Vizantrop treći broj

Broj3

Maj 2017.

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UVODNA REČ Dugo očekivani treći broj Vizantropa dolazi sa zakašnjenjem, usled nedostatka tekstova koji se bave nešto drugačijom vrstom teorijske perspektive i metodologije u domenu vizuelne antropologije. Svesni smo kao redakcija da smo na samom početku proizvodnje ovakvih tekstova, i da usled nedovoljne akademske posvećenosti prema kameri i fotografiji, kao metodi prikupljanja etnografskih podataka i drugačijem vidu reprezentovanja antropološkog znanja, dovedeni smo u poziciju da produžujemo rokove za slanje autorskih radova.

Antropološka praksa proizvodnje i proučavanja vizuelnih reprezentacija stara je koliko i sama disciplina. Naš zadatak je da razbijemo određene stereotipe prema vizuelnoj antropologiji u Srbiji, kao i da podstaknemo nove generacije antropologa, etnologa, sociologa, geografa i drugih društvenjaka i umetnika da primenjuju i proizvode znanja u ovoj oblasti.

Do sada razvili smo odličnu saradnju sa autorima – studentima etnologije i antropologije iz Srbije, Hrvatske i Holandije, kao i geografima i filmskim kritičarima, koji su često na tragu naše struke. Odlučili smo da u ovom broju ne prevodimo tekstove sa engleskog jezika i tako zainteresujemo autore i autorke iz drugih zemalja da se pridruže našem malom karavanu vizuelne antropologije. Ukoliko ste zagrejani da podržite ovaj projekat i učestvujete u stalnom uređivanju časopisa, naša vrata su uvek otvorena, jer posla je nikada dosta. Postoji ne znatno veliki broj vizuelnih antropologa, umetnika, filmskih teoretičara, festivala, izložbi u Jugoistočnoj Evropi koje bi trebalo beležiti konstatno, sa ciljem da se inicira aktivna platforma vizuelnih antropologa.

Vizantrop ima za cilj da postane nezavisnij medij na socijalnim mrežama i stoga nam je cilj da okupimo što više ljudi koji snimaju svojim kamerama ili mobilnim telefonima dešavanja u svojim gradovima na ulicama u Srbiji i u regionu.

U ovom broju ćete imati priliku da vidite još jedan foto-esej od našeg saradnika Nemanje Mitrovića koji prikazuje autorovo iskustvo u Mariboru, kao i da saznate nešto više o raznim tehnikama iz oblasti vizuelne antropologije i kako su se primenjivale u počecima ove discipline što nam je predstavio još jedan saradnik, Petar Veljačić. U rubrici Antropologija naše svakodnevice, jedna od urednica ovog časopisa, Nina Šašić piše o muzičkom sastavu Gregorian koji na veoma specifičan način koncipira svoje performanse koji se ogledaju u neobičnom oblačenju i korišćenju raznoraznih scenskih rekvizita. Relja Pekić, još jedan urednik, je sastavio foto-esej o napuštenim vagonima u Beogradu i njihovom sadržaju, koji je veoma raznolik i krije mnogobrojna iskustva. Tekst kolege iz Slovenije, Mihe Poredoša, nam govori o tome koliki udeo socijalne mreže imaju u društvenim pokretima. U duhu predstojećeg SEF festivala u Zadru obavili smo intervju sa kolegama iz organizacije ANTROPOP u Hrvatskoj, putem koga smo saznali šta im je bila inspiracija za nastanak

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ove organizacije i SEF festivala, kao i sa čim moraju svakodnevno da se suoče da bi ostvarili ono što su zacrtali. Vizuelna antropološkinja iz Holandije, Inge van Rijswijk nam je predstavila analizu genocida koji su se desili u nekoliko zemalja u prošlosti, a saradnik Erik Lončar je napravio reviziju filma Shooting Freetown ukombinovanu sa insertima iz filma.

Saznaćemo nešto o filmu Bosanski Hoffenheim, kao i o njegovom autoru, mladom dokumentaristi Jasenku Korjeniću koji će biti prikazan u amfiteatru Filozofskog Fakulteta u Beogradu u sredu, 26. aprila. Stefan Pejić, urednik i student antropologije, će nam predstaviti indijski film Lunchbox iz antropološke perspektive. Uživajte!

MARIBOR - TRANZICIJSKA PARADIGMA U SLICI I REČI Nemanja Mitrović

SADRŽAJ: Nemanja Mitrović Maribor - tranzicijska paradigma u slici i reči_______3 Nina Šašić Gregorian i dometi scenskog nastupa_______________8 Erik Lončar Shooting Freetown______________________________9 Inge van Rijswijk The rationalisation of rightful killing______________15 Relja Pekić Intervju sa organizacijom ANTROPOP____________21 Bosanski Hoffenheim___________________________25 Miha Poredoš Role of social media in social movements: Egyptian revolution and Occupy Wall Street__________________ 27 Relja Pekić Vozovi koji putuju ili ostaju u mestu: odsutnost u etnografiji________________________________________ 35 Petar Veljačić Tradicionalne vizuelne metode____________________44

Maribor je drugi po veličini grad u Sloveniji i sedište pokrajine Štajerske. Nalazi se na severoistoku Slovenije na reci Dravi. Podno planine Pohorje ušuškao se ovaj napaćeni gradić. Nekada industrijski gigant Jugoslavije i glavni privredni centar Socijalsitičke Republike Slovenije, a danas grad-izvoznik radne snage u susednu Austriju, konkretno u najbliži veći grad Austrije Grac iliti po slovenačkom Gradac. Simboli grada fabrike TAM i Metalna su opustošene, prodate i desetkovane tranzicijskim ekonomskim šikaniranjem, pa su danas u rukama privatnika i kapitalista, a nisu ni jedine. Sve ovo nagna lokalni živalj da se uputi u pečalbu. Ne pominjem sve ovo bambadava. Imao sam priliku 2014. godine da se neposredno uverim u sve što napisah i ovo moje uvodno pisanije i jeste delom empirijsko.

Tumarajući ulicama Maribora u tih par dana na koliko me je put tuda zaustavio imao sam prilike da vidim prazne ulice, puste parkove, sivilo socrealističke arhitekture, par nasmejanih, ali uglavnom tmurna lica... Moj prijatelj iz Zaječara i moj domaćin koji je po nekom volonterskom EU programu završio upravo u Mariboru, volontirao je u dečijem dnevnom boravku i tamo me upoznao sa svojim kolegama. Uglavnom momci i devojke na sredini četvrte decenije života i bez nekih preteranih nada u bolje mariborsko sutra. Razgovarajući sa njima dobio sam informacije o tome koliko mladih ljudi odlazi iz Maribora i ne vraća se, ali ne samo mladi, već ljudi svih dobi. Pričali su mi kako je nekada bilo, kako je sada.

Govorili su o planovima za odlazak. Rekli su mi da Maribor ne zadovoljava nikakve potrebe od kulturnih, preko zabave, do ekonomskih. Proveo sam čak i jedan deo dana sa njima na

otvorenom igralištu za decu koje je u sklopu tog programa isprojektovano. Tamo sam imao prilike da se susretnem sa decom iz bivših jugoslovenskih republika (konkretno Makedonije i Srbije). Takođe smo prvog dana prijatelj i ja uspeli da upoznamo Albanca koji je trenirao boks za čuveni bokserski klub iz Zaječara ’’Kristal’’. Iz poslednje dve rečenice možemo izvući zaključak da je Maribor za nekadašnje sunarodnike ipak bolje ekonomsko utočište od domicila. Ništa bez čefura.

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Prva fotografija možda odaje najsnažniji utisak. Nisam imao na umu prilikom fotografisanja ovako genijalan spoj dve stvari, dve identitetske karakteristike Maribora i dve realnosti. Ljubičasto žuti grafit na kome piše ’’Maribor’’ jeste grafit posvećen jednoj od živih svetinja grada. Ono za čime i zbog čega dobar deo Maribora diše u šta sam se i lično uverio. Baš na dan kada sam pristigao NK Maribor je igrao utakmicu Lige Šampiona sa klubom Šalke 04 iz Gelzenkirhena, Nemačka.

Interesantna stvar je da je tog dana, za razliku od ostalih, više ljudi bilo po gradu uz vidno prisustvo i navijača iz Nemačke i da je ceo grad živeo za ovu utakmicu. Drugi glavni element fotografije jeste socrealistička zgrada u pozadini. Arhitektura koja krasi tri četvrtine Maribora. Da rezimiram, spoj radničke klase i socijalističke arhitektonske stvarnosti svakako mora da uplovi u fudbal i da upravo taj sport bude ventil nezadovoljnih radnika i radnica u kapitalističkoj antiutopiji. Dakle, grafit NK Maribor i socrealistička arhitektura na jednoj slici jesu jedna velika suština Maribora i ono što on zapravo jeste.

Maribor je 2012. godine bio inicijalna kapisla za proteste koji su besneli širom Slovenije. Upravo na ovom mestu je sve krenulo protestom protiv korupucije i zahtevom za smenu tadašnjeg gradonačelnika Franca Kanglera. U to vreme je premijer Slovenije Janez Janša, lider Slovenske Demokratske Stranke koja za svoje simpatizere ima ljude neonacističke provenijencije, nazvao demonstrante levim fašistima i zombijima, a u vreme kada sam ja bio u Mariboru Janša je ljuštio krompir u zatvoru zbog korupcije. Ono što sam napisao u prethodnim rečenicama je gnevom oslikano na zidu neke mariborske zgrade. JanSSa odjebi i precrtan kukasti krst jasno i glasno šalju poruku. Imajući sve ovo u vidu i poznavajući, koliko toliko, slovenačku političku scenu na mene je ovaj grafit ostavio jak utisak. On estetski nije ništa posebno, čak je i treš, ali je suštinki metak u srce.

Na slici broj dva se nalazi Pekarna. Ovo je prvo mesto do koga sam otišao čim sam stigao u Maribor. Pekarna je bivši ogroman pekarski kompleks, izgrađen još krajem 19. veka, koji je u godinama koje su prethodile raspadu Jugoslavije snabdevao i JNA hlebom. Nakon osamostaljenja Slovenije, ovaj građevinski kompleks gubi svoju upotrebu, pa ga mariborska alternativna mladež skvotira 1994. godine. Danas Pekarna predstavlja kulturni i omladinski centar Maribora sa brojnim klubovima i prostorima za različite namene. Nisam siguran, ali mislim da je cela legalizovana pa se o njoj više ne može govoriti u kontekstu skvota. Meni kao poštovaocu kulture skvotiranja i svega onog što ona sa sobom nosi je ovo bio istorijski i sentimentalni momenat.

Mi smo Viole, niko nam ništa ne može! To je prevod ovog grafita. Viole su navijačka grupa koja organizovano prati NK Maribor od 1989. godine. Grupa je ultra desno orijentisana, međutim na njihovoj tribini se neretko može videti više hiljada ljudi pa bih bio slobodan da primetim da samo tvrdo jezgro grupe ima takav politički svetonazor. Ono što me uvek fascinira kod desničarskih navijačkih grupa, pa tako i kod Viola, jeste anti-policijski sentiment koji je prikazan i na grafitu. On je prisutan kod svih navijača, ali paradoks leži upravo među neonacističkim i ultra desničarskim navijačima čije se ideologije zasnivaju na maksimalnoj represiji i autoritativnosti.

Nije mi bilo teško da uslikam ovaj grafit, koji po svoj prilici nije delo simpatizera NK Maribora već navijača i da potvrdim mišljenje koje sam u prethodnoj rečenici obrazložio.

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Tumarajući ulicama Maribora u tih par dana na koliko me je put tuda zaustavio imao sam prilike da vidim prazne ulice, puste parkove, sivilo socrealističke arhitekture, par nasmejanih, ali uglavnom tmurna lica...

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Na slici sedam lokalna antifašistička grupa kaže ’’Belo, mrzim te debelo’’. Maribor se početkom XX veka zvao Marburg an der Drau iliti Marburg na Dravi. U to vreme u Mariboru je živelo 80% Nemaca i 20% Slovenaca. Posle Prvog svetskog rata Maribor je pripao Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca. Hitler to nije zaboravio pa je 1941. godine zauzeo Maribor i proterao slovenačke meštane. Mnogi od njih su svoje domove pronašli u Srbiji. Nakon oslobođenja 1941. godine, Maribor je ponovo postao deo južnoslovenske države. Pamti antifašistička javnost Maribora ovo i ne zaboravlja. Ova fotografija upravo to i pokazuje, ali pokazuje da je i danas taj isti fašizam problem. Moram dodati da sam fotografiju napravio, ne samo zbog poruke koju nosi, već zato što sam se setio priče čoveka koji me je dovezo do Maribora, a koga sam ustopirao na naplatnoj rampi ’’Zaprešić’’ na izlazu iz Zagreba. On me je uputio u taj težak istorijski period za Mariborčane i Mariborčanke koji se i danas pamti.

Fotografija broj pet mi je posebno draga. Draga mi je iz razloga što se na njoj vidi borba. Ekipa skejtera koja ne bi više da lomi točkiće i noge po popucalom betonu i rupama u asfaltu mariborskih ulica rešila je da se izbori za svoju zonu spasa i vežbe, a ogromna bilbord zastava sa fotografije na jednoj od zgrada Maribora jeste jedan od koraka. Do danas ga nisu dobili. Interesantno mi je bilo i onda i sada da napravim paralelu sa beogradskim skejt parkom. Beogradski skejt park je napravio tadašnji gradonačelnik Beograda Dragan Đilas sa svojom ispostavom u vlasti opštine Novi Beograd i najpoznatijim beogradskim skejterom koji je uspeo da svoju dekadentnu ideologiju ispromoviše i etablira kroz skejtersku potkulturu.

Totalno dva drugačija sveta, mada je beogradski primer endemičan. Ja ne znam jesu li mariborski skejteri nacionalisti, ali znam da do dana današnjeg nisu dobili ono za šta se bore.

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Ova Titova bista se nalazi u dvorištu Pekarne. Nije mi najjasnije bilo ni tada, a ni sada šta ona traži u dvorištu nekadašnjeg skvota. Ne znam da li je nekada krasila neki od trgova Maribora, pa je izmeštena ili je delo nekog umetnika iz skvota. Sasvim mi je u redu sprdati se sa autoritetima i svetskim političkim liderima, pa makar i onim rahmetlim, na ovaj način. Lično nisam neki preterani obožavatelj umetnosti, ali mi je ova bista i plavo srce na njoj privuklo pažnju. Životu je potrebna zabava. Papa Vojtila je dva puta bio u Mariboru, za Tita ne znam. Tito ima ovu bistu, papa Vojtila je nema. Ako je Jovan Pavle bude imao, možda će se tadašnja mladež i sa njim ovako pošaliti.

Za poslednju osmu fotografiju sam izabrao jedan od mnogobrojnih murala u podzemnim prolazima Maribora. Tekst murala kaže ’’Spreminjaj Svet’’, što bi u prevodu značilo ’’Menjaj svet’’. Rastafarijanske boje i ribice koje plivaju slobodno. Odstupanje od realnosti i želja za boljitkom, takav utisak je ostavio mural na mene. Uzimajući u obzir celokupni ekonomsko-društveni kontekst drago mi je bilo što vidim ovakav umetnički otisak. Ne znam da li je umetnik ostao u gradu na Dravi da ga menja ili je otišao u taj svet, ali je definitivno ostavio trag i utisak na mene.

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SHOOTING FREETOWN GREGORIAN (MASTERS OF CHANT) I DOMETI SCENSKOG NASTUPA Nina Šašić Moj doprinos ovom broju biće nešto između beleške i preporuke. Reč je, naime, o tome da sam početkom februara bila na koncertu nemačkog sastava Gregorian, koji mi je otkrio čitav jedan (meni) novi vid scenskog nastupa. Gregorian je isprva bio zamišljen kao pop bend, pa im je prvi album – Sadisfaction, koji je izašao 1991. godine – baš u tom stilu.

Međutim, frontmen Frenk Piterson je 1998. godine promenio koncept, pa je Gregorian postao jedna vrsta pilot-projekta, bend koji obrađuje popularna savremena muzička ostvarenja u gregorijanskom stilu. Gregorijansko pevanje (Gregorian chant) je stil pevanja koji se razvio u zapadnoj i centralnoj Evropi tokom 9. i 10. veka pod okriljem Zapadne Rimokatoličke crkve; u pitanju su monofone svete pesme izvođene bez instrumentalne pratnje, koje su najverovatnije nastale kao mešavina rimskog i galskog pevanja i čiju naročitu formu, strukturu, razvoj, istoriju i notaciju ovde neću opisivati jer bi mi za to bilo potrebno daleko više prostora nego što ovde imamo. Ono što je za ovu belešku bitno jesu činjenice da su gregorijansko pevanje obavljali horovi muškaraca i dečaka, ili zaređeni muškarci i žene, tokom misa u crkvama i kapelama, i da je ono dugo bilo dominantni i jedini priznat oblik muzike za bogosluženje.

Iako se i kasnije u opusu sastava Gregorian može naći poneka autorska pesma, ono što ih je obeležilo kao bend jeste oblačenje (ne toliko) starih hitova u (prilično staro) novo ruho. Ovakav poduhvat podrazumeva veliki broj pevača, jer izvedba čak i nas laike treba da podseća na horsko pevanje (ili na posebno raspevano mantranje članova nekog tajnog društva, ali o tom potom), kao i pažljiv odabir pesama za obradu i mukotrpno prerađivanje melodija i harmonija i još mnogo toga što, verujem, većina nas ne može ni da zamisli. Zato je broj ljudi uključenih u ovaj projekat neprestano rastao, pri čemu se i sastav grupe toliko menjao i širio da je sada reč o jednom zaista međunarodnom projektu koji broji desetine članova posvećenih radu na njemu i koji okuplja instrumentaliste i vokaliste iz velikog broja evropskih zemalja.

Rad na ovom projektu, nazvanom Masters of Chant, rezultirao je objavljivanjem deset albuma, koji su zamišljeni kao poglavlja (u jednom epskom putovanju i poduhvatu), ali tu je nedvosmislen kraj – pa je poslednji album u ovom nizu, koji je izašao 2016. godine, nazvan The Final Chapter. Sastav Gregorian je, osim po svom osobenom zvuku, poznat i po spektakularnim i vizuelno bogatim nastupima, što i jeste glavni razlog što sam odlučila da podelim svoja zapažanja o njihovom nastupu. Ja sam imala prilike da ih vidim 8. februara u Hali sportova u okviru njihove oproštajne turneje; inače, Gregorian je poznat po stalnim turnejama po Evropi, Rusiji, Kini i Japanu, i živi nastup, kao spoj auditivnog i vizuelnog, jeste njihov najprepoznatljiviji simbol u toj meri da

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su osim muzičkih diskova zapravo izdavali i one koji uključuju video zapis, naročito snimke sa nastupa na turnejama, i da su se tidiskovi neuporedivo bolje prodavali od „običnih“.

Vizuelni aspekt njihovog nastupa služi, čini se, pojačavanju i dopunjavanju atmosfere koju stvara muzika. Odlikuje ga obilna upotreba scenskih rekvizita, rasvete i specijalnih efekata – dima, pirotehnike, lasera. Izvođači su odeveni u tamne odore neodređene boje i kroja (zamislite fratra ili člana tajnog društva na ponoćnom sastanku u nekoj srednjovekovnoj tamnici i tu ste), što uz pažljivu upotrebu reflektora i dima stvara daje nastupu jednu auru drevnog i tajnog, nečega što obitava na granici između duhovnosti i okultizma. Dok je ta osnovna postavka uvek prisutna, scenski efekti se prilagođavaju zvuku; u pojedinim trenucima pirotehnička sredstva dočaravaju dramatičnost pesme, a u nekim drugim numerama složeni geometrijski oblici od hladnog laserskog svetla deluju gotovo hipnotišuće. Sve ovo stvara jednu vrlo neobičnu celinu, koja se ne bi mogla nazvati ni običnim koncertom (čik probajte da uporedite nastupe čak i onih bendova čiji se koncerti smatraju spektakularnim sa ovime, prosto nisu samerljivi), ali svakako nije reč ni o predstavi ili mjuziklu. Strogo govoreći, ovde ne postoji narativ, ali se ipak nameće utisak epskog, mističnog i dramatičnog. Gregorian to postiže upotrebom arhetipski značajnih slika poput figura koje, u odorama s kapupljačama i sa svećama u rukama, u nizu koračaju po ravnoj liniji, kao i promišljenim korišćenjem rasvete i scenskih efekata (dim i plamen su uvek efektni, a iscrtavanje hipnotičnih pokretnih šara zelenim i plavičastobelim laserima je suva genijalnost). Zato sam izašla iz Hale sportova ubeđena da Gregorian nije puka muzička grupa, već su u pitanju vizionari koji su našli način da opstanu u najdelikatnijoj mogućoj ravnoteži između dominacije auditivnog i dominacije vizuelnog, na onom mestu gde je opažanje intuitivno i gotovo sinestetičko.

Erik Lončar

Popularan uradak britanca Kierana Hansona, koji traje tridesetak minuta, bavi se životima trojice audiovizualnih umjetnika iz Sierre Leone, tj. zapadne Afrike. Nije uspjelo proći dugo vremena otkad se slegla prašina devastirajućeg civilnog rata u Sierri Leone, a već se mještani bore u sljedećem ratu za opstanak zbog nepostojećeg zakona koja štiti prava umjetnika. Iako postoji mnogo talentiranih individualaca, bilo u glazbenom ili filmskom stvaralaštvu, zbog piratstva ti umjetnici ne ostvaruju profit, te moraju spavati u neadekvatnim barakama, boriti se sa malarijom i konstantno razmišljati kako će preživjeti sljedeći dan. Biti umjetnik u Sierri Leone je opasan posao.

Redatelj prikazuje portrete trojice mještana kroz prizmu njihovih poslova; redatelja Arthura Pratta, repera Papsa i redatelja (snimatelja i montažera) Alfreda Kpana.

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3. KONTRAST U svakom segmentu se pojavljaju uzorci koji dublje definiraju živote protagonista.

1. LOKOT

Arthur i Paps žive u katastrofalnim uvjetima. Njihova 'kuća' jest sklonište sastavljeno od dasaka presvučenom plastičnom ceradom kako bi ih zaštitilo od kiše, no što se tiče standardnih prostorija ili mogućnosti, oni ih nemaju. Lokot, kao prvi doticaj s njima, simbolizira da se nalaze u nekoj vrsti zatvora iz kojeg se pokušavaju osloboditi.

Za razliku od Arthura i Papsa, Alfred zarađuje određenu svotu novca da si može priuštiti kuću izvan grada. Njegovo imanje se ne prezentira sa kadrom lokota, nego sa zelenilom, simbolizirajući 'raj' za Alfreda, u kojem se nalazi više članova obitelji, a među kojima ima mnogo djece.

2. OPASNOST

Kroz dokumentarac se može uočiti da su mještani u Sierri Leone jako siromašni, te da nitko ne zarađuje dovoljno kako bi si priuštio normale uvjete za život, no unatoč tome, Sierra Leone vrvi tehnologijom. Televizije, video kamere, kompjuteri, iPhone-ovi i slični 'high tech' predmeti se koriste u svakodnevnici. Iako Papsovu web stranicu netko drugi uređuje, on je unatoč svom siromaštvu posjeduje. Njegov doticaj s njom je gotovo nemoguć, no on lagodno priča o tome, dok priča preko mobitela sa Martinom koji se nalazi u Engleskoj. Taj kontrast izaziva čuđenje, jer se ne uklapa sa slikom grada i načinom života mještana. No, redatelj time implicira kako sama 'tehnologija' ne uzdiže automatski standard života, nego način na koji se ta tehnologija koristi.

Arthur i Alfred su redatelji, te se njihovo stvaralaštvo velikim djelom fokusira na ukazivanje na probleme u zajednici. Arthurov film o pobuni robova, pod menom 'They resisted', surova je drama koju je jednako mukotrpno snimati koliko je i teška tema o kojoj se bavi. Također, Alfredov film 'Dark side of life' bavi se ozbiljnim temama, a u njemu glumi njegova kći Fatmata, jer Alfred želi 'svoju kćer upotrebiti kao instrument za interpretiranje ružnih stvari koje su se dogodile tokom rata'. Potpuni kontrast tome nudi reper Paps. Njegov rad bježi od stvarnosti, ugoda mu je cilj. Njegov uradak prikazuje kako je sve u najboljem stanju, pleše se, pije, smije se i promatra se zalazak sunca. On želi gledatelje razveseliti, a ne osvjestiti.

4. BROD NA PUČINI

Njihovi poslovi uključuju određenu razinu opasnosti i svaki od protagonista ističe probleme s kojima se suočavaju tokom svog rada. Arthura i njegov tim napadaju drugi mještani Sierre Leone, jer snimaju na javnim mjestima. Ima verbalnih ispada, a može doći i do fizičkih nesuglasnica. Reper Paps ima poteškoće s dolaženjem do novca kojeg zarađuje preko Amazona i iTunesa, jer u Sierri Leone se ne vjeruje bankama, te njegov novac putuje od jednog računa do drugog, od jedne osobe do druge, dok se on cijelo vrijeme nada da će jednog dana doći i do njega. On ostvaruje profit svojim poslom, njegovi se albumi prodaju, no novac nikako da stigne. Alfred se upušta u opasnosti tokom svojih snimanja kako bi dobio određene kadrove za svoje filmove. Njegova oprema je poprilično skromna, pa kvalitetu mora nadoknaditi izvanredno snimljenim materijalom.

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Nekoliko puta se pokazuje Brod koji pliva na pučini Sierre Leone. On je simbol mogućnosti i nade odlaska iz Sierre Leone, te izaziva nadu da postoji nešto drugo osim njihovog negativnog načina življenja. Taj brod je opcija koju svi vide i za kojom svi žude, no kako je daleko i samo u silueti prisutno, jasno im je da ta mogućnost nije na dohvat ruke.

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5. PIRATSTVO UMJETNIČKIH DOBARA

Iako nije na prvi pogled odmah vidljivo, dokumentarac se zapravo bavi piratstvom i kako afektira živote umjetnika, jer ne uspiju zaraditi plaće od svog rada. Kroz jako tanku nit se provlači ta tema, kroz cijeli dokumentarac, dok je zadnji segment potpuno posvećen trenutku kad je prihvaćen zahtjev da se stvori zakon o copyrightu, kako bi omogućio umjetnicima zaradu od njihovih uradaka.

HANSONOVO SNIMANJE

U dokumentarcu se nalaze dva kratka isječka iz radova glavnih protagonista. Prikazan je glazbeni video repera Papsa pod imenom 'Banana dem wat' i kratki film sa tematikom abortacije Alfreda Kpana, nazvanim 'Happy Birthday'. U prvim sekundama postaje jasno da su produkti zamišljeni za veliko tržište, te da nema izrazito velike umjetničke vrijednosti. Glazbeni video je stvoren da zabavi ljude, a kratki film da gledatelje osvjesti o problemu masovnonog abortiranja djece u Freetownu. No, ono na što se treba obratiti pozornost je da naspram njihovim uradcima dokumentarac 'Shooting Freetown' sniman u mnogo lošijoj kvaliteti.

Redatelj Hanson je birao svoj dokumentarac snimati sa kamerom i kazeticama sličnom koju koristi Arthur Pratt za snimanje svog filma u početku dokumentarca. Vjerojatno se Hanson odlučio na taj način snimanja zbog 'realnijeg' i 'surovijeg' izgleda, te kad zrnci zaokupe sliku zbog premalog izvora svijetla, ta okrutnost svakodnevnice protagonista dolazi do izražaja.

OSTAVŠTINA Shooting Freetown je snimljen 2011. godine i jednostavnom internet pretragom se može vidjeti koliko je copyright zakon djelovao na protagoniste dokumentarca.

1. ARTHUR PRATT

Arthur je sebi omogućio napredak u stvaranju dokumentaraca, jer ih je uspio plasirati kako bi ih cijeli svijet vidio. Njegov noviji uradak, dokumentarac o Ebola virusu, pod imenom 'Survivors', priznat je na filmskim festivalima i čak ga podržava Tribeca Film Institut iz New Yorka.

2. PAPS

Stil redatelja je jako kaotičan i nefokusiran. Kadrove ne osvjetljava po mraku a kad ih osvjetli, onda to učini samo pomoću svjetala iz okolice u kojoj se nalazi. Radovi mještana Sierre Leone su snimani na HDV kameri sa rezolucijom od 1920x1080 piksela, dok je Shooting Freetown snimano u SD rezoluciji, koja iznosi 640x480 piksela.

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THE RATIONALISATION OF RIGHTFUL KILLING:

An essay that explores the relationship between reality and visions that are appealed to regarding genocides

Paps se nije uspio proslaviti. Njegova zadnja Facebook objava je bila 2012 godine i nakon toga nema više traga o njemu na internetu. Street Talent Productions, firma koju je vodio, također nema novijih događanja.

Once there was Elzunia, She is dying all alone, Because her daddy is in Maidanek And in Ausschwitz her mommy…

3. ALFRED KPANA

(Berlin cited in Schneider, 2014: 39)

Alfred nikad nije napustio Sierru Leone, iako je imao jaku želju otići čim sakupi dovoljno novaca, no nakon uvođenja copyright zakona, sklopio je suradnju s Arthurom Prattom, u kojoj njih dvojica vode filmske radionice kako bi omogućili novom naraštaju da rade filmove tako da se Sierra Leone Cinema može širiti što dalje moguće. Stvorio je novi film pod imenom 'Secret Desire', kojeg će izbaciti u 2017 godini.

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These lines were left by a young girl. The poem was found in her coat, after she was shot by the SS in Poland.

It raises the question how it is possible for human beings to inflict the great terror of a genocide on one another.

Although genocides are more becoming a focus of anthropologists, relatively little anthropological work has been done on mass violence (de Lame, 2007; Hinton, 2002).

That seems remarkable, since the basic human rights of so many people are violated and genocides therefore seem to be a priority topic to anthropologists. But the reasons behind the violence enacted are extremely complicated and rooted in complex state societies. However, some work has been done about these tragedies, and an attempt will be made to explain these in the light of vision and imagination. What happens to a people’s reality, for it to project others in such a way that validates their killing? With this question in mind, first will be elaborated on the conception of vision and how genocides are to be understood when considering vision. This theoretical framework is illustrated by four brief examples of genocides that happened in the last century. These particular atrocities have been chosen since they encompass attributes that serve well for the analysis of vision. The attention given to them is far too little to do them justice. But by taking a look at multiple genocides and by explicating them in relation to one another and the conceptualisations, an understanding of how genocides are

Inge van Rijswijk able to occur may be drawn. This will form a comprehension of the relationship between vision and truth.

Understanding genocides When contemplating whether there is a relationship between vision and truth, there needs to be explained what is to be understood when speaking of these concepts. The notion of vision as it is used here, is perception; the perception of the world, reality and occurrences by (a) people (Heidegger, 1977). It is the (world)view one has, which is subject to one’s background, to the environment one has been brought up in (Ibid., Throop, 2009; Irving, 2015). This vision is not biological, but “socially produced and reaffirms the culture it is within” (Irving, 2015: lecture 2). It is embedded and encoded in a particular collection of discourses, in ideas and practises.

Through this vision, one sees the world, and defines the world and others around him (Heidegger, 1977). Therefore, what happens in reality and how that is interpreted, is completely subject to the frame of reference of the very person viewing it and becomes their truth. Now, let us consider the concept of ‘genocide’, made up from the Greek word genos (race or tribe), and the Latin word cide (the killing of) (Hinton, 2002).

The United Nations has formulated several definitions of the word from 1946 onward. Nowadays it is defined by the UN as any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physcal destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. (p. 3) This conceptualisation is for many

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anthropological scholars problematic, since its focus lies on a limited set of categories (Ibid.). One can simultaneously identify with a certain race, ethnicity, nation, and religion, as well as with classifications not considered here, such as clans, kinships, castes, classes, tribes, totemic groups, sexual preferences, and political stances. All of these categories are fluid and together make up one’s identity. Because of the deficiency of the concept, recognising, acknowledging and prosecuting a genocide is proven to be extremely difficult. Schneider (2014) points out that genocide is a contested word. Different parties involved in a genocide, might not all acknowledge it as such, as will be demonstrated later with the Armenian case. Language is a major and manipulating factor as to how an issue is being analysed and treated. “There is a duality of language that is inherent in genocide. This duality is between the perpetrators and the victims” (p. 28). With the use of a particular description of events by perpetrators, victims can be silenced. This leads up to how genocides are framed, both by the different parties involved and by outsiders (Schneider, 2014). To be able to exterminate a people, one needs to have a justifying ideology. The cruel acts need to be legitimised, otherwise this behaviour goes against all human morals. “Genocide is something that makes you question everything about humanity, or the absence of humanity” (p. 39).

As will become more evident later, dehumanising plays a significant role in the construction of genocides.

Npo, a Dutch broadcaster, has published a documentary series last year about the annihilation of Armenians in the last century, Bloedbroeders (translated to English as ‘Bloodbrothers’) 1. An expert on genocides, Ton Zwaan, describes genocide as “a process of systematic persecution and destruction of a large category of people by other people under the watching eye of the state” (npo, episode 1, 10.23-11, translated by author). Since the state itself is often the perpetrator of a genocide, this is the very reason why genocides are usually not prosecuted (Hinton, 2002). Apart from killing people on large scale, genocide also entails the destruction of a culture by disregarding it and teaching later generations misconceptions about it (npo, 2015). Psychologist of violence, Ervin Staub, explains in Bloedbroeders that genocide does not just appear. There are usually a lot of acts of violence that add up, creating an evolution of violence and hate.

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Although genocides have only rather recently been conceptualised, they are not new (Hinton, 2002). Warfare originates far back in history, where peoples were subjugated or exterminated. However, with the commencement of modernity, warfare occurred on a grander scale. In the fifteenth century, European imperialists dominated the indigenous peoples of newly discovered lands. There was a strong language of ‘othering’, which created an rationalisation that justified this subjugation. A metanarrative arose, in which western people were civilised, as opposed to the indigenous people who were depicted as barbaric and in need of being developed by the Europeans. A process of othering, placing people outside of one’s imagined community, leads to the standpoint that the other becomes a danger for the society (Ibid.). Practises and signs are formed into symbols of this society, enabling the creation of the feeling of nationhood (Eriksen, 2010). As will become evident later, a powerful means of constructing such narratives, are origin myths (Arnold, 2002). Origin stories of societies teach them of moral codes for behaviour. The way these stories are told and presented, however, has a significant impact on the perception of the people it is told to. One’s link to his past and presumed knowledge of this past, can be highly effective in creating an ethnic identity (Erikson, 2010). These myths can implement notions of societal order, and create the idea of (genetic) superiority and hatred. Manipulated origin stories can “motivate populations to commit genocide or other atrocities” (Arnold, 2002: 109).

A superior Germanic race The Holocaust is globally most accepted as being a genocide (Schneider, 2014). After the Holocaust, the UN wrote the convention on genocide, as to never let a tragedy like that happen again. Schneider argues that the Holocaust is not contested as being a genocide, since it was very obvious who were to be exterminated and for what reasons.

The Holocaust caused for the concept of ‘genocide’ to be invented; before it, there existed no name for such a killing of people. During the second world war, tens of thousands of lives were taken by Nazi Germans (Hinton 2002). Lives of anybody who wasn’t part of the German race. This killing was enabled by the origin myth of the German People, and formed a justification for this genocide. The prehistoric German genealogy was under the Nazi regime interpreted and being taught as the unquestionable proof that the German race was superior to all others. It was thought that Germans were part of an ethnic lineage that went back to the very origin of the modern human being. “Race as defined by German National Socialism was what qualified one to be a member of the Germanic community” (Arnold, 2002: 97).

Nationalist Socialist school text-books taught of the so called ‘Old Testament of the German people’. In this account was written how a German divinity had arisen from German soil and whose descendants were to be the ancestors of the German race. This myth made it possible for

Germans to view themselves as indigenous, prosperously developed into an independent and superior people.

German anthropologists in the Nazi era even had a fair share of adding to the division of people (Schafft, 2002). It was believed that anthropology could assist in making a better society by providing the theoretical basis for improving the biological structure of the population and the practical means of sorting those people into desirable and undesirable groups, using ethnographic as well as physical anthropological techniques. (p. 119) It was thought that racial categories sorted out by anthropologists could help in setting up hierarchies, enabling the “engineering” of a social and biological “master race” (p. 120). Arnold (2002) discusses ‘pseudo-’, or ‘social speciation’, which is seen as a precondition for

Rwandan notions deployed In Rwanda, during the genocide of 1994, a million people were killed (Taylor, 2002). Hutus and Tutsis had a long history of deeply rooted notions of ethnicity, in which Hutus viewed Tutsis as being invaders from Ethiopia, steeling the fruits of their labour. Tutsis were the main victims of the genocide, which was seen as a purification. Tutsis formed, to Hutu imagination, an obstruction to the Rwandan order.

With a dehumanising language, they called Tutsis cockroaches that had to be crushed, and ascribed them characteristics as lazy, shrewd and conniving. These narratives go back to “late colonial times and form something of a substrate for the ideology of Hutu ethnic extremism” (P. 140).

The means of torture used in Rwanda, are to be understood within this paradigm of Tutsis being thieves and obstacles (Ibid.). In precolonial times, Rwandans would impale cattle thieves. During the genocide, Tutsis were also impaled.

Those tortured victims’ bodies became symbols for the Hutu

genocide. “At its worst... social speciation is a process by which one people manages to neutralize the humanity of another to such an extent that the inhibitions which normally prevent creatures of the same species from killing one another wantonly are relaxed” (Erikson cited in Arnold, 2002: 101).

Anyone who Nazis viewed as not being part of their superior race (mentally ill, homosexuals, nonAryans, communists, Jews) but living in the ‘German Reich’, had to be exterminated. A propaganda language of dehumanisation made this killing feasible (Schneider, 2014). Jews were projected as mice, as poisonous mushrooms, and the Devil. The construction of difference was so successful, that after the war was lost for the Nazis, Jews continued to be killed, as their extermination still seemed to be the utterly most important goal to strive for.

notion of a pure Hutu nation that was obstructed by these outsiders. Another way of fighting the Tutsis was to deprive them of movement, to make sure they would not form any more of an obstruction and to take from them their power.

This happened literally in the form of cutting Achilles tendons, but also symbolically by forcing family members to hurt each other and commit incest, for this counters the direction in which blood and semen should flow in Rwandan believe.

The killers referred to their killing as ‘their work’ (Ibid.).

This way they soothed their discomfort of being unemployed. By executing in the name of the nation, they viewed themselves as state employees. Following this paradigm, the actual killing was given horticultural metaphors. Hutus were called upon “to cut the ‘tall trees’down to size’”, and “to remove both the ‘tall weeds’(adults) and the‘shoots’(children)” (p. 169).

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These representations were not specifically Hutu (Ibid.). Tutsis also made use of these symbols, as they formed the Rwandan mode of expression. Taylor argues that the emphasis should lie on howthese symbols are to be understood and being used: Much of the violence… followed a cultural patterning, a structured and structuring logic, as individual Rwandans lashed out against a perceived internal other who threatened, in their imaginary, both their personal integrity and the cosmic order of the state. Rwandan ontology that situates the body politic in analogical relation to the individual human body. (p. 139)

ing and listening to their songs] was the most effective tool of indoctrination. You started to believe in it’” (interview cited by Shapiro-Phim, p. 181)2. The regime needed the people to believe in the revolution, and therefore needed to control their imaginations (Shapiro-Phim, 2002). The songs and dances taught Cambodians how to think and how to behave within this new country. They were trained and manipulated to carry out work for the Khmer Rouge and to emit its vision. Children were seen as exceptionally malleable into embodimentsof the new revolutionary society.

There were songs and dances written especially for them that developed in them the conceptions of the revolution.

To dance and believe in Kampuchea

The Armenian ‘case’

Cambodians had just endured a civil war and side-effects of the conflict in neighbouring Vietnam, when Democratic Kampuchea, or the Khmer Rouge regime, took control in 1975 (Shapiro-Phim, 2002). As at first it seemed like peace would return to the country, it turned out that an even greater suffering was ahead. The communist and xenophobe Khmer Rouge reign labelled foreigners and ethnic groups as others, and attempted the annihilation of these groups as an idealization and survival of the Khmer race. The Khmer Rouge rhetoric was based upon a historical justification for absolute authority (Ibid.). In earlier centuries, there had been an absolute monarch. This ruling paved the way for the Khmer Rouge regime, as Cambodians were used to totalitarianism and accepted such a regime more easily. The “Khmer Rouge had a sense of superiority combined with underlying feelings of inferiority and vulnerability. This arose from a combination of long past glory, recent history and present circumstances” (Staub cited in Arnold, 2002: 109).

Shapiro-Phim (2002) sets out how the Khmer Rouge regime had an understanding of how power can be obtained by making use of sentiment. They forbade the practise of deeply rooted Cambodian dances, and instead introduced revolutionary dances and songs that were performed everywhere – in public, at labour sites, and on the radio.

This way Cambodians were indoctrinated with a newly defined reality. Since dances and songs are modes of expression highly impassioned, they are a means of creating and transporting imaginations. “One person recalls that ‘[sing-

At the end of the nineteenth century Armenians, as inhabitants of the Ottoman empire, found themselves in an injustice situation of inequality and insecurity (Npo, 2015).

Therefore, an Armenian revolutionary federation was formed that started social protests, which included violence, to attract the attention of western powers. The Ottoman regime called these actions terrorist acts, and in Turkish studies this is being analysed as the Armenian betrayal. The Ottoman sultan of that time, feared that western countries would tear apart his empire, and that was the time when Armenians sought help. The Ottoman regime felt as if they were attacked from all sides and in constant war. Apart from its conflict with Russia and western countries, nationalist Armenians now tried to make the regime stumble. This is what the Turkish government teaches its people nowadays. Armenians are beingviewed as traitors who attacked the Ottoman empire in the back.

At the beginning of the twentieth century another group arose, the Young Turks, that wanted a modern and democratic state for all Ottomans (Ibid). As this was also what the revolutionary Armenians wanted, they cooperated in the downfall of the sultan. After this constitutional reformation, Turks and Armenians celebrated their reconciliation. After a few months they realised, however, that they had different hopes for the future. Armenians wanted autonomy, which the Turks would not accept as they did not want the Ottoman empire to fall apart. When Greeks, Bulgarians and Hungarians had successful uprisings against the re-

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gime in order for their autonomy, the Young Turks decided they wanted only Turks to inhabit the Turkish state With the start of the first World War, western powers were not concentrating on the Ottoman regime (Ibid.). This gave it the opportunity to seek German help, which it got in return for colonial hinterland. It now had the means of getting rid of all non-Turks. Hundreds of thousands of Armenians were deported, tortured, and killed for treason. At the end of the first World War, Armenian soldiers that were still alive, took revenge on Turkish villages. This violence is what the Turks remember; the massacres that lead up to this violence were disregarded. The Armenian genocide is not acknowl-

edged as such (Schneider, 2014; Ibid.). It is called a massacre, and nowadays Turks not just do not acknowledge, but deny that their forefathers have taken part in the annihilation of Armenians. Turkish people are being taught that Armenians are the perpetrators, and indoctrinated to hate them (Npo, 2015). However, the violence that Armenians enacted on Turks, does not match the amount of violence that was inflicted vice versa. Turks call it a civil war, but Schneider (2014) argues that this is not a rightful label. A civil war happens when there is a lack of central control, but the Young Turks had a superior position compared to the Armenians as being the leading regime.

Contested visions What we have seen here, are four different examples not only of how visions of reality can be shaped in such a way that they can account for killing on a great scale, but also of what rhetoric is used to think about these events. Language is an important factor in framing groups as either a community, or as outsiders of this community that form a threat. It was explained that one’s perception of the world is subject to one’s background and socially and culturally produced. Our worldviews are embedded in the discourses we found ourselves surrounded with, and it is in this light to be understood that the ideas and ideologies with which genocides commence, shape and become one’s reality. As was argued earlier, one way of constructing such an imagined community is by the use of origin myths. This was what the Nationalist Socialists in Germany did. By the way the origin story was presented, it seemed for Germans that they were the rightful and superior race of the German Reich.

Germans got to see it as their obligation to destroy anyone who was not part of that race. Indoctrinating a manipulated origin story is also what the Khmer Rouge regime did.

Building on a history of absolute authority, it was able to undermine its people and separate the Khmer race from others. By using the sentiment of songs and dances, it indoctrinated a revolutionary reality. The construction of these metanarratives is significant in the understanding of what vision a people has on life and of how genocides may occur.

Also striking is the language of dehumanisation that the Germans adapted. In contrast to the superiority they ascribed themselves, Jews were projected as anything unhuman. They were depicted as vermin and associated with hell. A similar use of language was also found in Rwanda, where Hutus called Tutsis cockroaches that needed to be crushed. The use of this type of language makes it psychologically easier to kill (Hinton, 2002). Viewing hu-

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man beings as they are, human, makes it difficult to kill them. Hutus started perceiving Tutsis as a threatening outsider that needed to perish. The Rwandan genocide shows that cultural symbols are polysemic and can be interpreted in various ways. Whether being a Hutu or Tutsi, Rwandans use a rhetoric of obstruction and horticultural workload. However, the significance lies in the way metaphors and symbols are used to create a certain image. As Taylor (2002) writes: “the question that really should be asked is not whether a certain symbolic image is transcultural or specific, but what degree of elaboration and use a specific group makes of the image” (p. 173).

In retrospect, Armenians and Turks have differing visions regarding their history. Their ‘case’ is contested for being a genocide. The Turks do not acknowledge it as such, as they speak of the wrong the Armenians have inflicted upon them.

They are being indoctrinated by the government with hate against the Armenians. As was stated earlier, disregarding a culture and teaching negative notions about it, is also a form of genocide. But the fact that the state played a main role, is the reason that this tragedy is not being taught and acknowledged as genocide.

Our worldviews are embedded in the discourses we found ourselves surrounded with, and it is in this light to be understood that the ideas and ideologies with which genocides commence, shape and become one’s reality.

are, moreover, also used in framing an atrocity afterwards.

This has consequences for how it is recognised and treated.

It should be noted, however, that the way in which academics nowadays look back upon the different genocides, is also only a particular perspective, subject to how these events are presented. As was stated in the introduction, anthropology has not much been concerned with genocides. Genocides do not occur in the small scale societies that have been the focus lens of anthropological work. But societies are mingling together, boundaries are fluid and there is broadening concept of culture. Anthropologists are forced to shift their view to great and complex communities and nationstates, and the cultural, social and ethnical structures within. This inevitably includes a focus on genocides, as they are formed within and because of these structures. Although it should be stressed that anthropological conceptions and analysis, as we have seen, can be problematic in regarding conflict.The analysis of genocides has shown that there is an intense relationship between visions and truth. One’s lived reality is a shaped one, constituted by worldviews that are sometimes dictated. The truth is seen and shown with a certain lens.

It is therefore never objective but itself subject to the way it is presented and to the people who interpret it.

This essay started with the question what happens to a people’s reality, for it to project others in such a way that validates their killing. To realise an understanding of this relationship between reality and vision, four major atrocities have been analysed within a framework of the conceptualisations of vision, truth and genocide.

Peoples visions are used in multiple ways when it comes to genocides. Genocides commence gradually and are a product of narratives and rationalisation. History and historical events are shaped and projected in a certain way, that becomes reality to a group by indoctrination. The viewpoints on (ethnic) identity are constructions of othering that create a divide between groups and lead up to genocides. Language plays a major role in this process. By creating a sense of superiority and the use of dehumanising words, a vision arises that the destruction of a group or people is needed.

Language, and the creation and manipulation of viewpoints

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Relja Pekić

Bibliography Eriksen, T. H. 2010. Ethnicity and Nationalism. PlutoPress

Kako je nastala organizacija ANTROPOP i sa kojima izazovima ste se susretali pri realizaciji vaših projekata?

Heidegger, M. 1977. "The Age of the World Picture" in The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays. NYC: Harper.

Ideja Antropopa začela se na konferenciji “Ne/mogućnost zapošljivosti etnologa i antropologa u Republici Hrvatskoj”, održanoj 2015. godine na Odjelu etnologije i antropologije Sveučilišta u Zadru. Tada smo, raspravljajući o navedenom problemu, došli do zaključka kako bi jedno od mogućih rješenja bila platforma koja bi okupljala etnologe i antropologe te putem koje bi imali međusobnu podršku u vidu razmjene znanja i vještina pri pisanju i izvedbi projekata, a koja bi istodobno članovima pružala pravni okvir putem kojeg bi mogli djelovati i prikupljati sredstva, aplicirati svoje projekte na natječaje.

Jedan od najvećih izazova nam je svakako kako pridobiti ljude da nam se pridruže i počnu raditi u bilo kojem smjeru. Trenutno nas je jako malo u udruzi, a kao i u svakoj organizaciji članovi se dijele na aktivne i neaktivne. Zbog toga što nas je manji broj, događa se to da velika količina posla oko pripreme, organizacije i provedbe bilo kakvih projekata padne na samo par ljudi. Zbog toga se treba dobro izbalansirati obaveze u udruzi sa obavezama na poslu te privatnim životom ali i ostaviti prostora daljnjem razvoju kako pojedinca tako i same udruge. Ovi su procesi ponekad vrlo teški jer dovode u pitanje smisao udruge i rada na projektima. Vjerujem da kada bi uspjeli dobiti veći i bitniji projekt koji bi ujedno bio i naše zaposlenje, stvari bi bile puno lakše. Međutim živimo u takvom vremenu u kojem je sigurnost dobivanja bilo kakvih prihoda vrlo klimava pa se većina nas drži sigurnijih primanja, a pri tome svoje projekte odrađuje iz čiste ljubavi i osobnog zadovoljstva.

Hinton, A. L. 2002. Annihilating Difference: the Anthropology of Genocide. University of California Press.

Conclusion

UOČI SEF FESTIVALA U ZADRU: INTERVJU SA ORGANIZACIJOM ANTROPOP

Irving, A. 2015. Anthropology of Vision, Memory and the Senses. Lecture series. University of Manchester de Lame, D. 2007. Anthropology and Genocide. Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence. Accessed 10 January 2016, URL: http://www.massviolence.org/Anthropology-and-Genocide. ISSN 1961-9898 Npo. 2015. Bloedbroeders. Documentary series. http://www.npo.nl/bloedbroeders/POMS_S_VARA_813896 Schneider, s. 2014. Teaching the unthinkable. In: Theory in Action, Vol. 7, No. 1. Transformative Studies Institute Throop, C. J. 2009. Intermediary Varieties of Experience. In Ethnos, 74:4, 535-558. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QUuN2yHJigA&list=PL53DE353401BFABA6&index=1 (the collection of Democratic Kampuchean songs).

Koji su ciljevi vaše organizacije?

Cilj Antropopa je popularizacija etnologije i antropologije kroz organizaciju I izvedbu raznih kulturnih sadržaja te otvaranje mogućnosti (samo)zaposlenja njegovih članova.

Kako je nastao Studentski etnografski film festival u Zadru?

Kolegica Melita Vuković I Nina Vigan su tokom studija sudjelovale na raznim radionicama filma i montaže. Upoznale su se na putu za jednu takvu radionicu. Radilo se o radionici u organizaciji Luksuz produkcije u Kostanjevici na Krki, a voditelj radionice je bio Želimir Žilnik koji ih je vodio kroz tajne i vještine snimanja i terenskog rada. Iskustvo jedne vrhunske organizacije, društvo inspirativnih ljudi iz svih krajeva svijeta ostalo je u najboljem sjećanju, dok je svakim danom sve više rasla želja za novim iskustvima. Naravno, kao i sve dobre ideje i ova je nastala spontano i uz pivo :) Umjesto da čekaju novu

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priliku odlučile su uzeti stvari u svoje ruke i nastao je SEF u Zadru ☺ Činjenica je da u Zadru manjka kulturnog sadržaja, a pogotovo sadržaja u kojem mladi mogu sudjelovati, tako da je SEF festival izvrsno prihvaćen i svake godine je sve bolji!!!

Da li ove godine možemo da očekujemo nove gostujuće predavače?

Naravno, ove godine imamo nove predavače ali i malo drugačiji koncept festivala. Dođite pa vidite :P Takođe, jedan od vaših projekata pri festivalu su bile i različite radionice filma koje ste organizovali prethodnih godina. Kako je sve to izgledalo i koji su rezultati tih radionica?

Da, prve tri godine organizirali smo radionice snimanja, montaže i fotografije. Ideja je bila da se prvenstveno studentima etnologije i antropologije pruži dodatna vještina putem neformalnog obrazovanja, a kojom bi mogli raditi širok spektar vlastitih mini istraživanja i radova. Svaka je radionica trajala od pet do deset dana i nakon svake cilj je bio da sudionici imaju gotov produkt radionice, bilo da je riječ o kratkom filmu ili foto eseju. Prve, kao i prošle godine radionicu je vodio Boris Zubčić. Prve godine je to bila radionica filma a lani se radilo o fotografiji. Na drugom SEF-u radionicu filma održali su Relja Pekić i Vanja Rstić, naši kolege iz Beograda. Ono što se izkristaliziralo nakon iskustva ovih radionica je to da studentima kronično fali volje za samostalan rad. Inercija je na najvišem stupnju ali to je proces koji je za današnji način života uobičajen, a mi se svojim djelovanjem trudimo razbiti loše i nametnuti dobre procese. Ili barem vjerujemo da to radimo. ☺

Šta sve možemo da očekujemo na ovogodišnjem, četvrtom SEF-u?

Ove godine smo odlučili dati priliku mladim autorima da se predstave, tako da osim stručnih predavanja imamo otvorenje izložbe mladih fotografa amatera koji ce s nama podijeliti svoja iskustva, rad na fotografiji i buduće projekte. Smatramo da je potrebno više ovakvih događaja kako bi sami studenti shvatili da se kreće od nekud, da nije strašno ni komplicirano i da će uvijek imati priliku negdje pokazati svoja djela, podjeliti iskustva i sklopiti prijateljstva. Naravno, to nas sve čeka u popodnevnom dijelu festivala, a najbolji dio se događa pod zvijezdama u večernjim satima. Svake godine dolazi nam sve više filmova, pa tako i ove. Nadamo se da će nas vrijeme poslužiti i da ćemo se svima lijepo zabaviti, pogotovo što bi ove godine željeli napraviti i mali after party uz DJ-a u parku. Ali pssssssst, još nismo prijavili svirku. ☺

Na koji način se finansira SEF I sa kojim problemima se susrećete pri organizaciji?

SEF je malen festival koji se najviše financira iz proračuna Studentskog zbora Sveučilišta u Zadru, također, tu je uvijek Odjel za etnologiju i antropologiju koji nam uskoči u pomoć ako što zakaže, a i moramo naglasiti i zahvaliti i ostalim sponzorima koji nam na bilo koji način pripomognu. Naravno, zahvalni smo na pomoći koju imamo, ali isto tako želim ukazati na to kako je jako teško dobiti uopće ikakvo sponzorstvo, a kamoli u financijskom obliku pa se snalazimo na svakakve načine. Nekad i, kako kod nas u Dalmaciji kažu, na lipe oči. Svakako nas je ovo iskustvo organiziranja naučilo kako komunicirati s ljudima, kako pisati projekte, kako se snaći u nepredvidivim situacijama, kako nam treba toliko i toliko goriva i agregat od toliko I toliko kilovata, pošto nemamo podršku koja nam treba za struju, kako je teško naći popust na smejštaj za goste festivala usred turističke sezone, kako na kraju krajeva privući i inspirirati studente da se uključe u rad festivala koji je tu za njih. Problema ima uvijek, ali mi ih u biti vidimo samo kao privremene zapreke. ☺

Ko vrši selekciju filmova pri izradi festivalskog programa i ko čini ovogodišnji žiri?

Selekciju filmova vrše organizatori festivala koji iza sebe imaju znanja i iskutva stečena na brojnim radionicama i školama filma. Posebne pohvale smo dobili prošle godine od stane žirija koji je bio sastavljen od Ivana Ramljaka, dr.sc. Tanje Bukovčan i dr.sc. Tomislava Pletenca koji su ih usporedili i s većim festivalima u regiji, što nas je posebno obradovalo, jer uvijek je lijepo dobiti priznanje za svoj rad i trud.

Ove godine stručni žiri čini Sonja Leboš predsjednica Udruge za interdisciplinarna i interkulturalna istraživanja, Eva Kraljević koja je diplomirala filmsko snimanje na zagrebačkoj Akademiji dramskih umjetnosti, a radi kao snimateljka i fotografkinja. Treći član žirija je prof. Sandra Urem kojoj je područje etnografskog filma i viuzalne antropologije predmet istraživanja.

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Kakav je položaj vizuelne antropologije kako u akademskoj, tako I na filmskoj sceni u Hrvatskoj?

O položaju vizualne antropologije mi ne možemo mnogo govoriti, pošto nemamo toliko iskustva da bi realno mogli ocijeniti stanje u Hrvatskoj, a i regiji. Ono što mi možemo vidjeti iz iskustva je činjenica da nam dolaze filmovi iz svih krajeva svijeta, a iz Hrvatske ih možemo nabrojiti na prste. Svakako pohvaljujemo rad kolega iz Beograda i Sarajeva. ☺ Također, zanimljivo je i očito kako postoji volja, želja i nada za boljim uvijetima koje imaju kolege sa drugih sveučilista. Makar se radilo o postojanju nekoliko kamera na raspolaganju studentima, pošto je vidljivo kako je razlika između filmova koji dolaze iz regije i ostatka svijeta ogromna. Naravno, ne brinite, tehnička strana i razlike u kamerama NIKAKO nemaju veze pri selekciji. ☺ Želimo vam svima reći da zajedno možemo puno toga ostavriti, tako da samo dajte, snimajte, uživajte i podijelite svoje priče!!!

Pozdrav svima iz Zadra! Dođite na SEF! ☺

Drage/I ljubiteljke i ljubitelji dokumentarnog filma, Projekcija filma „Bosanski Hoffenheim“, mladog dokumentariste Jasenka Korjenića održana je u sredu 26.aprila u Amfiteatru Filozofskog fakulteta Trajanje filma: 47 min Produkcija: Al Jazeera Balkans Sinopis filma: Ostvareni farmaceutski biznismen Mensur Mušija nakon više od 15 godina uspješnog vođenja vlastite kompanije, odlučuje da se vrati u svoju mladost i da se aktivno bavi fudbalom, ali

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ne kao fudbaler kao u studentskim danima, nego kao sportski radnik. U Kaknju, gradu u kojem živi sa porodicom, 2009. uključuje se u strukture gradskog kluba FK Rudar kako bi vlastitim snagama, finansijama i umijećem poslovanja vratio gradski kakanjski fudbalski klub u sam vrh bh. fudbala u Premijer ligu, nakon što već deceniju klub ne igra velike utakmice. Tamo se upušta u ozbiljne poslove, pa gradski stadion po prvi put u svom dugogodišnjem postojanju dobija veliku tribinu sa plastičnim sjedištima. Međutim, FK Rudar već godinama je okružen negativnim poslovnim okolnostima i nezainteresovanošću pojedinaca za napredak, pa u tom klubu na kraju Mensur neće uspjeti napraviti iskorak.

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Spletom okolnosti, ili iz čuvenog bosanskog inata, Mensur odlazi u komšijski klub FK Mladost iz kakanjskog predgrađa, male mjesne zajednice Doboj, koja broji oko 3.000 stanovnika i koja od svog društvenog sadržaja posjeduje samo fudbalski klub koji se za svog postojanja od 1959. takmiči u lokalnim i amaterskim ligama i uvijek je bio podređen gradskom klubu FK Rudaru. Da bi pokazao pojedincima kakve su njegove istinske namjere, dolazi na čelo FK Mladost, koja za vrijeme njegovog angažmana prolazi put od najnižih amaterskih liga do najvišeg ranga Premijer lige! Mali „seoski klub“ čije je utakmice nekada sa male tribine pratilo 50-tak ljudi sada postaje ozbiljan klub čijim igračkim kadrom rukovodi profesionalac Ibro Rahimić, nekadašnji prvotimac Veleža, koji napušta život u Švicarskoj da bi skupa sa Mensurom gradio klub koji će u debitanskoj sezoni u Premijer ligi slaviti pobjede nad sarajevskim klubovima Sarajevom i Željezničarom. Cijelo stanovništvo malog predgrađa je na nogama, svi slave uspjeh svog kluba koji im je zapravo jedino mjesto gdje se sada svi viđaju i druže.

Predsjednik kojeg slave i pozdravljaju, izgradio je nove tribine i klupske prostorije, a u svemu tome pomaže mu novoosnovana i neobična navijačka grupa „Crvena legija“ koja klub prati na gotovo svim utakmicama, a pritom nije sklona sveprisutnom huliganstvu, nego na fin način pružaju podršku i time privlače pažnju sportske javnosti. Grupa koju čine navijači od 6 do 60 godina tokom sezone nema nijednu kaznu od nadležnih organa, dok su svi ostali kažnjeni. Mensur sada živi svoje snove, a u isto vrijeme „oživio“ je to malo mjesto koje je do ekspanzije FK Mladost živjelo prosječnim životom bez velikih dešavanja.

Prije plasmana kluba u Premijer ligu skoro da niko u državi BiH nije znao za malo industrijsko mjesto Doboj kod Kaknja.

Jasenko Korjenić, rođen 4. juna 1988. u Zenici. Dugogodišnji saradnik i uposlenik pojedinih medija u BiH kao pripadnik nove generacije novinara koji karijere započinju na savremenim web portalima. Dokumentarnim filmom "Bosanski Hoffenheim" započinje karijeru režisera dokumentarnih filmova u saradnji sa regionalnom kućom Aljazeera Balkans.

Role of social media in social movements: Egyptian Revolution and Occupy Wall Street Miha Poredoš In the recent years we have witnessed a global span of protest movements which seemed to fuel its powers through the use of different social media. However the reality is often much more complex. Critical evaluation is needed when thinking how much of an influence Twitter, Facebook, Youtube, Flickr and other social (networking) media have (had) on different forms of social movements and protests. First, I’ll try to contextualize social media, their (dis)connection to protest and social movements and later try to briefly analyze role of social media in two recent social movements: Egyptian Revolution and Occupy Wall Street.

1. Introduction 2011 was a year of protests, revolutions and political change. It was a year where people all over the world tried to make their dreams of a different society reality. Wael Ghonim was the administrator of the Facebook page “We are all Khaled Said”. He said that this page and other social media were crucial for the Egyptian revolution: “I always said that if you want to liberate a society /…/ if you want to have a free society. /…/ This is Revolution 2.0. /…/ Everyone is contributing to the content” (Ghonim quoted in Fuchs 2014b: 2).

Technology analyst Evgeny Morozov, in contrast to Ghonim, said that social media do not bring about revolutions: the talk of Twitter and Facebook revolutions is “a naive belief in the emancipatory nature of online communication that rests on a stubborn refusal to acknowledge its downside” (quoted in 2014b: 2). Pointing, clicking, uploading, liking and befriending on Facebook would be “slacktivism” – “feelgood online activism that has zero political or social impact.

It gives those who participate in ‘slacktivist’ campaigns an illusion of having a meaningful impact on the world without demanding anything more than joining a Facebook group” (Morozov 2009). For Morozov (2013), Ghonim is “a man who lives and breathes Internetcentrism”– an ideology that reduces societal change to the Internet (p. 127).

2011 was also the year in which various Occupy movements emerged in North America, Greece, Spain, the United Kingdom and other countries. One of their protest tactics was to build protest camps in public squares that were centers of gravity for discussions, events and protest activities. In his online survey OccupyMedia! published in a book with the same name Austrian social media researcher Christian Fuchs found out that respondents saw the advan

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tages of Occupy’s use of social media in allowing them to reach a broad public and to protect themselves from the police (more Fuchs 2014a). However at the same time, the respondents identified risks of the use of commercial social media saying it is “generally exploitative, and controls the output of posts”, there have been occasions where the police seemed to have knowledge “that was only shared in a private group and/or text messages and face-to-face”, many participants in calls for protests joined, but “at least 70% of them [didn’t] /…/ show up at the actual demonstration”, twitter has been willing to turn over protestors’ tweets to authorities: Youtube censored the content and several emails were being deleted by Gmail, many people even faced a lawsuit in court because their hash tags were dropped supboenas.

2. Theorizing social media The skepticism raised in these accounts calls for critical discussion about employing the term “social media” especially regarding the social networking sites (SNS) and its’ connectedness with different form of the social, such as information (and cognition): if employing broad understanding of sociality, all forms of information are social, not only (SNS); communication: it’s important to note that computer-mediated communication did not start with Facebook and Twitter; communities: communications repeatedly taken place often involve feeling of belonging together that started earlier than Facebook or Twitter; and collaboration: computer-supported co-operative work (CSCW) in academic discussion started already in the 1980s (2014b: 4-5).

All computing systems, and therefore all web applications, as well as all forms of media can be considered social because they store and transmit human knowledge that originates in social relations in society – they are objectifications of society and human social relations. Whenever a human uses a computing system or a medium (also if s/he is alone in a room), s/he cognizes based on objectified knowledge that is the outcome of social relations. But not all computing systems and web applications support direct communication between humans, in which at least two humans mutually exchange symbols that are interpreted as being meaningful. Social media is thus a complex term with multi-layered meanings. Facebook contains a lot of content (information) and is a tool for communication and for the maintenance creation of communities. It is only to a minor degree a tool for collaborative work, but involves at least three types of sociality: cognition, communication and community (Fuchs 2014b: 6). According to that we may acknowledge several pre-Internet tools which were based on the same assumption: connecting people and exchanging [of] information.

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3. Social media overview One of the first such projects was called Usenet, a worldwide distributed discussion system, established in 1980, where users read and posted messages to one or more categories, known as newsgroups. In many ways it resembled bulletin board system (BBS) where people were connecting themselves in a similar way over local servers operated by the commercial connection provider. In many respects both were precursors of Internet forums which developed with the formation of world wide web (WWW) or Internet, as we call it today. One popular networking and media tool that developed out of BBS was Internet Relay Chat (IRC), where people communicated with each other in the form of text messages on group discussion forums (channels) and private. IRC became a popular networking and dating platform, especially among sexual minorities (as in IRC 2014). Next significant invention in the field of social media were blogs, which gained popularity with the introduction of dial-up connections to the Internet. People were usually writing them in a form of online diaries, in a chronological orders. Readers and visitors could leave comments or contact the authors. They weren’t only used to present news, opinions and experience, but also as a way of connecting remote communities, MyKnet.org of some of the Canada’s First Nation tribes used as an example of computerization movement through blogging form (more Budka 2009).

dations of Web 2.0, and] that allow the creation and exchange of user-generated content.” (Kaplan and Haenlein 2010: 61) People started using software “that enables anyone without knowledge of coding, to post, comment on, share or mash up content” (Thornley 2008) and communities around shared interests started to develop in wide range of forms, using different technologies: whether as Internet forums, or weblogs, vlogs (video blogs), social blogs, or microblogs, wikis, podcasts, email, instant messaging, photo sharing, video sharing, business networks, enterprise social networks, products/ services review, social bookmarking, social gaming, social networks, virtual worlds, crowdsourcing, crowdfunding and many others (see Figure 1) (more Aichner & Jacob 2015).

Figure 1: The Conversation Prism v4.0 Poster (Brian Solis, July 16 2013)

Source: Web 2.0, Wikipedia, 02.01.2007, ‘A tag cloud presenting Web 2.0 theme’ , https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a7/Web_2.0_Map.svg, accessed 20.10.2015 With the gradual introduction of the Web 2.0 in the end of 90’s, which allowed users to interact and collaborate with each other as creators of user-generated content in a virtual community, in contrast to Web 1.0 sites where people were limited to the passive viewing of content, the perception of social media switched into “a group of Internet-based applications [that build on the ideological and technological foun

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Social media differ from traditional or industrial mass media in many ways, including categories like quality, reach, frequency, accessibility, usability, immediacy and permanence (Agichtein et al. 2008). Both have the capability to reach small or large audiences. Social media operate under a dialogic transmission model (many sources to many receivers) in contrast to traditional (mass) media (newspaper, radio, television, film) that operate under a monologic transmission model (one source to many receivers) (Murthy 2013: 7-8).

They enable anyone to publish or access information, whereas traditional media generally require significant resources to publish information and have many revisions before publication, or as Murthy puts it, they are “relatively inexpensive and widely accessible electronic tools that enable anyone to publish and access information, collaborate on a common effort, or build relationships” (2013: 7-8). Individuals are thus becoming media producers and social media news and networking sites are the ways their content gets exposure.

Geographical or financial status are not anymore determinants of successful spreading of the information or selling

a product. Whether you are a music producer, DJ, YouTube celebrity vlogger1, small business or an anti-austerity group your ideas can get shared, commented on, talked about or being sold (more Kietzman and Hermkens 2011: 244).2 4. Theorizing social movements The term “social movements” (SM) was introduced in 1850 by the German Sociologist Lorenz von Stein in his book “History of the French Social Movement from 1789 to the Present”. Since then, the term has taken different meanings and interpretations. Charles Tilly (1978) defined social movements as, “a series of contentious performances, displays and campaigns by which ordinary people made collective claims on others” (quoted in Melucci 1994). Sidney Tarrow (1994) defined a social movement as “collective challenges to elites, authorities, other groups or cultural codes by people with common purposes, and solidarity in sustained interactions with elites, opponents and authorities” (p. 4). Post-structuralist scholars like Escobar (2001) see social movements as “sources of alternatives, hopes and theories of how the world can be made differently” (2001: 2).

Despite rapid changes of theoretical paradigms throughout different time periods and histories, we could argue that most of them (especially those resultant of western [world] tradition) were related to the questions of class in society (more Fuchs 2005, Article 2015: 6-7). However in late (informational) capitalism the situation has fundamentally changed.

Conflicts are not only struggles for material property such as technologies, machines, capital, and natural resources, but also conflicts over symbolic and informational goods such as knowledge, values, genetic information, human rights, nature as a preservable and valuable good, democracy, and peace (Fuchs 2005: 2). Deprivation and powerlessness no longer automatically result in protest as in the 19th century. Society has become more complex, and hence the patterns of class and protest have increased in complexity too.

This is not the point to write at length3 about different Social movement theories, rather I would like to briefly focus on two most dominant and debated approaches in recent history: Resource Mobilization Approach (RM), developed in the US and the New Social Movement Approach (NSM), developed in Europe (as in Fuchs 2006)

1 More about vlogging in the article Vlogging: Power and Com-

munity also featured on this blog.

2 Department of Anthropology at University College London (UCL) is currently doing an ongoing research The Global Social Media Impact Study dedicated to understanding the implications of social networking sites for global humankind and society, and explaining their significance for the future of the social sciences.

3 For those interested in the topic I suggest browsing through the pages 6-12 of the paper Role of social media in social movements: Egyptian Revolution and Occupy Wall Street, which is an extended work of this blog. Additionally I suggest reading works of C. Fuchs, a social media scholar, accessible on his web page.

that served as sources for scholarly debate about conjunc tions between social media and social movements, especially regarding self-organization of the latter and lead to the development of recently very popular Networks theories.

The first, Resource Mobilization approach (RM), has its roots in the tradition of Rational Choice Theory that considers actors as rationally calculating gains and losses that stem from certain potential actions, and make choices for or against certain actions based on such calculations. SMs were explained as the result of the successful mobilization of resources and political opportunities by rational actors. Such resources would both be material (money, organizations, manpower, technology, means of communication, mass media) and non-material (legitimacy, loyalty, social relationships, networks, personal connections, public attention, authority, moral commitment, solidarity). However, resource mobilization’s tendency to spotlight resources and organization, while ignoring the role of culture in collective action, provoked a reaction amongst social movement scholars, particularly in Europe, and leaded to the paradigmatical shift from structural to cultural analysis of collective action (Tarrow in Milberry 2003: 33).

Within a framework of culture, identity became a focal point of the second approach to mention here, that of New Social Movements (NSM). Turn to culture in NSM theory signaled a shift away from structural analysis that had typically marked European scholarship, which argued, that the social base of new social movements tended to transcend class structure, with the search for identity becoming key to movement formation (2003: 38). NSM theorists stressed that structural conditions and changes of society cause the emergence of social movements and strongly opposed economic reductionism and class reductionism: “The emergence of SMs cannot be explained solely by economic changes and the position of actors in the production process, but form due to non-class issues such as gender, ethnicity, age, neighborhood, environment, or peace.” (Fuchs 2006: 103) Marxism, as the traditional master framework for understanding collective action was usurped by culture, within which the concept of identity rose to prominence. That is to say, activists in new social movements turned their gaze inwards, focusing on issues as they affected their personal lives, and pursuing social change through politicizing culture (Melluci 1994: 109).

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it an important political arena – “a medium within which Figure 2: A model of protests and revolutions and the role of crises, the media, ideology and politics (Fuchs 2012: 786) Christian Fuchs, one of the leading social media theorist notes two main differences between those two approaches, namely that they focus either on macro-aspects and externalism or on micro-aspects and internalism (Fuchs 2006: 101). Fuchs argues that SMs in information capitalism form through self-organization, which takes into account both internal and external, structural- and action-based aspects of social movements and that it allows a dynamic concept of protest (see Figure 2). Summarizing his idea of self-organization approach, we can argue that SMs formation in comparison to both previously debated, can be seen as dynamic and complex process on both a micro and a macro level, as SMs are based on the permanent emergence and reproduction of their self-created protest practices and structures.

Fuchs understanding of SMs formation overlaps and links with many ideas of Network theorists, who helped addressing the division, created by a narrow focus on identity as mediated through cultural analysis. According to Castells (1996) “new information technologies, by transforming the processes of information processing, act upon all domains of human activity, and make it possible to establish endless connections between different domains, as well as between elements and agents of such activities” (p. 67). The result is a deeply networked, interdependent economy that has transformed society; in fact, the network became the central organizing principle of the information society (Milberry 2003: 41). The Internet became the matrix in which contemporary social justice-oriented movements established, as it’s architecture is reflective not only of the organization of these movements (i.e. non-hierarchical, decentralized) but also their values and goals (i.e. participatory democracy). As Dyer-Witheford (1999) observes: “New information technologies therefore appear not just as instruments for the circulation of commodities, but simultaneously as channels for the circulation of struggles” (p. 128). Thus, social movements became increasingly global both in target and in form (Milberry 2003: 43).

terrestrial struggles can be made visible to and linked with one another” (Dyer-Witheford 1999: 121; compare Budka 2011). Cyberspace put revolutionary potential in the hands of social justice activists5, which contested actual nature and consequences of current global socioeconomic relations and foundations governing them. The new “species” of activists, according to Diebert (2000) “cross-national network of citizen activists linked by electronic mailing lists and World Wide Web” (quoted in 2003: 54), engage themselves with cyberactivism, variously defined as “politically motivated movement relying on the Internet” (Vegh 2003:.

710); “use of the Internet to become informed, to communicate and to organize activities” or “the extensive use of the Internet to provide counter-hegemonic information and inspire social mobilizations” (Morris & Langman quoted in 2003: 55). While cyberactivism can take many forms, such as cyber-protest (‘Hacktivism’), virtual sit-ins, web site defacement (Anonymous), and email campaigns, the term is limited here to describing the organizing and mobilizing of contemporary social justice movements. Yet the transformative potential of networked activism lies not in the technology it uses but in the actions it fosters (Land 2009: 241).

6. Egyptian revolution The Egyptian uprising on social media echoed the previous civil unrest and disobedience in Tunisia, which was triggered by the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi. By committing his desperate act in front of the office of the regional governor, Bouazizi forced the regime to assume political and moral responsibility for his situation, thus turning him into a symbolic representative of millions of young Tunisians who lacked opportunities for socio-economic advancement (Breuer 2012: 18) and after a series of uprisings against the president Ben Ali and his 23 years of reign in Tunisia, left him resign on 14th of January 2011.

5. Network activism The movements that opposed corporate globalization4, like the Zapatistas, the Anti-Corporate Globalization Movement (ACGM) and IndyMedia Center (IMC). are prime examples of such network-based social movements, not only in the sense of organization, but also in a way of contesting the power within the cyberspace [the Internet] – by making

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as the fluxes of protesters that started in different areas of Cairo picked up people, from different neighborhoods and different socio-economic and religious backgrounds (Eaton 2013: 3). Protests turned into violent clashes with police (look below), several people were killed everyday.

Source: Khaled Abol Naga, 06.02.2011, ‘shot 1 Feb 2011 @ Tahrir Square, Cairo Egypt – #25jan Revolution’ While Facebook was most important in the build-up of the protest, Twitter was a far more effective tool for activists once on the ground, as they were often able to use the Twitter interface through their mobile phones (2013: 13). The following tweet from the well-known blogger Mahmoud Salem, sent on 11 February, offers a good example: ‘Need more protesters on the Salah Salem side.

There are only 1000 there with thousands on the Roxy side.” (qouted in Idle and Nunns 2011: 212).

Source: Iyad El-Baghdadi, 01.02.2011 ‘Meet Asmaa Mahfouz and the vlog that Helped Spark the Revolution The date for the first protest in Tahrir square was debated among Ghonim and other popular Facebook pages’ administrators (for example 6 April Youth Movement) to be on the National Police Day in Egypt, 25th January, but it wasn’t the WAAKS who called for the protest, but a recording by a young Egyptian woman Asma’s Mahfouz (look above), released only one week before the protest day, which motivated thousands to respond to the call of Omar Afifi and participate in the demonstration. In fact, the determining factor of the demonstrations’ success was the ability of the activists to attract people onto the streets,

This short message is a perfect snapshot of the utility of Twitter. The update was sent to those protesting and following hashtag #jan25 on Twitter, to communicate a weakness in the protest, circumnavigating the need for a chain of command and allowing the protesters to respond quickly to emergent threats. The government subsequently cut the Internet off on 28th January (see Figure 3), presumably hoping that activists would flounder once deprived of their means of communication, however the opposite proved true. The number of Twitter posts in Egypt under the hashtag #jan25 became the “WAAKS of the Twitter world” and exploded after internet blackout (Gerbaudo 2012).

6 The official line that he had died while choking on a bag of

4 Anti-corporate globalization activists are clear that while they

oppose the globalization of capitalism and neo-liberalism, they very much support the globalization of equality, democracy, human rights, and environmental and social justice (Milberry 2003: 43).

Similar socioeconomic, generational and regional disparities in Egypt, led to the first bigger massively attended protest on the 25th of January 2011 at Tahrir square in Cairo.

Scholarly debates about organization of this protest are very contradictory (comp. Fuchs 2014b; Castells 2012; Shirky 2011; Harvey 2012) but they agree on the fact, that one of the motivational causes was the brutal murder of 28-yearold Khaled Said at the hands of Egyptian police in Alexandria in June 2010. His death6 became a strong motivation for internet activists. Following this event, Wael Ghonim, an Egyptian Google executive established a Facebook ‘group’ Kulina Khalid Said (‘We Are All Khaled Said’ – WAAKS) open for all Facebook members to join and campaign against police brutality. In doing so Ghonim sparked an online mobilization that ultimately led to the demonstrations in Cairo on 25 January 2011 and, eventually, Mubarak’s ouster in February 2011 (more Eaton 2013: 8-11).

5 More about these three principal New Social Movements you can read in the chapter 4. of the Article, p. 12-15.

drugs convinced no one. Pictures of Said’s severely beaten corpse published by the blogger Zeinobia showed his skull and jaw with clear fractures that left the police claim that he had died of asphyxiation untenable. One thousand people attended Said’s funeral in Alexandria, while activists protested outside of the Interior Ministry’s offices in Cairo (Eaton 2013: 8).

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who control most of the communication flow” (2012: 135).

7. Occupy Wall Street Figure 1: Graphic representation of Egypt’s internet blackout, 28 January 2011 (Eaton 2013: 12) The same way as Egyptian internet activists had been vocal supporters of the Tunisian opposition’s quest to oust President Ben Ali, their Tunisian counterparts returned the favor in that period. People started to communicate through mobile phones, distributing SMS messages, more likely than calling. As Rheingold (2000) observes, through the use of technology, people are able to create networks of communication instantly as a result of their ‘perpetual connectivity’ (p. 212). Castells (2009) also notes that, in a world of networked mass communication, ‘one message from one messenger can reach out to thousands, and potentially hundreds of thousands’ as it proliferates through the network society (p. 348). This form of networked distribution is key, because it means that, at every stage, the receiver identifies the information as coming from a known – and, crucially – trusted, source. This transforms the wireless communication network into a network of trust, in which the receiver is likely to show greater faith in the information (2013: 14).

Figure 4: We are all Khaled Said cartoon (Gerbaudo 2012: 57).

Despite the emphasis on Facebook and Twitter (see Figure 4), new technologies and web-based applications very rarely operate in isolation: their compatibility and ability to interact with one another is demanded by their users and is a key catalyst in the proliferation of communication power (2013: 14). This also refutes theories debated among many western technological determinists (see Castells 2012: Harvey 2011 in Fuchs 2012: 791-794). But not only that. In his book Tweets and the Streets. Social Media and Contemporary Activism, Paolo Gerbaudo (2012) on theoretical and empirical grounds challenged the assumption of Castells’ and others that the Internet brings about leaderless movements. His ethnography among activists, about their use of social media in protests, found out that although contemporary social movements claim that they are leaderless networks, there are soft leaders that make use of social media for choreographing protests and “constructing a choreography of assembly”7 (2012: 139): “a handful of people

7 The choreography of assembly means “the use of social media in directing people towards specific protest events, in providing participants with suggestions and instructions about how to act.

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Similar tactics were also used in Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement, that was partly inspired by the Arab Spring happening in the winter same year and the the Spanish Indignados movement that began in mid-May 2011, with camps and sitin’s, at the begining in Madrid, and later spreading all around Spain and across the world. In mid-2011, the Canadian-based group Adbusters Media Foundation, proposed a peaceful occupation of Wall Street to protest corporate influence on democracy, address a growing disparity in wealth, and the absence of legal repercussions behind the recent global financial crisis under the post titled “A Million Man March on Wall Street.” (Occupy Wall Street, 20.10.2015). On 30 May 2011, a leader of the Indignados, inspired by the Arab Spring happening, 5.18 Movement of 1980, and June Democracy Movement of 1987 called for a worldwide protest on 15 October.

Spray Everything Cop), and even their very own interconnected communication network – or Internet – within the occupied area called Freedom Tower (FIF), that broadcasted live streams of GAs over webpage Occupytogether.org9

Figure 5: Adbusters poster

Source: xen0nymous, 10.09.2011, ‘Anonymous – Occupy Wall Street’ Then in an unrelated incident, a group called New Yorkers Against Budget Cuts (NYABC) was formed, which promoted a “sleep in” in lower Manhattan called “Bloombergville,” in July 2011, preceding OWS, and provided a number of activists to begin organizing. Activist, anarchist and anthropologist David Graeber, and several of his associates, attended the NYABC general assembly (GA) but, disappointed that the event was intended to be a precursor to marching on Wall Street with predetermined demands, Graeber and his small group created their own general assembly, which eventually developed into the New York General Assembly. The group began holding weekly meetings to work out issues and the movement’s direction, such as whether or not to have a set of demands, forming working groups and whether or not to have leaders (Graeber 2012). The protest movement began on September 17, in Zucotti Park, located in New York City’s Wall Street financial district, Adbusters created a poster advertising it (see Figure 5) and the internet group Anonymous a video (above) encouraging its supporters to take part in the protests.8

8 OWS became world known by the phrase “We are the 99%”, a

political slogan first used by the participants in the Occupy move-

Figure 6: Occupy Hand signals (both Wikipedia, 3.11.2015) The protesters not only relatively successfully and peacefully occupied Zucotti Park for almost a month – until they were forced out on the 15th of November and focused to occupying banks, corporate headquarters, board meetings, foreclosed homes, college and university campuses – but also initiated some of the later widely used communication practices (see Figure 6), internet meme folklore (see Casually Pepper ment, but originally launched as a Tumblr blog page in August 2011, referring to the contraction of wealth among the top 1% income earners compared to the other 99 percent in the US. It was later appropriated also in other countries along with the Twitter #Occupy hash tag format.

Despite apparent strong support of OWS on social (networking) media (popularity of Twitter and Facebook hashtag #OWS and #Occupy) several studies shown that the social media impact on protest and revolution are not necessarily the most important ones, regarding information, mobilization and coordination during demonstrations, as some of the techno-euphoric and techno-determinists thinkers have suggested (look Castells 2012; Gladwell 2010, Shirky 2011, Sullivan in Fuchs 2012: 791-795). One good example for affirming this position for OWS can be taken from the Occupy General Survey that was conducted among OWS activists, which shows that that both direct face-toface interaction and mediated interaction have been crucial news sources for Occupy activists. Broadcasting and newspapers had a much less important role than the Internet. Facebook was a very popular source of information, however older online media (email, websites) played a much more important role than YouTube, blogs, Twitter and Tumblr, which shows that one should not overestimate the role of what some have called “web 2.0” in protests (Fuchs 2012: 790) Similar concludes also sociologist Alex Vitale: “Millions of Facebook posts, tweets, and policy white papers have failed to galvanize a mass movement. Instead it was the occupation of public spaces, marching without permits, and disruption of daily life in the Financial District that signaled an open-ended defiance lacking in previous efforts.” (2011: 79).

The results of the Survey allow us to conclude that the Occupy movement makes use of multiple communication channels and that the alleged newness of “social media” should not blind us from the importance of interpersonal face-to-face communication and older online media, especially when analyzing the information structures of social movements (Fuchs 2012: 790).

9 More about the organizational structure of OWS in the Article, Chapter 7, p. 22-23.

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Vozovi koji putuju ili ostaju u mestu: ODSUTNOST U ETNOGRAFIJI

Budka, Philipp, 2011, From Cyber to Digital Anthropology to an Anthropology of the Contemporary, Paper at the DGV (German Anthropological

8. Conclusion Digital infrastructures empower protest movements in specific ways, and recent uprisings and large protests around the world have provided indications of this power. However, some of the same mechanisms of digitally-fueled empowerment have paradoxically led to dis-empowering side effects. Further, many governments have developed methods to respond to this new information environment, which allows for fewer gatekeeper controls, by aggressively countering these new movements, often with a combination of traditional repression as well as novel methods aimed at addressing online media (Tufekci 2014: 1).

Social media have greatly empowered protesters-activists in three key areas: public attention, evading censorship, and coordination or logistics. Old forms of gate keeping, which depended on choke point access control to few broadcast outlets, neither work as effectively nor in the same way as they did in the past. Digital technologies provide a means by which many people can reach information that governments would rather deny them. Street protests can be coordinated on the fly. However the influence of social media on the practice of protest has complex and sometimes unexpected results, including weak policy impacts and threats to the sustainability of movements (2014: 2).

A common criticism of the Internet’s role in society has been that it leads to “slacktivism”—the tendency to click on links or like posts rather than taking concrete actions or steps. However, dividing the concept of “actions” into online and offline spheres often misses the point of social movements (Tufekci 2014:8). As Charles Tilly (2001), argues, at their core, social movements are demonstrative in that they display worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment (p.26) Worthiness is about convincing people of the rightness of a cause. Unity is a signal of determination; numbers illustrate public support; and commitment is indicative of the ability to persist and potentially disrupt. Hence, participants’ acts within a protest movement should be judged on the basis of whether they can achieve those goals, rather than on an artificial division between online and offline or between virtual and “the streets.” (2014: 9) References: Agichtein, Eugene; Castillo Donato, Carlos; Gionis, Aristides; Mishne, Gilad, 2008, “Finding high-quality content in social media”. WISDOM – Proceedings of the 2008 International Conference on Web Search and Data Mining: 183–190.

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Fuchs, Christian, 2014a, OccupyMedia! The Occupy Movement and Social Media in Crisis Capitalism. Winchester: Zero Books.

Fuchs, Christian, 2014b, Social Media: A Critical Introduction. London: Sage.

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Ghimire, Kleber B., 2005, “The Contemporary Global Social Movements”, in: Emergent Proposals, Connectivity and Development Implications: Programe Paper Number 19, UN Research Institute for Social Development.

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Graeber, David, 2004, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology. Chicago: Prickly Press.

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The challenges and opportunities of social media”. Business Horizons 53(1): 61.

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Uvod: vozovi koji putuju – opservacija mobilne kulture Čovek za “vozove koji putuju” vezuje ambivalentna sećanja i dinamična konstelacija osećanja koja su najčešće konstruisana u skladu sa reprezentovanjem identiteta pojedinaca, dinamičnih društvenih interakcija i drugačijih pogleda na okolinu sociokulturnog prostora. Dok putujemo mi smo u konstantnom procesu razbijanju veza sa nativnom sredinom i povezivanja sa mobilnom (ne)materijalnom kulturom koja je izopštena od vremena i prostora tj. tada se naše oko iznova usredsređuje na spoznavanje mreže (ne)verbalne komunikacije, pri adaptaciji u vozu. Putnik koji svojom aktivnošću dobija svoj konceptualni tretman kao umetnost, gde se kretanje opslužuje kao medijum za darivanje značenja o sebi u društvenoj, prirodnoj ili metafizičkoj stvarnosti kroz koje se kreće. Gluma u stvaranju umetnosti, i putovanje postaju jedno od sredstava “samo-identifikacije”1. U diskursu putovanja, čovek je slobodan da konstruiše privremeni identitet koji ga postavlja u drugačiji položaj od onog koji praktikuje u svojoj bliskoj društvenoj sredini. U mikrokosmosu voza možemo da budemo interpretirani kao bilo ko, u zavisnosti od naših “maskirnih” dimenzija stvarnosti i ponašanja u socio-kulturnom aspektu. Voz je mesto u kome se različite kulture prožimaju po kupeima, voznim restoranima, prolazima između vagona, u hodnicima u prolazu itd. Tada smo zaposednuti različitim kontaktima sa “drugim” i njegovom privremenom kulturom, koja se reflektuje kroz ponašanje aktera i njihovih identitetskih učitavanja u javnom diskursu.

Za putnika iskustvo odlaska, tranzicija i dolazak, zahteva mešanje sebe i drugih; putnici moraju postati kiborzi, deo osoba, deo voza, deo prtljaga i tako dalje2. Naizgled, vozovi nam deluju samo kao prevozna sredstva za dostizanje malih ili velikih razdaljina iz tačke A do tačke B. Međutim, oni su reprezentacija ljudskog ponašanja i socijalnog prilagođavanja u tranziciji putovanja. U voznim kupeima, koje možemo posmatrati kao male kulturne jedinice, ljudi se konfigurišu u skladu sa svojim (ne)poznantsvima i geografskim ograničenim prostorom koji određuje specifično ljudsko ponašanje.

Putnici nisu samo tela koja sede na sedištima, već su distribuirani kroz prostor3. Torbe putnika su na sedištima i izvan sedišta, ukrštene noge u prolazima, mobilne telefonske pozive mogu da osluškivaju i slučajni prolaznici u hodniku voza; miris iz kesice čipsa sa paprikom koji se se oseća u atmosferi kupea, razbacani papirići za igre “asocijacija”, muziku iz mp3 playera, svaki šum ljudskog pokreta ili neprijatan zadah može da čuje i oseti neznanac pored vas. Putnici su uvek bili tela plus njihovi predmeti, koji moraju da se kreću zajedno. Enterijer samog voza ljudima manifestno pruža ugođaj udobnosti i sigurnosti u putovanju,dok na latentnom nivou podstiče na socijalno prožimanje i ostvarivanja “kontakta” ka drugom.

1 Judith Adler: Travel as Performed Art, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 94, No. 6 (May, 1989), pp. 1366-1391 2 Haraway, D. (1991). Simians, cyborgs and women: the reinvention of nature. London: Free Association Books.

3 Green, N. (2002) On the Move: Technology, Mobility, and the Mediation of Social Time and Space. The Information Society, 18, 281-292.

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Postoje dva modela putnika koji su definisali sociolog Gasparini i Bisel, a to su: a) upakovani putnici – konfigurisani za kretanje kroz železničku stanicu i koračanje kroz hodnik vagona do kupea4. Većinu stvari imaju uskladištene u torbama ili koferima i često su pripremljeni da sa sobom imaju samo mobilni telefon i novine pri ruci i još par stvari koje drže u džepu. Upakovani putnici su mobilniji i više prilagođeni za čekanje drugog/drugosti. b) raspakovani putnici – njihova konfiguracija uključuje i zahteva fiksni raspored stvari, fiksna sedišta, da postave svoje stvari tj. putnici koriste delove kupea koji se ne pomeraju. Stoga oni, takođe, postaju fiksirani na svom sedištu, postaju deo kupea. Putnici planiraju svoje aktivnosti prema materijalnim artefaktima koje upotrebljavaju, pripremljeni za put.

Putnik može da iskoristi prostor do svog maksimuma (ispod i iznad svog sedišta, na stočiću na rasklapanje), a da svojim predmetima ne uskraćuju prostor drugog putnika. Sa sobom mogu da raspakuju predmete koji ispunjavaju “privremenu” sferu svakodnevnog života - laptop, knjige, društvene igre, kafa u termosima, papirologiju itd. Produktivnost i aktivnost putnika zavisi od okruženja u vozu, stanica ili mesta za čekanje stvarajući mesto gde je moguće da se raspakuje kofer5.

Pored organizovanja privremenog prostora u kupeu, vreme trajanja putovanja nije ujednačeno i zavisi od praksi svakog pojedinca6. Sat vremena u vozu nije univerzalno vreme za putnika koji razmišlja o proživljenim događajima sa putovavanja i posmatra pejzaž kroz prozor ili putnika koji flertuje sa nepoznatom osobom. Vreme i prostor nisu a priori niti fiksirani u nekoj univerzalnoj epistemologiji, ali su zato efekti određenih društvenih praksi i performansa7. Putnik će svoje interakcije ili misaone konstrukcije obavljati brže ili sporije u skladu sa predvidjenim vremenom njegovog putovanja. Temporalnost u tranziciji je dakle određena individualnim i društvenim parametrima, i nikada nije fiksirana. Primer novije kompresije vremena i prostora su smešteni u sajber svet, na društvenim mrežama, blogovima i veb sajtovima. Sociolog Zigmunt Bauman piše da je tradicionalna mreža socijalizacije omeđena granicama vremena i prostora. Pisanje pisma čuva socijalnu interakciju u neposrednoj blizini, ali se čitanje (primaoca) ne obezbeđuje u realnom vremenu društvene transakcije. Е-mail je socijalna interakcija koja se kreće brže od pisma, ali još uvek nije u realnom vremenu.Tradicionalna mreža je omeđena granicama prostora, jer tekst zauzima prostor na papiru, dok se e-mail ne može pristupiti u realnom životu8. U skladu sa razvijanjem novih tehnologija, čoveku je ponuđeno da “virtuelno sačuva svoje vreme”,npr. brzi “ICE”vozovi koji povezuju velike gradove u Nemačkoj imaju wi-fi konekciju i omogućavaju putnicima da neometano zakorače u virtuelni svet u pokretu.

Voz, u transportnom diskursu je tehnosocijalni prostor koji poprima hibridne odnose u komunikaciji (licem u lice ili sa ekranom - mobilni telefon/internet/multimedija) i reguliše kulturu ponašanja tj. odnose prema novom struktuiranom svetu u mobilnosti.

Dok se apstraktna ideja kretanja sastoji od jednako apstraktnih pojmova apsolutnog vremena i prostora, pojam mobilnosti, Kresvel predlaže kao temeljno socijalni aspekt života prožet značenjem i moći, i on se sastoji od elemenata društvenog vremena i društvenog prostora9. Svakako da imućniji ljudi ili “planetarni nomadi” imaju besprekorno više šansi i prilika da putuju od beskućnika koji noću traži hranu tj. pešači (ili putuje) na “male staze”, koji ograničava ljudske aspiracije i mogućnosti za spoznajom “drugog”.

On je naglasio da su kretanje, smisao i praksa politički aspekti mobilnosti umešani u proizvodnju energije i odnosa dominacije10.

U tranziciji mobilnosti, čovek se prilagođava setu društvenih akcija u vozu koje se mogu rasčlaniti na nekoliko funkcija: a) regulativna- (Pri ulasku u voz, putnik je u obavezi da svoju kartu pokaže pri kontroli, kao i da pri prelasku granice pokaže pasoš graničnoj policiji; često je i uključen razgovor objašnjavanja svrhe putovanja i mesto boravka u određenoj zemlji u kojoj putuje11; moguća je i kontrola od strane carinske policije koja proverava šverc ili nedozvoljeno posedovanje opojnih sredstava b) konzumeristička -ukoliko u vozu postoji vagon-restoran, u mogućnosti smo da platimo obrok ili piće c) sociokulturna- amalgam drušvenih interakcija koje često može biti proizvod novih poznanstava ili samo kratkotrajnog razmenjivanja kulturnih obrazaca drugog d) observacionistička – ova podrazumevana funkcija je dodatak pre-

thodnim, svaki čovek može da posmatra, beleži i reprodukuje znanja, osluškivajući razgovore ili pak učestvujući u njima.

Odsutnost u etnografiji – napušteni vagoni kao skrivena mesta u urbanim sredinama Napušteni vozovi u naselju “25.maj”, danas “Milan Gale Muškatirović” na Dorćolu su oduvek bila moja inspiracija za uočavanje skrivenih svetova i njihovih kultura, koji su nam tik pred očima svaki dan. Kao klinci imali smo neobično nasumičnu potrebu da se jurimo u praznim kupeima, ne razmišljajući da ometamo nečiji kutak, zaboravljeni svet u malom.

Svaki je imao svoj ubuđali miris zavesa, izvetrelog piva, ubuđalih konzerva sardina i natopljenih kutija u prostornom boravku beskućnika koji bi često noćili ili samo prolazili kroz kupee vagona, sakupljajući sekundarne sirovine, stare nemačke časopise o vozovima, tegle sa bilo kakvim ostacima hrane, tehnološke otpatke, i sve nedefinisane izoblikovane predmete koje je teško razaznati u statičnoj materijalnoj kulturi vozova. Najčešći konzumenti napuštenih vozova su marginalizovani stanovnici našeg grada, koji su u svakodnevnoj borbi za preživljavanjem u urbanoj sredini. U razgovoru sa jednim komšijom Dačom 2008.godine, koji je pomagao jednoj romskoj porodici (koja je živela u napuštenom vozu), saznao sam da ih je on branio od “nervoznih komšija” kojima su smetali neprijatni mirisi tj. “mešavina mirisa kuvanja hrane i ubuđalih odevnih predmeta”. Dača je skoro svakog dana donosio petočlanoj romskoj porodici mleko, pecivo iz pekare i plazmu keks, kako bi dvoje mališana doručkovalo. On me je naknadno upoznao sa tom romskom porodicom, koja me je ugostila u njihovom skromnom kupeu. Ponudili su mi da sednem u centralnom delu kupea tj. dnevnog boravka. Na sredini je bio postavljen jedan drveni stočić, a oko njega 6 crvenih jastuka. Na kraju teretnog kupea je bila naslagana čista odeća, dok su igračke za decu stajale u posebnim kutijama. Tada sam imao prilike da zajedno jedem sa njima.Izuzetno ljubazni, nudili su mi da jedem što više, iako su deca kukala kako će uveče ostati gladna. Saznao sam da preko dana prose na ulici kako bi preživeli, a da uveče dolaze u svoj voz. Miloš, najstariji u porodici rekao mi je da je sam sretao razne stanovnike susednih vagona, koji su uglavnom bili Romske nacionalnosti i Srbi izbeglice sa Kosova. Nakon ovog susreta, prošlo je dve nedelje od mog ponovnog dolaska na naselje “25.maj”. Tada sam zatekao prazan vagon. Gotovo nikoga nije bilo i nikakvih stvari unutar vagona. Četiri godine kasnije, primetio sam da su odavno parkirani vozovi od plave pasarele, dobili više prolaznika i odlučio sam da 2012.godine ih obilazim redovno na svakih mesec dana i audiovizuelno beležim nematerijalnu kulturu napuštenih vozova. Međutim, nisam uspeo u svojoj etnografiji. Nisam naleteo ni na jedno živo biće, iako po materijalnim artefaktima u vozu mogao bih da zaključim drugačije. Na teren sam otišao 5 puta u glavnom u različitim periodima dana i noći u periodu od februara do marta 2012. Nakon toga iz razočarenja sam napravio kratku pauzu do aprila meseca, da bih video da napuštenih vozova više nema. Većina stanara naselja je potpisalo peticiju da se vagoni izmeste. A danas? Stare pruge su

4 Laura Watts (2008): The Art and Craft of Train Travel, Department of Sociology, Lancaster University ,Centre for Transport & Society, University of the West of England 9-10.

5 Watts & Lyons (2007) :Travel Remedy Kit :Interventions into train lines and passengers, Centre for Transport & Society, University of the West of England; Centre for Mobilities Research, Department of Sociology, Lancaster University 6-8 6 Isto, str.8 7 Laura Watts (2008): The Art and Craft of Train Travel, Department of Sociology, Lancaster University ,Centre for Transport & Society, University of the West of England str.3 8 Bauman, Zygmunt. Liquid Modernity. Wiley-Blackwell, 2000. Pg. 11.

9 Tim Cresswell (2006):On the move: Mobilitiy in the modern western world, Routledge, Taylor and Francis group str.5 10 Tim Cresswell ( ): Constellations of Mobility, Department of Geography Royal Holloway, University of London Egham, Surrey, TW20 0EX, str.8.

11 Na putovanju 2012.godine par koleginica sa smera etnologije i antropologije otišli smo na „Dane etnografskog filma“ u Ljubljanu.

Putovali smo vozom iz Beograda i na graničnom prelazu između Hrvatske i Slovenije, granični policajac nam je postavio par pitanja: Gde nameravamo ići, koji su naši razlozi ulaska u Sloveniju, i gde ćemo odsesti. Nakon što smo odgovorili, on nam je vratio pasoše i nastavio do drugog kupea. .

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Pogled na SC “Milan Gale Muškatirović” sa pruge i zid prepun (skrivenih) grafita

Parkirani vozovi i pogled na naselje 25.Maj

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Opis fotografije - Kost njuške psa i polomljena flaša; Naziv fotografije: Suočavanje sa psima čuvarima – Romske porodice na Dorćolu obično su imali po nekoliko pasa sa sobom, te nije nemoguć scenario da je nečiji pas od “domaćina” tj. nativca u vozu bio napadnut od nepoznatog posetioca u noćnim satima.

Opis fotografija – Obaveštenja o poslednjim putanjama napuštenih vozova i kontrolnim pregledima; Naziv fotografije: Ostaju u mestu; na levoj fotografiji, nakon mnogih iscepkanih transportnih listova, ostao je jedan, verovatno i poslednji na kome piše “ostaju u mestu”. Sa desne strane, upisane su tabele sa vandrednim i redovnim popravkama, kao i poslednjim kontrolnim pregledima koji su urađeni 2009.godine

Opis fotografija: oko stotinu dugmadi poređani na ogradi jednog vagona, dok su sa druge strane razbacane kutije za VHS kasete. Naziv fotografija: kolekcionarstvo u napuštenim vagonima

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Opis fotografije: razbacana odeća, kablovi, dečje igračke, kese, šlauf, pomade…na fotografiji desno je zatvoren kofer na kome leži poruka. Naziv fotografije: Uređeni haos i mesta za poruke; Poruka je glasila: “Čekaj me, vratiću se do petka”, bila je izrazito kratka i napisana isprekidanim fontom; Od ovog momenta sam imao predosećaj da ću pronaći nekoga u susednim vagonima.

Opis fotografija: iseckani pornografski časopisi razbacani na gomili, makaze, lepak i selotejp, i složena teksas jakna. Naziv fotografije: pornografija za ubijanje dosade; U nekoliko vagona sam pronalazio razne jeftine pornografske časopise, ali samo je u jednom, bio izrezan makazama, verovatno pripremljen materijal za potencijalni kolaž.

Opis fotografija: Tegla sa renom, stara tacna i ubuđala odeća; Naziv fotografija: Tegle su svuda; U gotovo svakom delu vagona, polu pune tegle su razbacane, najčešće od rena, majoneza, pekmeza, ali mi se čini da su naknadno korišćene za sakupljanje drugih ostataka hrane.

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Opis fotografije: špric, neiskorišćeni Beviplex, kaiš, dugmad, razbacane prazne flaše sa vodom, lutka za decu, stari novčić sa grbom Savezne Republike Jugoslavije. Naziv fotografije: korisničko mesto;

Opis fotografija: železni predmeti u obliku “E” i neobičan čvor u vagonu Naziv fotografije: umetnost neobičnog

Opis fotografije: razbacana odeća, kablovi, dečje igračke, kese, šlauf, pomade…na fotografiji desno je zatvoren kofer na kome leži poruka Naziv fotografije: Uređeni haos i mesta za poruke; Poruka je glasila: “Čekaj me, vratiću se do petka”, bila je izrazito kratka i napisana isprekidanim fontom; Od ovog momenta sam imao predosećaj da ću pronaći nekoga u susednim vagonima.

Opis fotografija: iskorišćene petarde “pali i baci – bum”. Naziv fotografije: Sigurna mesta za upotrebu pirotehničkih sredstava.

Opis fotografija: mesta za spavanje, sa suđerastim dušecima i ćebadima u poslednjim vagonima; Naziv fotografije: mesto za spavanje; Iako sam odlazio 5 puta i posećivao iste vagone u različitim periodima dana i noći, nisam upoznao ni jednog stanovnika ove skrivene kulture.

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Opis fotografija: razbacane muzičke kasete, Manda, delovi računara, punjači i baterije za lap top, gajtani… Nazivi fotografija: tehnološki otpad.

Opis fotografije: drvena kašikica za med obojena u roze na podu vagona; Naziv fotografije: prostor za društvenu praksu kreativnog bojenja – ulepšavanja skrivenih boravišta marginalizovanih grupa.

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Opis fotografija: tegla, budjavi parčići mesa u maloj limenoj posudi budjav hleb, kesa. Naziv fotografije: ostavljeni obrok.

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TRADICIONALNE VIZUELNE METODE Petar Veljačić

Odnos sa ljudima posmatrane kulture i njihova uloga u tom posmatranju je osnovna dimenzija perspektive i metoda antropologije. Metodološki, potpunost u beleženju kamerom ogleda se u beleženju interpretacija onih kojima je posmatrana kultura urođena1.

Tehnike izmamljivanja Kombinacija naprednih vizuelnih tehnologija i osnovne antropološke premise traženja lokalnog pogleda na realni proces nekog dešavanja dovela je do eksperimentisanja sa metodološkim tehnikama i stvaranja novih pristupa u sakupljanju podataka. Jedna takva važna tehnika je tehnika izmamljivanja na osnovu fotografije i filma.

Vizuelno izmamljivanje kao tehnika vuče korene iz psihološkog istraživanja sa početka XX veka, koje je postalo uobičajeno u psihijatriji tokom Drugog svetskog rata...2 1925. godine Margaret Mid je predstavila fotografsko izmamljivanje informacija antropologiji tako što je preko fotografija deci sa Samoe pokušala da izmami određene odgovore. Od tog trenutka, mnogostrukost primene fotografije u antropologiji postojano je rasla.3 Ulingvistici i etnonaukama izmamljivačka tehnika težila je da otkrije kako članovi društva doživljavaju, etiketiraju i stukturiraju svet u kome žive.4

1 John Collier, Jr., Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research Method. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967, str. 49, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 475 2 Miguel Prados, The Use of Film in Psychotherapy. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 21, 1951, str. 36-46, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 475 3 Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 475 4 William C. Sturtevant, Studies in Ethnoscience, American Anthropologist 66, 1964, str. 99-131, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 475

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U ranijim studijama fotografija je služila istraživačima da otkriju i ilustruju svoje koncepte. Džon Kolijer pravi razliku između one upotrebe fotografije koja služi za projektovanje i one koja služi za izmamljivanje. „Ne postoje drugi načini da se fotografski snimci upotrebe naučno osim da se koriste kao stimulacija u intervjuu. U smislu direktnog istraživanja, projektivna upotreba fotografije ima sekundarni istraživački potencijal“.5 Mnogi izmamljeni podaci mogu biti skriveni u ideacijskom redu kulture a vidljivi tek u samom procesu tehnike izmamljivanja.

Podaci se na ovaj način mogu i proveravati. Tehnika izmamljivanja u okviru intervjua našla je veliku primenu u lingvistici.

Tokom šezdesetih, bila je označena kao „nova etnografija“.6 Stefani Krebs je početkom 70-tih istraživala drevni tajlandski ples Khon i na terenu je koristila filmsku kameru. Snimke koje je napravila pokazivala je informantima i puštala ih da sami komentarišu dešavanja. Vremenom se, ispitivajući ih, približila njihovom načinu struktuiranja realnosti, ohrabrujući ih u analizi njihove sopstvene kulture.

Frejm po frejm, došla je do jedne jako sofisticirane analize gestova i njihove višeznačnosti u različitim kontekstima.7 Prost je sumirao izmamljivačku upotrebu filma u istraživanju Krebsove: (1) film kao sredstvo pamćenja, izazivač sećanja – ispitanici se prisećaju svojih namera dok posmatraju svoje radnje; (2) film kao sredstvo standardizacije u istražavanju – svi ispitanici komentarišu isti materijal, isto „parče“ realnosti; (3) film kao dobar instrument za kontrolu varijabla u eksperimentu – kontrolom varijabla film se pokazuje informantima u smisleno izdvojenim portretima ili u konačnom opsegu. Uz pomoć ove tehnike istraživači mogu da dobiju pun spektar značenja od informanata.8 Metod povratne informacije „Moja primarna publika je osoba koju sam snimio“, zabeležio je Ruš. On je izgradio koncept tzv. „antropologije koja se deli sa drugima“ (shared anthropology). „Antropolog ima jedino oruđe na raspolaganju – kameru koja participira – koja mu pruža izvanredne mogućnosti u komunikaciji sa grupom i izvan istraživanja.“9 5 John Collier, Jr., Photography and Visual Anthropology, Principles of Visual Anthropology, Paul Hockings, ur., The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1975, str. 213, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 475 6 Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 476 7 Stephanie Krebs, The Film Elicitation Technique, Principles of Visual Anthropology, Paul Hockings, ur., The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1975, str. 283-302, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 477 8 J. H. Prost, Comment on “The Film Elicitation Technique” by Stephanie Krebs, Principles of Visual Anthropology, Paul Hockings, ur.,The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1975, str. 302 navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 477 9 Jean Rouch, The Camera and Man, Principles of Visual Anthropology, Paul Hockings, ur., The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1975, str. 98, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 477

Timoti i Petsi Aš su 1978. u saradnji sa Lindom Konor, koja je bliže sarađivala sa balinežanskim isceliteljima i medijumima , krenuli sa istraživanjem koje je rezultiralo sa četiri filma i monografijom koja „predstavlja saradničku etnografsku dokumentaciju sa Jerom Tapakanom (balinžanskom ženom-medijumom) kao najvažnijom osobom u ovom istraživanju.“10 „Balinežanska trans seansa“ (A Balinese Trance Seance, 1980) je bio prvi film u seriji; snimljen je 1978. u stilu otvorenog dokumentarca, u saradnji sa Konorovom. Film je zabeležio seansu ulaženja Jero u trans radi komunikacije sa božanstvom ili dušom nedavno umrle osobe. Drugi film, „Jero o Jero“ (Jero on Jero, 1981), beleži reakcije Jero gledajući prvi film. Loizos tvrdi da ovaj film nije doprineo mnogo u smislu novog saznanja o Jero, osim uticaja celog procesa snimanja na njen karakter, i smatra da sva četiri filma zajedno sa monografijom čine nerazdvojnu celinu, koja služi u svrhe podučavanja.11

„Urođenički“ film kao eksperiment12 Filmovi snimljeni od strane informanata mogu pokazati različite poglede na njihovu kulturu, pogotovo kada se snimaju u prirodnim okolnostima. Vort i Ader su počeli da eksperimentišu na ovom polju još od 1966. godine.

Oni su, u cilju povećanja vizuelne dokumentacije koja je bitna za istraživanje kulture, podučavali grupu pripadnika Navaho kulture kako da snime film o subjektu koji biraju sami. Hipoteza projekta bila je da će se putem „urođeničkog“ filma, koji 10 L. Connor, P. Asch i T. Asch, Jero Tapakan: Balinese Healer: An Ethnographic Film Monograph, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. str.xi, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 478 11 Peter Loizos, Innovation in Ethnographic Film: From Innocence to Self Consciousness, 1955-85, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993, str. 41, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 478 12 predlažem da se umesto termina urođenički film koristi termin emsko snimanje, što je više u duhu savremene antropologije i bolje objašnjava metodološki pristup

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je osmišljen, snimljen, i delom uređen od strane „urođenika“, otkriti aspekti kodiranja i kognicije, vrednosti koje mogu biti zabranjene i nedostupne posmatranju ili nemoguće za analizu kada su prenete putem reči, pogotovo kada se moraju istražiti na jeziku „urođenika“. Za dva meseca snimanja proizvedeno je više kratkih vežbi i 7 nemih filmova. Ono što je bilo očigledno jeste da su se ovi filmovi razlikovali od filmova koje su snimili antropolozi, i to u viđenju nekih istih tema i subjekata13.

Dekadu kasnije, krajem sedamdesetih, Belman i Žil-Rozet sproveli su terensko istraživanje, kontrolisanu komparativnu studiju u dva mesta - u jednom selu na granici Liberije i Gvineje i u Lusaki u Zairu. Obučavali su informante u snimanju na video i filmskoj traci, prižajući im mogućnost da koriste linearnu montažu (montažu „u kameri“, pravljenjem rezova pomoću komande pauze ili stopiranja snimanja), zum in i out, tilt objektiv, kretanje kamere - horizontalni i vertikalni pan, naraciju. Pošto su bili upozoreni da im baterija traje određeno vreme, snimali su samo ono što su smatrali značajnim, praveći rezove i menjajući tehnike kamere po nahođenju. Kontinuirane celine među rezovima u linearnoj montaži Vort i Ader su nazvali kademima, a rezove kademskim markerima. Belman i Žil-Rozet kademske markere u analizi snimaka sagledavaju kao značenjske izbore tehnika kamere u snimanju određenih subjekata ili situacija.14 Godinama kasnije, kamere su davane indigenim populacija ma u političke i propagandne svrhe, i kao sredstva za kulturnu i političku samoprezentaciju u odbrani svog integriteta.

Video tehnologija je učinila porast produkcije u okviru ovog žanra, od trenutka kada je postala lako dostupna.1

Rekonstrukcija kulture na terenu U antropologiji se dekonstrukcija i rekonstrukcija drevne i tradicionalne kulture i kulturnih artefakata koriste eksperimentalno da bi se dalo objašnjen 13 S. Worth i L. Adair, Through Navajo Eyes: An Exploration in Film Communication and Anthropology, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1972, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str.

479

14 Beryl L Bellman i Bennetta Jules-Rosette, A Paradigm for Looking: CrossCultural Research with Visual Media, Norwood, NJ: Ablex., 1977, str. 4, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str.

480

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je ili da bi se testirale naučne hipoteze o prošlosti.

Asen Balikci je vizuelni antropolog koji se bavio rekonstrukcijom kulture na filmu. Njegov cilj je bio da se parcijalno rekonstruišu i sačuvaju na filmu sekvence tradicionalnog ponašanja, pogotovo onda kada nedostaje indigena kultura, bez svog portreta izuzetnog ili jedinstvenog.

Boas je snimao Kvakijutle zbog urgentne potrebe da sačuva i da, pošto je bilo neophodno, rekonstruiše što više elemenata tradicionalne kulture koliko god je to moguće.

Kvakijutli su bili desetkovani zbog epidemije bolesti koja je vladala, a i kanadska vlada je zabranjivala potlač, bitni deo tradicionalne kulture Kvakijutla. Boas je pretpostavio teoriju kulture koja je dozvoljavala pomeranje ponašanja iz njihovog normalnog konteksta zarad potreba dokumentacije i analize. Snimio je, na primer, dve poglavice Kvakijutla kako drže govor, bez publike, danju, kada to inače ne rade u ceremoniji. Ono što je želeo da prouči moglo je biti dokumentovano i van prirodnog sleda događaja.15 Flaerti je u svom filmu “Nanuk sa severa”, kao i u ostalim filmovima, pod uticajem teorije primitivizma i filozofije estetike kreirao nove običaje koji se razlikuju od indigenih, tako da se njegove etnografske rekonstrukcije lokalne kulture ne mogu smatrati validnim.16 Jan Danlop i Robert Tonkinson su u filmu Izbegli ljudi (Desert People, 1969) pokušali da naprave rekonstrukciju kulture Aboridžina. Oni su naišli na jednu tradicionalnu porodicu koja se iselila sa područja na kome je stanovala, i zamolili ih da se za potrebe snimanja filma vrate u «svoje prirodno okruženje». Rekonstrukcija života tradicionalne porodice na filmu je bila toliko uspešna da su čak i veoma kritički nastrojeni etnografi zaboravili na postojanje moćnog prodornog društva koje je okruživalo grupu Aboridžina u tom trenutku.17 Asen Balikci je tokom 1959. i 1960. godine rekonstruisao tradicionalnu kulturu istočnih Inuita koji su živeli u području zaliva Peli i koji su u to vreme već prolazili kroz nekoliko stupnjeva akulturacije i promena u organizaciji društva. U njihovim «tradicionalnim vremenima» postojao je složen sistem preraspodele mesa morskog psa na nivou zajednice. U pedesetim godinama XX veka živeli su u igloima, koristili su pse kao zapregu, odeću su pravili od kože severnoameričkog jelena i oslanjali se na lokalne resurse u prehrani. Već u vreme Balikcijevog istraživanja lovci su, opremljeni puškama, napustili ubijanje severnoameričkih jelena iz kajaka i mogli su da ih love u svim godišnim dobima i po širokim tundrama;

lovili su morske pse sa ivica zaleđene vode i nisu ih delili međusobno – pogođeni morski pas pripadao je lovcu, ne zajednici. Balikci je, kao i Flaerti, pronašao glavnog «glumca» za svoj film (A. Balikci i G. Mary-Rousseliere, The Netsilik Eskimo Series, 1967-68), pedesetogodišnjeg Itimanguerka, koji mu je pomogao ne samo kao informant, već je, premda je bio autoritet i vođa, organizovao ljude da se ponašaju na snimanju kao ranije, pre promene u načinu lova. Postepeno je Balikci imao sve više vremena za selekcijiu toga šta želi da snimi a šta ne, da brine o načinu snimanja i tehničkim stvarima, ali je za to bilo zaslužno i njegovo poznavanje etnografije i razumevanje tradicionalnog života Inuita.

15 Jay Ruby, An Early Attempt at Studying Human Behavior with a Camera: Franz Boas and the Kwakiutl-1930, Methodology in Anthropological Filmmaking, Papers of the IUAES Intercongress, Amsterdam, 1981, Nico C. R. Bogaart i Henk W.E.R. Ketelaar, ur., Gottingen, Germany: Editions Herodot, 1983, str. 25-38, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 480 16 Asen Balikci, Reconstructing Cultures on Film, Principles of Visual Anthropology, Paul Hockings, ur., The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1975, str.195, navedeno u: Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 482 17 Fadwa El Guindi, 2000, str. 482

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