henry County) to 7.4 percent (Seminole County) with a mean of 2.575, which indicates an average increase in votes for Kemp over time and has a standard deviation of 1.6053. Additionally, it is important to highlight the descriptive statistics for some of the independent variables within this study. The percentage of the population with a college degree ranged from 5.2 percent (Jenkins County) to 54.8 percent (Forsyth County) with a mean of 19.226. The percentage African American population ranged from 1.1 percent (Fannin County) to 73.4 percent (Clayton County) with a mean of 28.674. The change in Trump vote from 2016 to 2020 ranged from -7.4 percent (Henry County) to 4.3 percent (Hancock County) with a mean of -.106, which indicates an average decrease in the votes for Trump over time. The voter turnout in 2022 ranged from 22.1 percent (Evans County) to 74.3 percent (Oconee County) with a mean of 57.475. Lastly, the change in voter turnout from 2018 to 2022 ranged from -40.1 percent (Evans County) to 3.9 percent (Towns County) with a mean of 5.387, which indicates an average decrease in the voter turnout over time.

Table 1: Variables, Characteristics, and Sources

The hypotheses to be tested for this study are as follows:

H1: As the percentage of the vote for Trump increases, the Kemp vote will also increase.

H2: As the percentage of the population with a college degree increases, the Kemp vote will decrease.

H3: As the African American population increases, the Kemp vote will decrease.

H4: As voter turnout increases in a county, the vote for Kemp will decrease.

H5: As the population per square mile increases, the Kemp vote will decrease.

H6: As the percentage of the population 65 and older increases, the Kemp vote will also increase.

H7: As the unemployment rate increases in a county, the vote for Kemp will decrease.

H8: As the poverty rate increases in a county, the vote for Kemp will also decrease.

Findings

After running a correlation analysis, two of the independent variables proved statistically insignificant in relation to the first dependent variable (vote for Kemp in 2022). The variables that showed insignificance were voter turnout in 2022 and the percentage of the population 65 and older. However, as the change in voter turnout remained insignificant, in relation to the second dependent variable (change in the vote for Kemp from 2018 to 2022), the percentage of the population 65 and older proved to be statistically significant in relation to the second dependent variable. Although the percentage of the AFAM population and the unemployment rate of 2022 were statistically significant for the first dependent variable, the AFAM population and the change in unemployment rate from 2018 to 2022 proved to be insignificant for the second dependent variable.

The percentage of the population with a college degree demonstrated a statistically significant relationship with both of the dependent variables. The percentage of population per square mile demonstrated a statistically significant relationship with both dependent variables as well, showing significant for the first dependent variable at the p value of <.001 and for the second dependent variable with the p value of <.05. The poverty rate was statistically significant in relation to both the first and second dependent variables with a p-value of <.001. Lastly, the Trump vote in 2020 and the change in Trump vote from 2016 to 2020 were highly statistically significant for the appropriate dependent variable. The Trump vote in 2020 revealed a strong positive correlation

of .996 at p<.001 in relation to the Kemp vote in 2022. The change in the Trump vote from 2016 to 2020 as well showed a positive correlation of .559 at p<.001 in relation to the change in the Kemp vote from 2018 to 2022. This being said, the vote for Trump in 2020 in relation to the 2022 Kemp vote was not used in the multivariate model due to multicollinearity. However, the change in Trump vote from 2016 to 2020 was used in relation to the change in Kemp’s vote from 2018 to 2022 for the multivariate model because multicollinearity was not an issue. Below, Table 2 highlights the correlation analysis between each independent variable and the dependent variables. The following scatter plots will display some of the correlations and whether they show a positive or negative direction.

Table 2: Correlation Analysis

N= 159 *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001

Figure 1 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates the extremely strong relationship between the percentage of the vote for Trump in 2020 and the percentage of the vote for Kemp in 2022. An r2 value of 0.991 indicates that the percentage of the Trump vote explains 99.1 percent of the variance in the dependent variable of the vote for Kemp in 2022. The y-intercept is 3.03. This explains that if there were no votes for Trump in 2020, the percentage of the vote for Kemp in 2022 would be 3.03. The slope of the regression line is 1.01, meaning that for every percentage point increase in the votes for Trump, there will be an increase of 1.01 in the vote for Kemp.

Figure 1: Scatter Plot of Kemp Vote in 2022 and Trump Vote in 2020

Regression Line Equation: Y= 3.03 + 1.01X, N= 159

The correlation of -.247 between the percentage of the population with a college degree and the percentage that voted for Kemp in 2022 is significant at p<.01. Figure 2 displays the relationship these two variables share. The y-intercept is 75.99, meaning that if there was zero percent of the population with a college degree, the vote for Kemp would be 75.99. The slope of the regression line is 0.42, which indicates that for every percentage increase in the population with a college degree, there will be a 0.42 decrease in the vote for Kemp. The r2 coefficient reveals that the percentage of the population with a college degree explains 6.1 percent of the variance in the vote for Kemp in 2022.

Regression Line Equation: Y= 75.99 -- 0.42X, N= 159

The correlation of -.855 between the percentage of the AFAM population and the percentage that voted for Kemp in 2022 is highly

Figure 2: Scatter Plot of Kemp Vote 2022 and The Percentage of Population with a College Degree

significant at p<.001. Figure 3 displays the relationship these two variables share. The y-intercept is 90.71, meaning that if there was zero percent African American population, the vote for Kemp would be 90.71. The slope of the regression line is 0.79, which indicates that for every percentage increase in the AFAM population, there will be a 0.79 decrease in the vote for Kemp. The r2 coefficient reveals that the percentage of the AFAM population explains 73.1 percent of the variance in the vote for Kemp in 2022.

Regression Line Equation: Y= 90.71 -- 0.79X, N= 159

The correlation of -559 between the change in the vote for Kemp from 2018 to 2022 and the change in the vote for Trump from 2016 to 2020 is highly significant at p<.001. Figure 4 displays the relationship these two variables share. The y-intercept is 2.62, meaning that if there was zero percent change in the Trump vote, the change in the vote for Kemp would be 2.62. The slope of the regression line is 0.43, which indicates that for every percentage increase in the change in vote for Trump, there will be a 0.43 increase in the change in vote for Kemp. The r2 coefficient reveals that the change in vote for Trump from 2016 to 2020 explains 31.3 percent of the variance in the change in vote for Kemp from 2018 to 2022.

Figure 3: Scatter Plot of Kemp Vote 2022 and Percentage of AFAM Population

Figure 4: Scatter Plot of Change in Kemp Vote 2018 to 2022 and Change in Trump Vote 2016 to 2020

Regression Line Equation: Y= 2.62 + 0.43X, N= 159

The correlation of .280 between the change in the vote for Kemp from 2018 to 2022 and the percentage of the population 65 and older is highly significant at p<.001. Figure 5 displays the relationship these two variables share. The y-intercept is 0.84, meaning that if there was zero percent of the population 65 and older, the change in the vote for Kemp would be 0.84. The slope of the regression line is 0.1, which indicates for every percentage increase in the 65 and older population, there will be a 0.1 increase in the change in vote for Kemp. The r2 coefficient reveals that the 65 and older population explains 7.9 percent of the variance in the change in vote for Kemp from 2018 to 2022.

Regression Line Equation: Y= 0.84 + 0.1X, N= 159

Figure 5: Scatter Plot of Change in Kemp Vote and Population 65 and Older

Table 3 is a multivariate regression analysis for the Kemp vote in 2022. This analysis reveals that the unemployment rate in 2022 and the poverty rate are no longer statistically significant. The African American population and population per square mile remain highly significant at p<.001. Due to multicollinearity, the percent that voted for Trump in 2020 is so strongly related to the other independent variables that it made it difficult to estimate the effect of the other variables. The variance inflation factor (VIF) of the Trump vote was 11.8. This being said, the percent Trump vote in 2020 was not included in Table 3 to accurately show the effects of the other independent variables. The 65 and older population remains neither significant in the bivariate nor multivariate analyses and the population with a college degree increased its significance from p<.01 at the bivariate level to p<.001 at the multivariate level. Additionally, voter turnout in 2022 was found significant in Table 3 although it was previously not significant in the bivariate analysis. For every percentage increase in voter turnout, the Kemp vote in 2022 increased by .2 percent.

The r2 coefficient for the multivariate regression is .908. This reveals that the independent variables explain 91 percent of the variance in the vote for Governor Kemp in 2022. The constant coefficient found when conducting this analysis reveals what the percentage of the dependent variable would be if all the independent variables were set at 0 percent. The constant (y-intercept) for this model is 87.6. If the seven independent variables in Table 3 were set at zero percent, the percentage of the vote for Kemp 2022 in the dependent variable would be 87.6 percent.

Table 4 is a multivariate regression analysis for the change in the vote for Kemp from 2018 to 2022. This analysis reveals that the percentage of the population per square mile and the poverty rate are no longer statistically significant. The change in the Trump vote from 2016 to 2020 remains highly significant at p<.001. The African American pop-

Table 3: Multivariate Regression Analysis for the Kemp Vote in 2022

ulation, the change in voter turnout from 2018 to 2022, and the change in unemployment rate from 2018 to 2022 remain neither significant in the bivariate nor multivariate analyses. Additionally, the percentage of the population with a college degree increased its significance from p<.05 at the bivariate level to p<.001 at the multivariate level and the 65 and older population decreased its significance from p<.001 at the bivariate level to p<.05 at the multivariate level.

The r2 coefficient for the multivariate regression is .412. This reveals that the independent variables explain 41% of the variance in the change in the vote for Governor Kemp from 2018 to 2022. The constant coefficient found when conducting this analysis reveals what the percentage of the dependent variable would be if all the independent variables were set at 0 percent. The constant (y-intercept) for this model is -.299. If the eight independent variables in Table 4 were set at 0 percent, the percentage of the vote change for Kemp from 2018 to 2022 in the dependent variable would be a decrease of .3 percent.

Table 4: Multivariate Regression Analysis for the change in Kemp Vote from 2018 to 2022

N= 159 *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001 r2 = .412

Conclusion

After conducting the multivariate analysis both in Table 3 and Table 4, H1 (as the Trump vote increases, the Kemp vote will also increase) will fail to be rejected due to its strong significance. This is the most significant hypothesis due to the almost perfect correlation in the bivariate analysis (correlation = .991). H2 (as the percentage of the population with a college degree increases, the Kemp vote will decrease), H3 (as the African American population increases, the Kemp vote will decrease), and H5 (as population per square mile increases, the Kemp vote will decrease) will fail to be rejected. H4 (as voter turnout increases in a county, the vote for Kemp will decrease) will be rejected as a higher

voter turnout increases the vote for Kemp. This variable will be rejected as well due to it not being significant at the bivariate level but showing significant at the multivariate level. H6 (as the percentage of the population 65 and older increases, the Kemp vote will also increase) will be rejected as it showed no statistical significance at the bivariate nor multivariate level. H7 (as the unemployment rate increases in a county, the vote for Kemp will decrease) and H8 (as the poverty rate increases in a county, the vote for Kemp will also decrease) will be rejected as they showed significance at the bivariate level but not the multivariate level.

The key predictors when predicting are the change in the votes for Kemp from 2018 to 2022, the change in votes for Trump from 2016 to 2020, percentages of the population with a college degree, and the percentage of the population 65 and older. The relationship between the change in the Kemp vote and the change in the Trump vote as well as the population 65 and older are in the expected direction. However, the percentage of the population with a college degree has a surprisingly positive relationship with the change in Kemp vote. This unexpected finding might be the result of Kemp’s stand against Trump and his conspiracy theories of 2020, Kemp’s display of a more moderate response to the pandemic, and increasing numbers of those who are collegeeducated in more rural areas. All of these factors could have made Kemp more attractive to the voters with a college education and, in turn, may have increased his vote between the 2018 and 2022 elections. Lastly, it is not a surprise that Kemp generated turnout with a robust economy. It should be kept in mind that midterm elections favor older white conservative voters which proved extremely beneficial to Kemp. Over time, other data may be harder to gather for this study. however, it could have demonstrated a relationship including variables such as gender, religion, and perhaps the percentage of the population that believes in conspiracy theories. A study focusing on how the female voice impacted the vote for Kemp could explore how much the abortion rulings related to the vote share. Further, the religion variable could evaluate how Evangelical Christians may have impacted the vote for Kemp over time. The religion variable may also prove beneficial for this type of study as “The movement of religious conservatives into the GOP has paid handsome dividends as Evangelicals have become the most stalwart Republicans. The white Evangelical vote has become increasingly cohesive and in 2016, it gave Trump overwhelming support” (Bullock et al. 2019, 69). Also, adding a variable to evaluate the percentage of the population who believes in conspiracy theories could be interesting in this study as well. Other data that could be examined for this study may include a region variable of study, which includes rural versus urban areas of the state of Georgia and how it effects the vote for Governor Kemp in 2022 and how that data may have changed from his initial running in 2018. It should be noted that while we have

discussed Abrams having a turnout machine, it makes sense that the incumbent Kemp generated turnout with a robust economy. This may also be due to midterm elections favoring older white conservative voters, which is Kemp’s base.

References

Barrow, Bill. 2022. “Kemp vs. Abrams II: Republican Has Incumbent Advantage Now.” AP NEWS. (October 15, 2022) https://apnews.com/article/abortion--2022--midterm-elections--stacey--abrams--biden--georgia--a46b3c9fc7192682fea51078dc4a490c Accessed October 30, 2022.

Bullock, Charles S., Susan A. Macmanus, Jeremy D. Mayer, and Mark J. Rozell. 2019. “The Changing Partisanship of the South and Its Impact on National Politics.” In The South and the Transformation of U.S. Politics, pp. 50-107. New York, N.Y: Oxford University Press.

Cassidy, Christina A. 2022. “GOP Voters Told to Hold onto Mail Ballots until Election Day.” AP NEWS. (October 22, 2022) https://apnews.com/article/2022--midterm--elections--health--government--and--politics--election--2020--55f4744b484919cd20d4d5e8d72e444e Accessed October 30, 2022.

“Counties, Monthly, Not Seasonally Adjusted: Georgia Unemployment.” FRED. (September 2018) https://fred.stlouisfed.org/release/tables?rid=116&eid=253923& od=2018--09--01# Accessed November 30, 2022.

“Counties, Monthly, Not Seasonally Adjusted: Georgia Unemployment.” FRED. (September 2022). https://fred.stlouisfed.org/release/tables?rid=116&eid=253923& od=2022--09--01# Accessed November 30, 2022.

Darnell, Tim. 2022. “How Abortion Ruling Will Impact Georgia’s November Elections.” WRDW--TV News 12. (June 24, 2022) https://www.wrdw.com. https://www.wrdw. com/2022/06/24/how--abortion--ruling--will--impact--georgias--november--elections/ Accessed October 30, 2022.

“Data Hub -- November 8, 2022, General Election.” Data Hub -- November 8, 2022, General Election | Georgia Secretary of State. (November 21, 2022) https://sos.ga.gov/data-hub--november--8--2022--general--election Accessed November 30, 2022.

“Georgia Election Results 2018: Live Midterm Map by County & Analysis.” POLITICO. (December 2018) https://www.politico.com/election--results/2018/georgia/ Accessed November 30, 2022.

“Georgia Governor Election Results 2022: Live map: Midterm races by County.” POLITICO. (December 05, 2022). https://www.politico.com/2022--election/results/georgia/statewide--offices/ Accessed November 30, 2022.

Gibson, Brittany. 2022. “Biden’s Low Approval Ratings Weigh on Undecided Voters.” POLITICO. (October 26, 2022) https://www.politico.com/news/2022/10/26/biden-approval--ratings--undecided--voters--00063449 Accessed October 30, 2022.

Hurt, Emma and Erin Doherty. 2022. “Abrams Seeks to Tie Kemp to Georgia Senate GOP Nominee Herschel Walker.” Axios. (October 30, 2022) https://www.axios. com/2022/10/30/stacey--abrams--kemp--debate--midterm--elections Accessed October 30, 2022.

“Live Election Results: 2020 Georgia Results: Joe Biden won in Georgia, flipping a state Donald Trump won in 2016.” POLITICO. (January 06, 2021) https://www.politico. com/2020--election/results/georgia/ Accessed November 30, 2022.

Mascaro, Lisa. 2022. “GOP’s Georgia Challenge: Persuading Trump Backers to Vote.” AP NEWS. (October 21, 2022) https://apnews.com/article/2022--midterm--elections-biden--congress--donald--trump--3c315861315cdb483fe4c72560dac909 Accessed October 30, 2022.

“November 6, 2018, General Election. GA – Election Night Reporting | Georgia Secretary of State. (November 17, 2018) https://results.enr.clarityelections.com/GA/91639/

Web02--state.221451/#/turnout Accessed November 30, 2022.

“2016 Georgia Presidential Election Results.” POLITICO. (December 13, 2016) https:// www.politico.com/2016--election/results/map/president/georgia/ Accessed November 30, 2022.

U.S. Census Bureau. 2020. “QuickFacts: Georgia; United States.” Census Bureau QuickFacts, https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/GA,US/PST045221 Accessed November 30, 2022.

Cleopatra: An Ancient Story for a 1960s’ Audience

By Hannah Clark

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Melanie Byrd, Department of History

Article Abstract:

An iconic Hollywood classic, the 1963 film version of Cleopatra, directed by Joseph L. Mankiewicz, is a unique re-telling of the well-known, often reinvented saga of Cleopatra, Julius Caesar, and Marc Antony. As one of the most famous female figures from ancient history, Cleopatra has long been a source of inspiration for art, theater, and film. The 1963 version of Cleopatra, like most Hollywood productions inspired by ancient history, contains numerous exaggerations and embellishments. The purpose of this article is to analyze the historical accuracies and inaccuracies within the film. Throughout the film, one can see that director Mankiewicz was intentional with his use of creative license. In addition to historical embellishments, the decision to cast Hollywood glamour queen, Elizabeth Taylor, for the role of Cleopatra characterizes the film. While Mankiewicz’s creative choices were unfaithful to the historical Cleopatra, they enhanced the film’s storyline and overall cinematic qualities. Distortions present in the film unsurprisingly featured an identifiably 1960s’ flair which made Cleopatra a more appealing picture for its intended audience. Through these distortions, Mankiewicz produced a uniquely 1960s’ image of Cleopatra that overlapped with the star persona of Elizabeth Taylor.

An iconic Hollywood classic, the 1963 film version of Cleopatra, directed by Joseph L. Mankiewicz, is a unique re-telling of the wellknown, often reinvented saga of Cleopatra, Julius Caesar, and Marc Antony. At first glance, the plot of the film appears to be somewhat historically accurate. However, like most movies of the historical genre, Cleopatra contains many exaggerations and embellishments. Throughout the film, one can see that Mankiewicz was intentional with his use of creative license. Historical accuracies, inaccuracies, and exaggerations characterize the film, along with the decision to cast Hollywood glamour queen, Elizabeth Taylor, for the role of Cleopatra. While these elements are often unfaithful to the historical Cleopatra, they enhanced the film’s storyline and cinematic qualities. These distortions often featured an identifiably 1960s’ flair. Overall, this made Cleopatra a more appealing picture for its intended audience. A reflection of the evolving Women’s Rights movement, Cleopatra produced a historically inaccurate, but uniquely 1960s’ version of Cleopatra that was characterized by the star persona of Elizabeth Taylor.

Rejecting 20th Century Fox’s original desire for a low-budget film, producer Walter Wanger instead wanted to make Cleopatra a film of epic proportion. He sought to portray Cleopatra, not just as a stereotypical seductress, as she had been depicted in past films, but also as a key political figure of her time. However, according to Maria Wyke in her book The Roman Mistress: Ancient and Modern Representations, “In the climate of the early 1960s, Cleopatra could be depicted more comfortably as a woman of considerable political authority, whose great ambition it was to achieve the unity of East and West.”1

The historical development of feminism leading up to the 1960s is important to note, as it laid the foundation for the political climate that would make Mankiewicz’s Cleopatra possible. During World War II, many women joined the workforce. However, after the end of the war, many women were fired, and their jobs were given to returning soldiers. Those women who were able to keep their jobs faced many limitations imposed upon them because of their gender, the most notable of which was lower salaries than their male counterparts. Continuing inequalities such as these laid the foundation for modern feminism, which took off in the 1960s.2 This evolution of feminism is evident in Cleopatra, as Elizabeth Taylor’s strong female character is an obvious byproduct of the women’s rights movement in the 1960s. Cleopatra’s depiction in the film as equal to, or even holding power over her male counterparts directly reflects the feminist ideology of the time.

When discussing his vision for the film, Wanger said, “The entire picture is one of intrigue, conspiracy, suspense, and adventure. It will

1 Maria Wyke, The Roman Mistress: Ancient and Modern Representations (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 304.

2 Veronica Lovelady, “Feminism & the Women’s Rights Movement,” Points of View Reference Center, August 2017, 1-2.

not be presented–as historical films usually are–in a pompous manner, with endless pageantry, but rather in the speed and tempo and cliff-hanger excitement of an underworld picture.”3 Although Wanger’s vision for the film seems to be artistically inspired, it is more likely that he felt Cleopatra, as a purely historical film, would not have been financially successful.

Due to his elaborate vision, Wanger approached the studio and persuaded them to increase the film’s budget. Along with the budget increase, Wanger’s detailed vision required Elizabeth Taylor be hired to play the role of Cleopatra. Insistent upon his preferred actress, Wanger again pushed the studio’s finances with a $1 million contract for Taylor. Taylor then became the highest paid actress of her time. Filming began under the direction of Rouben Mamoulian. However, due to disagreements with Wanger and Taylor, Mamoulian later resigned. After Mamoulian’s resignation, Wanger hired Joseph L. Mankiewicz to take over the project. 4

Mankiewicz shared in Wanger’s vision to create an epic Cleopatra film, unlike the two which proceeded it. When discussing the making of the film, Mankiewicz said “The Cleopatra I have in mind is the story of a remarkably brilliant, ruthless woman who nearly made herself Empress of the then-known world, utilizing for her purpose the two strongest men in the world, both of whom failed her.”5 Even though Cleopatra was intended to reflect contemporary politics, according to Wyke, “Most commentators on the film have observed that its attempt at a contemporary political resonance is both fragmentary and fragile, because the film was radically cut before and after its release, and because whatever political narrative it once possessed was utterly swamped by the film’s spectacular values, and by extra-cinematic publicity concerning the troubled production of the film and the lifestyle of its female star, Elizabeth Taylor” 6

As Taylor was already well known in Hollywood as a glamour queen, 20th Century Fox attempted to capitalize on Taylor’s star-power. In 1962, a year before the film’s premiere, 20th Century Fox began to stir up interest in the film by marketing Elizabeth Taylor as a glamour figure who mirrored the glamour of, and luxury associated with, Cleopatra. Taylor was shown in magazines in “Egyptian inspired” looks, which quickly became popular in the beauty industry. 7 Further, in the same month that the film was released, 20th Century Fox worked with a publisher to have Carlo Maria Franzero’s book The Life and Times of

3 Jean Michel-Ropars, “Cleopatra Reconsidered: A Revisionist Critique of Hollywood’s Most Notorious Epic,” Cineaste, Spring 2022, 26.

4 Michel-Ropars, “Cleopatra Reconsidered,” Cineaste, 26.

5 Michel-Ropars, “Cleopatra Reconsidered,” Cineaste, 26.

6 Wyke, The Roman Mistress, 306.

7 Wyke, The Roman Mistress, 307.

Cleopatra, which the film was largely based on, illustrated with still shots from the film.8 Clever marketing tactics employed by 20th Century Fox not only boosted public interest in the film, but continued to meld the celebrity of Taylor with the historical persona of Cleopatra. Cleopatra was closely associated with Taylor’s public image and lifestyle. On top of staffing changes and an ever-growing budget, Taylor’s involvement created international interest in Cleopatra. Well before the film even premiered, a highly publicized scandal involving Taylor was associated with the film. At some point throughout the filming of Cleopatra, Elizabeth Taylor (Cleopatra) and Richard Burton (Marc Antony) began to have an affair. Cleopatra, and by extension, 20th Century Fox, received an astounding amount of bad publicity once it became known that the actors, both married to other people at the time, were becoming involved with one another.

Although the affair concerned only the private life of the actors, it did in fact have a large impact on the making of the film and the public’s reception to it. In addition to their immoral union, rumors began to spread that Taylor and Burton’s relationship was causing production delays. One article summarized the effect of the affair on the public’s perception perfectly by saying, “What most characterized the film in the public’s eye, however, was the adulterous love affair between co-stars Richard Burton and Elizabeth Taylor, which led the Vatican to condemn Taylor for her “erotic vagrancy” and members of Congress to call for banning Taylor and Burton from returning to America, and generated a feeding frenzy on the part of the tabloid press worldwide…”9 The public was obsessed with the story and was quick to drag the big-name stars through the mud. Despite the adage that “all publicity is good publicity,” the studio was not pleased with the media crisis Taylor and Burton had handed to them.

Taylor and Burton’s affair had such a negative impact on Cleopatra, that 20th Century Fox eventually attempted to sue both actors. According to a 1989 interview with Mankiewicz himself, the studio thought they would be able “to take advantage of the Vatican’s outrage and all of the moral outrage in the country about their carrying on. Fox thought this would be a great opportunity to sue them for misbehavior, under the morals clause that’s in everybody’s contract.”10 Despite their extensive efforts, the studio ultimately decided to drop the suit.

Unfortunately, for 20th Century Fox, the scandal stayed with the film well through its debut as media sources not influenced by 20th Century Fox portrayed a very unfavorable version of Taylor and Cleopatra. Even in the modern day, Taylor’s controversial morals—especially

8 Wyke, The Roman Mistress, 313-14.

9 Michel-Ropars, “Cleopatra Reconsidered,” Cineaste, 27.

10 Dauth, Joseph L. Mankiewicz: Interviews, 184.

her multiple affairs—are what she is most well known for. Instead of the glamourous idea of a beauty queen, Taylor, and by extension Cleopatra, were associated with sexual promiscuity. Additionally, due to the extravagance of the film and 20th Century’s marketing of Taylor as luxurious, Cleopatra and Taylor were accused of wastefulness.11 After Cleopatra’s premiere, the scandalous character of Taylor had become synonymous with her role of Cleopatra.

Considered by many to be one of the last films of the Golden Age of cinema, Cleopatra was met with mixed reviews when it finally premiered on June 12, 1963. By the time of its completion, 20th Century Fox had spent over $30 million on Cleopatra. 12 In 1963, this was the highest cost ever associated with a film. Cleopatra would go on to hold this record for some 30 years to come. According to an estimate done in 1998, accounting for inflation, the film’s cost would have been around $155 million. 13Despite its monumental cost, Cleopatra was poorly received by many critics. One such critic, Robert Hatch, writer for Nation Magazine wrote an article in July of 1963 that captures the thoughts of many critics. He said in his review, “The 20th Century-Mankiewicz, Todd A-O, four-hour Cleopatra cost some absurd amount and was made to the accompaniment of absurd personal and professional publicity. For all that, it is not a bad picture—except when one or another of the actors is called upon to act.” 14Within the review, the only element of Cleopatra that Hatch offers any praise is the elaborate sets and costumes. Another contemporary review, this one from the June 24, 1963, edition of Newsweek, says that the film is “… neither the greatest film ever created nor the gaudiest, but (it was) not the dismal fiasco that was always possible.”15 Another particularly scathing review can be found in a June 21, 1963, Time article. Here the reviewer says “Physically, Cleopatra is as magnificent as money and the tremendous Todd AO screen can make it. The deluxe color is perfection; the sets, for the most part, are harmonious modules of the Golden Section to which all good classical architecture answered…Sad to say, however, the deep-revolving, witty Mankiewicz fails most where most he hoped to succeed. As drama and as cinema, Cleopatra is riddled with flaws.”16

Regardless of the less-than-stellar reviews Cleopatra received from some critics, many others praised Mankiewicz, the scenes and

11 Wyke, The Roman Mistress, 308.

12 Brian Dauth, Joseph L. Mankiewicz: Interviews (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2008), 184.

13 Stuart Klawans, “Hollywood’s Fabulous Follies”, Newsweek, June 1998, 3.

14 Robert Hatch, “Films,” Nations, July 1963, 19, https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=lgs&AN=13135060&site=eds-live&scope=site.

15 “Cleopatra,” Newsweek, June 1963, 110, https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=rgr&AN=523705816&site=ehost-live&scope=site&custid=val1.

16 “Cleopatra,” Time, June 1963, 90, https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=rgr&AN=523705143&site=ehost-live&scope=site&custid=val1.

sets, the acting, and the film as a whole. Less than two months after its release, Cleopatra was listed as the number one entry on Time Magazine’s top ten moneymaking movies list.17 A contemporary Variety article says “Cleopatra is not only a supercolossal eye-filler (the unprecedented budget shows in the physical opulence throughout), but it is also a remarkably literate cinematic recreation of an historic epoch.”18 Further, a New York Times article that was published immediately following the film’s debut reports that “The memorable thing about this picture, which opened last night at the Rivoli, is that it is a surpassing entertainment, one of the great epic films of our day.”19 Overall, the debut of the film was a success, and Cleopatra went on to be nominated for nine Oscars, four of which it won: Best Art Direction, Best Cinematography, Best Visual Effects, and Best Costume. 20

Even in more modern times, Cleopatra is a popular film. According to a 2017 review in the New Yorker, “The director’s analytical intellectualism—with an emphasis on the diplomatic maneuvers of empire-building, the tactical complexity of ancient warfare, and the psychological pressure of romance on the levers of power—is heated by the erotic passion of Antony and Cleopatra and the intense bond between Taylor and Burton, which is as entrancing onscreen as it was in life.”21

While there are many previous versions of Cleopatra that have been made, Mankiewicz’s 1963 version is arguably the most iconic. This is in large part due to Taylor’s portrayal of Cleopatra. According to Francesca T. Royster in her book, Becoming Cleopatra: The Shifting Image of an Icon, Taylor’s version of Cleopatra completely overshadows all those that preceded her. In fact, Royster even goes so far as to say that Taylor and her celebrity status became synonymous with the public’s “historical” idea of Cleopatra.22 Royster says, “Elizabeth Taylor becomes Cleopatra, Elizabeth Taylor becomes Liz Taylor-in- Cleopatra, and in the process, Cleopatra becomes Cleopatra (1963).”23 This melding of Taylor’s celebrity status with the idea of a historical Cleopatra, although a byproduct of the film, shows how skillfully tailored Mankiewicz’s Cleopatra was for its 1960s’ audience.

Even though Taylor’s adultery resulted in some bad press for 20th Century Fox, Royster points out that this scandal, along with other

17 “Top Ten,” Time Magazine, August 1963, 61, https://search.ebscohost.com /login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=f6h&AN=54212760&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1.

18 “Cleopatra,” Variety, December 31, 1962, https://variety.com/1962/ﬁlm/reviews/cleopatra-2-1200420431/.

19 Bosley Crowther, “The Screen: ‘Cleopatra’ has Premiere at Rivoli,” The New York Times, June 1963, https:// www.nytimes.com/1963/06/13/archives/the-screen-cleopatra-has-premiere-at-rivoli4hour-epic-is-tribute-to.html.

20 Mary Aravanis, “A Closer Look at Hollywood’s Historical Accuracy in the 1963 Film ‘Cleopatra’,” Egyptian Streets, last modiﬁed October 17, 2020, 1, https://egyptianstreets.com.

21 Richard Brody, “Cleopatra,” New Yorker 93, no. 41 (December 2017): 29, https://search.ebscohost.com/login. aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=a9h&AN=126629588&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1.

22 Francesca T. Royster, Becoming Cleopatra: The Shifting Image of an Icon (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 96.

23 Royster, Becoming Cleopatra, 112.

personal details of Taylor’s life, were a vital element of the marriage between Taylor’s persona and the image of Cleopatra. She claims that even though Taylor’s scandal was used as the scapegoat for Cleopatra’s financial troubles, WWII was the actual cause of 20th Century Fox’s financial distress. After WWII, individuals were less willing to pay the prices for movie tickets. Additionally, the cost of filmmaking itself increased as craftspeople became unionized.24 These factors caused a decrease in profits, and, ultimately, the end of the Golden Age of Film.

Once the film premiered, the marriage of Taylor the celebrity to Taylor as Cleopatra continued to be present in the public mind and was eventually reflected in Taylor’s real marriage to co-star Richard Burton. In 1964, after both Taylor and Burton divorced their respective partners, they married each other. After 10 years of marriage, they divorced, and then remarried a year later. Both the marriage of the Cleopatra stars and the continued romantic scandal that surrounded their relationship further married Taylor’s image to Cleopatra’s. Probably the most telling sign of this metaphorical marriage is shown in a still shot from Cleopatra, which shows Taylor in a 1960s-inspired yellow gown and flowered headdress.25 Taylor then imitated this same look off-screen when she married Burton.26

Another interesting Taylor-as-Cleopatra inspired phenomenon occurred in 1997 when Bishop Interactive Group, a toy company, sold a line of Cleopatra dolls with Taylor’s face on them. The dolls were marketed as educational children’s toys but were in no way connected to Taylor or Cleopatra. 27 Taylor’s image had permeated not only the pop-culture sphere surrounding Cleopatra but had also infringed upon the educational and historical sphere as well.

Even though Cleopatra was based on historical events and may appear factual, the film version of her life varies significantly from the historical record of Cleopatra’s life. Since Cleopatra is such a wellknown historical figure, one may assume that her life was well documented. Unfortunately for historians, this was not the case. Contrary to popular belief, it is unlikely that Cleopatra was conventionally attractive. In fact, “No contemporary description of Cleopatra has survived. The Greek biographer Plutarch, who was writing nearly two hundred years after her death but had read the memoirs and histories (since lost) of several people who had actually seen her, asserts that she was not particularly good-looking, but that her voice was musical and her

24 Royster, Becoming Cleopatra, 106-107.

25 “Elizabeth Taylor, British Actress, in Costume with Gold Jewelry.” Getty Images. Accessed December 4, 2022. https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/elizabeth-taylor-british-actress-in-costume-with-gold-news-photo/119588648?adppopup=true.

26 See https://weddedwonderland.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Elizabeth-Taylor-and-Richard-Burton-yellow-dress.jpg.

27 Royster, Becoming Cleopatra, pg. 95.

charm and “force of character” (was) such as to render her company delightful. Her coins (minted on orders and therefore more likely to flatter than otherwise) show a strong, bony face with a hooked nose and a jutting chin, pretty neither by the standards of Cleopatra’s own day nor by those of ours. Her appearance thus seems to have been very far from that of the fabled seductress of legend.”28

Of the surviving images of Cleopatra, coins made during her reign are an important source for her appearance. Unfortunately, many of the existing coins scholars have are in poor condition; only ten in good condition have survived. According to Susan Walker and Peter Higgs, even those of Cleopatra’s coins that are in good condition could feature distortions of the original image.29 Based on Cleopatra’s image, as seen in a picture of a bronze coin featuring her, she does not appear to be a conventionally-beautiful woman.30 However, the sources that record Cleopatra’s physical appearance are not the most reliable. For example, Plutarch, who criticizes Cleopatra’s appearance in his writings, also contradicts himself by making statements about her beauty.31 Overall, in light of the uncertainty surrounding historical records of Cleopatra’s physical appearance, it is not possible to make a judgement on her looks. However, if one were to rely on the appearance of Cleopatra in extant sources, she would not be considered a great beauty.

This ambiguity worked in Mankiewicz’s favor. Unsurprisingly, the appetite for glamour and beauty in Hollywood would not have been satisfied with a historically based, physical portrayal of Cleopatra. Cleopatra’s popular image as a seductress necessitated a fair-faced, seductive actress to fill the role. Although intentional, Mankiewicz’s decision to portray Cleopatra as a beauty was not unique to the 1963 film. Previous versions of Cleopatra in media also present her in this way. Despite the fact that this was not a unique alteration to the historical facts, Mankiewicz certainly chose to portray Cleopatra in this way for the benefit of his audience. People would be more inclined to purchase tickets to see an overly sexualized Cleopatra on the big screen than they would be for an ugly one.

Elizabeth Taylor, already an object of desire in the public eye, was a perfect fit for the role as she possessed the necessary Hollywood glamour that both earlier and 1960s’ audiences demanded. According to Carol Dyhouse in her book Glamour: Women, History, Feminism, “The booming American film industry built up a new type of heroine, or anti-heroine: the glamorous woman on the make. The films costumiers dressed her in a fashion heavy with sexual imagery, which showed up

28 Lucy Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions (New York: Harper & Row, 1990), 17.

29 Susan Walker, Cleopatra of Egypt: From History to Myth (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001), 210.

30 See https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ioannis-Liritzis/publication/311325278/figure/fig20/AS:6683175682 33476@1536350733217/Cleopatra-VII-depicted-on-a-bronze-coin-in-the-British-Museum-Foss-1997.jpg.

31 Walker, From History to Myth, 211.

well in black and white: glitter (especially the sparkle of diamonds); thick, lustrous furs; slinky dresses over curvaceous but slim figures; exotic flowers; and stark red lips. Combined with a witty, risqué, devilmay-care confidence, these elements codified glamour, and coincided with an explosion in the use of the word ‘glamour’ in popular literature, women’s magazines and fashion journals.”32 Over time, the film industry created the popular image of an ideal “glamour figure.” Considered one of the final films of the “Golden Age,” idealistic glamour was a necessity for Cleopatra. Unsurprisingly, due to the time of its creation, the 1963 Cleopatra embodied the fashions and styles of the times.

In Francesca T. Royster’s words, “Hollywood glamour is framed by a white, western eye. Glamour is not universal but is context specific—in the same way that ‘cool’ is. It is historically and geographically localized.”33 Due to the subjective nature of glamour, it was important that Taylor’s portrayal of Cleopatra embody the glamour expected from 1960s’ Hollywood. As a prominent sex symbol in the late 1950s and early 1960s, Taylor perfectly embodied this sexy, risqué portrayal of Cleopatra.

Throughout the film, Mankiewicz prioritizes the celebrity of Taylor’s Cleopatra over her historicity, leading to many historical embellishments. Among other distortions in the film, it is incredibly easy to tell that liberties were taken when it came to Taylor’s 1960s-inspired fashion. Although Taylor’s looks in the film are Egyptian inspired, they are certainly not historically accurate. Highly influenced by popular styles of the late 1950s and early 1960s, Taylor’s attire in Cleopatra had a great influence on 1960s’ fashion. In fact, Taylor herself continued to borrow elements of the Cleopatra-look, long after the film premiered. 34She would often wear makeup with dark kohl makeup and a dramatic lip, reflective of her role in the film.

As a descendant of the Ptolemaic Dynasty, despite popular belief, Cleopatra was not actually Egyptian. She was a Macedonian Greek woman. Most likely, she was three quarters Macedonian and only one quarter Egyptian.35 Although Taylor is adorned in elaborate, Egyptian-inspired costumes in Cleopatra, it is unlikely that the real Cleopatra would have dressed in an Egyptian style. Historically, Cleopatra would have worn clothes of the Hellenistic Greek style. It certainly would have been more accurate to depict Cleopatra in Greek pieces such as a chiton, a linen garment sewn along the sides, and a himation, a type of shawl.36 In history, there are many common misconceptions that the general

32 Carol Dyhouse, Glamour: Women, History, Feminism (London: Zed Books, 2010), 29.]

33 Royster, Becoming Cleopatra, 98.

34 Royster, Becoming Cleopatra, 96.

35 Duane Roller, Cleopatra: A Biography (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 15.

36 Lourdes Font, “1963—Mankiewicz, Cleopatra” Fashion History Timeline | A Hub for Fashion Research, March 16, 2018, https://fashionhistory.ﬁtnyc.edu/1963-mankiewicz-cleopatra/.

public holds to be true. Understanding her to be an Egyptian Queen, the public’s general knowledge of Cleopatra is often historically inaccurate. Since she is thought of as an Egyptian ruler, and because of the numerous representations of her in the Egyptian style throughout history, many individuals believe it to be a historical fact that Cleopatra was, and should look, completely Egyptian. For this reason, Mankiewicz decided to portray her in an Egyptian-like style to meet the audience’s expectation of regal Egyptian attire.

Real ancient Egyptian women often wore, light, transparent fabrics that were either tight or pleated.37 Additionally, dresses often included deep necklines. In on still from the film, Taylor is pictured in a blue hat and gown, with a leopard print coat.38 Despite her true status as a Greek queen, the fashion in Cleopatra is certainly not accurate for an ancient Egyptian Queen’s attire either. Although inaccurate, Cleopatra did base some of its iconic costuming in historical fact regarding Egyptian styles. Wigs played a large role in ancient Egyptian fashion. Having a shaved head was a sign of nobility in Egypt, however, individuals typically covered their bald head with wigs made from real hair. The hair was then worn in clearly separated locks. More elaborate Egyptian wigs were sometimes adorned with gilded wings.39

In the film, Taylor is pictured with numerous hairstyles, most of which are not an accurate representation of Egyptian fashion. Even though a few of Taylor’s hairstyles do feature the typical elements of separated locks and gilded wings, many of her styles do not picture locked hair. Rather, she is shown with a meticulously shaped, 1960s-inspired hairstyle, as is demonstrated in a still from the film. 40Although a significant embellishment, Cleopatra’s physical portrayal by Mankiewicz was certainly not the only exaggeration in the film. The plot itself, while somewhat in line with historical fact, is not an accurate representation of the real Cleopatra’s life. Near the beginning of the film Rex Harrison, as Julius Caesar, travels to Egypt. Once there, he inserts himself into Egyptian politics by claiming he is there to enact the will of Pharaoh Ptolemy and Cleopatra’s father. In the film, Cleopatra had been exiled from Alexandria and her brother, under the guardianship of the eunuch Pothinus, was attempting to maintain control of the throne. Caesar then takes up residence in the palace, and it is at this point, that he will first meet the bewitching, Cleopatra. Smuggled into the palace wrapped in a rug, Cleopatra is quite literally placed at Caesar’s feet.

37 Mila Contini, Fashion from Ancient Egypt to the Present Day, ed. James Laver (New York: The Odyssey Press, 1965), 19.

38 See https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhynuHay3yUVSQlxRTOhZPIJW5cmf2Bq_pI0LLwglr0whhTTh2IPkp7wueF pI0LLwglr0whhTTh2IPkp7wueF_ZPd_NjR7IyHZuxECUdaZJo6SIXAjZFEAMIjm5EKbG-5MWUuvFwCY304cQSck2IPMavUevyxwN9TquArQZgL/s640/081bbb356e3577b7fedabf6019756d04.jpg.

39 Contini, Fashion from Ancient Egypt, 21.

40 See https://i0.wp.com/frockflicks.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/cleopatra-17-cleobath.jpeg?w=600&ssl=1.

41This scene begins their passionate romance that ultimately leads Caesar to place Cleopatra on the throne and execute Ptolemy’s guardian, Pothinus, for attempting to assassinate Cleopatra.

While this is a captivating and romantic beginning for Cleopatra and Caesar, it is not completely accurate. Although the two later had a sexual relationship, this was not the reason Caesar remained in Alexandria. Upon his arrival to the city, fearing Caesar was there to take over the city of Alexandria, Alexandrians rioted.42 Due to the rioting, Caesar was forced to take refuge in the palace and wait for reinforcements. It was at this point that Cleopatra was snuck past the guards into the palace.43

Additionally, Pompey, a rival of Caesar’s, had previously been beheaded by three Egyptians. After learning of Pompey’s death, Caesar then claimed he was entitled to collect a debt that was owed by Ptolemy Aulete’s heirs to a Roman money lender. The previously lent funds were used by Ptolemy to encourage the Romans to formally recognize him as the ruler of Egypt. Caesar, in need of the funds, stayed in Egypt to collect payment after the rioting had ceased, not because he was enthralled with Cleopatra.44

Perhaps influenced by his developing relationship with Cleopatra, Caesar then declared both Cleopatra and her brother Ptolemy as co-rulers. He also arranged for the two to be formally married. Cleopatra’s incestuous marriage with her brother was left out of the film entirely. Even though Cleopatra was not a particularly moral character, an incestuous marriage would have been too controversial for a 1960s’ audience and would have destroyed the romanticized image of Cleopatra. Even though, by definition, Cleopatra’s first two marriages are considered incestuous, they were likely not consummated due to the young age of her husband-brothers.45

Since Cleopatra and Ptolemy were not married in the film, Mankiewicz instead depicts Cleopatra’s brother Ptolemy, and his guardian Pothinus agreeing to the shared position. Also not shown in the film, Ptolemy’s army marched on the palace likely at Pothinus’ orders. During this incident, Cleopatra, Caesar, Pothinus, and the Royal Family, all stayed within the palace. Approximately 2 months later, Arsinoe, Cleopatra’s younger sister, snuck out of the palace to join the army. There she declared herself the Queen. Once Caesar received information that incriminated Pothinus, he had him executed. Ptolemy’s life was spared, but he was forced to leave the palace. Caesar then married Cleopatra to her 12-year-old brother, Ptolemy XIV and

41 Cleopatra, directed by Joseph L. Mankiewicz (20th Century Fox, 1963), 0:19:15 to 0:21:18.

42 Carlo M. Franzero, The Life and Times of Cleopatra (New York: Philosophical Library, Inc., 1957), 46.

43 Franzero, The Life and Times of Cleopatra, 49.

44 Plutarch, Caesar 48.4-5.

45 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 22.

made them joint rulers. As Ptolemy XIV was young, Cleopatra was essentially able to rule alone.46 Again, in the film, Cleopatra’s second incestuous marriage would not have sat well with its audience and was not included. Instead, Mankiewicz opted for an alternative story line. Rather than marry Cleopatra off to her younger brother, Cleopatra is made the sole ruler of Egypt.47

During his stay in Egypt, Cleopatra and Caesar did have a sexual relationship, and by the time Caesar was to return to Rome, Cleopatra was pregnant. Unlike in the film, Cleopatra’s son, Ptolemy Caesar, also called Caesarion, was never formally recognized by Caesar. In fact, historians are unable to confirm that Caesarion was Caesar’s son to this day. Cleopatra did travel to Rome where she stayed as a guest of Caesar’s for over a year.48 Cleopatra’s entrance scene into Rome is a complete fabrication. This lavish picture of Cleopatra entering Rome with Caesarion on a giant sphinx, preceded by an elaborate performance with scantily clad dancers has no historical basis.49 In this scene, Caesar publicly claims Caesarian as his son, another deviation from history.50 Mankiewicz’s decision to include such an inaccurate, extravagant scene, provided the kind of large-scale spectacle that audiences were drawn to.

According to both history and Cleopatra, after Caesar’s assassination on the Ides of March, Cleopatra immediately returned to Egypt. In the film, Caesar’s will names Octavius as his successor. Angered that Caesar did not recognize her son as his heir, Cleopatra then flees to Egypt, fearful for the life of her child. In order to create a sense of betrayal, Mankiewicz expands on the fabricated idea that Caesar had recognized Caesarian publicly. Since Caesarian was never formally recognized by Caesar, Cleopatra would not have had any expectation that he would be named Caesar’s heir. However, it is true that Octavius, Caesar’s grandnephew and adopted son, was named as successor in his will.51

After Caesar’s assassination, a struggle ensued between Octavius and Antony for the control of Rome. Octavius, named by Caesar’s will, had assumed the right to rule. However, Antony, as the Consul, also had a claim to power. In order to avoid conflict, Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus formed the Triumvirate and shared power amongst the three of them.52 Although not included in the film, two of Caesar’s assassins, Brutus and Cassius, approached Cleopatra for support in their attempt to gain power. Rather than dismiss the two men, Cleopatra instead lied and told them Egypt was suffering from a famine and would not be able

46 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 18-19.

47 Cleopatra, 0:51:46 to 0:54:00.

48 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 19-20.

49 Cleopatra, 1:21:20 to 1:29:19.

50 Cleopatra, 1:29:16.

51 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 20.

52 Plutarch, Antony 30.4.

to lend financial support. Most likely, this decision was made so that she could see how things would play out between the triumvirate and Brutus and Cassius, before taking a side.53 If Mankiewicz had decided to include this scene in the film, it would have drastically impacted the romance between Cleopatra and Antony. Movie-goers would expect a passionate, consuming romance between the two characters. A cool, calculating Cleopatra who did not immediately take the side of her supposed lover would not have been appealing to most audiences.

Cutting out Lepidus in fear of him becoming a threat, Antony and Octavius decided to split the Roman empire between themselves. Octavius had control of the west, while Antony controlled the east. At this point in time, Antony was married to Fulvia, his third wife.54 Fulvia, and any mention of Antony’s two previous wives, was completely left out of the film. Similar to the decision to omit Cleopatra’s apparent indecisiveness, the omission of Antony’s prior wives was likely to preserve the audience’s perception of Antony and Cleopatra’s relationship.

A somewhat accurate detail that was included in the film is the scene in which Antony requests Cleopatra’s presence, so he can gain her support for his military efforts in Asia Minor. Cleopatra, unwilling to meet Antony on his terms, arrives on a magnificent barge.55 She deems this to be “Egyptian soil.” Here the two begin their alliance and romantic relations.56 This is one of the most expensive spectacles in the film and was exaggerated for cinematic effect. Not emphasized in the film was the fact that Antony’s decision to summon Cleopatra was not solely for the purpose of obtaining Egypt’s support. Antony, suspicious of Cleopatra, thought she was secretly working with Cassius.57

Only after Cleopatra agreed to lend Antony Egypt’s support did the two begin a romantic relationship and Antony accompanied her to Alexandria. As for Cleopatra, she also had personal motives tied to her financial backing of Antony. In exchange for Cleopatra’s support of Antony’s army, Antony would offer his support against Cleopatra’s enemies, namely, her sister Arsinoe. Arsinoe, with a claim to the Egyptian throne, threatened Cleopatra’s reign. With Antony’s support, Cleopatra had Arsinoe killed.58 Obviously, the image of a murderous, power-hungry Cleopatra, so obsessed with maintaining control that she would murder her own sister, did not fit well with the desirable, glossy Cleopatra an audience wanted to see. For this reason, these facts were omitted from the film.

53 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 21.

54 Plutarch, Antony 10.3.

55 Plutarch, Antony 26.1-2.

56 Cleopatra, 2:9:30 to 2:27:47.

57 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 21.

58 Roller, Cleopatra: A Biography, 79.

After securing Cleopatra’s support, Antony’s wife Fulvia, and his brother Lucius sparked a rebellion against Octavius in Italy. Octavius’ forces overcame them, and Antony left Alexandria to return to Italy.59 Fulvia and Antony traveled to Athens, where Fulvia became ill and died. After Fulvia’s death, Antony, concerned about Octavius’ ever-growing influence, decided to reconcile with Octavius. As part of the Treaty of Brundisium, Antony married Octavia, Octavius’ sister, as a sign of their reconciliation. Although Octavius and Antony’s agreement, and Antony’s marriage with Octavia was included in the film, an important detail was left out entirely. Shortly after Antony’s marriage to Octavia, Cleopatra gave birth to twins fathered by Antony. 60Antony also had two children from his marriage to Octavia. None of Antony’s children are featured in Cleopatra.

Over time, Antony’s marriage to Octavia became less advantageous, as he was becoming second to Octavius.61 Overall, Antony’s personal relationships with both his wife and Cleopatra were likely not primarily influenced by romantic feelings, but rather, political strategy. According to Lucy Hughes-Hallett in Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, “…the traditional explanation of Antony’s actions—that he was impelled by passion, pure and simple—seems far-fetched. A passion that could wait for so long, and only asserted itself at such a politically opportune moment, was scarcely an irresistible or a disinterested one.” 62 Antony had left Italy with Octavia in preparation for his military invasion. During their travels, Octavia became ill, and Antony sent her back to Rome.63 After sending his wife home, Antony traveled to Antioch where he spent the winter with Cleopatra.64

In Hughes-Hallett’s words, “there is no reason to doubt that he loved Cleopatra. She was an able colleague and a cultured companion, and she possessed as well the glamour of ancient royalty and enormous wealth. She had borne him three children, two of them were sons, whereas Octavia had given him only two daughters—such considerations weighed heavily with a Roman”65 Later, he would leave Octavia.66 The six years following Antony’s divorce, up until Cleopatra and Antony’s death, Octavius did everything in his power to portray Antony as an enemy of Rome. 67

Due to the rising conflict between Antony and Octavius, Octa-

59 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 22.

60 Roller, Cleopatra: A Biography, 5.

61 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 24.

62 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 24.

63 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 24.

64 Arthur E. Weigall, The Life and Times of Mark Antony (Garden City: Garden City Publishing Co., 1931), 329.

65 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 25.

66 Plutarch, Antony, 53.3-6.

67 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 26.

vius’ fleet attacked the Egyptian Naval Stations. During the attack, Antony’s commander wanted to abandon the fleet and fight Octavius’ forces on land. However, Cleopatra was unwilling to abandon her fleet. According to Plutarch, “… she was already contemplating flight, and was disposing her own forces, not where they would be helpful in winning the victory, but where they could most easily get away if the cause was lost”.68 Unable to overcome Octavius’ forces, Cleopatra, and Antony escaped from the battle. In Cleopatra, Antony watches as Cleopatra leaves with her fleet and assumes she has abandoned him.

After some time, a second battle between Octavius’ forces and Antony’s army then takes place. This battle, also featured in the film, shows Cleopatra, believing Antony has been killed, abandoning the fight, and locking herself in her mausoleum. Thinking that he was again abandoned by Cleopatra, Antony attempts to commit suicide. Before his death, Antony discovers that Cleopatra is in hiding and did not abandon him. He is then hoisted into the mausoleum where he dies from his self-inflicted injuries in her arms. Cleopatra then proceeds to commit suicide by placing her hand in a basket of snakes, along with two of her maids, giving the film a tragic, Romeo-and-Juliet like ending.69 In actuality, while both Antony and Cleopatra did commit suicide, Cleopatra’s method of suicide is unknown.70

Intended to appeal to a 1960s’ audience, distortions to Cleopatra’s physical appearance and fashion play a large part in the film. Diversions from historical sources also provide the audience with a more engaging, cinematic, and romantic story than a purely historical film would have. The combination of Mankiewicz’s artistic liberties are what made Cleopatra so popular and allowed it to become a classic, Hollywood blockbuster. The grand scale of the film itself, paired with the massive popularity of Elizabeth Taylor, resulted in an iconic, 1960s’ version so synonymous with the public image of the historical Cleopatra that Taylor is still the most memorable, on-screen version of Cleopatra today, and likely will remain so for many years to come.

68 Plutarch, Antony, 58.5-6.

69 Cleopatra, 4:03:50 to 4:08:24.

70 Hughes-Hallett, Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams, and Distortions, 32.

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Klawans, Stuart. “Hollywood’s Fabulous Follies.” Newsweek 131, no. 25 (June 1998), 108-112. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=pwh&AN=746335&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1.

Loveday, Veronica. “Feminism & the Women’s Rights Movement.” Points of View Reference Center, August 2017, 1-2.

Michel-Ropars, Jean. “Cleopatra Reconsidered: A Revisionist Critique of Hollywood’s Most Notorious Epic.” Cineaste 47, no. 2 (Spring 2022), 26-31. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=mzh&AN=202224598803 &site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1.

Cultural Importance of De’VIA Art

By Grayson Friedman Faculty Mentor: Dr. Lavonna Lovern, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies

Article Abstract:

The objective of this research is to bring together available information surrounding De’VIA and highlight the cultural impact the art has on d/Deaf and hearing people. Additionally, the objective of the research is aimed to educate all readers about a not well-known subject that is prevalent for the expression of a culture of people. The main areas of focus in the following paper are the De’VIA manifesto, De’VIA types, history of Deaf art, and cultural significance and understanding. A few pieces of De’VIA across several mediums will be analyzed with the intent to show the vastness and versatility of the art type. Nearly all research included are primary sources from De’VIA artists or those very closely involved with the movement. Once these topics are in view, they will lead to better comprehension of De’VIA and how all cultures/communities are involved in the art form’s success both visually and culturally.

*Author Note: My research for this topic is from my passion for both art and Deaf culture, I am a hearing person and therefore do not have all the information, insight, and validity a Deaf person has sharing information about De’VIA.

This research was conducted to examine the history and impact of artists who are deaf. While art specific to deafness and Deaf culture is not unique to the United States, the only works and artists included in this article are from the United States. 1 The information presented is mostly from the artists themselves or from scholars with expert knowledge of Deaf art and artists.2 Moving forward, this article will examine the significance of Deaf art, more specifically De’VIA art3 surrounding deaf, hard of hearing, and hearing people by looking at history, cultural importance, several art mediums, and recurrent subject/themes.

Art can be described as an important element of any culture regardless of location and/or language, which carries into Deaf culture as well. According to Patti Durr, an Associate Professor in the Cultural and Creative Studies Department at the National Technical Institute for the Deaf at Rochester Institute of Technology, there are “…five main characteristics of Deaf culture: language, behavior/norms, values/ beliefs, tradition/heritage and possessions… a critical component of Deaf cultural possessions—art—is often overlooked or uninvestigated” (Durr, 2007 pg. 167).4 Since culture is such an important element of this research, certain terms need to be defined for a clear understanding of the information. First, the term deaf

…is viewed by the majority culture as a “diagnosis” and uses audiological status…Identity, in this sense, is related to categories based on hearing inability (reported in decibels) such as “profoundly deaf” and “severely deaf.” In this way, being deaf is something that is “treated” like a disease or medical condition, and something which is to be “overcome.” (Christie and Wilkins, 2007 pg. 14)

However, the term Deaf holds an opposite connotation, “…most Deaf people do not identify themselves as a disabled group, but rather see themselves as a linguistic, cultural minority…” (Durr, 1999 pg. 49). Throughout this article, the definition of d/Deaf is important for the context and use of the word.

1 Not all geographic locations that are included in the De’VIA movement are mentioned, as well as the art mediums. De’VIA includes, but is not limited to, drawing, painting, theatre, animation, photography, dance, music, poetry, and architecture.

2 Considering the artist’s linguistic background, English is often a second language for culturally Deaf people, meaning English grammar used to directly quote Deaf artists may not be correct.

3 That is to say, art made with the intention of expressing the Deaf experience.

4 It is important to note that this article will contain possible emotive language when quoting primary sources; the artists being referenced were or are still part of an art movement dedicated to cultural pride.

What is De’VIA?

The word De’VIA was created by a group of Deaf artists in 1988, “Dr. Betty Miller, Dr. Paul Johnston, Dr. Deborah Sonnenstrahl, Chuck Baird, Guy Wonder, Alex Wilhite, Sandi Inches Vasnick, Nancy Creighton, and Lai-Yok Ho…coined the term Deaf View/Image Art and wrote a ‘manifesto’ defining and describing it” (Durr, 1999 pg. 50). These artists are credited as the founders and trailblazers of the De’VIA movement. They spent days developing a manifesto, 5 outlining what exactly De’VIA is. Reviewing the manifesto, art can be classified as De’VIA so long as it, “Represent(s)…perceptions based on their Deaf experiences. It uses formal arts elements with the intention of expressing innate cultural or physical Deaf experience. These experiences may include Deaf metaphors, Deaf perspectives, and Deaf insights in relationship with the environment (both the natural world and Deaf cultural environment), spiritual and everyday life” (Christie and Wilkins, 2007 pg. 3). Since this first explanation of De’VIA there have been modifications allowing more types of art than originally conceived, and now there is more to consider than in the late 1980s. For those unaware of the Deaf community, the formation of the term Deaf View/Image Art instead of Deaf Art could be irrelevant. However, “De’VIA shows more respect for the artist, because De’VIA is intentionally created to express that aspect of the artist’s life…but an artist should have the right to decide for themselves if their work is an example of De’VIA6 work or not . . . Deaf Art is a term that is more accessible to the average person. Which is probably why it is more popular…the key here is ‘deaf view’…” (Durr, 1999 pg. 51). Part of this research is cultural learning and acknowledging the change in available information, especially when it comes to the information provided by De’VIA artists. It is not enough to only define De’VIA, but to also consider its importance for all.

De’VIA Importance

Art has no barriers between any languages, as it has the power to share messages that may not be accessible in another method of expression, especially if verbal communion is not effective in a situation. As explained by artist Patti Durr, “Deaf View/Image Art is an accessible way to preserve Deaf culture by serving as a pictorial text of the Deaf experience—oppression and empowerment alike” (Durr, 1999 pg. 67). There is no language interpreter needed for art because the observer becomes the interpreter/translator. Patti Durr also said, “the most accessible ways to transcend this linguistic barrier and pass

5 “Manifesto” is used here to mean a declaration of views and beliefs surrounding the creation of Deaf art.

6 It is not the decision of anyone besides the artist to label their artwork as De’VIA.

on the importance of cultural experiences and the language of Deaf people is through the use of visual art” (Durr, 1999 pg. 48). Art is one of the ways modern anthropologists have learned about paleolithic life; no formal language is needed to understand what eyes can receive and understand as human experience. As Durr claims there is a common phrase, ‘a picture is worth a thousand words.’ However cliché, it is still highly regarded as a truth of artwork. Looking at the behavior of De’VIA artists, and the message in sharing their work, “the deaf community as a whole…have been able to synthesize their frightening and often physically and emotionally painful experiences into artistic expressions which helped them to cope with those memories” (Schiff. pg. 45). The Deaf experience is something particular to Deaf people and their culture. While other cultures have food, music, clothing, etc. that are specific to that group, Deaf people do not have any specificity in these cultural categories. Harry Williams, a De’VIA artist notes how, “…in his Musical Notes Series, colored flowering dots stand in for musical notes. ‘Art is our music’…his works proclaim. In other words, culture and thought, like language, are not rooted in any one modality” (Lane et al., 1996 pg. 141). This idea not only refers to physical pieces of art. While using American Sign Language, a visual language, all performances and expressive literature are visual arts because of their modality. “The artistic use of language to express emotions related to cultural oppression and cultural pride is common to many postcolonial people and to the literature of American Deaf Culture as well” (Christie and Wilkins, 2007 pg. 43). Some of the most important things that can come from the creation and exposure to De’VIA are cultural learning, respect, and appreciation of others’ life perspectives.

De’VIA, while intended to be expressive of the Deaf experience, is not limited to an audience of only d/Deaf people. Betty Miller, the “mother of De’Via” said, “visual art can enlighten Deaf and hearing observers by presenting experiences reflective of a Deaf person’s worldview. This, in turn, can strengthen a Deaf observer’s sense of identity within the Deaf culture” (Durr, 2007 pg. 167). Further validating the idea that art can serve as a connecting piece between cultures, it is imperative to note that most deaf children are born into hearing families,7 so cultural discovery within the Deaf community (if any) does not occur until after childhood. Acclaimed former professor of Art History and Museum Studies at Gallaudet University, Deborah Sonnenstrahl compares the lack of cultural education to an encounter by Dr. Adolphus Ealey, a former curator of Black Art in Washington, D.C.: “When you go to a black child and ask him to name two famous white artists he can easily come up with a Picasso and a Rembrandt. But when you ask a white child to name two black artists, he can’t” (Washington Post,

7 “More than 90 percent of deaf children are born to hearing parents” (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services).

1992). In the same way, “if a hearing child were asked to name two deaf artists, chances are that he would not be able to do so either” (Sonnenstrahl, 2002 pg. xiii). The cultural information provided through art is not just crucial for deaf children, but also for their hearing friends and family. Observing such expressive art can trigger a range of emotional responses in anyone, no matter their hearing status. Additionally,

…artists who lived prior to the development of deaf culture did not have as many choices in their subject matter, deaf or De’VIA artists of the late 20th century challenge us with the emotions or perceptions evoked by their creations. We are called to stretch ourselves and become educated to view the works of art on their terms. When we view the works of art only through the eyes of the mainstream “hearing” culture, then we miss an opportunity to fully engage the works’ “multicultural” significance. The experience of being a deaf artist in America has changed and evolved alongside history, culture and technology. (Sonnenstrahl, 2002 pg. xiii)

This statement from Dr. Sonnenstrahl reinforces the significance of the De’VIA movement and its impact culturally for artists. The significance and responses surrounding certain pieces of De’VIA vary depending on the specific category of the art movement.

Resistance De’VIA

Audism

Oralism

Mainstreaming

Cochlear Implants

Identity Confusion

Eugenics

Affirmation De’VIA

Empowerment

ASL

Affiliation

Acculturation

Acceptance

Deafhood

Table 1: Chart recreated from Patti Durr’s preliminary thematic analysis of De’Via.

There are many categories of De’VIA art, but there are two main types that any artwork of the movement will be part of. The first being resistance art, which “illustrates how disenfranchised group members experience domination by the majority culture, and the art serves as an act of resistance” (Durr, 1999 pg. 48). The other type is affirmation art, 8 and “involves members of a disenfranchised group celebrating and highlighting the positive aspects of their culture” (Durr, 1999 pg.

8 This can be seen in close association to “Deaf Gain,” the cultural outlook that deafness has added value to the life of a Deaf person.

48-49). The individual themes that can be addressed in these areas are numerous. Included in Patti Durr’s research from the 2006 Conference Proceedings at Deaf Studies Today! is a preliminary, thematic analysis of De’VIA within Affirmation and Resistance Art and incorporates the themes listed in the chart above. Going beyond the two main types of De’VIA are several subcategories such as, “Southwest De’VIA, Native American De’VIA, Feminist De’VIA, Black De’VIA, CODA De’VIA, Late Deafened De’VIA, and so on” (Deaf Studies Today, 2007 pg. 68). 9A closer analysis of the themes listed above and examples of De’VIA works they can be seen in is beneficial for one’s understanding for the scope of power De’VIA as a messenger holds. “Many well-known non-deaf artists utilize doors to represent portals to other experiences, places and times. Within De’VIA, doors seem to be employed for the same purpose” (Durr, 2007 pg. 177). Artists of all levels of art skill rely on these themes for a variety of purposes. At the National Technical Institute for the Deaf (RIT), the Deaf Art/Deaf Artists course has a De’VIA self-portrait project. Herein,

many of the student self-portraits have resistance and affirmation themes and employ many of the motifs described… Trevor Sherman’s “Struggle Within”…depicts this struggle for identity integration. Using violent images of stakes and hooks, Sherman shows how he feels pulled by the Deaf world and stabbed by the hearing. A radio in his mouth represents his tendency to constantly talk and a rose in the lower right corner illustrates how everything beautiful also has its thorns. (Durr, 2007 pg. 182) 10

ASL poetry needs full visual access to understand this visual form of art and themes; the poem Black Hole: Color ASL, suggests that for a deaf person to disappear into the majority culture is to be sentenced to oblivion, which is a stark contrast to the ascending into personal freedom…In addition, flying can be said to represent freedom of the spirit, a type of spiritual re-birth from a deaf person into a Deaf person…This liberation poem describes the journey from resistance to affirmation by describing the Deaf experience of the journey into the Deaf community, the linguistic value of ASL, and the celebration of personal identity fulfillment. (Christie and Wilkins, 2007 pg. 12)

9 CODA is an acronym for Child of Deaf Adult

10 See Trevor Sherman’s “Struggle Within” at https://deaf-art.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/2004cSpring_ AStruggleWithin.jpg.

This message is not fully understood by written English translations since facial expression and other parameters.11 of ASL are not part of English. Black Hole: Color ASL is written as follows:

Ladder, rungs, ladder upright

I walk, come to ladder, and climb up

See pots of red paint, yellow, blue, green

Blue skies, dip into paint, splatter paint

Ladder shakes, people shake, I totter

Paint spills, the ladder shaken to dislodge, paint spills

Black hole looms, and I am endangered, paint spills

I flail and stagger, black paint spreads, I flail

Ladder is pulled down, I stagger and flail, struggle

Black looms, black looms, black looms

I fly and soar, colors all over, I fly

Colors all over, I fly, I soar. (Christie and Wilkins, 2007 pg. 10)12

Another very prominent symbol seen in De’VIA is plants. “Deaf poets use flowers and trees to represent Deaf children—both of which need nourishment from the Deaf community” (Christie and Wilkins, 2007 pg. 23). This visual trope then connects with other extensions of plants because “the symbol of roots affirms the feelings of sharing a collective history and cultural survival. While many Deaf people do not share a direct common ancestry as other ethnic/minority groups do, we do claim to share common “roots” in our celebration of the past achievements of other Deaf people and our commitment to the future of Deaf children. Thus, Deaf culture serves as a foundation for individual growth and survival of the group” (Christie and Wilkins, 2007 pg. 24). While these examples are positive, De’VIA artist Clayton Valli uses the powerful visual of plants to convey possibly a more powerful meaning. In his poem “Dandelion,” “Valli presents Deaf people as dandelions, natural, but viewed as undesirable to hearing people” (Christie and Wilkins, 2007 pg. 23). Many other works of De’VIA such as “Family Dog” by Susan Dupor use subject matter that reflects an ignorant point of view hearing people may have, which is that, although deafness is natural, the condition puts people on a lower status level. Deafness, however, does not affect status, the “hearing world”13 does.

11 The five parameters of ASL include handshape, location, palm orientation, movement, and non-manual markers.

12 Watching a video performance is recommended: https://youtu.be/rbxPKUOvKYg?si=alZLSXvjlp-K7k89.

13 This term refers to easy accessibility of everyday life for hearing people (functions of the world and daily life were not designed with accessibility for d/Deaf people in mind).

Other Art Movements

The credibility of this art movement could be questioned by those unfamiliar with it. However, it would be beneficial conceptually to have De’VIA compared with the different art movements the United States has experienced. Art is something that is influenced by everything. The history of art movements in the U.S. such as the Harlem Renaissance movement, Chicano art movement, and the Native American art movement, “…provided a blueprint for the Deaf Art movement during the 1960s-1970s” (Silver pg. 38). The importance of art and its impact is not confined/exclusive to De’VIA, since “the experiences of living amongst the “other”

have been the themes of artworks created by Chicano, gay/ lesbian, women, Native Americans, and differently-abled artists. Disenfranchised groups create such pieces to: record their history and preserve their culture, communicate ideas, share and represent their collective experiences, create things that are aesthetically pleasing and/or of cultural value, and make sociopolitical statement and bring about social change. (Durr, 2007 pg. 168)

Other groups have used art to speak out against racism, homophobia, sexism, and much more. De’VIA is a source capable of resisting continuous decades of audism.14 De’VIA artist Chuck Baird recalls the United States’ reaction to the September 11 terrorist attack through artist response. Musicians and performers were quicker than visual artists to produce art in response to the tragedy. Baird said, “…in the Deaf community, visual arts, too, were the last to emerge. The I960s and 1970s sparked social changes for Deaf people and performing artists… Deaf visual artists were probably the last ones to respond to the social changes around…” (Deaf Studies Today, 2007 pg. 60).

It is crucial to look closer at the history of Deaf art in this country. Before the De’VIA movement began in the mid-1980s there were big things happening in the Deaf community in the preceding decades, as “the 1960s are seen as a time of rebirth for Deaf communities where ASL was utilized and celebrated. The National Theatre of the Deaf was created, and Deaf people began to value and cherish their heritage and cultural experiences, which for so long had existed underground” (Durr, 1999 pg. 63). Cultural pride movements such as De’VIA do not form inexplicably. Ann Silver, a well-known affirmation De’VIA artist, recalls the movements that came before D’VIA, all surrounding, “… Deaf Pride activism. The Deaf Art Movement [DAM], however small,

14 That is, “…to face subtle and blatant barriers on a daily basis: inequality, communication inaccessibility, language control, stereotyping, marginalization…” (Silver pg. 42).

was an assault not only on the oppressive roots of the larger art world but also on our art department. In a sense, the DAM was a precursor to the ‘Deaf President Now!’ [DPN]15 movement and the ‘De’VIA’ [Deaf View/Image Art] movement of the late 1980s” (Silver, pg. 38). The general public, and assumedly those involved in areas of art history, has little to no knowledge of Deaf art. Alternatively, the information available about areas of art such as Baroque or Impressionism is abundant and widely known. However, as Deborah Sonnenstrahl clarifies, “there is no literature on the unique aesthetic of deaf artists, with the possible exception of sporadic newspaper clippings and occasional magazine articles devoted to a single artist” (Sonnenstrahl, 2002 pg. xiii). Sonnenstrahl has published an anthology, Deaf Artists in America: Colonial to Contemporary, providing a source for those interested in Deaf art. Other experts cited throughout this research agree that when it comes to mainstem coverage of these artists, “…it is important to acknowledge the lack of interest and scholarship in this field by art critics and historians” (Durr, 1999 pg. 50). Art depends on spectators of all kinds including critics; any attention is good attention for pieces of art and their artist. In response to the low attention from art critics writing about De’VIA, artist Paul Johnston suggests the following:

…hire an art critic who would be glad to write whatever we want. We also can do critique ourselves, like the French Impressionists or any group did. Let us, any of us experts, artists, art lovers or De’VIA followers start writing or saying about your or other artists’ works. Don’t wait for them to tell you…The shelf containing information on De’VIA is almost empty; there are too few resources. We need to fill that shelf so that someday, an art critic or two will pick them up and learn about De’VIA. (Deaf Studies Today, 2007 pg. 71)

The information in this area is slim, but with more research and exposure, people will learn about De’VIA and the power it has for everyone’s art consumption, regardless of hearing level.

De’VIA is a hidden art, but to overcome existing barriers, De’VIA should be included in art education/history and Deaf culture classes. We should move away from the unfamiliarity surrounding De’VIA, ideally entering a period of recognition just as other disenfranchised groups are currently. However,

art historians have yet to focus their trained eyes on Deaf art in the U.S. and abroad, to deliver an analysis of its themes and methods, to inventory the many artists, and to present their works in book form. Deaf artists have yet to be recognized in 15

the larger art world, despite their growing and enthusiastic following…and despite the wide attention to the art of other groups such as African-Americans and Native Americans. (Lane et al. 1996 pg. 143)

To better understand the Deaf experience, the exposure and analysis of De’VIA is something that should be more common in a variety of education courses. Patti Durr notes, “the inclusion of Deaf View/Image Art into Deaf Studies, Deaf Education, ASL and interpreter training curriculum can foster greater discussion, discourse and discovery in this art movement and to enhance a deeper understanding of Deaf history and Deaf culture” (Durr, 1999 pg. 23). When the topic is taught to the people who have passion for art or Deaf studies, the information will be carried through them to others.

References

Christie, Karen and Wilkins, Dorothy “Themes and symbols in ASL poetry: Resistance, affirmation, and liberation” (2007). Accessed from http:/scholarworks.rit.edu/ article/1001.

Deaf Studies Today! Conference Eldredge B. K. Stringham D. Wilding-Diaz M. M. & Utah Valley State College. (2007). Deaf Studies Today!: Simply complex: 2006 conference proceedings. American Sign Language and Deaf Studies Program Utah Valley State College.

Durr, P. (1999). Deconstructing the forced assimilation of deaf people via de’via resistance and affirmation art. Visual Anthropology Review, 15(2), 47–68. https://doi. org/10.1525/var.2000.15.2.47.

Durr, P., & De. (2007). American Sign Language and Deaf Studies Program. In Deaf Studies Today! Simply Complex: 2006 Conference Proceedings (pp. 167–187). Orem, UT; Utah Valley State College.

Goodstein, H., & Brown, L. (2004). Deaf Way II: an international celebration.

Lane, H., Hoffmeister, R., & Bahan, B. J. (1996). A journey into the Deaf-world. DawnSignPress.

Schiff, D. (2010). Information behaviors of deaf artists. Art Documentation: Journal of the Art Libraries Society of North America, 29(2), 44–47. https://doi.org/10.1086/ adx.29.2.27949552.

Silver, A. (1999). My Experience as an Artist Vis-à-Vis Deaf Art. Visual Anthropology Review, 15(2), 37–46.

Sonnenstrahl, D. (2002). Deaf artists in America: colonial to contemporary. DawnSignPress.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2021, March 25). Quick statistics about hearing. National Institute of Deafness and Other Communication Disorders. https://www.nidcd.nih.gov/health/statistics/quick-statistics-hearing.

The Katyn Massacre: Censorship, Discursive Cleansing, and Suppression from the American Viewpoint

By C. J. Ramaker

Faculty Mentor: Dr. John Dunn, Department of History

Article Abstract:

In the summer of 1943, German forces exhumed the remains of over 22,000 Polish prisoners of war located on the periphery of Smolensk, Russia, in a nearby forest of Katyn. All evidence of the murderous orchestration pointed to the evidently guilty Soviet Union, who maintained vehement denial of having any involvement in the slaughter for several decades. The consistent censorship of Katyn was executed in numerous countries, including the United States. The United States found itself a culprit in discursively cleansing any and all knowledge regarding Katyn, so as to not harm relations with an already uneasy Soviet Union. This article explores the brazen suppression of newspeak, knowledge, and propaganda of the Katyn Massacre from the American standpoint. In this article, I explore the blatant expungement of all discussion regarding Katyn from the American media, and I investigate the reasons behind the United States’ willingness to comply with the oppressive Soviet Union. The research conducted in this article concurrently highlights the cost in which Polish Americans suffered at the hands of both American and Soviet officials by means of palpable censorship and the lack of consideration for Polish American audiences.

“Let those who have hitherto not imbrued their hands with innocent blood beware lest they join the ranks of the guilty, for most assured the three Allied Powers will pursue them to the uttermost ends of the Earth and will deliver them to their accusers in order that justice may be done.” –Stalin, Churchill, Roosevelt, 1943.1

In a harsh double entendre, some say the “Dnipro River ran red” after the Katyn Massacre. With so many killed in the Katyn forest near the banks of the Dnipro River, on the outskirts of Smolensk, Russia, the red stain of communism and order to execute more than 20,000 Polish prisoner of war by Joseph Stalin proved to be atrocious. The mass graves covered up the dreadful acts of bloodshed, but the larger cover-up was orchestrated by the “Peoples’ Commissariat for Internal Affairs,” better known as the Soviet secret police, which kept the mass murders expurgated for decades.2 These horrid executions of the Polish prisoners took place amidst the peak of World War II in the summer of 1940, yet the heat of the war overlooked and neglected the whereabouts of the missing for years. The controversy and discursive cleansing of Katyn has led to numerous countries aiding in the censorship of the murders, therefore fueling the debate of Polish justice for decades. The United States of America has found itself a perpetrator and has played a part in suppressing information regarding Katyn. The United States aided in the concealment of newspeak, concern, and knowledge regarding the Katyn Massacre, so as to not further strain relations with a growingly indignant Soviet Union.

Upon unearthing the news of the Katyn Massacre, American newspapers and editorials chose to downplay the atrocity by immediately presuming German guilt and responsibility. Notably, more “progressive” publications had conjecturally assumed that the Katyn gravesite area and its surroundings had been under Nazi control for numerous years and expressed skepticism about Nazi claims of Soviet involvement.3 Assumptions, such as the statements of The New Republic, Time Magazine, The New York Times, and The Washington Post, provided firm accusations of the Nazis’ engagement and exploitation of propaganda. For instance, author David Januszewski, in his article, The Case for the Polish Exile Government in American Press, 1939 – 1945, divulges how The New Republic supported public distrust that “any mature political personalities, wise in the ways of war and propaganda, could possibly have fallen for Goebbel’s crude and outrageous provocation.”4 This evidence

1 Stalin, Churchill, Roosevelt, U.S Department of State, “Protocol, Signed at Moscow, November 1st, 1943,” Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, no.1, Document 684, (1943): Annex 10 https://history.state.gov/ historicaldocuments/frus1943v01/d684.

2 Alexander Etkind, Rory Finnin, et al: Remembering Katyn, (United Kingdom, Polity Press, 2012), 1.

3 David G. Januszewski, “The Case for the Polish Exile Government in the American Press, 1939-1945,” Polish American Studies 43, no.1 (1986): 4, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20148190.

4 “The Poles and the Russians,” The New Republic, 108, 10 May 1943, pp. 623-624, quoted in Januszewski, The Case

indicates that the majority of the United States agreed that Germans were the ones liable for the atrocity, and that larger powers such as the Soviet Union, could not have possibly executed a crime to this degree. In a corresponding fashion, top officials chose to reduce discussion of Katyn by focusing on quelling the Polish populace’s uproar. 5

Superior allied commanders, such as Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, dismissed talk of Katyn by formally uniting with the Soviet Union at both the Tehran and Yalta conferences, therefore placing pressure on the Polish-American populace to submit to Soviet influence. The Tehran conference was held to both coordinate the military approach against Germany and Japan, as well as examine decisions concerning the post-WWII epoch.6 The Tehran Conference began the spiral toward Polish submission via agreements to Soviet control over Eastern Poland. This action was agreed upon by all three leaders, however Roosevelt refused to publicly lecture on the subject matter so as to not lose nor distance his Polish-American voters. News of Tehran sparked a vast uproar for Polish Americans as they felt they had been wronged by Roosevelt’s compliance toward Soviet pressure. Polish Americans were met with additional transgression in 1944 when the Division of European Affairs of the Department of State counselled the President, averring that the only way to manage the Polish uproar was to essentially abandon the Poles and “force them to swallow whole the Soviet demands.”7 This proclamation exemplifies the demand on Polish Americans to simply comply with the Soviet Union in order to focus on safeguarding a sounder relationship with Stalin and his country. In addition to this injustice, Polish Americans were furthermore silenced by the deals assembled at the Yalta Conference. 8 In correspondence with the previous argument, the Yalta Conference confirmed the worries of Polish bowdlerization as Roosevelt sealed the Poles’ fate by chiefly releasing Poland into Joseph Stalin’s grasp. It was here at Yalta that the Communist Provisional Government of Poland was recognized and decided upon by all three Allies. Stalin stated that there would be democratic representation from both Poland and other countries and swore to “be pledged to the holding of free and unfettered elections …as soon as possible.”9 This loss enraged the Polish populace, as they felt their country was deprived of their freedom, for the Polish Exile Government in the American Press, 1939-1945, 4.

5 anuszewski, The Case for the Polish Exile Government in the American Press, 1939-1945, 4-5.

6 U.S Department of State, “The Tehran Conference, 1943,” Foreign Relations of the United States: Milestones in the History of Foreign Relations (1937-1946), https://history.state.gov/milestones/1937-1945/tehran-conf.

7 Robert Szymczak, “A Matter of Honor: Polonia and the Congressional Investigation of the Katyn Forest Massacre,” Polish American Studies 41, no.1 (1984): 6, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20148144.

8 Szymczak, A Matter of Honor, 6.

9 Richard C. Lukas, The Strange Allies: The United States and Poland, 1941–1945 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1978), 140, quoted in Robert Szymczak, “Cold War Airwaves: The Polish American Congress and the Justice for Poland Campaign,” Polish American Studies 72, no.1 (2015): 7, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/ poliamerstud.72.1.0041.

and their voices unheeded. Not only had Roosevelt continued to set discussion of Katyn aside, but Polish outcries regarding the American hypocrisy at Yalta had also been censored in hopes of satisfying Stalin. In his journal article Cold Airwaves: The Polish American Congress and the Justice for Poland Campaign, Robert Szymczak writes that numerous Polish newspapers declared the Yalta Conference despicable and a crime against an already muzzled Polish community. By way of illustration, Szymczak drew on the word of the Dziennik Polski, which painted Yalta as “the shame of the twentieth century…it would be difficult to find an example of greater deceit in the annals of civilization…the nation that was most faithful [to the Allied cause] was treated by her Allies worse than their enemies.”10 This quote is a clear depiction of the impact brought forth by the deceitful decision made by the allies at Yalta. Additionally, matters regarding Katyn took a turn for the worse at the Nuremberg trials. 11

The Nuremburg trials proved to fail Polish–American audiences once more, as the blame was yet again placed squarely upon the shoulders of the Germans with the demand of Allied reticence. On the outset of the Nuremburg trials, the Soviets devised a list of charges they would accuse the Nazis of committing during World War II. This list included a charge of the murder of Polish officers with the Nazis as the perpetrator. Although this was against the advice of American Prosecutor and Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson, the Soviet prosecution continued to proceed with their accusations. While the Soviets had ill-prepared evidence against the Nazis, the Allied powers had no choice but to comply reluctantly with their tribunal. In his monograph, Katyn: The Untold Story of Stalin’s Massacre, Allen Paul recites a statement given by Robert H. Jackson reluctantly declaring that even if the Soviets thought they could somehow confirm their case against the Germans regarding Katyn, “they were entitled to do so under the division of the case.”12 Throughout the trial, a lack of substantial evidence was served regarding the Germans’ guilt. The allied countries of France, Great Britain, and the United States begrudgingly stood by the Soviets as they continued to grasp for any evidence of blame on the Nazis. By the end of the trial, the case of Katyn was quietly dismissed as the lack of evidence proved to be insufficient to blame either side— Soviets or Germans. In a similar statement in Paul’s monograph, it is indicated that the Soviets’ allies had doubts about the Soviets’ claim against the Nazis, but had no choice but to submit to the Soviets’ per-

10 Dziennik Polski, “Results of the Crimea Talks of the ‘Big Three’: Official Joint Statement by Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin,” Dziennik Polski (1945), quoted in Robert Szymczak, “Cold Airwaves: The Polish American Congress and the Justice for Poland Campaign,” Polish American Studies 72, no.1 (2015): 7, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/ poliamerstud.72.1.0041.

11 Szymczak, Cold War Airwaves, 6 – 8.

12 Allen Paul, Katyn: The Untold Story of Stalin’s Polish Massacre, (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1991), 335.

sistent demand. Although it is to be assumed that the United States refused to elaborate on the concern of Katyn, efforts were made to bring light to the deeply-censored topic, such as the labors made by the Madden Committee.13

The Madden Committee was established in the hopes of finally revealing Soviet culpability for the Katyn Massacre, as well as to disclose the censorship of Katyn within the United States. The United States selected Arthur Bliss Lane, an emeritus American spokesman who served as ambassador to Poland during the Post-WWII period. Following the Nuremburg Trials, Lane made it his responsibility to inform the American public of the atrocities concealed from them regarding the Katyn Massacre. The Committee was established in 1949 at a conference in New York with the patronage of United States Representative of Indiana, Ray J. Madden. There, Lane not only discussed the Committee’s goal of revealing Soviet guilt but also mentioned the growing evidence that served against the Soviets after their failures at Nuremburg. The expansion of the committee was beyond difficult, as gaining members and firsthand accounts was problematic. Nonetheless, the committee gained two essential primary accounts of the Massacre. Both General Wladyslaw Anders of the Polish Army and United States Lieutenant Colonel John Van Vliet Jr. provided firsthand accounts of their findings and subsequent involvement regarding Katyn. Vliet compiled his account of being taken by German officials to view the exhumations of the graves in 1943 and was prompted by the Madden Committee to reform his account in 1950 in order to testify. Furthermore, Anders’ and Vliet’s accounts were vital in the development of the United States House Select Committee Hearings regarding the Katyn Massacre. 14 The United States House Select Committee to Conduct an Investigation of the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Massacre proved to be the most coherent effort in identifying the evidence and truth surrounding the Katyn Massacre. These hearings presented meticulous witness testimonies and physical exhibitions to prove Soviet accountability. As previously aforementioned, both Vliet and Anders provided excellent firsthand testimonies proving that the Soviets were to blame for the atrocity. With the help of Chairman Ray J. Madden, the committee unveiled new evidence regarding the truth of Katyn, such as the testimony of General Wladyslaw Anders. In his testimony in London, he discussed the whereabouts of the prisoners within the camps of Starobilsk, Ostashkov, and Kozielsk with Joseph Stalin. Stalin claimed he had no knowledge of any of the prisoners. Finally, when confronted about his opinion on whether the Soviets carried out the murders of the Polish officers, Anders steadily declared “there is

13 Wojciech Materski et al., Katyn: A Crime Without Punishment, (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007), 229 – 232.

14 Robert Szymczak, Cold War Crusader, 3-19.

absolutely no question here. The 15,000 Polish officers from those three camps were unquestionably murdered by the Russians.”15 Following Anders’ accusation, the committee unanimously proved “conclusively and irrevocably the Soviet NKVD (Peoples’ Commissariat of Internal Affairs) committed the massacre of Polish Army officers in the Katyn Forest near Smolensk, Russia.”16 The committee also declared that American officials had been unsuccessful in their duty to assess the risks the Soviet Union presented to Americans, and the officials deliberately concealed information to American citizens regarding the mass execution. Despite these crucial findings, the United States and its officials still managed to set aside the severity of Katyn by containing the information found by the Select Committee.17

The knowledge of the Katyn Massacre as revealed by the Select Committee was still greatly concealed by the American Government by way of media censorship and authoritative proscription. Following the conclusions confirmed by the Select Committee, numerous actions were still taken to avoid any negative publicity in an attempt to salvage the United States Government’s image. In the article The United States and Poland in World War II, Polish-American historian Anna M. Cienciala eludes that the United States took active charge to keep Katyn out of American media irrespective of Soviet responsibility by stating that “despite clear evidence of its [Soviet Government] guilt…both the U.S and British governments kept the Katyn news out of their media.” 18In addition to this, the verdict of the Select Committee was simultaneously withheld from the American allies in the United Nations. Author Valarian Karcz of the article The Polish American Congress 1944 – 1959 attests that “the blame for this horrible act of genocide was squarely placed on the shoulders of Kremlin tyrants… however…due to some inexplicable expediency, or perhaps, mysterious intricacies of American diplomacy, the evidence gathered by the Select Committee has not been presented to the United Nations.”19 This quote underlines the notion that the United States continued the process of discursive cleansing involving Katyn even after the subsequent confirmation of the Soviets’ criminal malpractice. Moreover, the Select Committee’s verdict was additionally stilled in the wake of the Korean War.20

The Eisenhower Administration deliberately hushed all talk of Katyn on the onset of the Korean War so as to not further rile the Soviet Union over the already tense affair. Upon Dwight Eisenhower’s

15 United States House of Representatives, “The Select Committee to Conduct an Investigation and Study the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre”, Washington: U.S Government Print Off (1952), 1169.

16 United States House of Representatives, The Select Committee to Conduct an Investigation and Study the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre, 10.

17 Benjamin Fischer, The Katyn Controversy: Stalin’s Killing Field, (United States: CSI Publications, 2013), 5-6.

18 Anna M. Cienciala, The United States and Poland in World War II, (The Polish Review, 2009), 17.

19 Valarian Karcz, The Polish American Congress 1944 – 1959, (Polish American Studies, 1959), 6.

20 Karcz, 6.

election into office, the decision was made to intentionally stifle the Katyn murders in the hopes that the discussion of Katyn wouldn’t both disrupt tensions regarding the unpopular Korean War as well as dwindle Eisenhower’s fresh image in office. Eisenhower was advised to subside the Select Committee’s pleas to share the information gathered with the United Nations, instead it was decided to abandon the issue altogether rather than “risk antagonizing Moscow further over the explosive Katyn affair.”21 Likewise, Eisenhower saw himself situated right in the public disinterest of the Korean War, as many people disfavored yet another war following World War II. Author Robert Szymczak of the article The Vindication of Memory: The Katyn Case in the West, Poland, and Russia, 1952 – 2008 asserts that “the new Eisenhower Administration, eager to find a solution to the Korean dilemma, did not wish to antagonize the Soviet Union, which continued to blame the Katyn atrocity on the Nazis, at this critical juncture.”22 This quote reveals the deliberate continued and exhausted censorship of Katyn, as the hopes of the new Eisenhower administration prioritized tolerating the Soviet’s patience rather than revealing their wrongdoings out of fear of both the Korean War issue, as well as the growing fear of developing Soviet-American tensions.23

The crime of the Katyn Forest Massacre has forever left its detrimental stain on history. Justice for the victims, their families, and their communities is forever tarnished with the opinion that Katyn was simply too controversial for the eyes of the public, and it remained purposely concealed for decades preceding the initial discovery of the graves. This severe injustice allowed the Soviet perpetrators to control their allies, such as the United States, to facilitate their heinous demands of cooperation. Polish communities will forever live with the knowledge of the United States assistance in suppressing awareness this massacre, a guilt that has generationally stained those of Polish descent. In a chilling quote as told by the narrator of an archival film entitled The Katyn Massacre, 1947, released by the United States National Archives in 2010, it is affirmed that “somewhere, the killers still live. Their memories are their only punishment.”24

21 Robert Szymczak, Cold War Crusader, 27.

22 Robert Szymczak, “The Vindication of Memory: The Katyn Case in the West, Poland, and Russia, 1952 – 2008,” The Polish Review 53, no.4 (2008): 2, https://www.jstor.org/stable/25779772.

23 Szymczak, The Vindication of Memory, 419-453.

24 United States Central Intelligence Agency,” Moving Images Relating to Intelligence and International Relations, 1947 – 1984: Katyn”, United States: Echo Newsreel, (1973), Video Recording.

Turnout In the 2022 Senate Election: What Factors Predict Turnout Rates Across Georgia’s 159 Counties?

By Austin Peterson

Faculty Mentor: Dr. James LaPlant, Department of Political Science

Article Abstract:

The purpose of this analysis is to examine the key predictors of voter turnout within the Georgia 2022 gubernatorial election between Stacy Abrams (Democratic gubernatorial candidate) and Brian Kemp (Republican gubernatorial candidate). This article analyzes the variables that led to the re-election of Governor Kemp by researching data across each of Georgia’s 159 counties. This study reviews eight independent variables all at the county level: percentage of the African American population, percentage of the population 65 and older, percentage of the population with a college degree over 25 years of age, per-capita income, unemployment rate, population density, percentage of early voting, and percentage of mail-in voting. These variables’ effect on the dependent variable, voter turnout, is determined through a correlation analysis, scatterplots, boxplot, and multivariate regression analysis. Three of the eight variables proved to be statistically significant. Testing found that certain variables played a statistically significant role on the likelihood of voter turnout being high or low in each country. The measurement of voter turnout rates is an important tool when analyzing election integrity and outcome.

The United States of America holds more elections annually than most first-world democracies. In a calendar year, there are local, statewide, and special elections throughout. Every two years, the U.S. holds elections at the federal level. There are two types of elections: midterm elections or presidential elections. One of the more profound aspects of elections in the U.S. is the lower voter turnout rates compared to other first-world democracies. While a few democracies, such as Australia and Belgium, maintain mandatory voting, “There are about 22 countries worldwide that have compulsory voting but only 11 enforce it” (John Misachi, 2018). Though this system is only used in a few nations, we see an exceptionally high voter turnout rate within countries that implement this policy compared to those that do not have compulsory voting enshrined in law. As stated before, most nations do not follow this format. Many nations follow a non-mandatory voting format like the United Kingdom or the U.S. These systems tend to lead to a lower voter turnout, which is partly the cause for the U.S. falling behind. However, voter turnout has begun to be taken more seriously around the country. Voters are more informed; not only do they know more about ways to vote but they are more politically active than a decade ago. The LA Times reported on a survey that revolved around Americans under 30 and their level of political engagement. It was found that 36% of participants maintained an extremely elevated level of “political engagement” (David Lauter, 2021). Increasing voter turnout amongst young voters has become one of the Democratic Parties’ main goals, and it can be seen with varying success around the country. It can be argued that the state of Georgia has seen the most successful voter turnout amongst youth voters, with Millennial and Gen Z voters making up around 23% of the general election voters (Georgia Secretary of State, 2022). Events such as these have led to debate over which political party benefits the most from an increase in voter turnout, with politician scientists divided on the answer. While many claim one party will benefit, some object to this. More importantly, it is vital to know what factors drive voter turnout and why it is so unique to modern American culture.

This study investigates the following research question: What are the key predictors of voter turnout across the counties of Georgia in the 2022 gubernatorial election? Throughout, we will examine eight independent variables and how they impact voter turnout rates across every county within Georgia. We will examine factors such as race, income, and education, alongside different forms of voting, to find any negative or positive correlations with voter turnout. Before we enter the data analysis, we will review studies on voter turnout. We will discuss what voter turnout is, how it is calculated, what factors play a role within turnout, and whether high voter turnout is beneficial to one party or the other. It is worth noting that not everyone agrees that

an increase in turnout automatically helps one specific party over the other. We will then provide an overview of the data and our hypotheses. There will be a section where the data will be analyzed through a correlation and regression analysis, and a conclusion will be drawn strictly based on the information within this article. Potential future studies will also be included at the end.

Literature Review

It has become much easier to calculate voter turnout, especially since the introduction of electronic voting machines. According to MIT, “[Voter] Turnout can be measured in the aggregate by simply counting up the number who vote in an election” (MIT, 2022). Obtaining the number of total votes is easy, however, the second half leads to some problems. There is a large debate over what the denominator of the equation should be: either eligible voters, registered voters, or another form of measurement. Throughout most of U.S. history, presidential election turnout rates typically are above 50% and midterm election turnout would hover around 40% (MIT, 2022). This has changed since the 2016 election of Donald Trump, and turnout rates have surged in both midterm and presidential elections. In 2018, a 50% turnout rate was achieved for the first time in a midterm election. This momentum was followed in the 2020 presidential election where voter turnout increased by 7% (MIT, 2022).

In spite of how one measures voter turnout, its influences are the most important. Tanvi Patel writes, “A person’s likelihood to vote can change depending on their age, location, and economic conditions. But it is also influenced by more permanent characteristics like ethnicity, education, and gender” (Tanvi Patel, 2022). There are countless influences on what gets people out to vote; however, research indicates that eight core reasons explain why most individuals go out to the polls every other November. The core eight are: age, race, religion, gender, class, marital status, education, and voting laws (Tanvi Patel, 2022). Each one of these plays a massive role in not only determining if someone will vote, but each can indicate which political party an individual will vote for.

It is no secret that certain demographics tend to vote for one political party over the other, and this trend can be seen in countries outside the U.S. as well. In the U.K., there is a divide between rural and urban centers when it comes to voting for the Conservative Party or the Labour Party. Similarly, in Italy, their politics can be divided geographically, as the North differs from the South. The U.S. is divided geographically and through population density. The easiest way to review how certain demographics vote is to look back at previous elections. Based on the 2020 presidential election, “52% of registered voters are ages 50 and old-

er, up from 41% in 1996...More than half of Republican and GOP-leaning voters (56%) are ages 50 and older, up from 39% in 1996. And among Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters, half are 50 and older, up from 41% in 1996” (John Gramlich, 2020). This can be explained by the old saying, people tend to grow more conservative as they age. Yet it is fascinating how closely the two parties have complemented each other. Minority voters tend to vote heavily for the Democratic Party while, on the other hand, voters make up the bulk of Republican voters. During the 2018 midterm elections, white voters made a massive impact in battleground states, accounting for above the national average (67%) in Midwest states such as Wisconsin (86%), Ohio (82%), Pennsylvania (81%), and Michigan (79%) (Gramlich, 2020). However, this trend did not continue throughout the nation; as noted by Gramlich, “The reverse was true in some battleground states in the West and South.” In states such as Nevada (58%), Florida (61%), and Arizona (63%) the white vote fell below the national average (Gramlich, 2020). Certain groups can find themselves earning a higher vote share than their actual population would indicate. Dr. Reinhilde Veugelers researched the demographic changes in the 2016 election that led to President Donald Trump’s election and found that a few key groups outvoted their population. She found that voters over 50 outpaced their percent of the population by 8%. Their vote share came out to 53% and their total population is around 45% (Veugelers Reinhilde and Kingsley Nick, 2018). She also found that the more educated someone was, the more likely they were to vote. Typically, those with a college degree or higher outvoted their share in the population by around 3%. On the other hand, she concluded that the main contributing factor in the election of Donald Trump was white rural voters (Veugelers Reinhilde and Kingsley Nick, 2018). White voters outpaced their percentage in the population by 12% and rural nearly doubled their representation. The rural population holds roughly 14% of the total voting base, yet they made up 26.8% of the total votes cast, effectively doubling their impact on the presidential election. Dr. Reinhilde put it best when she wrote, “Young voters are under-represented in the vote compared to old ones. White US citizens are over-represented while African American and Hispanic citizens tend to have lower voter turnout. The rural population is over-represented in the voting population, compared to the urban population. Gender and income, in contrast, show only relatively minor differences between the voter and the eligible population. In terms of education, there is a moderate under-representation of the group with low levels of education” (Veugelers Rienhilde, 2018). This line of reasoning is what leads some to push back on the common belief that higher turnout benefits the Democratic Party over the Republicans. There is a suspicion that the Republican Party is attempting to suppress voter turnout to increase their chances of re-election. However,

some claim that increasing the number of ways people can vote will not have an impactful outcome. “Today’s partisans are leveling significant vitriol at legislation that may affect voter turnout in elections. But the political calculations at the heart of their wrath are certainly incorrect. Seventy years of survey data and election returns suggest that turnout has no systematic partisan consequences. Thus, barring changes in electoral practices, changes in turnout rates will have almost no impact on partisan outcomes” (Daron Shaw & John Petrik, 2021). Restricting the ways people vote can very well hamper your own voters as well. Those who follow this line of logic proclaim that voters are far more independent than we give them credit for and that proclaiming that one group of people will vote one way, or the other is at best a guess. It is also evident that demographics are changing. One of the fastest growing racial groups in the U.S. according to the Census Bureau, are Hispanic Americans. They are a culturally diverse group and have been found to not be tied down to one specific political party (John Gramlich, 2020). For instance, Donald Trump won Cuban Americans by a huge margin, however, he struggled to win over Hispanics to the west of the Rockies. The Hispanic voting bloc has continued to tend towards the Democratic party; however, Republicans have made notable inroads within the ethnic group (John Gramlich, 2020). Voter turnout is not guaranteed to split one way or the other, in part due to how our electoral system operates. The presidential election runs off the Electoral College, which can be won with less than 30% of the popular vote. “Our math went through a few iterations on this but by our final math, in 2012 that could have meant winning the presidency with only around 23 percent of the popular vote” (Danielle Kurtzleben, 2016). Senate and House elections are determined by popular vote, and turnout can play a much larger role in declaring the winner. However, in 2020 the GOP did far better in congressional and state-level elections. There was a huge surge in Democratic voters on the presidential level, yet many voters split their ticket when it came down to their own representatives. This is best summed up in this statement, “The GOP lost the presidency but won most of the competitive U.S. Senate races and gained seats in the House. It also did much better in state legislative races than expected” (Jon Ward, 2021). This is unmistakable evidence that voters can be very individualistic at every level of government. There is some evidence that could contradict their claims. Republicans won across that nation in 2016, taking the presidency, both chambers of Congress, and many state races. This result was due in part to a lower-than-expected turnout rate. On the other hand, Democrats took control back of all levels of the federal government just 4 years later, off the back of the highest uptick in voter turnout within the last few decades. The most impressive victory was a sweep of the Georgia Senate races, where low voter turnout was one of the causes that led to Republicans losing 2 Senate seats.

Georgia has become the most important swing state in the American South, and it decided which party controlled the Senate in 2020. Due to a handful of reasons, Republicans did not show up in the numbers needed to maintain their control. Senators Ossoff and Warnock both defeated incumbent Senators, and Democrats have held both chambers since. However, they lost control of the House in the 2022 midterms. This was expected, but due to high voter turnout, they maintained a close minority in the house. Meanwhile in the Senate, Democrats maintained control and flipped a Republican seat in Pennsylvania. Like the 2020 elections, the Georgia Senate race went to a runoff, the only difference being that it did not determine who controls the Senate. Warnock won re-election and will serve his first 6-year term. This election was controversial before the first vote was cast, due to the new voting laws set in place by the Georgia Legislators. The most contentious change was the banning of the act of passing out of water or food by political parties at voting centers. Governor Brian Kemp claimed that this ban was made to stop any political entity from swaying or bribing voters at the polls. According to CBS, “During the primary last June, precincts around the state were plagued by hour long lines, and voting rights groups were quick to point out that the late spring and summer heat make the ban on distributing food and water especially onerous” (Adam Brewster & Caitlin Huey-Burns, 2022). The law also introduced a hotline that anyone could call if they suspect illegitimate voting or breach of voting practices had taken place (Georgia Senate Bill 202, 2021). One of the positives to come out of the bill was an increase in the early voting period, and a commitment to reporting results in a timely manner.

The increase in early voting made a significant impact on the Senate race between Raphel Warnock and Hershal Walker, as over 2.5 million Georgians had already cast their votes before the election day (Sahil Kapur, 2022). According to the NBC News early vote tracker, 49% of early voters were Democrats, the majority were women (56%), and most early voters were 65 and older (35%). The most surprising statistic is that both registered Republicans and Democrats are taking advantage of early voting, as Republican voters represented a respectable 41% of early turnout. This shift to early voting has improved turnout from even a decade ago (NBC Early Vote Tracker, 2022). However, as stated previously, it is only one piece of the puzzle when it comes down to determining who will vote.

Date and Methods

This study focuses on eight core factors that should shed some light on predicting turnout within each county of Georgia. The unit of analysis are the 159 counties of Georgia, and the dependent variable

will be the turnout rate amongst each county. Turnout rates in Georgia are compared to the number of registered voters, which is just under 7 million. Georgia has one of the highest registration rates in the country, with over 60% of Georgians being registered to vote.

The independent variables were calculated at the county level and are as follows: percentage of African American population in a county, percentage of population over the age of 65, percentage of population 25 and older with a college degree, per capita income, unemployment rates, population density, percentage of mail-in votes, and percentage of early in-person votes. The numbers for these independent variables come from the U.S. Census Bureau: percentage of African American population in a country, percentage of population over the age of 65, percentage of population 25 and older with a college degree, per capita income, and population density. Unemployment comes directly from the Georgia Department of Labor Statistics and represents the unemployment rates from October 2022. The final two statistics come from the Georgia Secretary of State’s office, specifically from their report of the 2022 midterm election. All variables are displayed in table 1 below:

Table 1: Variables, Characteristics, and Sources

The first statistic is our dependent variable, voter turnout rates, and it ranges from 31.4% (Chattahoochee County) to a high of 74.3% (Oconee County), with most counties clustered around 57%. The research shows that Chattahoochee County was a statistical outlier compared to the rest of the state. Mail-in voting was surprisingly low, with a mean of just 5.7%. The population 65 and over, percentage of African American population, and population with a college degree all fell within the expected range. Unemployment rates ranged from 2% to 8.7%. Early voting was the most surprising statistic, as some counties had over 50% early voting when the General election was held.

The hypotheses of this study are listed below:

H1: As the percentage of the population with a college degree increases, voter turnout will rise.

H2: As per capita income increases, voter turnout will also increase.

H3: As the percentage African American population increases, voter turnout will fall.

H4: As the percentage 65 and older increases, voter turnout will rise.

H5: Turnout will be higher in urban counties than rural counties.

H6: Counties with lower unemployment will have higher turnout.

H7: The higher the percentage of mail-in votes, the higher turnout will rise.

H8: The higher the percentage of early voting, the higher turnout will rise.

Findings

After a correlation analysis, only three of the independent variables proved to be statistically significant in relation to the dependent variable. The other 5 did not have a large enough impact to be statistically significant. It is important to note that a positive value is equal to a positive correlation and a negative value is equal to a negative correlation. The 3 that are statistically significant are population of 65 and over, per capita income, and percentage of mail-in votes. Both population 65 and over and per capita income are statistically significant at p<0.05 with a correlation of 0.524 and 0.363, respectively. The percentage of mail-in votes is statistically significant at p<0.01 with a correlation of 0.185. The next closest independent variable is percentage of early vote, which has a correlation of 0.153. However, as stated previously, this is not statistically significant in relation to voter turnout. The African American population held a negative impact on voter turnout, with a correlation of –0.118, although this was deemed not statistically significant.

Table 2: Correlation Analysis of Voter Turnout in 2022 Georgia

Senate Race

Independent Variables Turnout Rate

African American Population -.118 Per Capita Income .363** Population 65 and Over 524** Population 25 and Older with a College Degree .093 Unemployment Rate 0.42 Population Density -.078 Percentage of Mail-in Vote .185*

Percentage of Early Vote .153

*Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed)

**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) .153

Figure 1 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates a positive relationshipbetween the percentage of the population 65 and over with turnout rate. The r-squared statistic is equal to 0.275 and indicates that this independent variable explains 27.5% of the variance that is within turnout. If a county has no population 65 and over, then turnout should be around 46.72%, which is the Y-Intercept. The slope is equal to 0.6, and this means that with every 1% increase in the population 65 and over, turnout will increase by 0.6%.

Figure 1: Scatter Plot of Population 65 and Over and Turnout Rate

Regression line Equation is Y = 46.72+0.6X. N = 159

Figure 2 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates a positive relationshipbetween per capita income and turnout. R-squared = 0.132, and represents that per capita income explains 13.2% of turnout. The Y-Intercept is 49.6% and represents the base line for turnout if per capita income were set to zero. The slope revealed a 0.000317 increase of turnout for every dollar increase in per capita income.

Figure 2: Scatterplot of Per Capita Income and Turnout Rate

Regression Line Equation: Y=49.6+3.17E-4X. N = 159

Figure 3 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates a positive relationship between percentage of mail-in votes and voter turnout. R-squared statistic = 0.034 and explains 3.4% of the variation in voter turnout. If a county had 0 mail-in votes, the expected turnout rate would be 54.83%. For every 1% increase in the mail-in votes, it is expected that voter turnout would increase 0.5%.

Figure 3: Scatterplot of Percentage Mail-in Vote and Voter Turnout

Regression Line Equation: Y=54.83+0.5X

Population density was calculated by the number of people per square mile. If a county’s population per square mile reached 100 or above, then it was considered an urban county. If the population per square mile was 99.9 or below, then it was given the label of rural. Table 3 found that rural counties had higher turnout than urban counties. On average, a rural county holds 1.5% higher turnout rates compared to urban counties, and the median value is 2.45% higher as well. Overall, rural counties are more likely to get people out to vote than urban counties. There is a greater variance across rural counties compared to urban counties as shown in the standard deviation values.

Table 3: Deeper analysis of Urban and Rural Turnout

The multivariate regression analysis in Table 4 reinforces the previous statement over which independent variables are statistically significant. The largest factor was the population 65 and over, with a t-score of 5.99, and the next highest being per capita income (t-score = 4.677). For every 1% increase in the population 65 and over, voter turnout goes up a half of a point (.507). The percentage of mail-in votes just reaches the threshold to be considered significant, at 2.002. African American population is the next strongest with a negative t-score of –1.309 but is not statistically significant. The most surprising statistic to me was that the unemployment rate had a negligible but negative impact on voter turnout. Another statistic of note was that college degrees did not impact voter turnout enough to be proven significant, and that it has a negative impact. These 8 variables explain over 40% of the variations in voter turnout within the counties of Georgia.

4: Multivariate Regression Analysis of Turnout in Georgia’s

N: 159

*p<.05 **p<.01 r-squared = 0.44

Table

Future Research

During this study’s completion, some independent variables were not considered due to time restraints. There are a few independent variables that would have been included if time had allowed: Trump vote 2020 by county, crime rate, COVID case numbers, gender, religion, marital status, and geography.

Conclusion

It is evident that the independent variables included explain a substantial amount of the variations that made up voter turnout during the 2022 Georgia Senate election. There are many distinct aspects to consider when discussing such a large concept as this, and it is fascinating how many external and internal pressures impact us every day. As for my hypotheses, 3 of them were proven correct, 3 trended the way I predicted but were not statistically significant, and 2 were proven incorrect. Per capita income, population 65 and over, and percentage of mail-in votes all contributed to increasing voter turnout and were proven to be statistically significant. Percentage of African American population, percentage of population with a college degree, and percentage of absentee voting all trended the way that was predicted; however, all 3 are not statistically significant. Finally, unemployment had no negative impact on voter turnout and urban counties had a lower turnout rate compared to rural counties. The last of these was the most interesting finding for me personally, as it was the opposite of my hypotheses. It is likely that high turnout in rural counties will be Governor Kemp’s greatest legacy when it comes to electoral politics. The negative relationship between African American population and voter turnout could merit further study. If I were to theorize, it is possible that the Democratic gubernatorial nominee, Stacy Abrams, was not able to rally the urban counties where African Americans have a higher percentage of the population. On the other hand, Kemp’s campaign was able to drive up turnout rates across rural Georgia. Population 65 and over and per capita income were the 2 strongest predictors of voter turnout. It is likely that age and income are linked to each other, as older generations tend to be wealthier. When one is wealthier, it is fair to say that they have more freedoms, including easier access to vote early and more importantly to vote on the day of the election. Comparatively, a younger individual who does not have access to that level of income might not have the time or ability to go to his or her polling station. Finally, the percentage of mail-in voting was shown to have a substantial impact on turnout rates. The percentage of early voting also held a positive force for increasing turnout, even if it was not statistically significant. Early voting and mail-in voting seem to be

linked, in that they both held similar positive values. It is logical that the more time an individual had to vote, and the more ways they could vote, the more likely they would be to do so. All four of these factors appear to share common ground. Those who are near or in retirement have more time to go out and vote. Those with high incomes can take off work to vote. Mail-in voting and early voting gives individuals the opportunity to vote. Access to voting could be the key to voter turnout. The U.S. has made large strides in educating the populace about voting, and for it to catch up to its democratic counterparts, there must be a willingness to give people the time and place to vote.

References:

“Data Hub - November 8, 2022, General Election.” Sos.ga.gov. https://sos.ga.gov/datahub-november-8-2022-general-election (December 6, 2022).

Georgia Department of Labor: https://dol.georgia.gov/ (December 6, 2022).

Georgia Senate Bill 202. Nyt.com. https://int.nyt.com/data/documenttools/georgia-sb-202/8f7976cadb0bcb56/full.pdf (December 6, 2022).

Gramlich, John. 2020. “What the 2020 Electorate Looks like by Party, Race and Ethnicity, Age, Education and Religion.” Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch. org/fact-tank/2020/10/26/what-the-2020-electorate-looks-like-by-Party-race-andethnicity-age-education-and-religion/ (October 31, 2022).

Kapur, Sahil. 2022. “Early Voting Breaks Records in Georgia as Bitter Senate Race Tests Red-to-Blue Drift.” NBC News. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2022-election/ early-voting-breaks-records-georgia-bitter-senate-race-tests-red-blue-rcna55810 (December 6, 2022).

Kurtzleben, Danielle. 2016. “How to Win the Presidency with 23 Percent of the Popular Vote.” NPR. https://www.npr.org/2016/11/02/500112248/how-to-win-the-presidency-with-27-percent-of-the-popular-vote (December 6, 2022).

Lauter, David. 2021. “Essential Politics: Young People’s Political Engagement Is Surging. That’s a Problem for Republicans.” The Los Angeles times. https://www.latimes. com/politics/newsletter/2021-04-23/surge-political-engagement-youth-problem-for-gop-essential-politics (December 6, 2022).

Misachi, John. 2018. “Countries with Mandatory Voting.” World Atlas. https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/countries-with-mandatory-voting.html (December 6, 2022).

MIT, “What is Voter turnout?”: Voter turnout | MIT Election Lab (December 6th, 2022).

NBC News. (2022, October 21). Tracking early voting in the 2022 midterm elections by state. NBC News. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2022-elections/early-vote (December 6, 2022).

Patel, Tanvi. 2022. “What Affects Voter turnout? The 8 Most Influential Factors.” Call Hub. https://callhub.io/what-affects-voter-turnout/ (October 31, 2022).

Shaw R. Daron & Petrocik R. John 2021. “Does High Voter turnout Help One Party?” National affairs.com. https://nationalaffairs.com/publications/detail/does-highvoter-turnout-help-one-Party (October 31, 2022).

US Census Quick Facts: https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/US/PST045221 (December 6, 2022).

Veugelers Reinhilde, Kingsley Nick. 2018. “How could voter turnout influence us elections outcome?” Bruegel. https://www.bruegel.org/blog-post/how-could-voter-turnoutinfluence-us-elections-outcome (December 6, 2022).

Ward, Jon. 2021. “Democrats and Republicans Agree That High Turnout Hurts the GOP. But What If They’re Wrong?” Yahoo News. https://news.yahoo.com/Democrats-and-republicans-agree-that-high-turnout-hurts-the-gop-but-what-if-theyrewrong- (October 31, 2022).

Linguistic Transfer: Application in an American Sign Language Cohort

By Addeline Wright

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Jennifer Beal, Department of Teacher Education

Article Abstract:

James Cummins proposed a theory in the 1970s suggesting learners can transfer knowledge, skills, and abilities from their first language to their second language, allowing previous linguistic experience to impact future abilities. However, these abilities are not often transferred between languages with different modalities, such as English and American Sign Language (ASL). University ASL learners were surveyed via Google Forms to determine how skills from their L1 (i.e., spoken English) might transfer to learning ASL as an L2 by asking students to self-rank their skills in English and ASL, as well as asking specific questions pertaining to L1 and L2 proficiency. Participants were also asked to self-rank abilities related to components of ASL to determine if negative or positive transfer occurred. Resulting data were analyzed via correlations and showed that the cohort demonstrated negative and positive linguistic transfer between English and ASL experience.

Linguistic Transfer: Application to an American Sign Language Cohort

Theory of Linguistic Interdependence. James Cummins’ Theory of Linguistic Interdependence refers to an individual’s ability to transfer linguistic skills and abilities to other languages, based on previous linguistic experience (Masyitha et al., 2020). While Cummins’ theory supplied information to the field about the transfer of linguistic skills from an L1 to other languages, it did not address transfer between languages of different modalities. Languages are considered to fall under two modalities: either oral communication (i.e., spoken verbally, such as English or Spanish) or manual communication (i.e., sign languages and systems, such as American Sign Language [ASL] or signed English) (Humphries et al., 2012).

Positive and Negative Linguistic Transfer. Individuals often have varying levels of comprehension of their L1, also called their first or home language. When one begins to learn a second language, or L2, this L1 experience can either promote or inhibit the acquisition of an additional language (Cummins, 1980). When considering positive linguistic transfer, the focus is on the similarities between languages, such as transferring reading skills from Italian to French (Masyitha et al., 2020). However, in some cases, previous linguistic experience inhibits the learning of a new language, known as negative transfer (Cummins, 1979). For instance, negative transfer could result from incorrect grammar when a native English signer uses ASL because of the ASL topic-comment sentence structure conflicting with the subject-verb-object structure of English.

ASL Terminology. Classifiers, also called depicting constructions, are a component unique to ASL that is innovative and signer-directed. Non-manual markers, or NMMs, are details such as head tilt, mouth shapes, and body positions that are vital to the grammar and context of ASL (Liddell, 2003). Depicting constructions and NMMs do not have English equivalents and these nuances can be difficult to grasp as a non-native signer (Beal et al., 2022a). For example, in English, the sentence “Mark parked the car outside,” follows a third-person narration. In ASL, narration is portrayed in the first-person perspective through constructed action and role shift, where the signer becomes the subject or topic to show their actions. An example of using NMMs in ASL would be to indicate the size of an item as bigger than another by using the “cha” mouth morpheme while using the sign BIG. Deaf adults and native signers more frequently use constructed action and multiple perspectives to express narratives, as they are natural components of the language and its usage (Beal et al., 2022a; Liddell, 2003). ASL learners frequently struggle with fluent usage of classifiers and constructed action (Beal et al., 2022a).

Linguistic Experience. When learners acquire a new language, the modality is either the same as or different from their L1. If the new language occurs in a different modality, the learner is considered an M2L2 learner, or a second modality-second language learner (Chen Pichler, 2011). For example, in the case that a student was to primarily use English and then start learning ASL, they would be an M2L2 learner. Most interpreters and teachers of the deaf who work with deaf children in the United States are M2L2 learners, with spoken language being their first language, typically English (Beal et al., 2022a). The difference in modality affects the receptive and expressive skills of an individual, as well as how they transfer those skills to other linguistic abilities (Beal, 2020). Receptive language refers to the ability to process and understand language. In orally communicated languages, receptive skills are the ability to understand words, both spoken and written, and how that language is processed. In ASL, receptive language relates to the ability to understand a signer and comprehend the signed communication, including the nuanced details of ASL, such as non-manual markers and classifiers (Beal, 2020). (ASL does not have a written form.) Expressive language skills refer to how an individual can relay their thoughts using language. For example, in signed languages, expressive skills are shown by the production of signs and non-manual markers. According to the principles of linguistic transfer, previous linguistic experience impacts the ability to learn new languages (Cummins, 1979). Balanced bilingualism can only occur when an individual has fluency in an L1. Linguistic transfer may not occur as readily when applied to languages of different modalities (Beal, 2022). M2L2 learners likely experience some linguistic transfer; however, it may be restricted in comparison with transfer between languages in the same mode (Beal et al., 2022b). Linguistic transfer for learners of ASL at the university level is an area for further research.

Kemp (1998) stated that it is much more difficult to move from intermediate to advanced signing abilities than it is to move from basic to intermediate, partially because of all the nuances of ASL. This shows that many students might quickly reach basic or conversational levels of ASL but find it difficult to become fluent. In some cases, students have a conversational comprehension of a language, but lack the nuances to perform at high-achieving levels academically (Starfield, 1994). Most students in university ASL courses have limited previous ASL experience but have extensive experience in their L1 or possibly an L2 different from ASL. The degree and extent of transfer from an L1 to an L2 is directly correlated to one’s motivation and opportunities to develop these skills (Cummins, 1980). The potential for transfer between students’ L1 to their learning of ASL inspired the present study. I sought to measure students’ self-report of factors related to linguistic transfer within a cohort of ASL students at Valdosta State University (VSU)

through a survey.

Research Questions. The purpose of this survey was to collect data on how various L1 and L2 linguistic components affected other components for M2L2 learners. Using a survey, students in VSU’s ASL cohort were asked questions to determine whether previous linguistic experience, specifically the learner’s L1, impacted their current learning of ASL. Questions were also asked of students during the survey to determine whether various elements of ASL affect each other, such as classifier usage affecting overall expressive linguistic ability. The research questions for this study were:

RQ1: How do a cohort of ASL students self-rate their proficiency across English, ASL, and specific ASL components after three university-level ASL classes?

RQ2: Are there any correlations between specific components of ASL that hinder or benefit linguistic transfer, resulting in negative or positive transfer, between English and ASL?

Methods

Participants. Students in two university classes, an ASL III class and an interpreting class, were provided a QR code/link to complete the online survey via Google Forms, and responses were anonymous. The cohort consisted of ASL interpreting majors, deaf education majors, and deaf studies minors. Participation was voluntary and presented as an opportunity to help a fellow student with linguistic research. Students were informed of the confidentiality aspects of the project and assured their responses would be anonymous.

Survey. The survey included 29 total questions. Some questions had a multiple-choice format for responses, a few had the option to click multiple options, and some had short-answer responses. Students also self-reported their language abilities using the descriptions in need of remediation, basic, conversational, and fluent. Each English question had an ASL equivalent, and the method of response was the same for the questions that matched. For example, when participants were asked their last grade in a university-level English class, they were also asked their last grade in a university-level ASL class, and were given the following options: A, B, C, D, or lower.

Data Analysis. The survey results were downloaded from Google Forms into an Excel spreadsheet and analyzed qualitatively for overall responses and with correlations among responses.

Results

Participants. Twelve of a possible 25 students in the cohort (48%) responded to the survey. First, I collected background data from students. Eight students were ASL interpreting majors, one was a deaf education major, and three were deaf studies minors. Ages of students ranged from 18 to 35 years, with a mean age of 22. Two students reported attending speech therapy in their childhood and three reported having learning disabilities, including dyslexia, suspected dyscalculia, and issues retaining information, specifically affecting receptive skills. The student with suspected dyscalculia reported that these issues would impact their directional skills, as well as object permanence, which would impact their overall expressive ASL skills.

Nearly all students (N = 11, 91.7%) reported their L1 to be English, while one student (8.3%) reported Spanish to be their L1. Nine students (75%) reported that ASL was their second learned language, while three students (25%) reported ASL as their L3, and two students (16.7%) reported Spanish as their L2. Two students (16.7%) included learning Japanese as their L3. Out of the four students who reported learning more than two languages (33.3%), three students (75%) reported lower overall self-rankings in ASL than their peers who learned ASL as an L2. Nearly half of the students (N = 5, 41.7%) reported learning ASL I and II in high school. Ten participants (83.3%) completed ASL I-IV in a college class at VSU, while the remaining two students (16.7%) took collegiate ASL courses at another institution. Interpreting, deaf education, and deaf studies minor programs all require ASL I-IV at VSU. Interpreting majors (N = 8) are required to take Numbers, Fingerspelling, and Classifiers as an additional ASL class, and they had completed or were in the process of completing the class at the time the survey was administered. All participants reported receiving an “A” in their last ASL course. Related to length of signing time, three students (33.3%) reported using ASL for one semester, two (16.7%) reported more than two years, one (8.3%) reported exactly three years, and three students (25%) reported longer than three years. Four students (33.3%) reported their overall ASL signing ability to be basic, seven (58.3%) reported conversational, and one (8.3%) reported fluent. RQ1 Results. The first research question addressed students’ self-ratings of their L1, L2, and specific components of both languages. All participants reported their overall skill and ability in English to be fluent, while eleven students (91.7%) reported their receptive English skills to be fluent. One student (8.3%) ranked their receptive skill level as basic. The student who described having basic receptive skills learned English as a second language. When asked to rank their English reading and writing skills, participants were given a scale of 1-5, 1 indicating poor and 5 indicating mastery. Nine students (75%) indicated that both

their reading and writing skills were a 5, two students (16.7%) reported their skills as a 4, and one student (8.3%) reported their skills to be a 3. The majority of students who either reported having a learning disability (N = 4, 33.3%) or who reported English as their L2 (N = 1, 8.3%) were the students who described their reading and writing skills as a 3 or 4. Ten out of 12 students (83.3%) reported receiving an “A” in their last English class taken, whether collegiate or in high school. The other two students (16.7%) responded that they had received a “B” for the last English class taken.

Students were asked specifically about their receptive and expressive skills in ASL. Receptively, one student (8.3%) reported in need of remediation, five (41.7%) reported their skills to be basic, five (41.7%) conversational, and one (8.3%) reported fluent, while expressively, two students (16.7%) reported being in need of remediation, three (25%) basic, six students (50%) rated themselves as conversational, and one (8.3%) as fluent. Of note, the fluent self-ratings are all from the same student.

Students were similarly asked to self-rate their skills in areas of ASL overall, as neither specifically receptive nor expressive. Specific to ASL grammar/syntax, three students (25%) reported as in need of remediation, five students (41.7%) reported their syntax/grammar skills to be basic, four (33.3%) as conversational, and none self-reported as fluent. Specific to ASL topic-comment, two students (16.7%) reported their skills to be in need of remediation, three (25%) said basic, six (50%) participants reported conversational abilities, and one (8.3%) ranked their skills fluent. Three students (25%) reported their overall skills for classifiers to be in need of remediation, while four students (33.3%) reported basic, and five students (41.7%) ranked their skills as conversational. No student reported fluency with classifier usage in ASL. Related to NMMs, one student (8.3%) self-rated as in need of remediation, four (33.3%) as basic, six (50%) as conversational, and one (8.3%) as fluent. Specific to self-ratings of ASL vocabulary, five students (41.7%) rated as basic while seven students (58.3%) reported a conversational level.

RQ 2 Results. The second research question addressed correlations among L1 and L2 components. The correlation between students’ self-ratings for ASL grammar/syntax and topic-comment was significant (see Table 1).

Table 1. Correlations between English (L1) and ASL (L2) for 12 M2L2 learners of ASL.

Student self-ratings for overall ASL skills and receptive ASL skills strongly and significantly correlated. Student self-ratings for ASL NMMs and expressive ASL skills strongly correlated, although this correlation was not significant at the p < 0.05 level. Similarly, there was a weak and insignificant negative correlation between ASL grammar/ syntax and ASL NMMs. Finally, weak negative correlations (ranging from r = -.120 to -.263) were found between ASL classifiers and overall ASL rating, NMMs, vocabulary, and topic-comment.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to evaluate prior linguistic experience and its impact on current and future ASL uptake, specifically related to L1 and L2 experience in English and ASL, as well as to evaluate the relations between ASL components.

RQ 1 Discussion. First, the characteristics of the participants were generally similar to other cohorts of university learners (Beal, 2020; Beal et al., 2022a; Kemp, 1998). Their L1, in most cases, were English and all learned ASL starting in high school or college. The students were able to rate themselves in English as well as ASL, including specific components of both. Their ability to do so allowed bivariant correlations to occur, resulting in an evaluation of data, allowing RQ2 to be assessed.

RQ2 Discussion. Difference in modality between English and ASL may affect signers’ receptive and expressive ASL skills (Beal, 2020) through positive and negative linguistic transfer (Cummins, 1979). Based on present data, negative and positive transfer were both noticed in this ASL III cohort at VSU. Negative transfer includes linguistic components that are present in a student’s L2 but not L1, such as ASL grammar/syntax and classifiers that vary from English. These ASL components are historically more difficult for M2L2 learners (Beal, 2020; Beal et al., 2022a; Kemp, 1998). Students in this study reported difficulty with concepts such as ASL topic-comment and syntax/grammar, similar to previous learners (Beal, 2020). It is possible that a lack of these constructs in their L1 affects their comprehension and use of them in ASL as an L2, thus leading to a hindrance in linguistic transfer and resulting in negative transfer. Another consideration related to transfer is an individual student’s motivation when learning ASL (Kemp, 1998; Masyitha et al., 2020), which was not thoroughly assessed in the present study.

There was a moderate but insignificant correlation between self-ratings of grammar/syntax of ASL and overall ASL skills. It is possible that the confidence a signer has in their overall skills could lead to an increased level of confidence in their grammar and syntax. However, it is unclear if this resulted in negative or positive linguistic transfer. This idea is also applicable to the moderate correlation found between

expressive skills in ASL and overall ASL skills. The significant correlation between ASL grammar/syntax and topic-comment is unsurprising, given that topic-comment is directly related to the grammar and syntax of ASL. The connection would likely not hinder or benefit linguistic transfer. The strongest correlations occurred between NMMs in ASL and expressive ASL skills, as well as between overall ASL self-ranking and receptive ASL skills, despite these correlations being statistically insignificant. A connection between expressive skills in English and ASL could be made, possibly resulting in positive transfer. However, this would need to be studied more. At this time, no relation between ASL self-ranking and receptive ASL skills were found to connect to linguistic transfer. A larger sample size might address the significance in these findings.

It is curious in the present study that self-reported receptive ASL skills had a lower ranking overall than expressive ASL skills. One might expect a learner to report they understand more of what is signed to them, in comparison to how much they can fluently sign, because of the support provided by context within a receptive communication situation. It is possible that students have some level of inaccuracy in how they self-rate their ASL fluency, as reported in other studies (Beal et al., 2018; Beal-Alvarez & Scheetz, 2015). This could also have implications for linguistic transfer and how it is evaluated in research. Weak negative correlation between classifiers and nearly every other ASL component surveyed was found and no student self-ranked as fluent for classifiers. While classifier usage did not have the lowest self-reported score among ASL components, they are frequently used by deaf adults in signed discourse (Beal-Alvarez & Trussell, 2015; Quinto-Pozos, 2007). It is possible that this reflects students’ awareness of the difficulty in classifiers as they do not exist in English, and this supports previous findings that M2L2 learners have more difficulty with this ASL construct (Beal et al., 2022a). This would lead to a hindrance of linguistic transfer, or negative transfer between English and ASL. Instructors of ASL, especially at a university level, might consider direct instruction in classifiers beginning in ASL I courses (Beal et al., 2022a).

Limitations. Although 48% of the VSU ASL cohort responded, there were only 12 completed surveys. It is possible a larger sample size would result in additional correlations and/or levels of statistical significance across L1 and L2 components. Another possible limitation is the format of the survey, in which most questions were multiple choice with pre-selected responses and did not permit additional information for questions. Finally, while completing the survey, one student commented aloud how, in some languages, speakers must know thousands of words to be considered fluent, which may have caused other students to second-guess their vocabulary abilities in ASL. It is possible this affected respondents’ answers. Were this survey to be given again, it

is advised that students are asked not to discuss answers or asked to take the survey individually, alone from others. It would be beneficial to survey students across their college journey of ASL classes, rather than just during their ASL III course. This survey could also be completed across various universities to get a larger sample, as well as additional respondents from a variety of teaching styles and methods.

Conclusion

Learners from VSU’s ASL cohort demonstrated potential instances of both positive and negative transfer between their L1 of English and their L2 of ASL; this was demonstrated by self-ranking proficiencies across L1 and L2, as well as correlations between self-ranking abilities of specific components of ASL. ASL learners might consider these relations as they practice ASL and progress through their ASL courses. ASL instructors might use these results when considering effective instructional approaches for M2L2 learners. The evidence found from these survey results supports data about M2L2 learners experiencing negative transfer that may hinder the uptake of ASL, specifically with components of ASL that lack English equivalents. Future ASL learners and instructors should keep this in mind as students progress through collegiate courses and be mindful of these areas of ASL that may require additional attention.

References

Beal, J. (2020). University American sign language (ASL) second language learners: Receptive and expressive ASL performance. Journal of Interpretation, 28(1), 1-27.

Beal, J. S., Scheetz, N. A., Trussell, J. W., McAllister, A., & Listman, J. (2018). University American Sign Language learners: Longitudinal self- and faculty evaluation ratings. Journal of Interpretation, 26(1), 1-27.

Beal, J., Scott, J., & Butts, T. (2022a). Goodnight Gorilla: How do second language learners’ American Sign Language narrative renditions change after viewing an ASL model? Journal of Interpretation, 30(1), 1-26.

Beal, J. S., Trussell, J. W., & Walton, D. (2022b). Four American Sign Language learner groups: Are they really different? Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 1(14), 1-14. https://doi.org/10.1093/deafed/enac004/6603441

Beal-Alvarez, J. S., & Scheetz, N. A. (2015). Pre-service teacher and interpreter American Sign Language Abilities: Self-evaluations and evaluations of deaf students’ narrative renditions. American Annals of the Deaf, 160(3), 316-333. doi: 10.1353/ aad.2015.0027

Beal-Alvarez, J. S., & Trussell, J. (2015). Depicting verbs and constructed action: Necessary components in Deaf adults’ storybook renditions. Sign Language Studies, 16(1), 5-29. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26191928

Chen Pichler, D. (2011). Sources of handshape error in first-time signers of ASL. In G. Mathur & D. J. Napoli (Eds.), Deaf Around the World (pp. 96–121). Oxford University Press.

Cummins, J. (1979). Linguistic interdependence and the educational development of bilingual children. Review of Educational Research, 49(2), 222–251. https://www. jstor.org/stable/1169960

Cummins, J. (2016). Reflections on Cummins (1980), “The cross-lingual dimensions of language proficiency: Implications for bilingual education and the optimal age issue”. TESOL Quarterly, 50(4), 940–944. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44984725

Humphries, T., Kushalnagar, P., Mathur, G., Napoli, D. J., Padden, C., Rathmann, C., & Smith, S. R. (2012). Language acquisition for deaf children: Reducing the harms of zero tolerance to the use of alternative approaches. Harm Reduction Journal, 9(16), 1-9. https://doi:10.1186/1477-7517-9-16

Kemp, M. (1998). Why is learning American Sign Language a challenge? American Annals of the Deaf, 15(3), 225-229.

Liddell, S. K. (2003). Grammar, gesture, and meaning in American Sign Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Masyitha, B. M., Widiati, U., & Laksmi, E. D. (2020). Linguistic interdependence hypothesis: Does the positive transfer in writing skill occur in lower level students? Journal Pendidikan: Teori, Penelitian, Dan Pengembangan, 5(11), 1606-1613. https://doi. org/10.17977/jptpp.v5i11.14173

Quinto-Pozos, D. (2007). Why does constructed action seem obligatory? An analysis of classifiers and the lack of articulator-referent correspondence. Sign Language Studies, 7(4), 458–506. https://www.jstor.org/stable /26190713

Starfield, S. (1994). Language, cognition, and ESL literacy. Cummins, EAP, and academic literacy. TESOL Quarterly, 28(1), 176–179. https://doi.org/10.2307/3587208

Exploring The Global Sex Industry: The

Digital Age, Policy Approaches, Human Rights, and Public Health Considerations

By Meia Little

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Michael Baun, Department of Political Science

Article Abstract:

The commercial sex trade industry encompasses all economic activities related to the exchange of money or other forms of payment for sexual relief and entertainment. From traditional practices such as prostitution and stripper entertainment, to more modern forms such as sex tourism and Internet pornography, this research delves beyond the surface to untangle the highly intricate web of the multibillion-dollar industry. Where illegal and legal practices intertwine, the age of technology has further complicated the industry: fueling both its growth and accessibility. Using literature analysis, this article seeks to understand the global economic, social, health, and political impacts of the sex trade industry. It examines participant demographic; motives and opinions; regional economic influences; the unique impact of Internet pornography and other digital sex work; and the varying effectiveness of regulation efforts. In doing so, this article identifies crucial gaps in research, especially of marginalized populations. It calls for an increased focus to fully comprehend the global impacts of this phenomenon.

The sex trade encompasses all economic activities related to the exchange of money or other forms of payment for sexual relief and entertainment. In practice, women and girls are disproportionately commodified. The growth of the industry is closely linked to increased globalization. Alongside this increase is the feminization of poverty, which refers to the disproportionate concentration of women and girls experiencing poverty and extreme poverty when compared to men worldwide (“The Feminization of Poverty”). In their 2022 Global Estimates of Modern Slavery report, the International Labor Organization (ILO) estimated that at any given time in 2021, 27.6 million people were involved in forced labor, 22 million in forced marriages, and 6.3 million in forced commercial sexual exploitation. This concept will be briefly examined with a focus on its relation to human trafficking and the criminalization/decriminalization argument of sex work. For this article, we will only focus on the aspects of human trafficking that involve sex work, with a specific focus on sex trafficking.

The sex industry has a significant impact across the globe. Its activities, whether legal or illegal, are unfortunately entwined with human trafficking, misogynistic violence, migratory violence/exploitation, poor sexual health, and crimes against children. The digital landscape has further compounded these issues. This is demonstrated by MindGeek, a multinational corporation that owns three of the world’s most popular pornography websites. It has generated billions in profits from its pages, which have been known to host sexual abuse material, even of minors. While it has faced civil litigation, MindGeek has never faced criminal responsibility for its lax moderation and clear prioritization of profits over the victims of sexual exploitation. The controversy surrounding MindGeek further highlights the urgency and necessity of policy solutions to address the rapid digitalization of the sex industry. The sex trade is a deeply complex, often dangerous, and multi-faceted industry with far-reaching consequences for women across the globe, requiring a comprehensive policy approach that 1) addresses the socioeconomic factors that encourage entry, 2) minimizes harm for sex workers, and 3) increases accountability for those who engage in sexual exploitation, especially digitally.

Overview of the Global Sex Trade

The sex trade occurs in a large variety of forms, including prostitution, strip clubs, sex tourism, Internet pornography, and mail-order brides. Its actors are either consumers or sellers. Apart from Internet pornography, commonly accessed by men and women for free, the overwhelming majority of the sex trade’s consumers are buyers. Globally, sex buyers tend to be men of all ages and socioeconomic backgrounds, only sharing similar age/socioeconomic characteristics within borders

(Deogan et al.). However, men who travel for sex, known as sex tourists, are largely men with resources (Wonders and Michalowski 551). Sex buyers, when compared to men who do not buy sex, share key characteristics with men at risk of committing criminal sexual aggression. These characteristics include: “less empathy for prostituted women, higher on measures of impersonal sex, and higher on measures of hostile masculinity” (Farley et al.). Sellers of sex are typically prostituted women, porn actors/actresses, and facilitators of sales, such as pimps or porn websites.

Approximating the number of women involved in the exchange of sex for resources/money is challenging. A meta-analysis published in 2006 estimated the highest concentration of prostitutes among adult women in Latin America ranging between 0.2% and 7.4%; followed by sub-Saharan Africa between 0.7% and 4.3%; Asia between 0.2% and 2.6%; East Europe between 0.4% and 1.4%; and West Europe between 0.1% and 1.4% (Vandepitte et al.). Of those surveyed, 85.2% of prostitutes in Bangkok entered the industry for economic reasons (needing cash or a better income) or at the suggestion of friends or family. Furthermore, these women typically came from rural origins (76.5%) and were employed in the agriculture/fishing industry (69.5%), with 49% of respondents listing sending remittances “home to parents, siblings, relatives” as the priority with their income (Podhisita, et al.). This is part of the larger trend of the feminization of poverty and globalization, which encourages rural-to-urban migration within borders and rural-to-international migration (“Rural Women and Migration” 2). With this understanding, it is imperative not to categorize every prostituted woman as a displaced or inherently helpless victim. Instead, many are making informed decisions to mitigate the disproportionate effects of poverty and increase their mobility (Russell). While some women may make fully informed decisions to enter the sex trade, it is important to acknowledge the effects of trafficking and its entanglement with the industry. The Polaris Project has identified various factors that increase women’s vulnerability to trafficking, including undocumented immigration status, unstable living conditions, and poverty or economic need (“Vulnerabilities and Recruitment”). These factors are often closely related to challenges associated with the feminization of poverty. Research is unclear on what percentage of women in prostitution are trafficking victims. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) found that 66% of trafficking victims are women and 13% are girls. In the 52 countries where the form of exploitation was specified, 79% were subjected to sexual exploitation (“Global Report” 11). In Thailand, “As many as 40% percent reported that they started [working in the commercial sex industry] before they were 18 years old…Eight percent of all the women began prostitution below age 15” (Podhisita, et al. 303). The United States Department of Justice

considers any underage prostitute to be a trafficking victim, though that categorization is debated. Latin America and Southeast Asia are both commonly cited as sex tourism destinations where young, teenage, or child prostitutes are frequently available, according to the International Association for Medical Assistance to Travelers (“Implications of Sexual Tourism”).

Human trafficking is the second most profitable criminal industry next to drug trafficking, which generates $320 billion annually (“Transnational Organized Crime”). As of 2014, illegal, forced labor generated an estimated $150 billion in annual profits globally (“Profits and Poverty”). This is nearly 5x the International Labor Organization’s estimate of $32 billion in 2005. The largest share of profits is $51.8 billion in Asia/Pacific (ILO), with the EU and “developed economies” following at $46.9 billion annually. This demonstrates a clear profit incentive driving the illegal sex trade.

The Worldwide Web and Sexual Exploitation

As with all industries, the Information Age has also created a new venue for the sex industry to conduct its transactions. Pornography has experienced the most distinct impact and rapid growth. Well over half, 64.4%, of the world’s population makes use of the Internet as of January 2023 (“Number of Internet”). A study published in May 2022 found that more than 85% of people in all age groups consumed Internet pornography (Ballester-Arnal et al.). Without a doubt, Internet pornography is very popular. Three of the top 15 most visited websites are specifically dedicated to adult entertainment, while those remaining are search engines or social media pages (“Top Websites Ranking”). Though data on the effects of Internet pornography consumption is still limited and debated, researchers have begun to link it to increased misogynistic violence and risky sexual behavior (Gossett et al.). Activist groups and survivors accuse popular adult entertainment websites of profiting from sexual abuse material, especially of children. Many international and national regulation efforts have attempted to tackle the spread of exploitative practices in the legal sex industry. Despite the efforts, these policies often leave loopholes. Mitigation of other potential negative effects, such as increased misogynistic violence or risky sexual behavior, has proven to be difficult.

In 2020, global adult entertainment conglomerate MindGeek was found civilly liable in the class action lawsuit Doe v. MG Freesites, Ltd. for possession and distribution of child sexual abuse material. MindGeek consists of multiple companies operating in various jurisdictions including the Republic of Cyprus, Luxembourg, the United States, and Montreal. It operates some of the world’s most popular pornographic websites and companies, including PornHub and Brazzers. Due to the

lawsuit, credit card companies faced criticism for the payment infrastructure provided to the adult entertainment conglomerate. As a result, Visa, Mastercard, and Discover suspended the use of their credit cards on Pornhub in December 2020 (“Visa Continues Pornhub”). In response, Mindgeek removed 80%—over 10 million, of the 13.5 million videos on Pornhub—due to the lack of verifiable ages or consent (“Mastercard, Visa, and Discover”).

Before December 2020, MindGeek did not verify the age or consent of anyone involved in the pornography uploaded on its platforms. In fact, it partnered with companies that would eventually face sex trafficking, sexual coercion, and rape charges such as GirlsDoPorn and Czech Casting. According to court documents, Mindgeek’s moderation team, which only consisted of 10 individuals, was incentivized to allow most reported videos to remain on the site. Notably, moderators watched 800-900 videos a day. They were instructed to delete comments and edit titles that indicated a video might include child sexual abuse. Moreover, videos were only flagged if the participants appeared to be under the age of 12. At the time of the case, there was a five-month backlog between user reports and reviews for deletion, during which time videos remained on the site. MindGeek was ruled to pay personal injury due to a legal framework allowing victims to sue venues that knowingly profited from their victimization (Doe v. MG Freesites, Ltd.). As of 2022, MindGeek has never faced criminal liability on a national or international level for knowingly distributing child pornography. Thus, there is a clear need for a legal framework that holds digital venues accountable.

Some feminists argue that since commercial pornography is a form of videoed or photographed, paid, sex, it is also a form of prostitution. This “prostitution” is then sold and profited upon by those other than the prostitute. This, feminists argue, makes it an agent of sexual exploitation or trafficking. In “Pornography as Trafficking,” Catharine A. McKinnon points out the flaws in national and international anti-trafficking legislation that seeks to target sexual exploitation but fails to prohibit pornography. She particularly points to the United Nation’s 1949 Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of Prostitution of Others (CSTEPO). The CSTEPO “binds states parties to punish ‘any person who, to gratify the passions of another... (2) exploits the prostitution of another person, even with the consent of that person.’”

According to McKinnon “...pornographers are almost all third-party sellers of the prostitution of other people” (pg. 1002). McKinnon defines those who receive money anytime pornography is exchanged as either pimps or lesser pimps who are engaging in trafficking. Applying this analysis, Internet pornography sites (including live-streamed webcam websites) serve as digital brothels and pimps. Such sites host videos of

paid sex to gratify those who view it. Viewers either pay to access content per view, through subscriptions, or they access the sexual content for free with advertisements. Then, adult entertainment websites take a percentage of this revenue and distribute the rest to the uploader, which may be companies or individual actors/actresses. A similar transaction occurs in physical venues: Buyers pay for access to a particular prostitute, the brothel/pimp takes their cut, and the prostitute receives the remaining portion. Thus, in some ways, pornography websites act as digital brothels. This frame of analysis further emphasizes the necessity of a legal framework that holds digital venues accountable.

Human Rights and the Sex Trade

In addition to trafficking and coercion, the sex trade faces other significant challenges, including workplace violence and health concerns. A systematic literature review conducted in 2013 found that workplace violence against sex workers ranged from 45% to 75% (Deering). Furthermore, the global HIV prevalence among female sex workers is 10.4% as of 2018 (Shannon et al.). Sex workers often face undermining, neglect, revictimization, and discrimination by various institutions such as healthcare and law enforcement. Such experiences form a barrier to receiving adequate assistance in cases of assault, housing, or healthcare needs (“Human Rights Violations”).

Mainstream pornography has been repeatedly linked to violence towards performers, and its consumption has been associated with “real-life sexual coercion, aggression, and rape fantasies and proclivity” (Shor and Seida). Between 37% to 88% of pornographic scenes include acts of physical aggression (Lim). Furthermore, in heterosexual scenes on major pornographic sites like Pornhub.com and Xvideos.com, women are targeted for aggression in 97% of cases (Fritz et al.). Moreover, the normalization of sexual violence, coercion, deception, non-consent, and criminal activity is prevalent in mainstream online pornography, with a study of 150,000 pornographic videos providing evidence for this trend (Gray et al.). Many performers have shared their experiences of abuse in the pornographic industry, highlighting its prevalence and urgency (“The Sex Factor”). Performers who are honest about abuse may not be paid for the recordings and are effectively blacklisted from the industry (“Not All Porn”). As previously discussed, digital platforms bear limited legal responsibility for the abuse that is showcased on their sites and sexually abusive content is not effectively filtered. Although largely illegal, determining which pornographic content is truly consensual and non-exploitative remains a challenge. International law and human rights standards are essential in addressing human rights violations in the sex trade. These standards aim to decrease sex trafficking, decrease violence/sexual exploitation,

and promote health. In 2010, the United Nations adopted the United Nations Global Plan of Action to Combat Trafficking in Persons, which includes a trust fund for trafficking victims and a plan to prevent trafficking, prosecute offenders, and protect victims (“United Nations launches”). Additionally, the UN has established comprehensive Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) targeting challenges associated with the sex trade. Notably, SDG 5.2 hopes to end violence against women and girls; SDG 8.7 and 16.2 take direct measures to eradicate modern slavery/human trafficking; SDG 10.7 facilitates safe/responsible migration policies, while SDG 16.4 combats illegal financial/arms flows associated with organized crime. Ultimately, the UN hopes to achieve these goals by 2030 and includes support to assist developing countries in reaching them as well (“SDGs”). However, these are not legally binding.

In contrast, the ASEAN Convention Against Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, is a legally binding agreement. It includes a complimentary “Plan of Action.” Like the UN’s Plan of Action, it prioritizes preventing trafficking, protecting victims, and regional/international coordination. Additionally, it emphasizes the importance of law enforcement and prosecution of human trafficking crimes (“ASEAN Convention”). The ASEAN Convention, established in 2016, aims to achieve its goals by 2025.

The World Health Organization, though not a governing body, provides guidelines to promote sexual health within the sex trade. These guidelines include structural and health interventions (“Sex workers”). The structural interventions include measures that the ASEAN and UN lack, such as addressing stigma and discrimination, as well as community empowerment. As previously discussed, these interventions support sex workers’ abilities to access resources.

Despite these efforts, the human rights approach to the sex trade is not without challenges and limitations. International governing bodies must address root causes and structural factors. Without doing so, they may reinforce stigmatization and further marginalize sex workers, making the industry more dangerous for the women involved. Access to resources is also limited and must be taken into consideration. To prevent further alienation of sex workers, autonomy must also be recognized in those who choose this form of work. Additionally, the victim/exploitation narrative must continue to be confronted to address safety and health concerns. Overall, addressing these limitations and challenges will help to promote human rights, and sexual health, and combat human trafficking in the sex trade.

Policy Responses to the Sex Trade

In addressing the sex trade, countries have implemented three

main policy approaches: criminalization, decriminalization, and full legalization. Each has distinct levels of effectiveness and associated limitations/challenges in reducing exploitation and promoting human rights. These policy choices maintain complex implications for gender equality, global governance, and human security. To address the complexities and interrelated nature of these issues, countries must take a comprehensive approach that prioritizes the reduction of exploitation and promotion of health and safety.

The full-criminalization approach, the most adopted policy model, makes every aspect of prostitution illegal. Studies of Norway and Sweden, where buying sex is criminalized, support a potential causal link between harsher prostitution laws and reduced trafficking. Additionally, trafficking is least common in European countries where it is illegal (Jakobsson and Kotsadam). However, criminalization erodes trust, reinforces stigma, and increases the risk of violence towards sex workers. This can be seen with the 2018 implementation of SESTA-FOSTA in the United States. Though intended to reduce trafficking and exploitation, SESTA-FOSTA has led to a 33.8% increase in violence from clients against sex workers (Blunt and Wolf 18). With increased criminalization, prostituted women are less likely to report exploitation due to fear of arrest or further abuse from police, healthcare workers, or non-state groups (Albright and D’Adamo). While this approach may potentially lead to less trafficking, it also provides more opportunities for violence against sex workers and reduces their access to critical resources.

Decriminalization removes criminal penalties for engaging in the sex trade. It occurs in two forms: full or partial decriminalization. Partial decriminalization (commonly known as the “Nordic Model”) primarily involves “end-demand” legislation, which only criminalizes the solicitation of sex. Nordic Model policies have been implemented in Norway, Iceland, Sweden, France, Ireland, Israel, and Canada. However, following “end-demand” legislation in Canada, there were no significant changes in reported violence against sex workers (McBride et al.). Only Belgium and New Zealand have fully decriminalized sex work (“Decriminalization of sex work”). Full decriminalization places the sex industry at the same level of recognition as other industries. Evidence of its benefits can be seen in Rhode Island, United States, when indoor prostitution was decriminalized between 2004 to 2009, leading to significant reductions in violent crime and sexually transmitted infections. Researchers found that rape offenses decreased by 31% and instances of female gonorrhea decreased by 39% during this period (Cunningham and Shah). Subsequently, full decriminalization is the policy model that, according to sex workers and associated organizations, mitigates the most harm and exploitation to prostituted women (“It’s Time”). However, critics link decriminalization with increased

trafficking, further promotion of organized crime, and normalized exploitation (“Why Prostitution”).

Legalization is the practice of allowing but regulating prostitution. This typically involves licensing prostitutes and confining their practice to brothels and certain districts. This can be seen in the Netherlands, Hungary, Bolivia, Greece, Germany, and other countries (“Countries Where Prostitution”). Nevertheless, this model faces the same concerns as full decriminalization regarding organized crime, exploitation, and trafficking. Moreover, this model is potentially exclusionary, as sex workers are already marginalized. Only sex workers who have access to licensing, registration, and/or brothels become legally protected, leaving unlicensed sex workers exposed to violence, discrimination, and stigmatization associated with criminalization (“What About Legalization”). For example: despite being the only U.S. state where prostitution is legal, Nevada has the highest prostitution arrest rate per-capita (“US and State Prostitution”). However, regulation allows for mandated sexual health testing and state-controlled working environments. Overall, policymakers must take into consideration the health and safety of the workers as well as the community.

Conclusion

The sex industry is a highly complex and profitable trade that demands a comprehensive policy approach to address root factors associated with exploitation. The feminization of poverty and human trafficking are among the key factors that must be considered. The introduction of the Internet has further complicated the situation, as it has rapidly digitized exploitation in the industry. While criminalization, decriminalization, and legalization are all valid policy approaches, they can only be successful if implemented alongside effective measures to address the underlying issues. In this context, it is important to consider the impacts of policy choices on gender equality, global governance, and human security. Ultimately, a comprehensive approach that prioritizes the health and safety of sex workers while also tackling the root causes of exploitation is needed to effectively reduce harm and promote human rights in the sex industry.

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“God wants to use you”: The Perversion of Religion in

Postmodernist Works

By Amber Velasquez

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Adam Wood, Department of English

Article Abstract:

This essay aims to examine the way in which postmodernist works—Theresa Hak Kyung Cha’s Dictee and Bret Easton Ellis’ Less than Zero, though vastly different texts—utilize religious rhetoric and ceremonies, detailing them in ways that are inherently sexual in their phrasing in order to reveal the oppressive and corrupt nature of organized religion. Through looking at the language of the works and drawing on research regarding the ways in which organized religion has been used as a means of exploitation and oppression, this essay attempts to analyze the purpose and impact of these sexualized recounts of religious sermons. In perverting these common phrases and rituals utilized in religious settings, Cha and Ellis make vulnerable the ways in which religious settings reinforce patriarchal ideology and exploit the masses.

The postmodernist movement in literature focuses largely on the state of society during the time of its rise and popularity, particularly the latter half of the 1900s. With this comes the analysis and cross-examination of some of the central focuses and authoritative forces of daily life, a significant one being religion; the concept of organized religion and its ideologies that shape societal standards are picked apart. While radically different texts, both Theresa Hak Kyung Cha’s Dictee and Bret Easton Ellis’ Less Than Zero question religion and its intents and purposes, in turn bringing forth the corrupt nature of organized religion. These novels’ sexualization of religious ceremonies highlight and expose the exploitative and oppressive nature of the church.

Much of postmodernism deals with the deconstruction of societal norms. Katie Kilby posits that “deconstructive theological study” births “postmodern spiritual formation” (83). In this sense, deconstruction plays a large role in the way that postmodernists come to understand and approach the society that they and others have been shaped by; they break down accepted societal norms and bring them into question. What has long been accepted as being a solid, reliable truth of life is now being brought into question and observed more closely; Linda Hutcheon states that there is now an “incredulity toward grand totalizing narratives” (15). That is, the idea that something could be so certain is inconceivable to postmodernists, and this includes the centrality and certainty of religion. For these authors, the aim of their literary works is to not only decentralize these unsteady notions, but to criticize and unveil the problems within them: as Kort observes, “‘Religion and Literature’ assumes a shared, real, and generally problematic human situation that texts by themselves or interpreted in a certain way serve to reveal and address. Postmodernist discourses cut these ties to the transhistorical and the actual, poles of authority and certainty that have steadied and valorized ‘Religion and Literature’ work in the past” (575). Furthermore, postmodernism in literature entails “self-consciousness about alliances with group interests, of dependence on social structures, and relations to invested interests and privilege …” (Kort 578). This aforementioned “self-consciousness” aids in the deconstruction of societal doctrines; this awareness of such doctrines allows room for criticism and analysis as well (Kort 578). In this question of society’s desire to center the Christian religion specifically, the authority granted to religious sectors and the abuse and manipulation of their power are questioned and carefully picked apart by works that fall under the postmodernist category.

As a method of revealing their qualms with the church, Cha’s and Ellis’ approaches both include taking religious sermons and ceremonies and phrasing them in ways that have sexual implications and undertones. During sexual acts, people often come to feel exposed and vulnerable; by creating scenes in which religious norms are now

sexualized and looked at in a different light, a new perspective on the teachings and desires of the church is brought about. In taking this and applying it to religion, it then becomes perverted, reflecting the corrupt nature of the church. This becomes these authors’ methods of deconstruction; through evoking images of sexual relations through the transcription of activities in the church, the two authors then expose and make vulnerable the role of the church in the oppressive state of society. In turn, this allows them to break down the influence of organized religion in society and question the roles that have been socially accepted as the norm.

For Cha, her work Dictee has significant themes of patriarchy and oppression. In dealing with religion, she emphasizes the way in which the hierarchy within the church is structured the same as the hierarchy within society, with the two playing off of one another. In both structures, women are viewed as inferior to men, kept silent and submissive. According to Chana Etengoff and Tyler G. Lefevor, religious settings make it easy for those within them to “sanction sexism/sexual prejudice through doctrine and/or culture” (45). Historically, religious texts and traditions have been used as justification for the oppression of marginalized groups, including women, and direct links between sexism and religion have been documented; as Haggard et al. note, “positive associations have been found between indicators of religiosity and facets of sexism. In one of the earliest investigations of the relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward women, Henley and Pincus (1978) found sexism positively correlated with religious importance” (Haggard et al. 393). They found that those who consider themselves to be involved with and significant members of the church and their religion are connected in some ways to sexist mindsets and the perpetrating of sexism. Furthermore, religion is such an integral part of life, whether on an individual level of spirituality for a single person or through the lingering presence of it in policies, media, and societal structures, particularly in the West. With this, Haggard et al. comment that “the increased endorsement of benevolent sexism after exposure to religious words provides evidence that religion operates as a justifier of gender inequity” (Haggard et al. 396). The traditions of the church enable and encourage the patriarchal views that have kept women at the bottom of the societal and religious hierarchy.

To comment on this power imbalance, Cha details a communion ceremony. The act of communion within a church is symbolic of drinking the blood and eating the body of Christ; it is meant to serve as a reminder of the sacrifices Jesus Christ made in the Bible. However, for Cha, the ceremony is a reminder of women’s places in the world and the church. In her detailing of this religious tradition, she begins with, “Kneel down on the marble the cold beneath rising through the bent knees. Close eyes and as the lids flutter, push out the tongue” (13).

There are women kneeling on the ground, and while they are waiting to receive the wafer that is representative of the body of Christ, they stick their tongues out. Being on the ground with one’s tongue out, in many cases, would evoke the image of a person ready to perform oral sexual activities on another with male anatomy. She follows this with images of liquid on the tongue and saliva that follow the repetition of the pronoun “his,” which further this sexual transcription of communion, stating, “His. Dissolving in the mouth to the liquid tongue saliva…” (Cha 13). Succeeding this image, Cha continues with, “Open the eyes to the women kneeling on the left side. The right side. Only visible on their bleached countenances are … their elongated tongues. In waiting. To receive. Him. Waiting” (13). While in the literal sense, these women are waiting to receive the metaphorical body of the man Christ, that is, the communion wafers, Cha describes the tradition in such a literal way that it becomes perverted, an image of numerous women sexual submitting to men. The sexual dynamics provided by the imagery—those of the submissive, waiting woman and the dominant man—bring Cha to the point that, in the church, the expectation for women is to be silent and subservient to the men around them. It is also thought that men are closer to God than women are, thus making them superior and granting them the power they have taken. The scene is brought to a close with this notion, stating, “Nearing, nearer and nearer to the altar of God … He the one who deciphers he the one who invoked in the Name. He the one who becomes He. Man-God” (Cha 13). The authority of the church has always laid in the hands of men; they were the only ones who held the power to “decipher” and “invoke” due to the lack of education for women in the past, and this tradition of keeping men as the sole interpreters and position holders within the church has yet to be changed. Because of this, the power of men against women in the church makes their position seem almost God-like, or, as Cha calls them, “Man-God” (13). This sexual imagery serves as a means of highlighting the ideology behind gendered hierarchies and the way in which it has become normal within organized religion. Then, this aids Cha in her deconstruction of these hierarchies by allowing her to present a consciousness about the subordination of women within organized religious spaces that are deemed to be standard.

Continuing her observation of oppressive ideologies within religious spheres, Cha refers to the story of the Crucifixion of Christ. She mentions the idea that every person’s sins were erased when Christ died on the cross, but that this comes with regulations; for women, that they must be “pure” (Cha 17). She says, “All previous wrongs erased. Reduced to spotless. Pure. When I receive God, all pure. Totally. For the Dwelling of God Housed in my body and soul must be clean. Free of sin. Any sin. Mortal sin” (17). In referring to the need for women to be pure, she uses the phrase “to receive God,” an expression commonly

used in religious sermons as well as in sexual descriptions (Cha 17). As it is a common belief that women must be virgins until marriage, and even then, to indulge in sexual practices for the sake of reproduction rather than pleasure, the use of sexual innuendos to describe this ideology emphasizes the restrictions placed on women’s bodies and the sexual confinement they are held to. This is also shown in the section in which she is translating phrases into French. The very first statement she must translate is, “Today would be the Feast of the Immaculate Conception. She would have been voted to crown the Blessed Virgin. She herself would be sinless would be pure would be chaste in her heart. She would be silent. Often. Most of the time. Most often than not. Far too often” (Cha 14). The statement refers to the conception of Jesus Christ, a pregnancy that is deemed miraculous not only because of the birth of the Savior, but because it entailed no sexual intercourse or pleasure, not even consent, particularly for Mary; it is expected of women, particularly those in religious environments, to abstain from sexual relations for any sake other reproduction, and it must be abstained from until marriage. Furthermore, the statement that is being translated encourages women to be silent in order to be good and worthy. In what is seemingly just practice of the French language, religious ideology finds its way in; it is so engraved in everyday life that it becomes normal for it to show up in even the most mundane of situations, imposing on others the idea that women should be silent and pure. To further remind women of their hierarchical place in the church, Cha answers the question, “Who made thee?” (Cha 17). The repetition of the word “pleasure” finds its way into her answer, being, “God made me … God who has made me in His own likeness… His Image and His Mirror. Pleasure in the image pleasure in the copy pleasure in the projection of likeness pleasure in the repetition” (Cha 17). It is a reminder that women are the product of God, but it also serves as a reminder that they are subject to sexualization, a stark contrast to the rule that they must refrain from sexual activity; Cha uses this to stress the contradictory and hypocritical nature of these ideologies. The aforementioned figure of the “Man-God” and the corruptive nature of the church are not limited to oppression on the basis of sex; exploitation of the masses is a large, ever-growing, always-evolving issue as well, one that Ellis also touches on in Less Than Zero. As capitalism becomes more and more sedimented in everyday life and society, the things that are a part of the capitalist world learn to evolve and exploit the structure in order to get maximum profit, and thus, maximum power. The church is no exception; Stephen Gross asserts that “Historians of religion in America have traditionally linked the explosion of evangelicalism in the first half of the nineteenth century, the Second Great Awakening, to the market revolution” (Gross 220). It is no coincidence that evangelism and economic revolution would coin-

cide with one another. The rise of capitalism brings about more power to the church, and technological advances help to further this as well.

In Less Than Zero, Ellis depicts a scene in which his narrator, Clay, comes across televangelist programs. This encounter with televangelism comes when he finds a program in which “the preacher is yelling ‘Let God use you. God wants to use you. Lie back and let him use you, use you’” (Ellis 78). It is common rhetoric within religious communities to say that God is using someone to put His plan into action; however, the term “using someone” also has sexual meaning, in which someone uses the other for the purpose of simply having sex with them. In both senses, the body is being used. Clay notes that the preacher continues chanting; “‘Lie back,’ he keeps chanting. ‘Use you, use you’” (Ellis 78). Clay does lie back, and he finds nothing, just as he does in his other sexual endeavors, to the point where he does not remember who he has had sexual relations with and who he has not. The sexualization in this scene does not call immediate attention to any specific problems within the church; however, the examination of the scene brought about through the odd and sexual wording of it does. Though there is no explicit statement being made, the reflection of the scene begs the question of the purpose of televangelism and how it has expanded and shaped aspects of the church. After the invention of the television, it became easier for churches to spread their messages into the home of others; instead of having to go out for church services, the messages could be taught right in the comfort of the home from the television screen. However, this is not the only gain the church receives from this. Televangelism brought in large sums of money to the church, and money has the ability to corrupt. For those who were active believers in the preachings of televangelists, they were “encouraged to show their faith through payments, which they understand will be repaid—many times over—either in the form of wealth or healing” (Baker). Lanta Davis Reighard posits that “Clay’s encounter with a televangelist demonstrates that Christianity, too, can become something to be consumed; one can simply order repentance and redemption just as easily as a product advertised in an infomercial” (328). Greed had infiltrated its way into religion on several occasions, and Ellis’ sexualization of televangelist programs highlights that his “work clearly condemns the vacuous promises and meaninglessness of contemporary culture” (Reighard 328). Ellis, then, brings into question the ways in which capitalism and organized religion directly impact one another.

As new ways to garner money make themselves available to the church, more ways emerge to exploit people who are seeking comfort and genuine connections with a higher being. Capitalism and religious corruption have worked together to create a system that continuously preys on those who are looking to authoritative figures to guide them

in the direction of religious good. Because of the peculiar way in which the message that Clay stumbles upon is worded, attention is drawn to the ideas and faults of the combination of televangelism and capitalism. Furthermore, in placing a focus on televangelism specifically, something that came about largely during this time period of the 1980s, Mohsen Khaleseh Deghan and Bakhtiar Sadjadi observe that “Ellis’s novels … exhibit mainstream American culture as an impenetrable factor oppressive in nature, particularly in its consumerist and cosmetic concerns, ruled by the semantic manipulations of advertising and the consistent discourses of the mass media” (95). The fact that religious indoctrination has come together with the mainstream media—in this case, television—furthers the oppressive nature of the church. The programs that are depicted on the screen are manipulated to garner views and attention. They are dramatized and exaggerated, as Clay is seeing in this scene. Drama draws viewers in, which draws in more money. At this point, the intent has strayed farther from the desire to get more people to have a faith in their God; the mission of the church is the racking in of money, and with televangelism on the rise, there are new and more convenient ways to do this. For them, more money means more power. The more the church has, the more it can play a role in the creation of laws and the more of a political monopoly it has. Because of the corruption of money, there is a lack of motivation for the church; there is no substance or genuine emotion in the broadcasting of these messages. They have just become another cash grab, in turn, providing the church with more money and power than before. In keeping on par with themes across Ellis’ novels, the church’s message on the television screen is also surface level. Clay’s reaction to the televangelist reflects the ingenuity of the program. He tries laying back and decides to let God “use” him; however, he ultimately feels nothing. There is no difference made in Clay’s life, even though he did try to actively participate in it. Though this is also reflective of Clay’s nature itself, there also comes about the idea that the church’s ingenuine messages on the screen are just that—messages on a screen and nothing else. In only dealing with this at such a level, Deghan and Sadjadi note that

Ellis’s fictional world corresponds in many ways to the ideal of the postmodern as stated by Baudrillard, and is particularly influenced by two aspects of the theory: firstly, the idea that the surface or image should be privileged at all times; and, secondly, that many traditional distinctions—between reality and representation, art and life, for example—have been collapsed. (Dehghan and Sadjadi 95)

Kort’s notion that postmodernist works are self-aware of “not only a certain economic and ideological situation but also such things as the elevation of image over content, performance over meaning, and duplication over particularity” (578) also holds relevance to this aspect of the novel. Televangelism, as dramatizations of religious sermons, reflects that idea of “performance over meaning” (Kort 578). Ellis, through his sexualization of the televangelist programs, highlights this concept, in turn breaking down, or deconstructing, preconceived notions of organized religions. Through creating a scenario in which the church becomes sexual, there becomes an openness about the question of authority and intent from religious sectors.

The postmodernist characteristic of employing deconstruction to social ideology means openly revealing the injustices of the structures that surround people daily. Cha and Ellis both utilize this idea to create a perversion of religion in their novels, signifying issues within the church to which they wish to bring attention. In relaying the actions of the church in a way that is sexual in nature, the church’s intentions become exposed, and the flaws within it become vulnerable. From the oppression of women to the greed of the church that leads to an exploitation of the people, the use of sexual undertones from both Cha and Ellis serve as their way of making vulnerable the truth of this institution.

Works Cited

Baker, Vicky. “The preachers getting rich from poor Americans.” BBC, https://www. bbc.com/news/stories-47675301.

Cha, Theresa Hak Kyung. Dictee. University of California Press, 1982.

Dehghan, Mohsen Khaleseh, and Bakhtiar Sadjadi. “Symbolic Consumption and Media in Bret Easton Ellis’s Less than Zero.” Critical Literary Studies, vol. 3, no. 2, Sept. 2021, pp. 93–108. EBSCOhost, https://doi.org/10.34785/J014.2021.813.

Ellis, Bret Easton. Less Than Zero. Random House, 1985.

Etengoff, Chana, and Tyler G. Lefevor. “Sexual Prejudice, Sexism, and Religion.” Current Opinion in Psychology, vol. 40, Aug. 2021, pp. 45–50. EBSCOhost, https://doi. org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2020.08.024.

Gross, Stephen. “The Grasshopper Shrine at Cold Spring, Minnesota: Religion and Market Capitalism among German-American Catholics.” Catholic Historical Review, vol. 92, no. 2, Apr. 2006, pp. 215–43. EBSCOhost, https://doi.org/10.1353/cat.2006.0133.

Haggard, Megan C., et al. “Religion’s Role in the Illusion of Gender Equality: Supraliminal and Subliminal Religious Priming Increases Benevolent Sexism.” Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, vol. 11, no. 4, Nov. 2019, pp. 392–98. EBSCOhost, https:// doi.org/10.1037/rel0000196.

Hutcheon, Linda. The Politics of Postmodernism. 2nd ed., Routledge, 2002.

Kilby, Katie. “Formation and Deconstruction in the Postmodern Seminary: A Response to Formation and the Postmodern Seminary.” Teaching Theology & Religion, vol. 23, no. 2, June 2020, pp. 81–83. EBSCOhost, https://doi.org/10.1111/teth.12542.

Kort, Wesley A. “‘Religion and Literature’ in Postmodernist Contexts.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion, vol. 58, no. 4, Dec. 1990, pp. 575–88. EBSCOhost, search. ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=edsjsr&AN=edsjsr.1465180&site=eds-live&scope=site.

Reighard, Lanta Davis. “‘This Confession Has Meant Nothing’: Confession in Bret Easton Ellis.” Christian Scholar’s Review, vol. 45, no. 4, Summer 2016, pp. 311–30. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=a9h&AN=116463442&site=eds-live&scope=site.

Predictors of State Support for Undocumented Students across University Systems

By Chiamaka Nwigwe

Faculty Mentor: Dr. James LaPlant, Department of Political Science

Article Abstract:

This research study examines the key predictors of how supportive states are toward undocumented students in their university systems. To examine the key predictors of state support for undocumented students, the dependent variable, this study explores the following independent variables: the percent Hispanic population, population density, percent population with a college degree or higher, region (Northcentral, Northeast, West, and South), per capita income, percentage of the vote for Trump in the 2020 election, and the unemployment rate. This study utilizes correlation analysis, scatterplots, multivariate regression analysis, box plot, and a difference of means test. The findings of this study initially revealed that all the independent variables were significant in the correlation analysis. However, with further analysis, the only variable that proved to be significant in the multivariate model was the percent Hispanic population. In addition, the region variable showed that Western states had the highest median value for state support toward undocumented students, while the Southern states had the lowest median value for support towards undocumented students. The difference of means test between the Western and Southern regions of the United States revealed a t-score of 2.161 with a p-value = 0.022, which illustrates a statistically significant difference. Overall, as the climate of immigration policies is ever-changing, there is a growing need to understand what factors play the most important role in states’ support for undocumented students in their university systems. Thus, this article answers the research question, “What are the key predictors of how supportive states are toward undocumented students in their university systems?” This article then describes the data and utilizes correlation and multivariate regression analysis to identify the relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable of this study. This study concludes with a discussion of the findings and significance of the research.

Literature Review

The topic of immigration and immigrants is one of the many controversial political conversations within the United States. Due to the “American Dream” that is sold by most media and entertainment outlets within the United States, the trend of migration to the United States has and continues to increase at rapid rates. The United States is referred to as a mixing bowl of different cultures, languages, and food. However, the events of 9/11 led to the placement of policies within states to enhance the security of the United States. This includes the Enhance Border Security and Visa Entry Reform Act of 2002, which began a strenuous immigration process for undocumented citizens to get their citizenship (Cohn 2015). The path to citizenship became more difficult and expensive, which directly impacts the number of undocumented immigrants who migrate in pursuit of the “American Dream” and put their children in school to achieve this. Nevertheless, different states continue to view undocumented immigrants differently as some states see the benefits of having undocumented immigrants while other states see them as illegal residents.

Programs like DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival) created during Barack Obama’s presidency in 2012 aimed to provide undocumented youth with deportation relief and work permits to stabilize their stay in the U.S. Some states were for DACA while others were heavily against it. “The DACA expansion and the new program (Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent Residents, or DAPA) are on hold because of a legal challenge by 26 states,” and before this program, the most major immigration policy enacted was the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 which made it illegal for corporations or businesses to hire or recruit undocumented immigrants (Cohn 2015). “As the South comes to terms with its new destination status, state-based policies towards undocumented youth reflect an unwillingness to create inclusionary paths,” the typical drivers for Southern states to establish policy depriving undocumented immigrants of stabilization is because of the negative rhetoric about undocumented immigrants (Price et al 2020 438). Their entry into the United States is only ever understood to fall into the category of illegality or in an attempt to promote criminal behavior, thus, casting American border control into a negative light. The main arguments in favor of immigrants acknowledge the economic and social benefit of stabilizing undocumented immigrants with the United States and these encourage less restrictive policies to give undocumented students education, access to well-paying jobs, and make the citizenship process easier. The conversation shifts from acknowledging the impact of undocumented immigrants in the United States to discussing how to strengthen the American borders with neighboring South American

countries. This is aimed at not only improving the perception of the United States among other first-world countries but also at reducing crime rates associated with immigrant populations within the country. This has led to a division among states, with some states supporting the growing immigrant population and providing necessary assistance, while others advocate for stricter immigration policies. This not only enhances American borders but also indirectly makes it more difficult for undocumented immigrants currently in the United States to obtain citizenship and education, both of which would enable them to contribute to society.

This creates the domino effect that leads to undocumented students not receiving a well-rounded education, which sets up their lives very differently from their counterparts. With some states not accommodating the existing immigrant population within their states, this has increased the unemployment rate of undocumented immigrants in the United States and increased the percentage of undocumented immigrants leaving school to work in low-wage and poor-condition jobs to make a living. Thus, this creates the streamline of educated undocumented immigrants being deported to their home country. “Leaving SIJS (Special Immigrant Juvenile Status) children in legal limbo for years creates greater opportunity for them to fall victim to the school deportation pipeline” (Castillo-Granados 2022, 1825). This trend of prolonged access citizenship led to undocumented families and students falling victim to deportation which was influenced and heightened in the Trump Administration, especially after his “Build a Wall” campaign. “During the Trump administration, USCIS used its consent authority to deny SIJS—or revoke previously approved SIJS petitions—based on allegations that the child’s request for state court protection was not ‘bona fide’” (Castillo-Granados 2022, 1813).

Furthermore, most states in the South that follow the rhetoric of the Trump administration tend to be more restrictive and have more policies that make it difficult for students to either get into college or have a career afterward. An example of this is that undocumented students can have an education, and not be given access to the HOPE Scholarship nor do they have the ability to file for school loans or have government financial aid. This is highlighted in the Southern states’ refusal to support undocumented students such as, “In the first, the State of Texas withheld from its public school districts the standard per-pupil expenditures for any student who was not authorized by federal immigration law to reside in the country” (Shaw 2022, 1221). While the North tends to be more accepting of undocumented students, there is usually a career path for students after getting their degree. To understand how factors such as Trump’s vote in the 2020 election, region, and percentage Hispanic population affect state policy on undocumented students’ access to higher education, the following

analysis is conducted.

DATA & METHODS

The unit analysis for this article to show how supportive a state will be towards undocumented students in university systems is the 50 U.S. states. Different factors affect how supportive a state is to undocumented students in university systems; however, the 7 independent variables that will be used and explored in this article are the percent Hispanic population, population density, percent population with a college degree or higher, region (Northcentral, Northeast, West, and South) and per capita income from the U.S. Census website. The percentage of the vote for Trump in the 2020 election source is from the CNN Politics website, the unemployment rate is from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, and the dependent variable is from the Higher Ed. Immigration Portal website.

TABLE 1. Variable, Characteristics, and Sources

State Support for Undocumented Students in High Ed.

of the vote for Trump in 2020 election

Table 1 shows the names, characteristics, and sources of each independent variable. The N in the table represents the 50 states from which the data are drawn, and that is for both the dependent variable and independent variables. In addition, the dependent variable, state support for undocumented students in higher education, has a minimum of 1 representing the most restrictive states and a maximum of 7 representing the most supportive states; the mean value is 4.7800; and the standard deviation value is 2.03329. The first independent variable is the percent Hispanic population, which has a minimum of 1.90, a maximum of 50.10, a mean of 12.7000, and a standard deviation of 10.57158. The population density per unit of land ranged from 1.30 to 1263.00, with a mean of 206.5120, and a standard deviation of 274.91589. The percent population with a college degree or higher has a minimum of 21.30, maximum of 44.50, mean of 32.00, and standard deviation of 5.24840. Furthermore, the percentage of the vote for Trump in 2020 has a minimum of 30.70, a maximum of 69.90, a mean of 50.0860, and a standard deviation of 10.3246. The per capita income ranges from 25444.00 to 45668.00, with a mean of 34485.840, and a standard deviation of 4870.04693. Lastly, the unemployment rate ranges from 2.10 to 4.60, with a mean of 3.4440, and a standard deviation of 0.71661; the region has a minimum of 1 that measures the Northeast region with 4 measuring the West region, and the in-between values were 2 for North Central and 3 for the South.

The hypotheses that are tested in this study to find the key factors that affect how supportive a state is to undocumented students are as follows:

H1: As the percentage of the vote for Trump increases, the level of state support for undocumented students will decline.

H2: As the percentage of the population with a college degree increases, the level of support for undocumented students will increase.

H3: As per capita income increases, the level of support for undocumented students will also increase.

H4: Levels of support for undocumented students will be lowest in the South and Midwest while the highest will be in the West and Northeast.

H5: As the percentage Hispanic population increases, the level of state support for undocumented students will also increase.

H6: As the unemployment rate increases, the level of support for undocumented students will decline.

H7: As population density increases, the level of support for undocumented students will rise.

Findings

The initial correlation analysis showed that all 6 of the independent variables were statistically significant: percent population of Hispanics, percent population with a college degree or higher, percentage of the vote for Trump in the 2020 election, and per capita income all demonstrate positive correlation with the dependent variable at p<0.01. In addition, population density per unit of land and unemployment rate had a positive correlation at p<0.05. However, although the percentage of the vote for Trump in 2020 had a significance of p<0.01, it was the only variable that had a negative correlation of -0.473 with the dependent variable. The independent variable with the highest correlation is the percent Hispanic population at 0.573 with a significance of p<0.01. Thus, data from the table also shows that all the variables are significant in a state’s support towards undocumented students.

TABLE 2. Correlation Analysis of State Support for Undocumented Students

Independent Variables

N = 50, * = p < 0.05, ** = p < 0.01

The scatterplot displayed in Figure 1 is a bivariate regression analysis of the percent population of Hispanics and support for undocumented students that shows a positive relationship. This figure has a y-intercept of 3.38, and state support increases by 0.11 with every percentage increase in the Hispanic population. The r^2 of 0.328 reveals that the Hispanic population explains almost one-third of the variance in state support for undocumented students.

FIGURE 1. Percent Population Hispanics and State Support for Undocumented Students

Figure 2 shows the positive relationship between the independent variable, the percent population with a college degree or higher, and the dependent variable of state support for undocumented students. This relationship has an r^2 of 0.152 and a y-intercept of 0.05. This bivariate analysis shows that state support increases by 0.15 with every percent increase in the percent population with a college degree or higher.

FIGURE 2. Percent Population with a College Degree or Higher and State Support for Undocumented Students

The relationship between the variables per capita income and state support for undocumented students is shown in Figure 3, wherein state support increased by 0.000165 for every dollar increase in per capita income. Per capita income explains almost 16% of the variance in state support for undocumented students.

FIGURE 3. Per Capita Income and State Support for Undocumented Students

Figure 4 shows the negative relationship between the percentage of the vote for Trump in the 2020 election and state support for undocumented students. The relationship on the scatterplot has an r^2 of 0.224 and a y-intercept of 9.45. Therefore, state support for undocumented students decreases by 0.09 for every percent increase in the percentage of the vote for Trump in the 2020 election. The Trump vote explains more than one-fifth of the variance in state support for undocumented students.

FIGURE 4. Percentage of the Vote for Trump in the 2020 election and State Support for Undocumented Students

The multivariate regression analysis in Table 3 shows that the independent variables of population density per unit of land, percent population with a college degree or higher, percentage of the vote for Trump in the 2020 election, per capita income, and unemployment rate do not have a significant relationship with state support for undocumented students. However, the only independent variable with a significant difference in the analysis is the percentage Hispanic population with a t-score of 3.705, an unstandardized regression coefficient of 0.091,

and a standard error of 0.025. The r^2 of the multivariate regression analysis is 0.465 which means that the variables explain 46.5% of the in-state support for undocumented students. Thus, according to the slope coefficient, for every percentage increase in the Hispanic population, state support for undocumented students increases by .091, and with a t-score of 3.705, the data is significant at p<0.01.

TABLE 3. Multivariate Regression Analysis

Independent Variables Unstandardized Regression Coefficients

of the vote for Trump in the 2020 election

N = 50, * = p < 0.05, ** = p < 0.01

r^2=0.465

Furthermore, Figure 5 shows the boxplot relationship between the independent variable region with the nominal values of 1=Northeast, 2=Northcentral, 3=South, and 4=West, and the dependent variable of state support for undocumented students. The Northeast has a mean of 5.1176, and a median of 5; the Northcentral has a mean of 4.5455 and a median of 5; the South has a mean of 3.7500 and a median of 3.5000; lastly, the West has a mean of 5.70 and a median of 7.00. The region with the highest score of support for undocumented students is the West region with a median of 7 while the region with the lowest score was the South with a median of 5. Therefore, the difference of means test of the West and South regions of the United States demonstrated a t-score of 2.161 with p-value = 0.022, which means that the difference is statistically significant.

FIGURE 5. State Support for Undocumented Students by Region

Thus, the independent variable of population density per unit of land, percent population with a college degree or higher, percentage of the vote for Trump in the 2020 election, and per capita income did not have a significant relationship with the dependent variable in the multivariate analysis table, but the variable percent Hispanic population and region both had significant outcomes.

Therefore, H1 (As the percentage of the vote for Trump increases, the level of state support for undocumented students will decline) will be rejected. Although the independent variable was statistically significant in the correlation analysis table, it did not have significance in the multivariate analysis. This goes for H2 (As the percentage of the population with a college degree increases, the level of support for undocumented students will increase) and H3 (As per capita income increases, the level of support for undocumented students will also increase) as well. These relationships were statistically significant in the correlation table but inconsequential in the multivariate analysis. In addition, the hypotheses that will be accepted or will fail to be rejected are H4 (Levels of support for undocumented students will be lowest in the South and Midwest while being highest in the West and Northeast) and H5 (As the percentage Hispanic population increases, the level of state support for undocumented students will also increase) because of the findings in the multivariate regression analysis and the boxplot.

CONCLUSION

The findings of this research article shed light on the question “What are the key predictors of how supportive states are toward undocumented students in their university systems?” with Hypothesis 4 (Levels of support for undocumented students will be lowest in the South and Midwest while being highest in the West and Northeast) and Hypothesis 5 (As the percentage Hispanic population increases,

the level of state support for undocumented students will also increase) being accepted by the findings of this research. Therefore, the key predictors of how supportive a state is to undocumented students, according to the findings, are the percentage Hispanic population and the region in which the state is located. As shown Western states are more supportive of undocumented students and Southern states tend to pass restrictive policies for undocumented students’ access to higher education.

In addition, another unit of analysis that could have been used for this research article instead of the geographic unit is groups or organizations, such as the Board of Education within each state, which plays a factor in providing scholarships or financial aid to undocumented students. Another future concept that can be explored through this research article is how race plays a role in immigrant access to higher education. This will be a helpful analysis in understanding that immigrants are a multifaceted group of individuals and the immigration process needs to reflect that. The education system plays a key role in this analysis, and an example of this is in the article “Asian Americans, Racial Stereotypes, and Elite University Admissions.” The author, Vinay Harpalani, writes, “The divisions they create could pit Asian Americans against other people of color in other education and admissions debates, such as those concerning standardized testing—which is a pipeline to elite high school and university admissions,” (Harpalani 2022, 241). Asian Americans are stereotypically associated with the “model immigrant.” As society becomes more polarized on the topic of immigrants and immigration, understanding how race and/or organizations play a factor in undocumented students getting access to financial aid let alone higher levels of education will be an interesting analysis.

References

Cadenas, Germán A., Kenny Nienhusser, Raquel Sosa, and Oswaldo Moreno. 2022. “Immigrant Students’ Mental Health and Intent to Persist in College: The Role of Undocufriendly Campus Climate.” Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, September. doi:10.1037/cdp0000564. Accessed 9 December 2022.

Castillo-Granados, Dalia, Rachel Leya Davidson, Laila L. Hlas, and Rebecca Scholtz. 2022. “The Racial Justice Imperative to Reimagine Immigrant Children’s Rights: Special Immigrant Juveniles as a Case Study.” American University Law Review 71 (5): 1779–1854. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=lgs&AN=157774053&site=eds-live&scope=site. Accessed 9 December 2022.

Cohn, D’Vera. 2015. “How U.S. Immigration Laws and Rules Have Changed through History.” Pew Research Center, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/09/30/ how-u-s-immigration-laws-and-rules-have-changed-through-history/. Accessed 5 February 2023.

Price, Marie, and Ivana Mowry-Mora. 2020. “Daca and the Differentiated Landscape for College Access: Experiences from a New Destination State.” Geographical Review 110 (4): 437–56. doi:10.1080/00167428.2020.1773267. Accessed 9 December 2022.

Shaw, Matthew Patrick 2022. “The Public Right to Education.” University of Chicago Law Review 89 (5): 1179–1244. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=shib&db=lgs&AN=159101634&site=eds-live&scope=site. Accessed 9 December 2022.

“U.S. State Policies on DACA & Undocumented Students: Higher Ed Immigration Portal.” Higher Ed Immigration Portal, 17 Nov. 2022, https://www.higheredimmigrationportal.org/states/. Accessed 5 February 2023.

Ethical Issues within the Criminal Justice System: 8 Case Studies

By Katherine Carpenter

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Rudy Prine, Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Criminal Justice

Article Abstract:

Cases such as Rodney King, George Floyd, and Breonna Taylor cast a spotlight upon law enforcement and ethics. However, cases that have received national, and even international, publicity only showcase a small portion of the criminal justice system and the ethical issues that are present within the system. The purpose of this article is to provide the reader with a variety of recent examples that cover a broader spectrum of the criminal justice system. This review covers not only traditional law enforcement, but also institutional corrections, community corrections, and counter terrorism. Case studies from different areas of the criminal justice system were collected from recent news articles. These scenarios were then analyzed to give the reader a better understanding of the ethical issues involved. This article is an exercise in applied ethics within the criminal justice system with an emphasis on examples that while ethically relevant have not received national publicity.

Introduction

The criminal justice system is often thrown into the limelight and not always for the right reasons. Cases such as Rodney King, George Floyd, and Breonna Taylor have gained national attention, which can put the spotlight on the criminal justice system as a whole and opens it up to scrutiny. However, these cases only scratch the surface of a much wider range of ethical issues involved within the criminal justice system. The purpose of this article is to provide the reader with a variety of recent examples within not only traditional law enforcement, but also institutional corrections, community corrections, and counter terrorism to showcase ethical issues that are present in the criminal justice system. Specific case studies are reviewed from different parts of the criminal justice system to highlight not only the ethical issues, but also the consequences and the motivations of those involved.

Case Selection

The purpose of this article is to analyze the ethical issues that are present in the criminal justice system. However, if one were to examine cases from every single aspect of the criminal justice system, it would include far too many cases to look over in a reasonable time frame. Therefore, this article examines four key areas of the criminal justice system as a way to narrow down important cases to focus on. The first aspect of the criminal justice system that the article focuses on is law enforcement. When one envisions the criminal justice system, one mainly imagines law enforcement, as it is the aspect of the criminal justice system that an individual will most likely encounter. Since individuals will come into contact with law enforcement more than other aspects of the criminal justice system, they are more likely to face the ethical issues that arise in this area. Therefore, it was important that cases of unethical behaviors in law enforcement were featured in this article. Then, the article analyzes cases from both institutional corrections and community corrections. I decided I wanted to dive into institutional corrections instead of focusing on a different area such as the court system. The media tends to present courtroom dramas that showcase unethical behavior, but it mostly overlooks the ethical issues within the correctional environment. This article helps fill that void by taking a closer look at institution corrections. I also wanted to make a pathway through the criminal justice system in which the reader can learn about the different ethical issues in each corresponding stage of the system. For example, once someone is arrested, they may go to a correctional facility, such as a jail or prison. Then, that person may qualify for community corrections, such as parole or probation. The final area of the criminal justice system that the article focuses on was

counter terrorism. Counter terrorism was chosen as opposed to another area such as the criminal courts or the juvenile justice system because I wanted the reader to be challenged on what they think of the ethical issues that were present in the criminal justice system. Most people do not want to think about terrorism, and it is even more difficult to think about the ethical issues that come with fighting terrorism. Some people may think that as long as the country is safe, then whatever needs to be done should be done regardless of the ethical issues present. However, there are proper channels that the criminal justice system must go through no matter the situation. Therefore, it is important for counter terrorism to be included in this article.

After deciding the aspects of the criminal justice system that this article should focus on, I began looking into cases that should be analyzed. The article should analyze at least two cases of unethical behavior in each area. This would serve as a reminder that these ethical issues are not rare occurrences. They are very present in the criminal justice system today, regardless of the surrounding details.

Law Enforcement

One of the jobs that law enforcement has is to protect its citizens from any form of harm or danger. This means that they must stop these threats by any means possible. However, because of this expectation, use of force can become a serious problem. Law enforcement will have to use some sort of force. According to Cheeseman et al. (2023d), “Criminal justice professionals are enmeshed in a ‘culture of force,’ in which decisions they make involve using force or determining how much force to use in order to gain compliance” (p. 19). However, sometimes law enforcement can go too far. Law enforcement should only use the amount of force that is necessary. Once police start to use threats or force that is too severe for the situation at hand, it becomes an ethical violation. In the Law Enforcement Code of Ethics, officers swear to not use unnecessary force or violence (Law Enforcement Code of Ethics (n.d.)). In fact, the policies regarding use of force are the same regardless of whether it refers to the federal level or state level. The Supreme Court ruled that use of force is dependent on the facts of the case and whether a subject is a threat to the safety of others or resisting arrest (“Title 1: Organizations and Functions,” July 2022). This policy holds up in state law. For example, Georgia state law states that use of force is only allowed if there is a reasonable fear that the person will kill or seriously injure another (“Georgia Law on Police and Deadly Force,” (n.d.)).

Use of force can sometimes be necessary. If a suspect or perpetrator is resistant to law enforcement, it may be necessary for law enforcement to use some form of force in order to get the suspect to comply with

orders. According to Prine (2023b), force is used to overcome resistance. Once the suspect is compliant, the situation should deescalate. When an officer continues to exert force and escalate a situation, even after the suspect complies, it is unethical. Officers who use excessive force can taint the reputation of the agency they are a part of. It could cause the public to begin to fear or even to distrust the police. The resulting public distrust could cause other problems such as making law enforcement ineffective in their job of protecting society. There are many cases that show law enforcement officers continuing to use an unnecessary amount of force. By analyzing these cases, one can begin to understand the issue of excessive force as a whole.

The following case study is from the Kansas City Police Department, in June 2023, and it involves a man who was detained for suspected shoplifting. On June 1, 2023, Dayton Borisouth, age 24, went to Walmart and bought a frozen pizza. He used the self-checkout and since he only bought a frozen pizza, he decided to not put the pizza in a bag. As he was walking out of Walmart, he was stopped by an officer and was asked if he had a receipt. Borisouth responded that he did and then kept walking. When the officer followed him, Borisouth said that the officer had no right to detain him and that he did not do anything wrong. The officer then cornered him and pushed him to a wall. Borisouth reached towards his pocket to grab his receipt and the officer told him to stop. The officer then asked if he had any weapons. Borisouth immediately responded that he had a work blade but nothing else. The officer then forced him to the ground and another officer came onto the scene. This second officer grabbed Borisouth by the hair and threatened to break his nose. The second officer then put his knee on Borisouth’s neck, and a third officer joined the scene. This officer held down Borisouth’s legs as he was handcuffed. Then he was taken to a police car where he was detained for an hour. The officers got the receipt and once it was proven that Borisouth had in fact paid for the five-dollar pizza, he was released. The officers then told Borisouth that he was being charged with failure to comply, which was later dropped (Webster & Van de Riet, 2023).

In this case, the officers present used excessive force. Why? The reason that the officers began to use force was because Borisouth was not compliant at first. Although he was not hostile or violent at all, he did ignore the officers. This may have caused the officers to become defensive. Borisouth also had a weapon on him. Although he immediately let the officers know that he had one, it could have still been a stressor to the officers. These factors could explain why they used excessive force. But this use of force was not needed. What the officers should have done is use soft hands or a firmer verbal command. Instead, the officers immediately became defensive and continued to use an unnecessary amount of force throughout the entire interaction.

Once Borisouth was on the ground, there was no reason to involve two more officers. In fact, he should never have been taken to the ground. The officers that are involved with this case are facing consequences. According to the Kansas City Police Department, the first officer was not even on duty. He was a security guard for Walmart. Both the security guard and one of the other officers were disciplined and will undergo additional training for the future (Webster & Van de Riet, 2023). However, due to the nature of the case, one may think these consequences are too lenient. The amount of force that was used in this situation was far too much. On top of that, only two of the three involved officers were disciplined. There are many disciplinary consequences that an officer can receive when the need arises. These can include oral or written reprimands, suspension with or without pay, dismissal, or even criminal charges (Prine, 2023b). Out of these consequences, all three officers should be written up and the officer who threatened Borisouth should be suspended without pay. Borisouth is also planning to sue the department (Webster & Van de Riet, 2023). So, on top of work-related consequences, all three officers will face legal consequences as well.

The next case study is from the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, in June 2023, and it involves a man and woman who were detained for an alleged robbery. On June 24, 2023, law enforcement was called out to a WinCo grocery store in response to a robbery in progress. When officers got there, they were given the suspects’ descriptions and approached two people who seemed like a match. One officer approached the male suspect and told him that he was being detained. The man was then handcuffed and forced to the ground. The other officer approached the female suspect. She was recording the interaction and told the approaching deputy that he could not touch her. The officer then threw the woman to the ground and tried to restrain her. The woman resisted, so the officer threatened to punch her in the face. The female suspect then threatened to sue. The officer then pepper sprayed the woman in the face and threatened to pepper spray her again. The officer then handcuffed the woman. The suspects were placed in separate police cars (Yancey- Braggs, 2023).

In this case, excessive force was used. One could argue that some use of force was necessary in this case because the suspects were being detained and were resisting. This could be true. However, the problem arose once the officers detained the suspects. The male suspect was brought to the ground after he was already handcuffed. This was not needed. An even bigger problem was that the female suspect was slammed to the ground. Then the officer threatened to punch her in the face. Threats are not necessary in order to get someone to comply. If anything, threats have the opposite effect and are more likely to make the suspect become defensive because they are scared. The reason that

may have motivated the officers to use this force may have been that the officers were responding to a robbery, so they were already alert and ready to handle a threat. Also, one of the suspects was belligerent. This could have motivated the officer into using force.

The officers involved in this case are being investigated. They face the possibility of extra training, letters of reprimand, or even dismissal. One of the deputies already has a lawyer representing him (YanceyBragg, 2023). Based on the facts of that case, at least one of the officers should be disciplined. The officer who forced the male suspect to the ground should only receive an oral reprimand. Although this action was not necessary, the male suspect was not hurt, and the officer did not exert additional force towards him. However, the deputy who threw the female suspect and threatened her should at least receive additional training. He should also receive a written reprimand. The officer could argue that him throwing the suspect was necessary in order to restrain her. However, it is never necessary to threaten to punch someone in the face, so he should be disciplined for that action.

Institutional Corrections

Correctional officers are supposed to supervise those who have committed some sort of criminal activity. These officers are responsible for creating and maintaining order in institutional correctional facilities such as prisons or jails. Correctional officers are in a position of authority over the inmates they supervise daily. However, when a person is in a position of authority over another person, it can lead to issues. As with law enforcement, correctional officers can abuse their authority. According to Prine (2023d), there are many different types of abuse of authority. The different types of abuse can include smuggling contraband such as drugs, allowing physical or sexual abuse between inmates, excessive use of force, sexual misconduct involving both male and female staff members, selling privileges, and taking kickbacks from vendors. There are also multiple causes for an officer to participate in an abuse of authority. These causes can include a lack of supervision, thrill seeking behavior, social learning theory, financial rewards, and complacency on the part of the staff or administration (Prine, 2023d).

One of the most common forms of an abuse of authority that the public hears about is sexual misconduct. This is when there is a sexual relationship between an officer, or some form of staff in the facility, and an inmate. However, this is ethically wrong. Sometimes, some people may believe that if both parties are consenting adults, then there should be no problem with having sex. However, federal law states that all sexual relations between staff and inmates, even consensual, are abuse (“Deterring Staff Sexual Abuse of Federal Inmates,” 2005). When one looks at the finer details surrounding sexual misconduct,

it is easier to see how all cases, even consensual ones, are unethical. First, one can look at a situation where both parties are consenting. This is unethical because one of the parties is an inmate and one of the parties is an officer. There is an unbalanced power dynamic. Even if the inmate consents, they may have felt coerced or pressured by the officer since the officer basically controls the inmate’s life while they are in prison. Then, one can look at a situation when both parties do not consent. This is unethical, as it is rape. It is a crime that was committed on an inmate while the inmate was supposed to be in the care of the state. There are many cases that show correctional officers engaging in sexual misconduct with inmates. By analyzing cases where sexual misconduct is prevalent, one can understand why this is an ethical issue.

The following case study is from Elkhart County Jail, in October 2022, and involves a female inmate who was sexually abused by multiple male correctional officers. The case began in October 2022, in Indiana, when the victim was sentenced to work release for six months for leaving a note on her daughter’s car after being ordered by a judge to supervised visitations only (Messick, 2023). Initially the victim was not in a correctional facility, but one month into her sentence she was arrested and sent to jail. However, it is important to understand the details of the victim’s case before she entered jail. While she was at the Elkhart County Corrections work release program, Elkhart County Jail Officer Clifton made sexual remarks to the victim. He also went as far as making sexual threats, even though the victim told him many times that she was married. After the woman was arrested on November 8, 2022, and sent to the Elkhart County Jail to finish her sentence, the sexual abuse intensified. According to the woman, three correctional officers, Cory, Metzger, and Brugh, would frequently take female inmates to places where the cameras could not see them and would perform sexual acts with them in exchange for candy, drugs, or ink pens (Messick, 2023). The woman also recalled personal experiences with the same officers. One experience happened on November 24, 2022. Here the woman claimed that some of the inmates were given mattresses. She asked Sergeant Micheal Metzger about the mattresses, and he told her that he could get her one if she had sex with him. She said no. However, two days later, Metzger forcibly removed her towel after a shower, and masturbated in front of her (Messick, 2023). In this case, multiple officers engaged in sexual misconduct. This is unethical because it violates the inmate’s rights. An inmate has a right to not be physically or sexually harmed while in the care of the state. However, the officers involved must have known that sexual abuse is wrong, so why did they do it? There are many causes for sexual misconduct, as mentioned before. There are also many causes that can be linked to this case specifically. One reason that could explain why

the correctional officers engaged in sexual misconduct could be social learning theory. The social learning theory, at its core, is when someone learns behavior through observation. This could describe officers Cory and Brugh’s behavior. They mostly likely learned it from their sergeant, Metzger. However, there are two other officers involved in this case. One can link two causes to both Officer Clifton and Sergeant Metzger. Both of their actions can be explained by a lack of supervision and the predisposition theory. In both situations where the officers harassed and abused the victim, there was no one supervising them. This allowed them to do whatever they wanted, since they knew they were in a position of power over the victim. The second cause is the predisposition theory. According to Cheeseman et al. (2023b), this theory states that a person’s character is established early in their life and that changes in their life will not impact their initial behaviors. So, perhaps the officers committed sexual misconduct because they were predisposed to it and would have done this even if they were not officers. They also had the opportunity to do it.

The officers in this case are not facing the consequences they should. The only consequences, thus far, are not even related to the specific case at hand. Metzger was fired in February 2023, for a completely unrelated reason: failure to meet deadlines. Brugh was fired for spreading rumors that he was having sexual relations with a supervisor (Messick, 2023). However, these consequences are far too lenient. Metzger should be faced with criminal charges because he sexually abused a vulnerable person. The other officers involved, Cory and Brugh, should also face criminal charges. According to the Office of the Inspector General, staff members who use force to engage in sexual acts can receive a sentence of twenty years or even up to a life sentence. Staff members who simply engage in sexual acts without the use of force could receive a sentence of one year (“Deterring Staff Sexual Abuse of Federal Inmates,” 2005). So, the three officers in the county jail should be investigated and then properly sentenced. Since Officer Clifton only made threats and crude sexual remarks, and did not engage in actual sexual acts, he should be fired. He should not be able to work in corrections or at least should receive additional training before he returns to work under supervision.

The next case study is from the Coffee Creek Correctional Facility, May 2023, where a correctional officer engaged in sexual misconduct with a female inmate. In Oregon, on May 23, 2023, Sergeant Levi Gray, age 47, engaged in two separate sexual acts with a female inmate. One act involved oral sex between Sergeant Gray and the inmate. The other sexual act involved penetration of the victim with Sergeant Gray’s fingers. Both sexual acts occurred on the same day. The victim has not revealed any more details about the experience and has also remained anonymous to the public (Botkin, 2023).

In this case, Sergeant Gray engaged in two acts of sexual misconduct. Why? Since this case has less details surrounding the actual misconduct, it can be difficult to understand the reason behind why Sergeant Gray committed sexual misconduct. However, one could link his reasoning with the social learning theory. Sergeant Gray started his career in corrections in 2010 and has been working in corrections for about thirteen years. In over a decade of Gray’s correctional work, there have been no reports of sexual misconduct. So, it would be hard to link this case to the predisposition theory or a lack of supervision. If Sergeant Gray was predisposed to commit sexual misconduct, then there should be previous cases showing that this has happened before. But there are not any previous cases. One can, however, link Sergeant Gray to the social learning theory. Right before Sergeant Gray’s case was brought forth, there was another case of sexual misconduct in Coffee Creek. Tony Klein was convicted of seventeen counts of sexual assault and his case was tried one month before Sergeant Gray’s case was tried (Botkin, 2023).

The officer in this case is facing consequences. Sergeant Gray was arrested and booked into Washington County jail. He was charged with two felony counts of first-degree custodial sexual misconduct and two misdemeanor charges of official misconduct (Botkin, 2023). He is currently on trial. This is the appropriate consequence that Sergeant Gray should face, since the court will properly investigate him, and the jury will rule in a sentence that is appropriate for the crime. When looking at the crimes that he committed, Sergeant Gray should be sentenced to a possible twenty years in prison since he forced an inmate to engage in sexual acts (“Deterring Staff Sexual Abuse of Federal Inmates,” 2005).

Community Corrections

When one thinks of the criminal justice system, usually the image that comes to one’s mind is that of jails or prisons. However, there are alternatives to incarceration in the criminal justice system. One alternative is community corrections. Community corrections usually include probation or parole (Prine, 2023c). Probation is when someone serves their guilty sentence in the community under supervision. A probationer must follow specific conditions, or they face the possibility of serving their sentence in jail. Parole is an early release from prison where someone is allowed to serve the rest of their sentence in the community under supervision. People on parole also must follow certain conditions or they face the possibility of returning to prison to finish their sentence (Cheeseman et al., 2023c). Community corrections, just like institutional corrections and law enforcement, have a duty to follow a code of ethics. Under this code of ethics, community correc-

tional officers are supposed to uphold the law and act objectively in their duties (“Code of Ethics for the Field of Community Corrections,” n.d.). However, there are times that a community correctional officer, such as a probation or parole officer, may engage in unethical behavior. There are many places in community corrections where an officer might encounter ethical issues. One issue comes from their main job. An officer who is involved with community corrections is tasked with supervising a specific person. An offender who is on probation or parole is under the supervision of that officer. While the officer does have a job to protect the public from any possible criminal activity, they also have a responsibility to the offender they are supervising (“Code of Ethics for the Field of Community Corrections,” n.d.). However, officers involved with community corrections should be cautious. Since these officers are supervising an offender, they are in a position of authority. Being in a position of authority creates an opportunity to abuse that authority. When a community correctional officer abuses their power, it becomes an ethical issue. According to Prine (2023c), there are many reasons that a person may abuse their position in authority. These reasons can include lack of supervision, thrill seeking behavior, financial rewards, Social Learning Theory, and the Predisposition Theory. Another place where community correctional officers may face unethical behavior is in their ability to have discretion (Cheeseman et al., 2023c). Discretion is the freedom a person has to decide how they should act in a situation. Officers usually have discretion on how they want to deal with situations. However, because of this discretion, they may engage in unethical behavior.

The following case study is from the McDuffie County Department of Community Supervision, in February 2023, and it involves a probation officer who engaged in sexual acts with a probationer who was under his supervision. This case began in July of 2022, when a female probationer accused Bobby Evans, age 57, of sexual misconduct. According to the probationer, Evans had sex with her twice. After the allegation, the Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) began an investigation into Evans. However, it was not until February 2023 that Evans was arrested. He was charged with two counts of sexual assault of a probationer and one count of violation of oath of office by a public officer (Rickabaugh, 2023).

The probation officer involved in the case, Bobby Evans, engaged in sexual misconduct. Sexual misconduct is an ethical issue. It is unethical for officers to engage in sexual acts with someone that they are supposed to supervise, even if it is “consensual.” This is because a probation officer is in a position of power over the probationer. The probation officer knew that this behavior was unethical. So, why did Evans engage in sexual misconduct? One explanation is called the predisposition theory. As mentioned before, the predisposition theory

states that a person’s character is established early in life (Cheeseman et al., 2023b). This means that a person will engage in certain behaviors that they established early on as long as they have the opportunity. Evans may have learned early in his life to take what he wanted. So, when he was presented an opportunity to engage in the unethical behavior of sexual misconduct, he took it. Another explanation could be thrill-seeking behavior. This is when someone engages in an activity simply for the thrill it gives them. Evans may have engaged in sexual misconduct because of the thrill it gave him to be in a position of power over someone else.

The officer in the case is facing consequences. Bobby Evans was arrested and charged with multiple counts of sexual assault. Evans did get out of jail on a $100,000 bail (Rickabaugh, 2023). However, the GBI is still conducting an investigation on him. Evans was also fired from his job by the Georgia Department of Community Supervision (DCS) (Clay and Gill, 2023). While some people may think that these consequences are too harsh, they are not. Evans used his position of power over someone in order to take something from them. In fact, he committed a crime against them. So, Evans should face jail time. The GBI will conduct their investigation on him, and he will be sentenced accordingly. Evans was also terminated from his job. With the nature of the ethical violation that Evans committed, one would hope that he does get jail time. However, in case Evans is not sentenced to jail time, he has still faced the appropriate consequences by being terminated. This ensures that he does not harm anyone else.

The next case study is from Cayuga County Probation Department, in October 2023, and involves a probation officer abusing his position of power over those he supervised. Nicholas G. Flanigan, age 34, was first investigated when a complaint was filed against him by a citizen. The citizen believed Flanigan was engaging in inappropriate and illegal behavior. Flanigan reportedly used his position of power to gain money, free labor, and photos from the probationers under his supervision. It is also alleged that he took advantage of a male probationer and female probationer (Hayes, 2023). Flanigan was arrested October 3, 2023, and was charged with falsifying business records, offering a false instrument for filing, and two counts of official misconduct (Hatch, 2023).

Officer Flanigan engaged in many different unethical behaviors against those he was supervising. But the question remains of why? One explanation that can explain Flanigan’s unethical behavior is financial rewards. Since Flanigan extorted many of the probationers under his supervision, it can be assumed that he wanted extra income. Most of the probationers were too scared to speak up against Flanigan, so he could continue to extort those around him for money to use as a personal benefit. Another reason that may explain why Flanigan engaged in unethical behavior is a lack of supervision. Probation officers usu-

ally work alone. In fact, individualism is one of the characteristics of the community corrections subculture. This is because each probation officer works independently to oversee their cases and therefore has little input from other people in the department (Cheeseman et al., 2023c). However, since there is little input from others, there is also little supervision from others. This would allow Flanigan to engage in unethical behavior without anyone catching him.

The officer in this case is facing the proper consequences for the violations of ethical standards in his job. Flanigan was arrested for his crimes. He pleaded not guilty and was released on his own recognizance (Rocheleau, 2023). This means that Flanigan will have to appear in court and will have to go through a trial. This will ensure that he faces the proper consequences and receives the appropriate sentencing by a jury. On top of that, Flanigan was also suspended without pay (News Staff, 2023). These are the appropriate consequences because they will ensure that Flanigan does not use his position of authority over people to engage in unethical behavior anymore.

Counter Terrorism

Counter terrorism is another aspect of the criminal justice system that contains many ethical issues. However, sometimes these issues can go unnoticed by the public. Many citizens do not want to think of the idea of terrorism. They may believe that as long as a threat is destroyed, then it does not matter what unethical behaviors are exhibited to make that happen. However, this is not how the criminal justice system works. It is important to understand the ethical issues that the criminal justice system faces, even in the most extreme cases such as counter terrorism.

Terrorism can be best understood as violence or a threat of violence against the citizens of a nation for a political or religious reason (Prine, 2023a). There are two main types of terrorism: international terrorism and domestic terrorism. International terrorism is when terroristic acts are committed by someone who is either apart of or inspired by a foreign terrorist organization. Domestic terrorism is when a terrorist acts on goals that come from domestic influences, influences that are not foreign, and instead stem from America or the nation they live in (“Terrorism,” n.d.). Since 9/11 there have been many safeguards put in place to help prevent any type of these attacks. However, the fear is still present in today’s society.

Law enforcement officers and government officials are meant to keep their citizens safe from both inside and outside threats. The criminal justice system as a whole makes it their mission to protect their nation from attacks. However, this mission raises the question of how far they will go to ensure this protection. This is why there are so many

ethical issues that one may face when dealing with cases relating to terrorism. These issues include the ethical controversy of enhanced interrogation techniques, how long suspects should be detained, and the ethical controversy of domestic surveillance (Prine, 2023a). There is also the issue of racial profiling. This is when law enforcement uses race, ethnicity, or national origin as a reason to carry out action against someone instead of going by their behavior (Cheeseman et al., 2023a). Some law enforcement will use the race of a person as a reason to carry out investigations on them as a possible terroristic threat. However, this is not ethical and can violate a person’s rights. There are also the ethical dilemmas that law enforcement faces. This could include use of force or even illegal search and seizures. Law enforcement work hard to investigate every single possible threat to their country as it is important to protect the citizens of a nation. However, if this protection is gained by violating the rights of someone who is not confirmed to be a threat, is it still ethical? The ethical dilemmas that one faces when dealing with cases relating to terrorism can be difficult to navigate. It is already difficult to find cases that demonstrate the ethical, or in this case unethical, behaviors that can be committed by the criminal justice system. This difficulty only increases when one looks at cases relating to terrorism. However, the following cases show the lengths that the criminal justice system will go to if they believe they are fighting against terrorism.

The following case study is from the Atlanta Police Department, in March 2023, and involves police reacting to protesters who they deemed domestic terrorists. On March 5, 2023, police arrested thirty-five people and charged twenty-three people with domestic terrorism. This incident began outside a police training center that was under development while a music festival was going on close by. Police say that a group of people used the music festival as a cover to begin a protest. They came into the construction area and began to throw bricks, rocks, and Molotov cocktails. The Atlanta Police Department said that they responded calmly, exercised restraint, and used non-lethal force to arrest the protesters (McShane, 2023). However, the people that were there have a different story. The Defend the Atlanta Forest group recalled that police targeted people who were watching the music festival. Police would tackle the people from the festival, tase them, and even threaten to use lethal force on them (Riess et al., 2023). There is also an account from Luke Harper who was present at the music festival. He was not part of the group that protested against the police training center, but he was still arrested. Harper recalled that he was held in detention for ninety days without ever being charged. Police made no attempt to bring evidence against him but still called him a domestic terrorist (Yousef, 2023).

There are many ethical dilemmas that the officers faced in this

case. The first ethical dilemma took place when the officers began to use excessive force on the people surrounding the area. Use of force is unethical because it breaches a person’s right to feel protected by the police. The police did not need to threaten lethal force on those who were cooperating. The second ethical dilemma came when the police held Harper in incarceration for ninety days without bringing any evidence that would prove that he was a domestic terrorist. This is unethical because it violates a person’s freedom. Harper was not even a part of the group that committed the acts of protest against the police, but he was still treated as a terrorist by law enforcement. However, the question is why did these officers commit this unethical behavior? The main reason that the police officers in the case engaged in unethical behavior is likely because of noble cause corruption. Noble cause corruption is when someone engages in corrupt acts for the sake of the greater good (Cheeseman et al., 2023b). People who commit noble cause corruption view their unethical choices as a necessary evil or a means to an end. The officers in the case were able to engage in unethical behavior because to them it was justified. It did not matter if they committed unethical behavior as long as the public and their fellow officers were safe.

There have been no consequences brought against any of the officers involved in the case. However, this is not right. The police were completely justified in arresting the protesters who threw Molotov cocktails, bricks, and rocks at the police training center that was being developed. However, the police were not justified when they used excessive amounts of force to arrest people who were not involved in the protest. Not only did the police tackle and tase them, but they also threatened to use lethal force. The police also were not justified in keeping Harper incarcerated for ninety days without having any evidence against him. For the police officers who used excessive force, they should be required to go through more training. The police department should also face some sort of consequence of keeping Harper incarcerated although there was no evidence. This may be through compensation of some kind given directly to Harper himself.

The next case is from the Department of Homeland Security, in October 2022, and involves members of the Department of Homeland Security committing unethical behavior tied to the 2020 protests in Portland, Oregon. This case began in 2020 but a report detailing all of the questionable behavior exhibited by some members of the Department of Homeland Security was released, in its entirety, in October 2022. The report details how Acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf and Acting Deputy Secretary Ken Cuccinelli requested that operational background reports be collected on every single person that attended the protests in Portland, Oregon. Although they initially requested these background reports to be collected on everyone, the reports were

only collected on those who were arrested. The reports included any past criminal history, travel history, derogatory information from the Department of Homeland Security, lists of friends and family, and social media (Levinson, 2022). It is important to remember that during the protests, there were large numbers of people arrested even if they were not violent and were simply exercising their First Amendment Right. Some analysts were against this collection of information and were concerned about collecting information on protesters who had no connection to domestic terrorism. There were even some employees who refused to participate. Brian Murphy, the undersecretary of the intelligence unit at the time, also committed unethical behavior when he sent an email insisting that the protesters be called Violent Antifa Anarchists Inspired (Selsky, 2022).

The members of Homeland Security in the case collected information on people that had no ties to domestic terrorism. This is unethical because it can violate a person’s right to privacy. Another member also resorted to what can essentially be referred to as hate speech. As officials in the Department of Homeland Security, the members who engaged in this unethical behavior must have known that this behavior was not right. So, why did these officials commit these unethical behaviors? Like the case mentioned before, this case may also demonstrate noble cause corruption. The members of homeland security saw the protesters essentially as domestic terrorists. They wanted to protect the officers who were confronting the protesters. They also wanted to protect the general public by finding the quickest and easiest way to stop the protests altogether. This made it easy to justify their behavior. To them, it was likely okay if they violated a person’s right to privacy, as long as in the end the protests stopped, and the public was safe.

The officials involved in this case did receive the consequences that they deserved. Brian Murphy was removed from his job in 2020 after he sent the email insisting the protesters be called Violent Antifa Anarchists Inspired (Sands and Cohen, 2020). Chad Wolf, Secretary of Homeland Security at the time, resigned from his job in early 2021 (DeChalus, 2021). The Deputy Secretary at the time also faced consequences. Ken Cuccinelli was said to be invalidly appointed to his position therefore he was ineligible to serve in his job (Cheney, 2020). Since all of the officials that engaged in unethical behavior no longer have their jobs, it can be said that they have faced due consequences.

Discussion

After analyzing the above cases, it can be understood that there are ethical concerns in every part of the criminal justice system. This is because the criminal justice system is controlled and run by humans. This leaves room for human error as humans will always make some

sort of a mistake whether big or small. However, this can cause big problems. These errors that the criminal justice system makes can be detrimental to those who have to suffer the consequences. For example, in law enforcement, when an officer makes an unethical decision, an innocent person can be detained with an excessive use of force that could have the potential to be lethal. In institutional correctional facilities, the unethical decisions that are made can cause those who were affected to have lasting emotional, mental, and psychical harm. The same can be said of those who were involved within the community correctional programs. This is also the case for counter terrorism efforts. In a department’s attempt to protect their nation, they may violate the rights of their citizens. These are alarming consequences that could manifest themselves in those who are affected by the unethical decisions made in the criminal justice system. So, one must understand that these ethical issues are present in every part of the criminal justice system. Only then can we begin to devise solutions to better the criminal justice system as a whole. Solutions that could improve these ethical issues could include training for the criminal justice system or purging the system of officers who often commit unethical behaviors. However, to truly create solutions that will repair the system, there must be a thorough review of the criminal justice system’s ethical issues.

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Wage Gap in the United States: What Factors Explain the Pay Gap Between Men and Women Across the 50 States?

By Abigail G. Wilcher

Faculty Mentor: Dr. James LaPlant, Department of Political Science

Article Abstract:

The purpose of this quantitative study is to investigate the factors of the pay gap between men and women. This study evaluates the factors that may contribute to the difference in men and women’s earnings across the 50 states. The study analyzed eight independent variables: percent Trump vote in 2020, population density, per capita income, percent bachelor’s degree, percent African American, percent of women as the head of household, unemployment rate in 2019, unemployment rate in 2021, and a nominal region variable. This study also compares the Wage Gap in 2019 and 2021. The impact of these variables on the dependent variable, the difference in men and women’s earnings, is determined through a correlation analysis, scatterplots, boxplot, and multivariate regression analysis. Three variables proved to be statistically significant in 2019 (pre-pandemic) and 2021 (post-pandemic). The variables that were insignificant were population density, percent African American, percent women as the head of household, and the unemployment rate of 2019. The difference between the Northeast and North Central regions are statistically significant at the p<.05 level for 2019 and 2021. The difference between the Southern and Western states were statistically significant at the p<.05 level. The independent variables that proved to be significant were the Trump vote in 2020, per capita income, and the percent of bachelor’s degrees. After running a correlation analysis on the measure of change in the gap between men and women in 2019 and 2021, all variables proved to be statistically insignificant. Analyzing and identifying the cause of the difference between men and women’s earnings is essential in eradicating the wage gap.

Despite women making up nearly half of the workforce, they continue to make less than their male counterparts. Gender inequality is a historical problem in many aspects of life, including social and professional situations. However, the most prominent issue of gender inequality appears in the workforce; this became abundant during the mid-20th century when women entered the workplace to fill the gap for men. As a result, legislation has been passed, such as the Equal Pay Act of 1963 and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as well as policy ratification to help eradicate this disparity. Since there has been legislation passed to combat the pay inequalities between men and women, it is imperative to obtain an understanding on why there is still a wage gap. More specifically, it is essential to understand that the wage gap between men and women varies across each state. Thus, one of the questions being asked in relation to the wage gap between men and women is whether certain factors explain the severity of the pay gap in a state. Some states have large African American populations and women as the head of the household, which have been disproportionately affected by the gender pay gap (Ortiz and Roscigno, 2009). Other states have large population densities, unemployment rates, and per capita incomes, which may influence the wage gap. Additionally, the percentage of the population with a college degree in a state can play a critical role in the differences in the wage gap given that college degrees positively impact salaries regardless of gender. Lastly, each state varies in ideologies, which can play a significant role in how the wage gap is addressed in a state, as women’s rights have become a partisan issue. The wage gap between men and women is not uniform. However, understanding the reasons that drive the size of wage gap between men and women would allow for legislation to be implemented to lessen the severity, and, in the future, eradicate the wage gap entirely.

The purpose of this quantitative study is to investigate the factors of the pay gap between men and women. Research on several key factors has been conducted. Some studies evaluate several sociopolitical factors that would cause changes in a state’s wage gap between men and women, while other studies assess the differences in demographics and economics within each state. These studies will be explored in the first section of this study. Data and methods will be examined in the second section of this study. Following the second section, the third section will review the findings and conclusions on the significance of this study and possible directions for future research.

Exploring the Possible Factors that Explain the Pay Gap Between Men and Women

During World War II, the campaign of media icon Rosie the Riveter represented the female workers who entered the workforce to replace

male workers who joined the military. Over time as barriers were being removed for women to get an education and enter the labor force, there was an increase in women’s participation in the economy. Thus, the notion of women deserving equal pay for equal work began to emerge. However, though women became financial contributors to society, they were compensated inequitably compared to their male counterparts. The differentiation in wage between men and women can be expressed numerically through percentage disparity. However, the most common way to express the pay gap is through the earnings ratio (Brown 2017, 474). Though the gender pay gap is not as severe presently as it was in the past, today, on average, women are continually paid 80 cents to every man’s dollar, meaning there is roughly a 20% pay gap between men and women (AAUW 2018, 6). There have been intense efforts to eradicate the gender pay gap, such as the feminist movement in the 1970s. This diverse social movement advocated eliminating the antiquated notion that men deserve more than women because they play a higher role in society. Although this second wave of feminism may have sparked some change, the most notable and beneficial endeavors are the Equal Pay Act of 1963 (EPA) and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Title VII). These policies were written to prohibit discrimination based on sex, race, and religion. Unfortunately, despite the number of social movements, the legislation did not pass, and the gender pay gap continues to prevail as a prominent issue among women in the United States.

Although women’s experience with gender discrimination, including that outside of inequitable pay, is in large part due to ineffective policies and their implementation, sex categorization and gender stereotyping are generally seen as the foundation for discrimination (Bobbit-Zeher 2011, 766). With or without intent, most individuals tend to categorize each other by sex, thus, inexplicitly leading to gender stereotypes and gender bias. In fact, stereotyping often obstructs women’s abilities to advance in their careers, and discretionary policy application enhances how women are discriminated against and categorized in the workplace. Professors Ivona Hideg and Anne E. Wilson found that when men were exposed to specific past injustices imposed upon groups of women, they perceived gender inequality as something of the past (2020, 1). This misplaced notion of gender inequality being less prevalent today also leads to reduced support for Employment Equity programs by men (Hideg and Wilson 2020, 12). Gender equality in the workforce will cease to exist without men recognizing that there is still a problem with gender discrimination.

There are a variety of factors that could provide possible explanations for the wage gap between men and women in each state. Studies have been conducted to observe how the wage gap affects African American women. The wage gap disproportionately impacts

African American women, as they are paid less than white women and discriminated against on the basis of their sex and race (Ortiz and Roscigno 2009, 350). Racism and sexism affect African American women in professional settings not only financially but also through discriminatory firing, stifled promotional opportunities, and doubts unrelated to occupational performance (Ortiz and Roscigno 2009, 339). In addition, although there are negative perceptions of women as mothers, the negative stereotype is amplified when the women are African Americans, which often leads to the assumption that the women are single mothers (Ortiz and Roscigno 2009, 340). This misconception hampers the opportunities given to African American women; couple this with the gender pay gap experienced by all women and the disparity in pay broadens.

Women as the head of the household are often employed in low-wage jobs with minimal benefits. These jobs usually do not include adequate insurance, sick leave, wage protection, or opportunities for advancement (Mather, Roberts, and Povich 2014, 6). Compelling evidence by the National Women’s Law Center states that for every dollar a married man makes, a single mother makes .54 cents (2021). Additionally, the notion that mothers are obligated to bear the primary responsibility for child-rearing does not apply to fathers. When men are married, the woman is perceived as primarily responsible for child-rearing duties. When a woman is single, she is expected to balance work and childcare with no support and she is often overlooked for professional opportunities under the assumption that her primary role is to care for children. At the same time, the same perception does not apply to single or married men. Due to the notion that gender is dichotomous, it is more difficult for mothers to avoid social sanctions when they do not reduce their working hours during child-rearing years (Bucca, Cha, and Weeden 2016, 73).

Furthermore, it is less likely that an employer will hire a woman for a job that is perceived as a stereotypical male occupation (Bucca, Cha, and Weeden 2016, 73). However, it is important to note that men are underrepresented in four female dominated sectors: nursing, librarianship, elementary school teaching, and social work (Williams 1992, 253). Furthermore, some occupations, such as schools in rural Texas, have blatantly stated that they would not hire men to teach in grades between pre-k and third grade (Williams 1992, 256). It should be noted that there was no evidence suggesting that men were paid less than women were in female-dominated sectors. On the other hand, women are consistently paid less in male-dominated sectors; U.S. workforce data concluded that when an influx of women enter a traditionally masculine job sector, the wages as a whole decrease (AAUW 2018, 15).

Masculinity and femininity in jobs tend to be constructed by social cues, which are later implemented into companies’ policies; thus, wom-

en and men are susceptible to various forms of discrimination in the workforce. In addition, lesser mobility between stereotypical “male” or “female” jobs obstructs labor market flexibility and adaptability, which leads to an increase in unemployment rates (SGS Economics and Planning 2021). Lost earnings for women at work due to the wage gap between men and women negatively impacts not only single mothers but all women, threatening economic insecurity.

The wage gap has an adversarial effect on the economy. Lost wages impact women’s abilities to support themselves, spend on goods and services, and invest in the future—hindering economic growth. As a result, women, their families, businesses, and the economy suffer (National Partnership for Women and Families 2022, 2). More specifically, if women were paid equally to their male counterparts, poverty for women who work would be reduced by half, and $482 billion would be added to the economy (Status of Women). In addition to the struggles of working women, women seeking employment have a more challenging time finding employment than men in the same situations (Status of Women). In fact, the unemployment rate for women is higher than for men, being 3.5% and 3.3% respectively (Statistia 2021). Unemployment rates negatively affect millions of people; couple this with the other issues women face, and the problem is compounded. It is important to note, however, that lower unemployment rates often result in positive results for the economy as well as resulting in higher wages to attract those seeking employment.

Closing the wage gap between men and women provides economic benefits as it gives women the same opportunities, in and out of work, afforded to their male counterparts. Although the relationship between gender inequality and economic growth is complex, increasing women’s wages and participation in the labor force reaps economic prosperity. On the other hand, economic disparities in pay between men and women constrain a family’s income, reducing spending power (Equitable Growth 2019). Sherri Haas found that at high levels of per capita income, the difference in pay between men and women decreases (2006, 53). The curvilinear relationship of the wage gap in the study shows that women’s earnings will decrease in regard to early economic development but increase in the later stages of economic development. It is also important to note that a denser population will increase social and economic growth since the quantity of laborers will grow; thus, so will the contribution to the production of goods and services grow. There is debate on the extent to which population density plays a role in the severity of a wage gap in a state. However, studies have shown that more densely populated areas tend to have a diverse range of jobs and higher incomes (SGS Economics and Planning 2021). Additionally, densely populated areas are more integrated and provide more gender equality than less populated areas (SGS Economics and Plan-

ning 2021). A larger labor market brings women into a broader range of industries and occupations, while a smaller labor market will bring fewer opportunities for women.

It is essential to note that there are differences in political party beliefs regarding what may or may not affect the wage gap between men and women. Democrats are more likely to support equal pay policies, whereas Republicans believe that addressing gender inequality will not be achieved by policy. More specifically, it is essential to note that Republicans do not tend to believe government intervention will help increase women’s wages (Settele 2021, 6). A study constructed by Candance Wells reveals that Democrats have a positive impact on passing policies that address the gender wage gap (Wells 2022, 10). In addition, Democrat legislative control positively correlates with equitable wages among individuals (Wells 2022, 10).

Data and Methods

The unit of analysis for this study are the 50 states of the United States. The dependent variable is composed of three variables: the wages of women compared to men for the 50 states in 2019 (pre-pandemic), the wages of women compared to men in 2021 (post-pandemic), and the measure of change in the wage gap between 2019 and 2021. A wage gap is formally defined as the difference in two groups’ earnings. The gender wage gap, therefore, is the difference between men and women’s earnings. The dependent variable is the earnings of women compared to men. A score of one represents parity. Larger scores reveal that women are doing better than men, meaning a state with a score of 90 is doing better than a state with a score of 70.

There are eight independent variables in this study. The variables have been observed to determine their effect on the severity of the wage gap between men and women in each of the 50 states. The data for the independent variables of population density, percent of the population with a bachelor’s degree, percent of women as the head of household, and the region of a state may be found in the United States Census Bureau website. The data for each region divides the states into four sectors: Northeast, North Central, South, and West. The data for the wage gap between men and women in each state can be found on the National Women’s Law Center website. The unemployment rates in 2019 and 2021 can be found on the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics website. The percent Trump vote in the 2020 presidential election can be found on the Cook Political Report. The per capita income of each state can be found on Fred Economic Data. The percent African American population can be found on the World Population Review. All variables are included in Table 1 with their sources.

Table 1: Variables, Characteristics, and Sources

Between Men and Women

Gap Between Men and Women

Women’s Law Center

Women’s Law Center Change Measure of the Wage Gap Between 2019 and 2021

Calculated by Author from NWLC

Change Measure for Unemployment Rate Between 2019 and 2021

Calculated by Author from BLS

As stated previously, the dependent variable is composed of three measures: the wages of women compared to men for the 50 states in 2019 (pre-pandemic), the wages of women compared to men in 2021 (post-pandemic), and the measure of change in the wage gap between 2019 and 2021. The wage gap in 2019 (pre-pandemic) ranges from .69 (Louisiana) to .88 (New York) with a mean of .7988 and a standard deviation of 1.062. The wage gap in 2021 (post-pandemic) ranges from .65 (Wyoming) to .91 (Vermont) with a mean of .7992 and a standard deviation of .04475. The measure of change in the wage gap between 2019 and 2021 ranges from -.08 and .06 with a mean of -.0004 and a standard deviation of .03057. An increase (80 in 2021 compared to 75 in 2019) means women are doing better while a decrease (85 in 2021 compared to 90 in 2019) means women are doing worse. There were 21 states whose wage gap improved between 2019 and 2021, and there were 29 states whose wage gap worsened between 2019 and 2021.

The percent Trump vote in the 2020 presidential election ranged from 30.8 (Vermont) to 70.4 (Wyoming) with a mean of 50.17 and a standard deviation of 10.33254. Population density ranged from 1.30 (Alaska) to 11,280 (Connecticut) with a mean of 421.94 and a standard deviation of 1,590.23. Per capita income ranged from $45,881(Mississippi) to $83,653 (Connecticut) with a mean of $61,427.98 and a standard deviation of $8,821. The independent variables of per capita income were given using dollar amounts. The percent of those with a bachelor’s degree ranges from 24.1 (West Virginia) to 63.0 (Delaware) with a mean of 34.66 and a standard deviation of 6.83. The percent African American ranged from 1.09 (Montana) to 38.82 (Mississippi) with a mean of 11.6834 and a standard deviation of 9.47. The percent of women as the head of household ranges from 19.90 (Utah) to 32.60 (Mississippi) with a mean of 26.54 and a standard deviation of 2.78. The unemployment percentage in 2019 ranges from 2.10 (North Dakota) to 5.50 (Alaska) with a mean of 3.5380 and a standard deviation of .78. The unemployment percentage ranges from 2.00 (Minnesota) to 4.50 (Illinois) with a mean of 3.3 and a standard deviation of .71908. The measure of change between the unemployment rate in 2019 and 2021 ranges from -1.80 and 1.00 with a mean of .2300 and a standard deviation of .59838. Lastly, region was coded 1-4: (1) Northeast, (2) North Central, (3) South, and (4) West.

The hypotheses to be tested in this study are as follows:

H1 - When a state is more Republican, the wage gap between men and women widens.

H2 - When the percentage of individuals with a college degree increases in a state, the wage gap between men and women diminishes.

H3 - When the population density in a state decreases, the wage gap between men and women widens.

H4 - When the per capita income of a state increases, the wage gap between men and women diminishes.

H5 - When the percentage of women as the head of household increases in a state, the wage gap between men and women widens.

H6 - When the unemployment rate decreases in a state, the wage gap between men and women diminishes.

H7 – When the African American population in a state increases, the wage gap between men and women widens.

H8 - The wage gap is the highest in the South and Midwest while least evident in the Northeast.

Findings

After running a correlation analysis, three variables proved to be statistically significant in relation to the wage gap between men and women in 2019 (pre-pandemic). The variables that were insignificant were population density, percent African American, percent women as the head of household, and the unemployment rate of 2019. The variables that were significant were the percent Trump vote in 2020, per capita income, and percent bachelor’s degree. The Trump vote in 2020 proved significant at p<.01 with a correlation coefficient at -.709. The percent of the population with a bachelor’s degree proved significant at p<.01 with a correlation coefficient of .430. Per capita income was significant at p<.05 with a correlation coefficient of .334. The Trump vote in 2020 shows a negative correlation with the dependent variable. Per capita income and the percentage of bachelor’s degree holders share a positive correlation with the dependent variable.

The correlation analysis for the wage gap between men and women in 2021 (post-pandemic) showed three variables to be statistically significant. The variables that were insignificant were population density, percent African American, percent women as the head of household, and the unemployment rate of 2019. The independent variables that proved to be significant were the Trump vote in 2020, per capita income, and the percent of bachelor’s degree holders. The Trump vote in 2020 proved significant at p<.01 with a correlation coefficient at -.735. The percentage of the population with a bachelor’s degree proved signif-

icant at p<.01 with a correlation coefficient of .428. Per capita income was significant at p<.05 with a correlation coefficient of .337. Again, the Trump vote in 2020 shows a negative correlation with the dependent variable. In addition, per capita income and the percent of bachelor’s degree holders share a positive correlation with the dependent variable. After running a correlation analysis on the measure of change in the gap between men and women in 2019 and 2021, all variables proved to be statistically insignificant. Correlations for each independent variable are shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Correlation Analysis

N=50, *=p<.05, **=p<.01

Figure 1 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates an inverse relationship between the percentage Trump vote in 2020 and the wage gap between men and women in 2019. An r-squared value of .502 indicates that the percentage of the Trump vote explains 50.2% of the variance in the dependent variable of the wage gap between men and women in 2019. The regression line equation is y=0.95-3.07E-3*x. The y-intercept is .95. This would be defined as follows: if there were no votes for Trump

in 2020, the wage gap would be .95. The slope of the regression line is .00307; this means that for every percentage point increase in the votes for Trump in 2020, there will be a decrease of .00307 in the wage gap. This decrease across states means women are less well off than men.

Figure 1: Scatterplot of the Percent of Trump Vote in 2020 and the Gender Wage Gap in 2019

N=50

Figure 2 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates a positive relationship between per capita income and the wage gap between men and women in 2019. An r-squared value of .111 indicates that the per capita income of a state explains 11.1% of the variance in the wage gap between men and women in 2019. The regression line equation is y=0.69+1.69E-6*x. The y-intercept is .69. This would be defined as follows: if the per capita income of a state were zero dollars, the wage gap would be .69. The slope of the regression line is .00000169; this means that for every 100,000 increase in per capita income, there will be an increase of 1.69 in the wage gap.

Figure 2: Scatterplot of the Per Capita Income and the Gender Wage Gap in 2019

N=50

Figure 3 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates a positive relationship between the percent of bachelor’s degree holders and the wage gap between men and women in 2019. An r-squared value of .185 indicates that the per capita income of a state explains 18.5% of the variance in the dependent variable to the wage gap between men and women in 2019. The regression line equation is y=0.7+2.62E-3*x. The y-intercept is .70. Further, if zero percent of the population had a bachelor’s degree, the wage gap would be .70. The slope of the regression line is .00282; this means that for every increase in per capita income, there will be an increase of .00282 in the wage gap.

Figure 3: Scatterplot of the Percent of Bachelor’s Degree and the Gender Wage Gap in 2019

N=50

Figure 4 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates an inverse relationship between the percentage Trump vote in 2020 and the wage gap between men and women in 2021. An r-squared value of .540 indicates that the percentage of the Trump vote explains 54% of the variance in the dependent variable to the wage gap between men and women in 2021. The regression line equation is y=0.97-3.49E-3*x. The y-intercept is .97. This would be defined as follows: if there were no votes for Trump in 2020, the wage gap would be .97. The slope of the regression line is .00349; this means for every percentage point increase in the votes for Trump in 2020, there will be a decrease of .00349 in the wage gap between men and women in 2019.

Figure 4: Scatterplot of the Percent Trump Vote in 2020 and the Gender Wage Gap in 2021

N=50

Figure 5 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates a positive relationship between per capita income and the wage gap between men and women in 2019. An r-squared value of .114 indicates that the per capita income of a state explains 11.4% of the variance in the wage gap between men and women in 2021. The regression line equation is y=0.68+1.88E-6*x. The y-intercept is .68; this would be defined as follows: if the per capita income of a state were zero dollars, the wage gap would be .68. The slope of the regression line is .00000188; this means that for every 100,000 increase in per capita income, the wage gap increases by 1.88.

Figure 5: Scatterplot of Per Capita Income and the Gender Wage Gap in 2021

N=50

Figure 6 is a bivariate regression analysis that demonstrates a positive relationship between the percent of bachelor’s degree holders and the wage gap between men and women in 2021. An r-squared value of .183 indicates that the level of education of a state explains 18.3% of the variance in the dependent variable to the wage gap between men and women in 2021. The regression line equation is y=0.69+3.08E-3*x. The y-intercept is .69. Further, if zero percent of the population had a

bachelor’s degree, the wage gap would be .69. The slope of the regression line is .00308; this means for every percent increase in college education in a state, there will be an increase of .00308 in the wage gap between men and women in 2021. This increase when comparing one state to another means that women are doing better.

Figure 6: Scatterplot of the Percent of Bachelor’s Degree and the Gender Wage Gap in 2021

N=50

Figure 7 is a boxplot that shows the wage gap in 2019 (pre-pandemic) by region. The boxplot displays the median values of the regions. The Southern region has a median of 80, and the Western region has a median of 82. Furthermore, the North Central region has the lowest median and variation at 79, and the Northeast region has the highest median at 83. In addition, the Northeast and North Central regions have an outlier. The Northeast’s outlier is New Hampshire, whose wage gap is 74. The North Central’s outlier is North Dakota, whose wage gap is 73. The Southern region has the largest wage gap out of all 50 states, which is 69. The difference between the Northeast and North Central is statistically significant with a t-test of 2.41, which is significant at p<.05. On the other hand, the Northeast and West had the lowest wage gaps, which were 88.

Figure 7: Region and the Wage Gap 2019

Figure 8 is a boxplot that shows the wage gap in 2021 (post-pandemic). The boxplot displays the median values of the regions. The Southern and Western regions share a median of 80. Additionally, the Southern and Western regions both have an outlier. The South’s outlier is Maryland, whose wage gap is 89. The West’s outlier is Wyoming, whose wage gap is the lowest at 65 cents. The North Central region had the lowest median of 78.5, while the Northeast region had the highest median of 82. The difference between the Northeast and North Central is slightly larger than 2019 with a t-test of 3.29, which is significant at p<.01. Furthermore, the Northeast has the lowest wage gap at 91, while the West has the highest.

Figure 8: Region and the Wage Gap 2021

As depicted in both Figure 7 and Figure 8, the wage gap is the highest in the Southern and Western regions and lowest in the Northeast and North Central Regions. This would lead us to accept Hypothesis 8 (The wage gap is the highest in the South and Midwest while lowest in the North and Northeast).

Figure 9 shows the variance of the change in the wage gap between men and women from 2019 (pre-pandemic) to 2021 (post-pandemic) by region. The boxplot displays the median values of the regions. The Northeast and North Central regions had a median change of 0.00. The Southern and Western regions had medians of -.0050 and .0100, respectively. The Southern region had a negative score, which means the wage gap between men and women improved from 2019 to 2021. The Western region had a positive score, which means the wage gap between men and women widened from 2019 to 2021. A t-test was then conducted to compare the difference between the two groups. The t-score result was -2.291, which is significant at the p<.05 level. This leads to the conclusion that there is a statistically significant difference between the Southern and Western regions.

Figure 9: Region and the Change in the Wage Gap from 2019 to 2021

The multivariate regression analysis in Table 3 reveals that the variables of per capita income and percent of bachelor’s degree are no longer statistically significant. The variable that remains significant is the percent that voted for Trump in the 2020 presidential election at p<.01. The slope coefficient for the percent that voted for Trump in the 2020 presidential election is -.0034, which means for every percent increase of the Trump vote, the wage gap decreases by -.0034. The r-squared coefficient for the multivariate regression model is .553. This reveals that the independent variables explain 55.3% of the variance in the wage gap between men and women in 2019. Due to multicollinearity, the percentage of those with a bachelor’s degree is so strongly related to the other independent variables that it made it difficult to estimate the effects of the other variables. The variance inflation factor (VIF) of the percent of those with a bachelor’s degree was 10.384. Furthermore, the constant coefficient found when conducting the multiple regression analysis reveals the value of the dependent variable if all the independent variables were set to zero percent. The constant coefficient found for this model is .965, which means if the seven independent variables in Table 3 were set at zero percent, women would make 97 cents for every dollar earned by a man.

Table 3 Multiple Regression Analysis 2019(Pre-Pandemic)

Wage Gap Between Men and Women 2019 Independent Variables

N=50, r²=.579, N=50, *=p<.05, **=p<.01

The multivariate regression analysis in Table 4 reveals that the variables of per capita income and percent bachelor’s degree holders are no longer statistically significant. The variable that remains significant is the percent that voted for Trump in the 2020 presidential election at p<.01. The slope for the percent that voted for Trump in the 2020 presidential election is -.005, which means for every percentage the Trump vote increases, the wage gap decreases by .005 percent. The r-squared coefficient for the multivariate regression model is .571. This reveals that the independent variables explain 57.1% of the variance in the wage gap between men and women in 2021. Once again, due to multicollinearity, the percentage of those with a bachelor’s degree is so strongly correlated with the other independent variables that it made it challenging to estimate the effects of the other variables. The VIF for those with a bachelor’s degree was 11.026. The constant coefficient for this model is 1.161. If the seven independent variables in Table 4 were set to zero percent, then the wage gap in 2021 would be 1.161, which infers that women would make 16 more cents per every dollar a man makes.

Table 4 Multiple Regression Analysis 2021 (Post-Pandemic)

Wage Gap Between Men and Women 2021

Independent Variables

Household

N=50, r²=.572, N=50, *=p<.05, **=p<.01

The multivariate regression model shown in Table 5 reveals that all of the independent variables are statistically insignificant. The r-squared coefficient for the multivariate regression model is .113. This reveals that the independent variables explain 11.3% of the measured change in the wage gap between men and women from 2019 to 2021. Due to multicollinearity, the percent of those with a bachelor’s degree is so strongly correlated with the other independent variables that it made it challenging to estimate the effects of the other variables. The VIF for the percent of those with a bachelor’s degree is 8.381.

Table 5: Multiple Regression Analysis of the Change in the Wage Gap 2019-2021

Change Measure of the Wage Gap Between 2019 and 2021 Independent Variables

N=50, r²=.068, N=50, *=p<.05, **=p<.01

Conclusion

The results of this study find support for Hypothesis 1 (when a state is more Republican, the wage gap between men and women widens), which is the strongest independent variable with a negative relationship with the wage gap between men and women in 2019 and 2021. Furthermore, the results of this study find support for Hypothesis 8 (the wage gap is most evident in the South and Midwest while least evident in the Northeast). Women do best in the Northeast and worst in the South and North Central regions. The nominal-level regional variable was proven to affect the change in the wage gap between 2019 (pre-pandemic) and 2021 (post-pandemic). The Southern and Western regions had medians of -.0050 and .0100, respectively, while the Northern and North Central regions had medians of 0. The negative score of the Southern regions means the wage gap between men and women

improved from 2019 to 2021 and worsened in the West. A t-test was then conducted to compare the difference between the two groups. The t-score result was -2.291, which is significant at the p<.05 level, leading to the conclusion that there is a statistically significant difference between the Southern and Western regions.

The decline in the wage gap in the South from pre- to post-pandemic is interesting as women’s status in the South is rather discouraging and the Trump vote is higher. However, this decrease in wage inequality may be credited to the limited number of COVID-19 restrictions in Southern states. With fewer stay-at-home orders, the Southern region’s economy may have been able to bounce back more quickly compared to states with more restrictions. Furthermore, female-dominated sectors such as nursing and teaching received pay raises and bonuses during the pandemic, which could be another reason for the women in the Southern region to have a decrease in the wage gap.

On the other hand, this study accepts the null hypothesis for Hypotheses 3 (when the population density in a state decreases, the wage gap between men and women widens), Hypothesis 5 (when the percentage of women as the head of household increases in a state, the wage gap between men and women widens), Hypothesis 6 (when the unemployment rate decreases in a state, the wage gap between men and women diminishes), and Hypothesis 7 (when the African American population in a state increases, the wage gap between men and women widens).

It is important to note that the study finds partial support for Hypotheses 2 (when the percentage of individuals with a college degree increases in a state, the wage gap between men and women diminishes) and 4 (when the per capita income of a state increases, the wage gap between men and women widens). The percent of the population with a bachelor’s degree proved to be highly significant for the wage gap between men and women in 2019 in the bivariate correlation analysis depicted in Table 2 at .430** (**=p<.01). Likewise, the percent of those with a bachelor’s degree proved to be highly significant for the wage gap between men and women in 2021 at .428**. Moreover, per capita income of a state proved to be statistically significant for the wage gap between men and women in 2019 at .334* (*=p<.05) in Table 2. Per capita income also proved to be statistically significant for the wage gap between men and women in 2021 at .337* in Table 2. However, these relationships were not evident in the multivariate model.

In future research, it would be interesting to examine the level of openness or restrictiveness in a state during COVID-19. Examining the level of openness or restrictiveness in a state may explain the change in the wage gap between men and women from 2019-2021. Moreover, scholars could investigate the number of women who were let go from their jobs in 2020. Comparing the minimum wage between states may

be indicative of a smaller or larger wage gap. Additionally, studying the amount or type of equal pay legislation in a state may assist in explaining the variance in the wage gap between men and women in each state. Future research may also breakdown how different demographics of women are affected by the wage gap in each state. This could include, but would not be limited to White, Black, Asian, Latina, and LGBTQ+ women. Understanding the differences in how all demographics are affected by the wage gap would provide a basis for explaining states as they are now and how they can change to better the future. Lastly, future research could break down the specific jobs with the highest and lowest wage gaps within each state and how they compare to each other. Again, understanding the wage disparities and differences in different occupations would provide information people need to plan future investments in equal pay policies. Without women having equal pay or other equal opportunities to men, there will always be a barrier preventing women from reaching their full potential.

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Myth and Reality: Literary and Psychological Perspective in the Short Story “El hijo”/ “The Son” by the Uruguayan Writer

Horacio Quiroga

By Aldo Madrigal Olivares

Faculty

Mentor: Dr. Ericka H. Parra, Department of Modern and Classical Languages

Article Abstract:

In this bilingual work, Spanish-English, I analyze the short story “El hijo”/ “The Son” by the Uruguayan writer Horacio Quiroga (1878-1937) from a literary and psychological point of view. I focus on distinguishing myth from reality in the story and giving possible explanations for why the author chose certain words, phrases, or even ideas. The myth is the question of whether this short story really happened or whether it was just a hallucination, and the reality is framed in the melancholy that led Horacio Quiroga to hallucinate. The methods used in this work are biographical criticism, an approach to genre and time-period, and literary analysis. By examining the personal life of Horacio Quiroga, possible psychological connections were made with this short story, including how the author’s psychological life is reflected in this work.

Mito y realidad: perspectiva literaria y psicológica en el cuento “El hijo” del escritor uruguayo Horacio Quiroga

Introducción

El 31 de diciembre de 1878 fue el día en el que Horacio Quiroga nació en Salto, Uruguay. No obstante, pasó la mayor parte de su vida en Argentina, donde se convirtió en un narrador muy distinguido. Su acrecentamiento como autor se dio aproximadamente al mismo tiempo que el fin del modernismo y el inicio del vanguardismo. El modernismo fue un movimiento artístico y literario en el cual los escritores expresaban su creatividad a través de la mitología y la música. Al mismo tiempo era común ver un enfoque pesimista en sus obras. Por otro lado, el movimiento de la vanguardia inspiró a los escritores a utilizar la naturaleza, el humor, el sarcasmo y la libertad espiritual para romper con los puntos de vista tradicionalistas. Durante su vida, el autor vivió inestabilidad socioeconómica como resultado de la industrialización y la independencia de países latinoamericanos. “El hijo” es un cuento que se publicó en abril de 1928. Esta pieza se convirtió en una de sus obras más conocidas por la manera en que él expresó a través del arte el trauma causado por experiencias personales.

Sobre el cuento “El hijo”

Este cuento toma lugar durante un día caluroso de verano en Misiones, Argentina. El autor describe el bonito ambiente diciendo: “Como el sol, el calor y la calma ambiente, el padre abre también su corazón a la naturaleza” (Quiroga 312). En esta línea, el autor hace una comparación directamente de qué tan llamativo parece el sol hacia la naturaleza, así como la naturaleza llama a su hijo a explorar su belleza. Es típico que un escritor de tendencias vanguardistas describa detalladamente la flora y la fauna de los alrededores, ya que los autores creían que la naturaleza era una excelente manera de encontrar nuevas ideas y disociarse de las prácticas del día a día.

Mientras el padre deja que su hijo, un niño de 13 años, se vaya hacia el bosque con una escopeta, le indica que regrese durante la hora del almuerzo después de que haya terminado de cazar. Después de que el hijo se fue, el padre escuchó un disparo. Inmediatamente pensó que su hijo había matado unas palomas, pero el tiempo pasó, el reloj marcó las doce y media y el niño no regresó. El padre empezó a preocuparse y se marchó a buscarlo. Con cada paso que daba el padre para encontrar a su hijo, imaginaba que nunca lo encontraría vivo, sino su cadáver.

Finalmente, el padre vio a su hijo al lado de un árbol. Estaba sentado allí con una escopeta vacía a su lado. Ambos comenzaron a caminar de regreso rumbo a la casa y entre risas de felicidad compartían las

aventuras que habían vivido ese día. Esta felicidad era una emoción: una emoción alucinada porque el hijo no estaba con él. Su hijo había muerto desde las diez de la mañana.

Análisis psicológico-literario

En “El hijo”, el padre y su hijo son los personajes principales. El padre, un hombre viudo, alienta a su hijo a crecer rápido e independientemente dejarlo explorar el mundo sin estar preparado. El hijo es un niño de 13 años, valiente, pero débil, que no puede hacer mucho fuera de lo que le permite su fuerza física. En este trabajo, los aspectos míticos y reales se pueden separar en sus propias categorías mito o realidad. El aspecto mítico del “El hijo” de Horacio Quiroga es la alucinación del personaje paterno en el cuento. Al mismo tiempo, el aspecto real y científico son los problemas psicológicos que le provocaron las pérdidas de sus seres queridos a lo largo de su vida. De acuerdo con Encyclopedia Britannica, “[Horacio Quiroga] también se destacó en la representación de enfermedades mentales y estados alucinatorios...” (Desconocido). Un ejemplo de esto es la forma en la cual Quiroga escribió las siguientes líneas del cuento: “Sonríe de alucinada felicidad... Pues ese padre va solo. A nadie ha encontrado, y su brazo se apoya en el vacío” (Quiroga 316). Aquí demuestra lo frágil que puede ser la mente humana después de sufrir toda la vida. Esto es importante porque varias fuentes mencionan que la principal inspiración de Horacio Quiroga fue la lectura de otros autores, como el escritor estadounidense Edgar Allan Poe (1809-1849) y sus contemporáneos, de tendencias posmodernas y vanguardistas. También es importante señalar los eventos de la vida del autor y cómo éstos afectaron el estilo en el que escribía. Por ejemplo, las muertes de personas cercanas como su padre, padrastro, amigo y esposa pudieron causar una depresión y alterar el estado de ánimo que lo impulsó a buscar formas de desahogarse, encontrando la literatura como una forma de escaparse: “...la intervención de arte-terapia expresiva es eficaz para mejorar el nivel de salud mental de los creadores de novelas posmodernas” (Qu 1). La literatura ha sido un arte comúnmente utilizado para liberar sentimientos atrapados. En “El hijo” de Horacio Quiroga podemos ver una relación directa entre la vida del protagonista del cuento y la vida del escritor que está llena de acontecimientos tristes. Se puede demostrar además que esta cita es cierta porque, según PsychCentral.com, “escribir sobre recuerdos de la niñez ayuda a procesar las emociones” (Tartakovsky). La literatura fue la te-ra-pia de Quiroga para aliviar el dolor en su vida.

Edgar Allan Poe fue una de las inspiraciones principales de Quiroga porque a lo largo de este cuento hay un simbolismo que nos permite ver una conexión entre la vida personal de Quiroga y su principal inspiración literaria, Edgar Allan Poe: “[S]sólo ahora, el padre esboza

una sonrisa al recuerdo de la pasión cinegética de las dos criaturas. Cazan sólo a veces un yacútoro, un surucuá” (Quiroga 313). El yacútoro es un símbolo típico en las obras de Poe para expresar tristeza. Quiroga intentaba expresar que estaba cansado del sentimiento de tristeza, por lo que el padre, que representa a Quiroga, los quería eliminar. La inspiración de Quiroga se extendió mucho más allá de los viajes que muchos escritores hacían a lugares que eran hogar de nuevos movimientos literarios. “En otras palabras, la actitud vital de Horacio Quiroga -quien en 1910 abandonó todo- para instalarse en la selva misionera… [lo llevó a comenzar a escribir unos de sus trabajos]” (García 123).

Este cuento fue publicado en 1928, después del movimiento del modernismo y durante el inicio del movimiento del vanguardismo. Los escritores del modernismo se inclinaron hacia el uso de una visión negativa en sus obras y al mismo tiempo agregaban un toque de creatividad a través de la mitología y la música. Sin embargo, para alejarse de las perspectivas tradicionalistas, el movimiento del vanguardismo animó a los escritores a hacer uso del humor, el sarcasmo, la libertad espiritual y la naturaleza. “Allí, la naturaleza se convierte en el escenario en el que se representa al límite el drama humano de la muerte” (Abreu Mendoza iii). Quiroga se inspira en la inclinación de la vanguardia, propensa a la autoexpresión a través de la naturaleza, pero también utiliza los eventos traumáticos que sufrió en su infancia para intensificar los sentimientos creados por sus obras.

En conclusión, la obra de Horacio Quiroga titulada “El hijo” es la representación de un cuento bien desarrollado que se originó de una combinación de problemas mentales provocados por hechos vividos y la influencia de movimientos literarios, lugares e ídolos. Quiroga comenzó a sufrir problemas de salud que lo llevaron a suicidarse en 1937. “Los pensadores griegos crearon la idea de eliminar el deseo de no ver la vida en momentos desesperados y adversos” (Herrero 152). Esta frase describe cómo perder la vista por resultado de una acción impulsiva durante por momentos difíciles dejaría a una persona sin percepción de las cosas buenas o malas de la vida. Tiene sentido el por qué Quiroga se quitaría la vida en repuesta a todas las muertes que habían ocurrido a lo largo de su vida.

Myth and Reality: Literary and Psychological Perspective in the Short Story “El hijo”/ “The Son” by the Uruguayan Writer Horacio Quiroga

Introduction:

Horacio Quiroga was born on December 31, 1878, in Salto, Uruguay. Although he was born in Uruguay, he spent most of his life in Argentina, where he became a well-known storyteller. His rise as an author took place around the time of the decline of modernism and

the inception of the avant-garde period. Modernism was a movement where writers embraced creativity through mythology and music while tending to have a pessimistic approach to their works. On the other hand, the avant-garde movement encouraged writers to utilize nature, humor, sarcasm, and spiritual freedom to break away from traditionalist perspectives. During his lifetime, he lived through a period of socioeconomic instability because of the industrialization and independence of many Latin American countries. “The Son” was a short story published in April of 1928. This piece became one of his best-known works because of the way he expressed his trauma caused by personal experiences through art.

About the Short Story of “The Son”:

This short story takes place during a hot summer day in Misiones, Argentina. The author describes the lovely environment by saying, “Like the sun, the heat, and the calm environment, the father also opens his heart to nature” (Quiroga, 312). In this line, the author directly makes a comparison of how inviting the sun seems toward nature, just like nature is inviting his son to explore the beauty of it. It is typical for a writer of the avant-garde movement to describe in detail the flora and fauna of the environment, as they believed that nature was a great way to find new ideas and dissociate from day-to-day practices.

As the father allows his son, a 13-year-old boy, to go into the wilderness with a shotgun, he reminds him to come back during lunchtime after he is done hunting.

Shortly after the son left, the father heard a gunshot. Immediately, he thought that his son had killed some doves, but as time passed, the clock reached twelve-thirty, and his son didn’t return. The father began to worry, and he went to look for him. With every step the father took to find his son, he imagined that he would not find his son alive but instead his cadaver.

Finally, the father saw his son at the foot of a tree. He was sitting there with an empty shotgun on his side. They both begin to walk back to the house and with laughter and happiness, they share their experiences that happened to them that day. This happiness was a hallucinated feeling because the son was not with him. His son had died at ten in the morning.

Literary and Psychological Analysis

In “The Son,” the father and the little boy are the main characters. The father, a widowed man, encourages his son to grow up fast and independently by allowing him to explore the world with little preparation. The son is a brave but weak 13-year-old who cannot do much

outside of what his physical strength allows. In this work, the mythical and real aspects can be separated into their own categories.

The mythical aspect of “The Son” by Horacio Quiroga is the hallucination of the entire short story and the real and scientific aspects are the psychological problems caused by the loss of his loved ones throughout his life. Encyclopedia Britannica claims, “[Horacio Quiroga] stood out in the representation of mental illnesses and hallucinatory states...” (Unknown). An example of this is the way in which Quiroga wrote one of the lines of the story “The Son” and that demonstrates how fragile the human mind can be after suffering all its life. Quiroga says, “He smiles with hallucinated happiness... As that father goes alone. He has found no one, and his arm rests on the void…” (Quiroga 316). This is important because several sources mention that Horacio Quiroga’s main inspirations were other authors like Edgar Allan Poe and movements such as postmodernism and the avant-garde movements, yet it is also important to note the events in the author’s life and how these affected the style in which he wrote. For example, the deaths of his father, stepfather, friend, and wife could have caused severe depression and upset the mental state that prompted him to look for ways to vent, finding literature as an escape. In the work of Ningxia Qu, it is stated that “…expressive art therapy intervention is effective in improving the mental health level of postmodern novel creators” (Qu 1). Literature is an art commonly used to release trapped feelings. In “The Son” we can see a direct relationship between the life of the protagonist in the story and the writer’s life full of mournful events. This quote can be further proven to be true because according to PsychCentral.com, “writing about childhood memories helps one process emotions” (Tartakovsky). Literature was Quiroga’s therapy to relieve the pain in his life.

Edgar Allan Poe was one of Quiroga’s main inspirations because throughout this short story, there is symbolism that enables one to see a connection between Quiroga’s personal life and his main literary inspiration: “Only now does the father smile at the memory of the hunting passion of the two creatures. They only sometimes hunt a crow...” (Quiroga, 313). The crow was a typical symbol found in Poe’s work to display sadness. Quiroga was trying to express that he was tired of feeling sad, so the father, who represents him in this short story, wanted to kill the crows. Quiroga’s inspiration extended far beyond the trips that many writers made to places that were home to new literary movements. His motivation came from his adventurous personality. “In other words, the vital attitude of Horacio Quiroga—who in 1910 abandoned everything in order to settle in the missionary jungle…[led him to start writing some of his works]” (García 123).

This short story was published in 1928, after modernism’s decline and during the beginning of the avant-garde movement. Modernist

artists opted to take a negative view of their works while embracing creativity through mythology and music. Nonetheless, to depart from traditionalist perspectives, writers were encouraged by the avant-garde movement to make use of humor, sarcasm, spiritual freedom, and nature. “There, nature becomes the stage on which the human drama of death is represented to the limit” (Abreu Mendoza iii). Quiroga draws inspiration from the avant-garde tendency, which privileges self-expression through nature but also uses the traumatic events he suffered in his youth to intensify the feelings created by his works.

In conclusion, Horacio Quiroga’s work entitled “The Son” is a representation of a well-developed short story that originated from a combination of mental issues caused by lived events and the influence of literary movements, locations, and idols. Quiroga began suffering from health issues that caused him to eventually commit suicide in 1937. “Greek thinkers conceived the idea of removing one’s desire to not see life in hopeless and adverse moments” (Herrero 152). This phrase describes how losing one’s sight because of an impulsive response to going through difficult times would leave a person without a perception of the good or bad things in life. It makes sense why Quiroga would take his own life in light of all the fatalities that have occurred throughout his life.

Works Cited

Abreu Mendoza, Carlos. Horacio Quiroga: Narrating the limit of death in nature. 2010. The University of North Carolina, Masters’ Thesis. doi.org/10.17615/3hr4-2751

García, Guillermo. “Horacio Quiroga, escritor de vanguardia.” Anclajes, vol. 10, no. 10, 2006, pp. 113-126. Consultado el 5 Nov. 2023.

Herrero, Maruxa Duart. “La literatura como generador de un aprendizaje de calidad. El pesimismo y la belleza de los textos de Horacio Quiroga y Mariano José de Larra.” La enseñanza del español en el contexto de las artes y la cultura: actas del XLIX Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Europea de Profesores de Español (AEPE), celebrado en Ávila (España), del 21 al 25 de julio de 2014. Asociación Europea de Profesores de Español (AEPE), 2015. Consultado el 8 Nov. 2023.

Fernández, Tomás y Tamaro, Elena. “Horacio Quiroga.” Biografías y Vidas. La enciclopedia biográfica en línea. 2004. Web. 21 dic. 2019. www.biografiasyvidas.com/biografia/q/ quiroga_horacio.htm. Consultado el 6 Nov. 2023.

“Horacio Quiroga.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., www.britannica.com/biography/Horacio-Quiroga. Consultado el 8 Nov. 2023.

Tartakovsky, Margarita, MS. “5 Ways to Process Your Emotions through Writing.” Psych Central. Psych Central, 4 Sept. 2016, psychcentral.com/blog/everyday-creativity/2016/09/5-ways-to-process-your-emotions-through-writing#1. Consultado el 5 Nov. 2023.

Qu, Ningxia. “Individualized Assessment and Therapeutic Intervention for Mental Health of American Postmodern Novelists.” Occupational Therapy International. 29 Jun. 2022. Consultado el 5 Nov. 2023.

Quiroga, Horacio. “El hijo.” Voces de Hispanoamérica, edited by Raquel Chang-Rodríguez and Malva E. Filer, Heinle, 2016, pp. 312-316. Consultado el 2 Nov. 2023.

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