City and its Water: Defining Multifaceted Infrastructure using Traditional Water Network in Patan

City and its Water

Defining Multifaceted Infrastructure using Traditional Water Network in Patan, Nepal by Varisha Chauhan guided by Dr Meghal Arya

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UNDERGRADUATE PROGRAMME IN ARCHITECTURE Student Name: Varisha Chauhan DRP Title: City and its Water: Defining Multifaceted Infrastructure using Traditional Water Network in Patan, Nepal

Approval The following study is hereby approved as a creditable work on the approved subject carried out and presented in the manner, sufficiently satisfactory to warrant its acceptance as a prerequisite to the degree of Bachelor of Architecture for which it has been submitted.

It is to be understood that by this approval, the undersigned does not endorse or approve the statements made, opinions expressed or conclusion drawn therein, but approves the study only for the purpose for which it has been submitted and satisfies him/her to the requirements laid down in the academic program.

_______________________ Signature of the Guide Dr Meghal Arya

______________________________ Dean, Faculty of Architecture Date:

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Declaration This work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any University or other institutions and to the best of my knowledge does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference has been made in the text.

I consent to this copy of DRP, when in the library of CEPT University, being available on loan and photocopying.

Student Name: Varisha Chauhan (UA7317) Date: 30 04 2022 Signature:

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Acknowledgments Dr Meghal Arya for giving me this opportunity to write a research paper on water infrastructure and continuously fostering my interest in it, guiding me throughout the semester, and inspiring me to give my all to this research.

Daddy for being my pillar of strength, for planning the entire trip to Nepal meticulously and ensuring that I have access to all resources at all times.

Mumma for sharing her knowledge and sensibilities, accompanying me to Nepal, and always making sure that I am healthy, happy, and confident.

Nanni for her endless love and blessings and unfailing belief in me.

This research would not have been possible without Vipasha, my constant companion through life, a motivator, and my unparalleled support.

My deepest gratitude to Ar. Pratyush Shankar for sharing his experiences from Nepal and resources that proved to be the basis of my research.

Tanvi Jain to guide me in the right direction through her thesis and share her repository of information on urban water infrastructure.

From Nepal, I am grateful to Rohit Ranjitkar sir and Raju Rokka sir for their hospitality and willingness to allow access to valuable reports and documents on water infrastructure in Kathmandu valley. Their contribution has enriched the quality of my research.

Kul lal Dangol sir, for sharing the plethora of knowledge he holds by giving us a tour of the core city and explaining the system with utmost excitement and benevolence.

Sudha, for being a great friend and host in Nepal and helping me translate documents from Newari. Thank you to her father, Mr Sushil Sakya, for sharing stories about the Nagbahal hiti.

Asmita, for sharing her thesis project, which helped in my research.

Drashti, for being a constant throughout this journey of DRP and four years of college, for being a great friend and a companion for all the little joys in life.

I am thankful to Kashish and Aesha for always lending me a listening ear without any judgments and for their constant love and support.

Shreya, for her insightful suggestions and pointing me towards the most critical decision for this research.

Tarjanee, Nishra, Sharvi, Aditi and Rutvik for being the best company I could have asked for during these last months at college.

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Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 1.1. . Introduction 1.2. . Literature review 1.3. . Proposal 1.4. . Research Methods

Chapter 2: Framework of Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 2.1. . Identity 2.2. . Structure | Form | Materiality 2.3. . Meaning | Symbolism | Purpose

Chapter 3: Water Network in Patan, Nepal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 3.1. . Introduction to the Place 3.2. . History of Kathmandu Valley 3.3. . Characteristics of Patan City 3.4. . Significance of Water 3.5. . Nature of the Public Spaces 3.6. . Water Structures and their Types

Chapter 4: Typology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 4.1. . Introduction to the types 4.2. . Stepped Water Conduits - Hiti 4.3. . Ponds - Pukhu 4.4. . Dug wells - Inar 4.5. . Canal - Rajkulo 4.6. . List of Case studies

Chapter 5: Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 5.1. . Analysis : Manga Hiti 5.2. . Analysis : Nagbahal Hiti 5.3. . Analysis : Tapa Hiti 5.4. . Analysis : Alko Hiti 5.5. . Analysis : Three hitis 5.6. . Analysis : Pimbahal Pukhu 5.7. . Analysis : Purnachandi Pukhu 5.8. . Analysis : Kumbheshwar Tank 5.9. . Analysis : Chhayabahal Well 5.10. Analysis : Radhakrishna Mandir Well 5.11. Analysis : Tikabhairav Rajkulo

Chapter 6: Inferences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 6.1. . Inferences: Hiti 6.2. . Inferences: Ponds 6.3. . Inferences: Wells 6.4. . Inferences: Rajkulo 6.5. . Inferences: Water Network 6.6. . Conclusion

Chapter 7: Multifaceted Infrastructure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 7.1. . Connecting Framework to Inferences 7.2. . Definition for Multifaceted Infrastructure 7.3. . Reflections

Glossary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .166 List of Figures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Appendix. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

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Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Introduction What comes to your mind when someone says water infrastructure?

The unending pipelines, the towering water tanks or the huge dams?

Universal infrastructural networks have become a backdrop to everyday life in almost all countries today. The modern ideals set forth by the western world after industrialization result in the mass production of monotonous urban infrastructure (Furlong, 2014). Large scale projects like the Narmada dam project or the Melamchi Project in Kathmandu Valley aim to supply more resources to an ever-increasing population.

They act as additional interventions or extensive reconfigurations of existing infrastructural systems to achieve stability (Furlong, 2014).

These systems often employ the latest technologies to adhere to the universal global image of development while exploiting natural resources. During all this commotion, the question arises: who is responsible for all these changes in the urban infrastructural landscape?

With democratization and the formation of nation-states, the authority to construct infrastructure entirely shifted to the ruling government. They shunned the traditional knowledge acquired over years that had led to the construction of region-specific systems. The industrial revolution led to the formation of an idea to provide essential services to (virtually) everyone at similar costs across cities on a monopolistic basis (Graham & Marvin, 2001). All the types of urban infrastructure like water, sanitation, energy, transportation and telecommunication become the responsibilities of public offices for the management and provision of services. With the gradual shift of these services to the private sector, there is a rise in competitive markets with highly fragmented and incoherent styles of service provision (Graham & Marvin, 2001). Also, democracy and the frequent changes in the ruling party lead to unprecedented delays or stoppage of urban infrastructural projects. Even after all the delays, the ruling party promises a better urban infrastructure as it is a marker of the nation’s development, growth, and prosperity.

The research looks at water infrastructure as the evolution of human societies depends on their complex relationships with water; it can be in the form of open drains in the ancient settlements or the vast networks of pipelines that connect the modern cities to their distant hinterlands (Gandy, 2006). As a response to the primary role of water, traditional societies developed highly regional forms of infrastructure to fulfil their needs. The stepwells in arid regions or the desert’s qanat systems took centuries of close involvement with the landscape and community participation to build. These traditional systems form elaborate networks that identify with the place. In recent years, especially in the Indian subcontinent, the decision-making authorities have tried to displace these prevailing options with a single piped network. The newer technologies also subsequently fail to deliver sufficient quality or quantity to the ever-increasing population, and people have to fall back on the existing networks for survival (Graham & Marvin, 2001).

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What qualities of these systems enable people to rely on them? To a person living in the villages of Rajasthan or the valleys of Kathmandu, water is a necessity imbibed with cultural, spiritual and religious values. When one observes the elaborate systems of traditional water infrastructure, like the stepwells of arid India, Temple tanks in Tamil Nadu and Ghats present along the river Ganga, one cannot help but notice how these structures weave into the socio-cultural fabric of the city. According to Gandy, we cannot contain the interactions of water with human societies on either side of the art/science divide (Gandy, 2006). These systems are multifaceted, as many of them go considerably beyond the mere management of the resource. Contradictory to them, the water infrastructure of metropolitan cities promotes mono-functional trends of solving a particular problem through privatized and customized networks (Graham & Marvin, 2001). Water gets reduced to a commodity flowing beneath the ground. It promotes a sense of entitlement without the attached responsibility (Arya, 2019). What can they learn from the traditional water infrastructures?

The prevailing ideas about multifunctional or multi-use infrastructure are very few, and they often look at it from the lens of agriculture and environment studies (Pinto & Remesar, 2009). Considering its connection to the urban context Zeidler(1985) suggests that multifunctionality does not confine to a building. It integrates into a network promoting functional complementarities between public places of a city (Ghafouri, 2020). When one looks at infrastructure from the lens of architecture, its making and its implications on space utilization become essential.

In multifunctionality, the meaning of the word function restricts to the activities in space. Hence, the research looks at its multifacetedness to generate a holistic understanding of the infrastructure in its context. Also, instead of analyzing traditional water infrastructure based on an existing framework, the research aims to derive parameters that will help generate a definition for Multifaceted infrastructure. In this case, traditional water infrastructure becomes a basis for deriving these parameters.

Traditional systems of water management have wide-ranging relationships with their contexts. This research looks at the water network in Patan, a city in the Kathmandu Valley of Nepal. This unique 1500-year-old infrastructure continues to function even today. This network taps groundwater and water from far away streams to bring continuous drinking water within the city. Various components of this water network, each with its specific purpose, lead to the successful functioning of the system. It is an elaborate arrangement of canals, ponds, wells, and stepped water conduits (a prominent and exclusive water structure). Not only as a source of pure drinking water, but it also acts as a system of organizing settlements, forming communities and creating a social space for the public that houses multiple functions of various socio-cultural realms. According to Spodek, “these structures are an integral part of the culture, playing a central role in the social, spiritual and communal life of the Newari people” (Spodek,2002:66).

It is important to note that the water network in Patan flourished 1500 years ago, but it has been under continuous maintenance, renovation and addition, ensuring its persistence.

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Talking about the architecture of infrastructure, Laila Seewang (2022) suggests that architecture’s strength and methodologies, as a discipline, should be used to study the impacts of infrastructure on the urban environment. Authors like Aldo Rossi (boundary, form and symbolism) and Kevin Lynch(identity, structure and meaning) have used broad parameters to decode the architecture of cities (Seewang,2022).

These frameworks identify that an architectural object has both tangible(boundary and form) and intangible(symbolism/meaning) effects on its surroundings that eventually govern the functions it serves as urban infrastructure. Recognizing that the water system is an agent in generating numerous public activities, this research reinterprets these existing frameworks to uncover multiple layers of engagement with the urban landscape. These engagements recorded in the form of parameters will define the term multifaceted infrastructure. The research aims to identify the factors that help generate a multifaceted infrastructure to enrich the experience of urban life.

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1.2 Literature review This research comes from a school of thought of finding a balance between the various world views about looking at urban infrastructure and its use. Many articles talk about the wide-ranging effects of infrastructural urbanism on the environment and the people. They flag the divide between indigenous or traditional knowledge and modern infrastructural ideals. (Graham & Marvin, 2001)(Agrawal, 1995).

Opposing these, Morrison (2015) critiques the ‘new traditionalism’ discourse that relegates traditional structures to an ideal era. In today’s times, return to an imaginary past is nearly impossible. There were inherent power struggles, inequalities and compromises that the traditional systems embodied. This research tries to find a middle ground by taking the traditional infrastructure as a basis to define a term that will act as a tool to decode or design the urban infrastructure of the future.

The oldest infrastructural progress deals with the management and distribution of water. Water networks are essential parts of the functioning of cities. In many writings, water becomes a part of the natural environment borrowed by humans to form their built environments. Many writers have explored the relationships between water and landscape (Gandy, 2006)(Morrison, 2015). These articles mention the multifaceted roles played by water in the human realm.

These articles also suggest the inherent dependency of all life forms on water. Other books and articles look at the spatial dimension of water and its interconnections to other socio-cultural and ecological systems (Arya, 2019)(Jain, 2020). These writings look at traditional water structures in arid regions of the Indian subcontinent to explore how their architecture can contribute to the values attached to the commodity. The value ascribed to the element water creates a base for the research. It tries to search for the reflections of the relationships between water, landscape and people in a very different context.

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1.3 Proposal Hypothesis:

The traditional water infrastructure of Patan in Nepal is an example of a Multifaceted Infrastructure.

Aim:

To develop a framework for defining multifaceted infrastructure by decoding the traditional water system in Patan(Lalitpur).

Objectives: • To identify the parts of the water network in Patan and classify them according to their types.

• To analyze a few examples of each typology based on an architectural framework.

• To identify tangible and intangible responses and classify the observations into parameters.

• To use these parameters to generate a definition for multifaceted infrastructure to analyze or design an urban public infrastructure.

Methodology:

• Collection of existing data on the water network of Patan through digital/ physical sources like books, articles, and documentaries.

• Curation of the data to decipher components of the water system and classifying them based on the characteristic features. (Pukhus/ Pokharis, Hitis, Canals, Wells).

• To use articles and readings on architecture and water infrastructure to form a framework to analyze a few examples of each type.

• To generate inferences based on collective observations for each type.

• To use the inferences to generate the definition for Multifaceted Infrastructure.

Scope

• The research is a qualitative analysis of the water infrastructure only in the core city of Patan, even though a wide range of similar structures are present across the Kathmandu Valley.

• The analysis is purely architectural and does not deeply go into the technical aspects of the topography and hydrology.

Limitations:

• The author visited Nepal in the dry season of February. Many water structures did not work to their capacity. Hence, activities observed on site will not be the primary source of information.

• Available articles and photos of water infrastructure through digital/ physical sources and on-site interviews are the primary sources of information.

• The research looks at only a few examples of the types of water structures in Patan. The • inferences from the analysis use the selected case studies. Hence, it portrays a limited understanding of the water infrastructure in Kathmandu Valley.

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1.4 Research Methods This section borrows an understanding of research methods from the book Research Design (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The research paper employs the Qualitative case study approach.

1.4.1 Qualitative Methods

The research aimed to generate a detailed architectural analysis of the water infrastructure in Patan. It required keen observations of how people occupy the space, their behaviour patterns, and the inherent meanings attached to the presence of an urban structure. The data available in books and articles is put together with the on-site observations to derive inferences that would help generate an understanding of the multifacetedness of the infrastructure. The research refers to minimal factual data to derive any inferences. The author also took informal interviews with a few local users to understand the socio-cultural relationships between the people and the structure.

1.4.2 Philosophical Worldview

The author views the research from a constructivist philosophical worldview. It is an approach to qualitative research where individuals develop subjective meanings of their experiences, directed towards a few selected objects. In this philosophical view, one looks at complex lenses instead of narrowing the interpretations of the observations into a few categories (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The definition of Multifaceted Infrastructure aimed at the end of the research tries to decode its essence instead of an extensive set of parameters. The author interprets it to be a means to identify degrees of multifacetedness instead of making a checklist of factors to consider while designing. Also, the research paper generates or develops a pattern of meaning instead of starting with a theory, which connects it to a constructivist worldview. The research employs the case study methodology to define multifaceted infrastructure instead of using an already existing framework.

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1.4.3 Research Methodology

The initiation of the research took place in January 2022, with broadly two months of data collection (January - February 2022), one month of analysis(March 2022) and one month of data compilation(April 2022).

January included the development of the research topic, finalisation of the region and the research approach. In February, the derivation of a framework of analysis and shortlisting of case studies followed. All the collection of background data available for the water structures happened before the visit to Nepal. One week in February included fieldwork on the selected case studies in the Kathmandu Valley, including interviews, observations, and archival methods. The production of diagrams for analysis and the writing of a draft followed in March. The completion of the document took place in April.

1.4.4 Selection of Case Studies

The focus is on the jurisdictional area of the Lalitpur District in the Kathmandu Valley in Nepal. On a more detailed scale, the research looks at water structures in the Lalitpur Sub Metropolitan area or the old city of Patan, as the author had extensive access to information here. The author made a shortlist of case studies based on the frequency of its presence in documents and the amount of data available online and in physical form. There are four types of water structures studied in the research document. The author marked the locations and collected visual data for the prominent examples of each type. The visit to Nepal led to the finalization of the case studies. Chapter 4 mentions the names of the case studies chosen for the analysis.

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FRAMEWORK OF ANALYSIS to articulate the Multifacetedness of the Infrastructure

Identity

Boundary Sitting

Structure

Form Materiality

Meaning

Symbolism Purpose

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Chapter 2: Framework of Analysis The research hypothesizes that the traditional water network in Patan, Nepal is an example of a multifaceted infrastructure. The paper takes this water infrastructure as a starting point instead of proving its ability to generate urban life. The intention was to create an unbiased and pure identification of the properties of a multifaceted infrastructure. It is important to note that taking an existing definition for multifunctional or multi-use infrastructure and fitting the water structures into it would have just proved if these structures were virtually Multifaceted. The foundation of the research is to gauge the multifacetedness of the urban insert from an architectural perspective. Hence, it was essential to define a broad framework that could identify the architectural features of the water structures. The paper extracts parameters from existing architectural frameworks to generate an architectural analysis of the traditional water structures. Observations from the case studies will lead to inferences that hint toward the definition of a Multifaceted Infrastructure.

Architectural frameworks that look at the scale of a city become essential tools for the analysis. But these parameters need to be reinterpreted to align their meanings to the existing context. In his book, Image of the city, Lynch (1960) mentions three overlapping parameters: Identity, Structure, and Meaning capable of analyzing the relationship between an observer and their environment. These parameters together form the Environmental Image of an object in the minds of the city dweller.

Here object refers to large-scale urban interventions like street edges, squares, landmarks, and pathways. A parallel drawn with the framework

by Seewang(2022), derived from, The architecture of the city by Aldo Rossi(1966), uses the terms boundary, form, and symbolism to analyze the architecture of infrastructure (Seewang,2022). This framework looks at how a building meets the city. Arya (2019) mentions comparable parameters like sitting, materiality, and purpose that give glimpses into the negotiations of a society with its landscape. The research paper shall extract the meanings of these parameters to form a consolidated framework of analysis.

There is a pattern that these triads mentioned in their architectural analyses. The terms identity, boundary, or siting refer to the object’s placement in its context. It also refers to the immediate and distant connections it makes to the various scales of its boundaries. The research looks at the case of infrastructure. Hence, identity refers to the features that recognize it as a distinct object in the urban landscape, its responses to the region, and its immediate surroundings. The terms structure, form, or materiality point toward the physical aspects of the object. In the context of urban infrastructure, its making and parts directly govern its efficiency in functioning. Hence, the structure refers to the tangible properties of the infrastructure and the identification of its components.

Lastly, terms like meaning, symbolism, and purpose refer to the meanings it acquires or embodies. For the research, the term meaning refers to the intangible relationships between the infrastructure and its users. The framework consists of the reinterpretations of the terms: Identity, Structure, and Meaning to generate a holistic understanding of the presence of urban infrastructure in its context.

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2.1 Identity Identity recognizes an object as a separate entity and analyzes its relationship with its context. The meaning of context changes according to the scale and detail of the research. In the case of urban water infrastructure, there can be broadly two types of contexts: the Region and the City. For analyzing water structures, it is essential to place them in their geographical context. The landscape governs its form and functioning. Hence, the term region refers to the natural surroundings, including geology, hydrology, and climate. In the context of a city, one needs to look at a more detailed scale. It leads to an analysis of the built environment around the water structures. The scale of the city, the neighbourhood and the street become mediums to situate the object with its surroundings. The arrangement of other buildings and infrastructural networks around the water structures reflects their role in the city.

The analysis for the identity of an object in its region includes geomorphic studies of geology and hydrology and its climatic conditions.

The continuous presence of water on earth is due to the water cycle, circulating it with the help of natural elements like the sun, wind and land. Cities develop around flowing water to fulfil their needs. The traditional societies acquired years of first-hand engagement for a refined understanding of the properties of the landscape. They could differentiate between fertile lands for growing food from the less fertile ones for the city centres. They constructed water structures with a careful understanding of hydrology on the surface and underground. These structures often have strategic links that form a network (Arya,2015).

Traditional water systems also generate an equilibrium with the environment. The form of the buildings reflects an understanding of the movements of the sun and wind throughout the year. Water structures in traditional settlements acknowledge a connection between them and their landscapes, and hence it is essential to analyze these structures as part of larger systems within the region.

The identity of an object in the context of the city reflects in its positioning, proximity, boundary, axis, landmark and porosity. The placement of infrastructure, its extent and its responses to immediate surroundings play a role in identifying it as a distinct object. If we use this definition, there could be multiple layers of assessment. These layers sprout from the levels of interaction between the user and the structure.

At the larger scale is the mental map, positioning it in the urban fabric.

Its proximity to the city centre or the fringes governs its value in the minds of the citizens. Aspects like scale and similarity to surrounding typology determine whether the object can be considered a landmark.

The positioning also governs the settlement patterns around the structure.

At the neighbourhood level, the axes of main roads or markets around the building affect the flux of people and activities. Visual features mark its boundaries and lead to familiarities for the neighbourhood. One can also look at how surrounding buildings acknowledge the presence of the infrastructure. The opportunities for physical interaction with space define its relationship with the immediate surroundings. Whether the edges of the buildings are inhabitable and the level of porosity that they manifest determine their usage.

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2.2 Structure | Form | Materiality The term structure refers to the spatial manifestation of ideas into the form of an object. In the book, Notes on the Synthesis of Form, Christopher Alexander(1973) suggests two ways to describe the form of an object: • Formal Description • Functional Description In the context of urban infrastructure, it is essential to study its making and function to generate an understanding of its tangible presence.

Any infrastructural project solves a specific purpose that aids in the functioning of a city. In this process, it utilizes resources and materials for its construction. It acquires a visual form based on its purpose, and it has characteristics that affect the way people interact with it. The analysis of the structure can look at it as a whole or as a combination of parts. The whole has a form, a geometry and a scale that identifies it as a separate entity. Each component has a function to solve and a specific place in the ensemble that allows for optimized use of the structure. Each form connotes a character to an object and governs the way people use it.

Hence the built and its utility are inherently connected.

The formal description consists of the making of the object. Properties like geometry, dimensions, material and craftsmanship are the parameters to gauge its presence in physical space. It tries to identify the values that these parameters ascribe to the object and the possible responses from the users. Geometry refers to the shape and the form of the structure.

Qualities like symmetry, repetition, and directionality expressed in the form affect how people use the spaces. Dimension refers to its size and scale in comparison with its surroundings. The scale and similarity in visual qualities with its surroundings govern its value for the users.

The same type has iterations with different geometries and dimensions, thus ascribing a unique identity to each structure. The degrees of craftsmanship directly relate to the limitations of the material used in its construction. These aspects require comparison within the types of water structures to decipher patterns of use and hierarchies imposed before or after the construction.

The functional description suggests its utility in the realm of human beings. It includes the identification of the type and variations in it. A detailed study of its components that lend themselves to specific uses for the citizens is also required. For an urban public infrastructure, there is a need to identify the form of access and open space (courts or platforms) offered by the structure. Each part plays a role in the holistic functioning of the system. In the case of water infrastructure, aspects like inlets and outlets become essential for its functioning. Some are essential, whereas others are additional features that might or might not be present in all the iterations. The presence or absence of the auxiliary components modifies the value of the structure for the users. The functional description also includes the relationship between the parts. Each water structure is also a part of the infrastructural water network of the city. They belong to a specific type, and each type has a role in the network.

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2.3 Meaning | Symbolism | Purpose Any object in the city has some meaning to the observer, which forms a relationship very different from a spatial relationship (Lynch,1960).

It either manifests through activities or embodies associations with its context. The associations include intangible historical or cultural connections with the place. These translate into the belief systems, values and mythological tales. Like in the Kathmandu Valley, water structures hold great significance in the religious and socio-cultural realms. The design of an urban object allows for certain activities to take place, whereas others develop over time. They change with technological advancement and the lifestyle of the people. Tools like interviews and documentation of daily life help identify the meaning associated with the urban infrastructure. These intangible relationships present between the structure and the people help integrate these structures into the urban life of the place.

The associations include religious, political, spiritual and socio-cultural associations. Religious, political and spiritual connections travel generations from the past and manifest in the value they hold in rituals and festive occasions. Socio-cultural factors affect the making of the infrastructure and vice-versa. Every culture, especially in the traditional settlements, has some form of inherent differences in caste, class and gender. The spatial organization of urban infrastructure highlights rules for its use by these varying groups. The political association of the infrastructure affects the systems of its maintenance and its value for the users. The research looks at water infrastructure, and it needs to look at the spiritual purity that water ascribes to them. People’s belief in the pure nature of water, especially in traditional societies, leads to the creation of specific motifs, forms or spaces that highlights its presence. The aspiration of growth as characterized by the Modern Infrastructural Ideal is absent in these settlements. Hence, these systems manifest immense value for any privileges offered with the help of infrastructure(Arya,2019). The value generated for the system leads to the formation of administrative organizations for its maintenance.

The activities happening around the structure include socio-cultural, economic and religious activities. Since the water structures are essential parts of daily life, there is a constant flux of people in these spaces.

They enable the development of marketplaces with economic value.

The aesthetic appeal of the traditional structures and their historical values also attract tourists from around the globe, thus adding monetary value to the spaces around them. The culture of a place develops because of the specific positioning of the city in a geographical region.

Auxiliary additions around the water structures respond to this culture.

In traditional architecture, religious rituals and customs play a primary role in organizing activity. These rituals act as tools for the persistence of the water structures in Kathmandu Valley and many other regions across India. The stepwells in Ahmedabad and Rajasthan are examples of such infrastructure as some house Hindu goddesses. The god-fearing people adhere to the innumerable rituals that either promise a better future or give solutions to their miseries. The urban structures present the people with a space for religious and social gatherings.

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FRAMEWORK OF ANALYSIS to articulate the Multifacetedness of the Infrastructure

Identity

Structure

Meaning

City

Form

Geometry Dimensions Craftsmanship (derived from notes on Synthesis of Form, Alexander, 1973)

Associations

Religious Spiritual Administrative (derived from Water conduits of Kathmandu Valley, Becker-Ritterspach, 1995)

Region

Components

Activities

Positioning Proximity Axis Boundary Porosity Landmark (derived from Image of the city, Lynch, 1960, Architecture of Infrastructure, Seewang, 2022) Geomorphic Climatic Response (derived from Spatial Ecology of Water, Arya, 2019, Water and Landscape, Gandy, 2006)

Placement and Purpose of the following: Access Platforms Supply - Spouts Outlet - Drains Auxillary Structures Pati/ Jahru (derived from observation of author)

Socio-cultural Economic Religious (derived from Water conduits of Kathmandu Valley, BeckerRitterspach, 1995)

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Chapter 3: Water Network in Patan, Nepal 3.1 Introduction to the Place

Fig.1: Kathmandu Valley in map of Nepal Adapted from ‘Nepal Mandala’ Vol 2: Plates (pg xxii) by M.S. Slusser, 1982, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

The research hypothesizes that the water network in a city named Patan (Lalitpur) in the Kathmandu Valley in Nepal is an example of a multifaceted infrastructure. The Kathmandu Valley situates in the eastern half of Nepal (Fig 1). It sits in the foothills of the Himalayas, and Shankar (2014) addresses it as a Himalayan city. In the Himalayan towns, almost all settlements exist in valleys near the flow of rivers or streams.

Comparing the valley with a container expresses its character as a selfcontained, well-defined physical entity. Its location and slopes define the conditions of water availability and vegetation, thus forming a unique composition of the natural elements (Shankar, 2014).

3.2 History of Kathmandu Valley

Fig.2: Three major cities in Kathmandu Valley Adapted from ‘Nepal Mandala’ Vol 2: Plates (pg xxiv) by M.S. Slusser, 1982, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

City Centre

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Fig.3: Map of the Patan City.

Adapted from ‘Traditional Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley’ (pg 4) by W. Korn, 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

The first records of rulers in the Kathmandu Valley were the Lichchhavis, from the 5th to 9th century. The Kirats used to rule before them, but there are no records of the beginning of their reign. The construction of stone spouts links to the Kirat era, but the oldest water structures present in the valley today belong to the Lichchhavi period. The Malla dynasty followed them from around 1200 to 1744 CE. They were responsible for making large scale interventions into the existing system for its expansion. The Malla kings divided the valley into three major cities, Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur (Molden, 2015). Bhaktapur was the oldest kingdom. A historical tale narrates that the king of Bhaktapur separated the valley into three parts to please his three sons. That explains the similarity in the aesthetics and construction styles of the three cities even today (Lilendra, personal conversation, 13 February 2022). The water networks in each of these kingdoms developed as an independent system, although similar in functioning. The water infrastructure systems present in the Kathmandu valley cities result from gradual additions and improvements from the time of the Lichchhavis, followed by their successors, the Mallas (UN-HABITAT,2007).

3.3 Characteristics of Patan City Patan sits in the southern quarter of the valley, with Kathmandu towards its north and Bhaktapur towards the east (Fig 2). It organizes in a concentric manner forming a Chakra, a wheel, with a cross of two intersecting roads acting as its geographical centre (Fig 3). These roads running in the north-south and east-west directions act as political links to the rest of the valley. They were ancient trade routes, but they also spiritually tied the city because of the presence of four Asoka Stupas in the four cardinal directions along the city’s edges. The Palace sits at the city’s centre, thus acting as the political, geographical and religious node binding it together. The neighbourhoods would concentrically decrease in caste status towards the fringes. The arrangement would follow “the priests and astrologers, artists, businessmen, street cleaners and bone millers, clothes washers and farmers”(Molden, 2015). The hierarchy reflects in the finish of the buildings, houses’ size, and the articulation of public amenities in the neighbourhoods, which is evident even today.

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Patan characterizes as a place for trade and commerce. Since each area in the Himalayan city could not produce enough resources due to geographical restrictions, there was a necessity to trade with the surrounding regions. It led to trade routes passing through the city with open spaces at regular intervals that the traders could occupy. Markets would form on the ground floors of the surrounding buildings (Shankar, 2014). Hence, the physical fabric of Patan embodies its connections to the outside world. The development and placement of urban features, like resthouses and public drinking water fountains, also reflect these connections. With the flourishing of trade, the city becomes a place for interaction, expression and sharing of ideas. Various forms of art develop.

The city demands a respectable position in the region to counter the lack of surplus agricultural produce (Shankar, 2014).

3.4 Significance of Water In the Himalayan valley towns, the movement of water and the slope governs the positioning of the residential part and the agricultural fields.

Crops can grow on terraces only on specific gradients. The transportation of agricultural produce from one valley to another takes days. Hence, it is essential to transport water to the drier parts of the valley to generate crop surplus, which is a basis for all urban life (Shankar, 2014).

Geographically, Patan city gradually slopes from the south to the north and the northeast directions(Fig 4). The water flow creates a strong sense of direction and plays a primary role in forming distinct neighbourhoods in the city. A mythological tale narrates the presence of a lake in the place where the Kathmandu Valley sits today. The valley floor has traces of the ancient lake’s sediments that act as aquifers for storing groundwater (Dixit & Upadhya, 2005). The city’s two primary water sources consist of groundwater reservoirs available a few meters below the surface and a canal that brings water from distant springs and rivers to recharge the aquifers in the city continuously (Becker-Ritterspach, 1994).

N

Fig.4: Placement of Patan w.r.t. The slope of the landscape.

Adapted from ‘Himalayan Cities’ (pg 58)

by P. Shankar, 2014, Delhi: Niyogi Books.

3.5 Nature of the Public Spaces The central three cities in the valley enjoy flatter lands to develop their urban fabrics. The limited availability of considerably plain grounds leads to the formation of dense neighbourhoods. They have an intimate scale of three-storeyed houses with overhanging pitched roofs with smallsized construction elements like columns, doors and windows (Sekler, 1979). These houses form cramped alleys that set the tone for the city.

Frequently, the narrow streets give way to public structures like ponds, temples, resthouses (pati), courtyards or stepped water conduits (hiti).

The road becomes broader at these junctions to form small open spaces for people of the neighbourhood to gather and for traders to occupy during their visits. The intimate streets enable monumental buildings and public squares to dominate the neighbourhood’s image because of the considerable difference in the experience. In many parts of the city, the streets occupy the steeper terrain, leaving the flatter grounds for the open spaces. Their sizes vary considerably according to the importance attributed to the neighbourhood or the amount of flat land available.

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3.6 Water Structures and their Types Like the public squares and courtyards, almost all the open spaces have one or more types of water structures. The frequency of their presence signifies their importance in the city(Fig 5). It forms a complementary structure system that enables water storage, distribution, and management. Various types develop to solve a particular purpose in the network. Together, these structures supply water for drinking and household purposes, bathing, washing, irrigation, religious requirements and other daily needs. There is an intimate relationship between the kind of water source and its task (Becker-Ritterspach, 1994). The drinking water needs require the highest level of purity for the water. Groundwater sources that use multiple layers of filtration or systems with storagecum-supply allow minimal pollution through external factors (hitis and dug-wells). Secondary freshwater sources like surface water reservoirs supply water for household activities (ponds, rivers). Elaborate networks of drains and sluices and their accurate placement considering other water structures become suitable for irrigating fields and watering cattle (Rajkulo canals).

There are five types of water structures in the city’s water network. The following list mentions the types and their names in the Newari language.

• Canals (Rajkulo) • Ponds (Pukhu/Pokhari) • Stepped Water Conduits (Hitis) • Dug wells (Inara) • Drinking water fountains (Jahru)

Fig.5: Map depicting the placement of various types of water structures in the core city of Patan.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, 27 Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

Rainfall

Irrigation

Rainfall

Rivers/ Springs

Water Canals (Rajkulo)

Ponds (Pukhu/ Pokhari)

Aquifer (Muhaan)

Water Conduits (Hiti)

Irrigation

River

Dug Wells (Inara) Fig.6: Flow chart showing the interconnections between the types

Fig.7: Water balance of the spout system (Molden,2015). A. Irrigation drainage, B. Outflow from streams and rivers, C. Irrigation canal transport, D. Storage in ponds (pokhari), E. Drainage from ponds into shallow groundwater or pipes, F. Temples are important to water use and management, G. Baseflow into rivers, H. Drainage from upstream spouts, I. Shallow aquifer, J. Underground pipes, K. Filtration chambers, L. Overland flow, M. Brick chambers allow for infiltration, N. Throughflow from upstream Sources.

Retrieved from Traditional Infrastructure, Modern Flows: Cultural Politics Of Modernization In The Kathmandu Valley (pg 29) by Olivia Conniff Molden, 2015, Graduate School of the University of Oregon: Unpublished Thesis

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Chapter 4: Typology 4.1 Introduction to the types

As mentioned in the previous chapter, five types of water structures constitute the water network in Patan. These include the stepped conduits, ponds, dug-wells, canals and the drinking water fountains.

The classification of the water structures takes place according to their similarity with the characteristics of a type. Sometimes, two types combine to form one water structure, thus showcasing that the water structures are more than just practical achievements. Instead, it is a system that works on the principle of exploration and innovation. The network types are interconnected, directly or indirectly, leading to the continuous drinking water supply.

The interconnections between the types are as follows(Fig 6,7): The canals bring water from the foothills of the mountain ranges, 15km away from the city and irrigate agricultural fields on the way. These canals supply continuous water and recharge the ponds. Water from the sluices and the annual rainfall supply water for retention in the ponds. These ponds facilitate maintaining the groundwater table and ensuring supply to the shallow aquifers present in the city. These aquifers provide filtered water in the stepped water conduits and increase the dug wells’ water level. Water from the spring-like water spouts and the wells gets stored daily by people in the drinking water fountains for the passersby. Hence, all the elements together form the traditional water network in Patan.

For the case study, the research paper analyses examples from the types: stepped water conduits, ponds, dug wells and canals. It does not take case studies of the drinking water fountains as they are parts of other water structures, thus acting as auxiliary elements. Since they are endpoints of the water network, with no examples in working condition, a separate analysis of the type seemed unnecessary for the research.

The following section briefly describes the characteristics of the types taken forward in the study. It starts with the historical records of their earliest constructions, their uses and the number of structures of the kind available in the city. It further elaborates on the form of the type, its water source, patterns of placement in the urban fabric and its aesthetic qualities.

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4.2 Stepped Water Conduits - Hiti The hiti is a form of water structure found predominantly in the Kathmandu Valley in Nepal though they are not limited to it. The oldest hiti structure in Patan belongs to the 570 AD (Becker-Ritterspach, 1994).

It is a stepped Kund like structure, with a water spout on one or more of its edges on the lowermost level (Becker-Ritterspach, 1994). It is usually found in a pit to tap the subsurface water flow. These water conduits provide a continuous flow of freshwater to the nearby residents. Its uses range from washing the face and body, drinking and household purposes, purification and worship, and professional washing of laundry. The core city of Patan has 36 stone spouts, out of which two are missing. The boundary of Patan has 47 working spouts, but many are in a dismal state (NGOFUWS,2006).

Fig.8: Sectional Axonometric diagram of a generic hiti structure

Form

The architectural form of the structure and the carved stone water spout is its characteristic feature. The side walls step to counter the soil pressure and create platforms for people to sit or dry their clothes after washing. A central space on the lowermost floor has access to the stone water spouts.

The stone spout is slightly above the base in a niche, enabling people to fill their vessels or bathe under it (UN-HABITAT, 2007). The depth of the hitis varies according to the geography of their location and the depth of the aquifer. In the higher grounds, the hitis are deeper, whereas towards the northeast, as the city slopes downwards, the depth of the hitis reduces considerably. A deeper hiti requires the construction of adequate stepped platforms for structural stability, thus increasing the overall size of the pit.

Source

The underground aquifers present in the city act as water sources for the spouts in the hitis. Water from the aquifer flows through underground burnt clay channels to reach the stone water spouts. These water conduits manifest geothermal temperature control because they supply water present a few meters below the surface. Each tap has a systemic filtration system behind the spout wall, enabling pure drinking quality water. The used water first collects in a deep basin made in the spout niche before flowing towards the drain. In some cases, filtered water from one hiti reaches other hitis. The used water from all the hiti structures in the city flows towards the agricultural fields, and the runoff reaches the Bagmati river.

Urban Placement

There aren’t many restrictions on the location of the hitis (BeckerRitterspach, 1994). It follows a highly utilitarian logic where most of them have a maximum distance of 500 meters from the nearest hiti, requiring less effort in procuring water for the daily needs of the residents. Hitis placed near the city centre occupies formal courtyards or public squares. Towards the fringes, the character of the open spaces becomes more informal, and the boundaries are loosely defined. Towards the end of the core city, hitis are present along the street edges.

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Aesthetics

The materials used in the conduit body are locally available bricks and natural stone quarried from nearby sources. Bricks are preferred in semi-dry spaces as they are more economical, easy to transport and can be made in the city. The wet parts of the conduit and the steps constitute stone blocks for minimal wear and tear. The stone’s properties allow intricate carvings in the niche with the water spouts. Hitis near the city centre shows higher levels of carvings and ornamentation than the ones present on the outskirts.

4.3 Ponds - Pukhu

Fig.9: Diagram of a generic pond structure

Ponds are structures made for the storage of surface water. It is an ancient type found almost everywhere on earth. Their existence traces back to the Kirat era, but the exact dates aren’t available in any written documents (UN-HABITAT,2007). There are varying types of ponds, naturally made or artificial, based on the city’s requirements. The ponds act as sources of groundwater recharge for the shallow aquifers spread across the city.

They also beautify their neighbourhoods and enable the provision of an open space contrasting the cramped settlements. The ponds supply water for secondary household activities like washing clothes and cleaning.

Some also allow duck farming and greywater treatment as auxiliary functions (UN-HABITAT,2007). The Lalitpur Sub-Metropolitan city office states that there are 25 Pokharis in the city today. According to Joshi (1993), there are 39 ponds in Patan, with sixteen in a considerably better condition, nine ponds that are encroached upon or reduced in size and fourteen are lost (Adhikari, Parajuli, & Adhikari, 2020).

Form

Ponds vary according to the place and the city. Some ponds follow the natural shape of the depression in the landscape. The water collects during the monsoon season, and over time, the edges around the ponds become more and more defined. The naturally formed pond has an irregular shape, and it might not follow any rules of geometry with other neighbouring structures. In older days, stone boulders placed along the edges would demarcate its presence. Today, walls made of brick and stone mark the pond in the urban landscape. While ponds in Patan have irregular shapes suggesting natural depressions, ponds in the Bhaktapur have regular rectangular forms and vary in size and craftsmanship.

Buildings and residential neighbourhoods develop around the edges of the ponds. The sizes vary according to the space available and the requirements of the residents.

Source

The primary source for the ponds includes water from the annual rainfall during the monsoon season and the surface water runoff from the surrounding neighbourhoods. Some of the ponds have internal piped connections such that the overflow from one pond reaches another pond that is slightly downhill (Becker-Ritterspach, 1994). These structures act 31

as retention ponds, which become buffers during monsoon to prevent flooding and allow slow water seepage into the ground. They are responsible for maintaining a constant water supply to the underground aquifers that provide water to the hitis and the dug wells(Fig 10).

Urban Placement

Based on their placement, the ponds classify as inner-settlement ponds and external-settlement ponds. In Patan, the ponds outside the settlement include those towards the city’s southern end, at Lagankhel. Two large rectangular depressions collect the water from the Rajkulo canal, and the overflow from the Lagankhel Pokharis reaches the Paleswan Pukhu at Pulchowk towards the western end of the core city. The Lagankhel and Paleswan ponds are responsible for recharging the three primary aquifers of Patan named Narica, Nayekhyo and Khwayebahi (Fig 11)(UNHABITAT, 2007). These aquifers supply water to many hitis towards the north and northeast of the city.

Paleswan Pukhu, Pulchowk Khwayebahi Aquifer

Aesthetics

The materials used in ponds construction include bricks and natural stone. The walls below the ground surface usually have random rubble or stone masonry to ensure the persistence of the structure and to counter the pressure of the soil and the water. The brick walls above the ground situate the ponds with the aesthetics of the city. The ponds have minimal use of stone above the surface and have minimal carvings, thus rendering them less important than the hiti structures. In older days, the ponds opened up directly to the road surface, lined with stone boulders. Their aesthetic made them seem like natural counterparts to the surrounding built fabric. The large water body reflecting the image of the sky still makes it feel like a piece of nature that fits into the urban fabric.

Lagankhel ponds

Ponds Roads Rajkulo Inter-pond lines Aquifer Slope

Narica Aquifer

Nayekhyo Aquifer

Fig.11: Plan showing the water source of the Pimbahal Pukhu.

Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/ GTZ, Limited Edition

Fig.10: System showing the geology that enables water supply to the spouts from the ponds.

Adapted from Kathmandu’s ancient water spouts still functioning by Alok Siddhi Tuladhar , 2022 (https://www.nepalitimes.com/ banner/kathmandus-ancient-water-spouts-still-functioning/). Illustration by Hrishav Raj Joshi

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4.4 Dug wells - Inar

Fig.12: Diagram of a traditional dug well structure

The traditional dug wells found in most parts of India are known as Inara in the Newari language. It is the most common structure in the settlement. Most of the wells located in Patan belong to the Lichchhavi and the Malla eras. A few new wells came into existence, in recent years, at public and private levels (Bajracharya, 2015). These dug wells are circular insertions in the ground that allow groundwater to seep from the edges and be stored for collection by the users. Based on the water quality, these wells either supply drinking water or water for secondary household activities like washing, cooking and cleaning (Bajracharya, 2015). There is a rough estimate of 1000 wells in the Kathmandu Valley.

An unpublished thesis report from the Pokhara University identified 318 wells in the Lalitpur Sub-Metropolitan City, out of which five wells didn’t exist. The report also found 200 dug wells, excluding the privatelyowned ones. These form the essential water supply infrastructure as they support almost 20 per cent of the city’s water demand even today (Bajracharya, 2015).

Form

The form of the traditional well is similar to the others found in the world. It rises to around 0.8 metres above the surface, and its diameter ranges from 1.1-3m in Patan city. The walls are brick-lined to allow water to seep inside the depression.

Source

The groundwater table is the primary source of water inside the wells.

Since water is available a few meters below the surface, the traditional dug wells are approximately 4-5 meters deep. The ponds near the wells ensure a continuous supply of water to the well throughout the year.

Urban Placement

The traditional dug wells are present all around the city, either in courts along the streets, in public plazas, or private courtyards. The wells present in more publically accessible spaces have no notional restrictions for their use, whereas those present in streets or squares belong to the neighbourhood residents. The densely packed wells across the core city lead to the formation of close-knit communities. Depending on their proximity, 20-50 families share one well.

Aesthetics

The wells are ordinary structures present all across the city. They have brick walls with stone slabs on the top for coping. Sometimes, these wells have specially shaped bricks in some courses that give them an aesthetic appeal. Some wells have carved brick courses towards the top with small shrines for religious rituals. Small interventions in the brick wall or the pavement around the well give it a unique character.

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4.5 Canal - Rajkulo

The Rajkulo is a systemic canal network made to supply water from a faraway source to the city. During the 17th century, rulers of the three major kingdoms in the Kathmandu valley initiated the construction of three separate canal networks (Becker-Ritterspach, 1994). The canal system for Patan is known as the Tikabhairav Rajkulo. Although established during the Lichchhavi rule, the canal network expanded during the Malla era. The Rana rulers, successors of the Mallas, improved the canals and covered them with brick arches in certain places (UN-HABITAT, 2007). The canal system consists of U-shaped channels on the ground surface that transport water from springs in the foothills of surrounding mountain ranges. The primary purpose of the canal was to irrigate agricultural fields on the fertile lands towards the south of Patan city. They provide a continuous supply of freshwater for recharging the aquifers in the city that supply the hitis and the wells (Shrestha & Shrestha, 2009). Two canal lines constitute the Rajkulo for Patan city.

The older line provides water to the Chapagaun, Thecho and Sunakothi villages en route to the Lagankhel Pokharis towards the southern end of Patan (Fig 14) (Theophile & Joshi, 1992).

Fig.13: Diagrammatic sketch of a canal

Form

The form of the canal changes according to its relationship with the city.

When traversing water from the springs along the roads and agricultural fields, the channel has a U-shaped section, 1.5 meters wide and 1.3 meters deep (Bhattarai & Dahal, 2020). The Tikabhairav Rajkulo travels 13kms from its source to the external-settlement ponds at Lagankhel.

It transforms into underground channels filled with gravel connecting the external-settlement ponds to the internal ponds as it enters the city. Connecting the aquifer that the ponds recharge, the U-shaped prefabricated clay channels move along the city, a few meters below the surface. They are responsible for transporting the water to the stone spouts in the hiti structures for a continuous supply (Becker-Ritterspach, 1994).

Source

The primary source of the Tikabhairav Rajkulo are the Lele and Naldu rivers that originate in the mountain ranges, 13kms away from the southern end of Patan (UN-HABITAT, 2007). They lie at the foothills of the mountain ranges that surround the Kathmandu Valley. Water from the mountain gets stored in aquifers and springs.

Fig.14: Map showing the origination of the Tikabhairav Rajkulo Retrieved from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 18) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

Urban Placement

The Rajkulo situates outside the city, but it connects to other villages on the way, supplying water for the irrigation fields that produce agricultural goods for Patan. It moves along the terrain’s slope parallel to the Bagmati river.

Aesthetics

The U-shaped earthen or stone canals are utilitarian structures with no additional efforts to improve their aesthetic presence.

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4.6 List of Case studies The author chose case studies for each type based on their prominence and available data from physical and digital sources. The selected case studies belong to the western end of the core city of Patan. It enables the research to form interconnections between the various types to understand the water network better. There is an attempt to choose case studies belonging to different contexts and neighbourhoods with varied characters to get a holistic understanding of the architectural responses of the water structures(Fig 15).

Stepped Water Conduits - Hitis 1. Manga hiti 2. Nagbahal hiti 3. Tapa hiti 4. Alko hiti Ponds - Pukhu/Pokhari 5. Pimbahal Pukhu 6. Purnachandi Pukhu 7. Kumbheshwar Kund Dug Wells - Inara 8. Chhayabahal well 9. Radhakrishna temple well Canal - Rajkulo • Tikabhairav Rajkulo

4 3 7 8

5

2 9

6

1

Fig.15: Map marking the case studies chosen from types of water structures in the core city.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, 35 Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

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Chapter 5: Analysis The framework developed in chapter 2 becomes a starting point for the architectural analysis of the selected case studies of water infrastructure in Patan, Nepal. It follows the categories and sequence derived in the framework and supports it with diagrams of observations to facilitate the architectural study. The analysis aims to identify the responses of individual water structures to the various aspects of their context.

Through the diagrams, one can determine the architectural features that lead to the development of the structure’s character, enabling certain activities to happen in the space. It deciphers the object’s relationships with its context and the architectural language that governs people’s occupation patterns, and movement flows in those public spaces. In some cases, the water structures do not respond to certain aspects of the framework. Hence, those factors do not become a part of the analysis of that particular case study.

The analysis uses the sequence of case studies mentioned at the end of chapter 4. The hiti is the most elaborate and unique example of water structures present in the Kathmandu Valley. As mentioned earlier in chapter 3, Patan has a concentric arrangement of neighbourhoods with the higher classes towards the centre and the lower classes occupying the fringes (Molden, 2015). The selected four case studies of the hitis belong to different categories of this concentric arrangement in the northwest quarter of the core city (Fig 16). The Manga hiti in the centre, followed by the Nagbahal hiti, Tapa hiti and the Alko hiti placed beside the city gate. The analysis of ponds and wells follows the hitis. It uses prominent examples of these three categories belonging to the northwest quarter of the core city. The analysis ends with the study of the Rajkulo canal network that supplies water to Patan city.

Fig.16: Diagrammatic Placement of the four hiti case studies w.r.t. The concentric arrangement of Patan. Left to right: Manga hiti, Nagbahal hiti, Tapa hiti and Alko hiti

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5.1 Analysis : Manga Hiti Location: Patan Durbar Square, Lalitpur Built: 570 AD Commisioned by: Bhairavi (King Manadeva’s daughter’s son) Religion: Hindu, Buddhist Size: 16m x 16m x 3.8m

Fig.17: Top: View of the spouts in Manga hiti | Middle: View of the two pavillions at the entrance of the hiti | Bottom: View of the Manga hiti from the secondary access towards the Northwest.

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Identity Positioning

Patan City centre

N

Fig.18: Diagrammatic map of the City.

Adapted from ‘Traditional Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley’ (pg 4) by W. Korn, 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

The Manga Hiti is a part of the Patan Durbar Square, which is the place where the royal Palace sits.

The Palace sits at the intersection of two main roads forming the north-south and the east-west axes that act as primary trade routes for the city (Fig 18). Each of these roads has a religious Stupa along the ends of the core city, sanctifying the presence of the city centre. Due to its placement, the Palace becomes both the administrative and the geographical centre of Patan (Gutschow, 1975). As the Manga hiti becomes a part of the Durbar square, its status becomes more important than any other water structure in the city.

Axis

The Manga hiti sits on the northeastern end of the Patan Durbar square. The Palace from the outside seems like one single complex surrounded by high thick walls with small openings.

There are multiple entries into the Palace premises, and all of them face towards the west. The main entrance to the Manga Hiti follows the same direction as the Palace premises (Fig 19). All these entrances fall on the primary movement axis of the city that traverses from north to south. The Manga hiti acquires a valuable position in the Palace square as its entrance equates to those of the Palace premises.

f Pata

n

1

North

South

Axis o

2

2

2

Ea

st

-w

es

tA

xis

of

Pa

ta

n

LEGEND 1. Manga hiti 2. Palace courtyards

Fig.19: The Manga hiti follows the entrances axis of the Palace.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Proximity 2

3

1

N

LEGEND 1. Manga hiti 2. Nagbahal hiti 3. Chyasal hiti

Fig.20: Diagrammatic Plan showing the water structures adjacent to the Manga hiti.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

LEGEND Water structures

The Manga hiti is a public water structure open for use by residents of the neighbourhoods and travellers who visit the city.

The positioning of the Manga hiti outside of the Palace complex suggests its accessibility to the general public(Fig 19).

There are two public hitis at approximately 300m from the Manga hiti. The Nagbahal hiti to the northwest and the Cyasah hiti to the northeast (Fig 20).

Most of the water conduits in the core city form a dense network.

Such an arrangement could allow the formation of close-knit communities and also enable people to walk shorter distances to collect water for daily needs.

The Manga hiti is the oldest water structure present in the city, and it dates back to 570 AD (Ritterspach,1994). There are other water structures present in the vicinity of the Manga hiti (Fig 21). A smaller sized hiti, named Tusa hiti, sits in one of the Palace courtyards. It is a small stone structure for ritual baths for the royal family (BeckerRitterspach,1994). Within the Palace boundaries, a water tank, named Bhandarkhala Tank, acts as a recreational bathing place for the royal members. The Maharani Pokhari in the south of the square is a later addition and is not a part of the water network of Patan.

The Manga hiti is the only water structure in the Durbar square accessible by all.

Residential units Buildings of the Durbar Square

Fig.21: Diagrammatic Plan showing the water structures present in the Durbar Square.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Fig.23: Diagram showing directionality of the two open spaces in Durbar Square.

Proximity

LEGEND Open spaces in durbar square

Fig.22: The two open spaces formed in the Durbar square.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

The arrangement of buildings in the Durbar square leads to the formation of two open spaces with very different characters (Fig 23). The one in the middle of the Durbar square is directional towards the Palace building and gets used for festivals like the Kartik Nach (LMC,2020). It acts as a rectangular stage, and the people gather in front of it to see the performance. The second open space is in the northeast corner of the Durbar square, placed next to the Manga hiti. It is roughly a square, with ample distance from surrounding buildings, and hence it acts as a congregation space instead of a stage for performances. Its placement towards the end of the Palace premises renders it less formal.

It develops into an open space for markets and less prominent festivals that mark the Nepalese calendar.

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Fig.25: Underground structure allows for uninterruped open to sky space.

Landmark

N

Fig.24: Axonometric drawing showing volumes occupied by buildings surrounding the Manga hiti.

The underground structure of the Manga hiti allows for unobstructed views of the surrounding buildings and the sky, thus creating a larger perceived open space (Fig 25).

It feels more spacious than the other square because of the lower volumes of buildings surrounding it. Hence it is an activity hub with cafes flanking its northern edge(Fig 24). The open space becomes a vantage point to view activities and the profile of the Durbar Square(Fig 26). The Manga hiti is an inherent part of the experience of the northern quarter of the square, forming the frontal edge while viewing the Durbar square. The openness of the space makes it a landmark for activities even today.

Fig.26: Sketch of the open space beside the Manga hiti from one of the cafes in the north.

Adapted from Alamy stock photos by Steve Whyte, 2014 (https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-northern-part-of-durbar-square-43 with-the-manga-hiti-water-conduit-patan-117167663.html) Copyright © 17/03/2022 Alamy Ltd.

3 1

2 LEGEND 1. Manga Hiti 2. Buddhist Caitya 3. Vishnu Temple

Fig.27: The symmetrical axes of the Vishnu Temple, Manga hiti and the buddhist caitya coincide.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 2

1 2

Axis The manga hiti sits between two religious objects. The Vishnu Temple sits on its west, and there is a Buddhist Caitya (Mani Caitya) behind the east wall. All three structures follow one symmetrical axis binding the three structures together (Fig 27).

Boundary

The Manga hiti is an ensemble of the water conduit and the two mandapas at its entrance(Fig 28).

This ensemble can be identified as a separate entity as it detaches from the palace walls that form the east and south enclosures.

LEGEND 1. Manga Hiti 2. Mandapa

Fig.28: Plan diagram showing the detached presence of the Manga Hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.30: Plan and elevation of the Manga hiti

Porosity

Fig.29: The porous edge created by the entrance mandapas.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

The mandapas that flank the front edge of Manga hiti are columnar structures and hence create a permeable facade next to the opaque wall of the Palace(Fig 29,30).

44

Geomorphic

According to Ritterspach (1994), the source of the hiti is unknown.

The aquifer that brings water to the Tusa hiti and Bhandarkhala tank in the Palace premises is the Narica Aquifer, south of the Durbar square. There could be a possible connection of the hiti to the Narica aquifer (Fig 31)(not confirmed by any legible source). Kul Lal Dongol, a former ward president of Ward No. 21, confirmed that the supply line passes through a plot of land given to a Girls’ High School(Fig 32). The flow of the hiti after building a school on that plot might have been affected.

There are no official records suggesting the change. The hiti does not function during the dry season, and there is no solution for it since the supply line is unknown.

Fig.31: Estimated water supply to the Manga hiti.

Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

Fig.32: Water source to the Manga hiti passing through the plot of a school.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

45

Structure: Form Geomtery

The square shape of the Manga hiti gives it a formal character justifying its presence within the Durbar square. Political and religious buildings follow a square-shaped plan contradictory to the crooked organic edges of the residential part of the town. The geometry of Manga hiti follows the directional axes of other structures in the durbar square (Fig 33).

A balance of volumes is visible between the hiti and the Vishnu temple. It reflects in the stepped form of the Manga hiti forming a void in the earth as opposed to the solid formed by the stepped platforms of the Temple (Fig 34).

Dimensions

Fig.33: Plan diagram showing other square structures near the Palace.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Manga hiti is a square with 16m edges. The central entrance goes beyond the 16 meters.

The depth of the hiti is 3.8m (Ritterspach, 1994). The Manga hiti has the most extensive ground cover among all the other hitis in the city. Its significant position in the Palace square would have led to the grand size of the structure.

(Fig 35).

16m

16m

Fig.34: Section showing the relationship between the pedestal of the temple and the depression of the hiti

Fig.35: Plan diagram showing the dimensions of the Manga hiti

46

Craftsmanship

The construction of the Manga hiti uses burnt bricks and natural stone, both locally available. Stone construction is seen only on the entrance steps, the platform edges and the spout niche. The Pati that flanks its entrance is a wooden construction with a pitched roof.

The architectural language of the pati follows the language of other buildings in the Durbar square.

The intricate columnar structure compliments the solid mass of the hiti walls. It also enables a smooth transition into the hiti from the highly carved facades of the Durbar square (Fig 36).

Fig.36: Old photograph of the Manga hiti from the northeast direction showing the entrance patis.

Derived from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

Within the hiti, the walls depict horizontal straight lines along the edges of the platforms. The spout niche with three spouts uses stone as its primary material. The properties of stone enable it to have intricately carved surfaces.

The surface of the platform walls on the lowermost floor breaks down to form the spout niche.

The craftsmanship near the spouts attracts the users’ attention, thus attributing significance to the facade where the water flows (Fig 37).

Fig.37: Sketch of the spout niche in the Manga hiti

47

Structure: Components Access

There are two entrances to the hiti. The main entrance faces the Vishnu temple, and people travelling on the north-south axis road might use this route to access the hiti. These could be the visitors to the Palace square or travellers. The other entry faces the residential quarters of the city. It could be for the residents who stay nearby. The Manga hiti’s entrances acknowledge the presence of the Palace and the residential part of the city (Fig 38).

Fig.38: Plan diagram showing access lines to the Manga Hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

The two entrances end along the symmetrical axes of the hiti. When one enters the hiti using either of the staircases, they first find themselves at the centre of the geometry. It makes the user aware of their presence in the structure, and one looks around to gauge its scale. It also signifies that anybody who enters the hiti is equal because every person reaches the centre and then disperses towards the part they want to use(Fig 39).

Fig.39: The stairways ending along the symmetrical axes of the Manga hiti.

Adapted from drawing 2a, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 81) by Chitrakar K.R.(1987) Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

48

Access: Primary

The primary staircase is a straight flight starting from the centre of the west edge. It follows the symmetrical axis of the Vishnu temple. It approaches the water spouts from the front, making it feel more important than the other entrance route. It is also wider, allowing more people to move along it simultaneously. The two Mandapas mark its presence, allowing people to occupy it throughout the day for purposes that might not directly connect to water collection. The sight of people around the entrance attracts more people to come and use it (Fig 40).

Fig.40: The primary staircase leading to Manga Hiti.

Adapted from drawing 2a, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 81) by Chitrakar K.R.(1987) Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Access: Secondary

The secondary staircase turns after two flights and is narrower than the primary staircase. It starts from one corner of the hiti and ends along the symmetrical axis of the hiti, but there are no other religious buildings along that axis.

It approaches the water spouts from the side, making it feel like the secondary access route, like a back door. One can assume that the primary access is for visitors and hence is grander, whereas nearby residents are given a more discreet way out by the secondary staircase (Fig 41).

Fig.41: The secondary staircase leading to Manga Hiti.

Adapted from drawing 2a, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 81) by Chitrakar K.R.(1987) Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

49

Pati (Resthouses)

Fig.42: The symmetrical axes of the hiti w.r.t. the placement of patis

Fig.43: Faces of the patis that are open to views

Fig.44: The directionality expressed through the boundaries of the patis

Fig.45: Placement of the patis w.r.t. The boundary wall of the hiti

The typology of the entrance pavilions to the Manga hiti is called Pati (a raised platform covered with a roof structure) in the Newari language (Spodek, 2002). There are two of these structures, one on each side of the symmetrical axis (Fig 42). The left pati is slightly bigger and is open from all sides. Whereas the right pati has the Palace walls on one edge, thus it offers only three open sides (fig 43). The faces of the pati that allow views of the Durbar square are the most active.

The faces that look towards the hiti follow these. People do not prefer to sit along the edge of the pati towards the Palace. The placement of the boundary wall of the hiti with the pati also determines its directionality (fig 44). Since the left pati detaches itself from the wall, it is accessible from all sides and gives equal importance to both directions. The right pati has the boundary wall attached to two of its parallel edges, giving it a unidirectional nature (fig 45).

The left pati has a religious object placed at its centre(Fig 46). All these observations result in the use of the left pati predominantly by men spending free time in the square or people celebrating some festival there. The right pati is used by people who wish to sit alone or by couples.

Fig.46: Plan diagram of the Patis showing centrality of left pati, eccentuated by the idol in the centre and grid of the right pati.

Adapted from drawing 2a, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 81)

by Chitrakar K.R.(1987) Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

50

Fig.47: Concentric plinth walls of the hiti

Fig.48: Staircases cut out of these platforms for access to the lowest level

Fig.49: Minor modifications to the platform shape to signify the presence of water basin with the spouts.

Platforms

Fig.50: A filteration system inside the ground provides a continuous flow of clean

drinking water.

Adapted from Sourcebook of Alternative Technologies for freshwater augmentation in some Asian countries(pg X) by DHI and Water branch of UNEP, 1999, Osaka/Shinga, UNEP

Fig.51: A sketch of the central space as occupied by users waiting in lines to fill buckets of water for daily chores.

Figures 47-49 show the morphology of the form of the platforms in the hiti to accommodate the staircases and spout niche. Figure 50 shows a diagram of the filtration system of the hiti structure where the steps follow the profile necessitated by the arrangements of the filtration bowls to follow the gravitational flow. Figure 51 shows how the central space and the platforms of the hiti accommodate people and their water buckets and acts as a place for socialization. After the earthquake, water flowing from the hiti trickles in the dry season when the residents have to buy water from tankers. Still, the hiti works efficiently during the monsoon season, and people line up to collect free water. (Lilendra, travel guide, personal conversation, 1402-2022)

51

Platforms

Since the water conduits tap water from underground aquifers, there is a need for the construction of a depression. The vertical surface of the hiti is made in the form of concentric plinth walls(known as Phah) to prevent landslides and distribute soil pressure (Ritterspach, 1994). The platforms along the edges of the hiti are wide steps accessed through the entrance staircase. They act as places for rest or socialization for those who come to fill their buckets with water(Fig 52).

1.2m

1.5m

Fig.53: Plan Diagram showing placement and number of spouts in the Manga hiti.

Supply: Spouts Fig.52: Cut axonometric sketch of the Platforms at Manga hiti showing various ways of use

There are three stone water spouts in the Manga hiti. The central spout is bigger and more articulate than the other two. Three other water outlets are present in the Jahru on one wall of the hiti, marked as number 4 in figure 53.

52

Outlet: Drainage

Depressions made in the floor of the hiti and its accurate slope allow for the drainage of water flowing continuously from the stone spouts. The basin beneath the stone tap is considerably deeper than other shaded regions (Fig 54).

Since this hiti is in a public space, a drinking fountain installed in one of its walls on the lowermost level provides water to the passerby.

Its access does not disturb other activities inside the hiti. (Fig 55)

Depression in flooring of hiti

Fig.54: Diagram demarcating the drainage path of the hiti Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.55: Diagram showing placement of Jahru and its accessibility

900mm

Fig.56: Diagram showing the profile of the parapet wall of the hiti and the various ways in which it is used

Edges

The parapet wall is around 900mm in height on the ground floor. Its purpose is to prevent the flow of dirty stormwater runoff into the hiti so that it does not clog the drains. The clean and dirty water drainage might be separate from the water infrastructure in the city. As the parapet wall’s height is low enough to facilitate views, people lean onto it and set up shops to sell artefacts to the visitors(Fig 56).

53

Meaning Religious Associations Mani Caitya

Manga hiti

Fig.57: The symmetrical axes of the Vishnu Temple, Manga hiti and the buddhist caitya coincide.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

The presence of Mani Caitya on the symmetrical axis of the hiti and the central spout signifies its religious significance. (Fig 57) Although the Caitya connects it to the Buddhist religion, owing to the mixed culture of Nepal, it also has religious significance in Hindu rituals. Water from the hiti acquires a sacred attribute that results in its daily use by priests from the Taleju, Krshna and Bhimdyo temples. The water from this conduit also holds significance during the Karthik Nach festival that happens once a year in Durbar square (Ritterspach,1994).

Mythological Associations

Creatures in the water spout carvings include water animals like the mythological Makara, which holds its mouth open.

Sometimes, other animals like ram, goat, bull and chimaera come out of it (Slusser, 1982).

The central stone spout at Manga hiti is a very elaborate one. Here, “the Makara with its snout ending in a bird’s head, devours a ram’s head, devouring a fish(Ritterspach,1994)”(Fig 58).

Historical Association

Fig.58: The symmetrical axes of the Vishnu Temple, Manga hiti and the buddhist caitya coincide.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Manga hiti is the oldest of its type in the city. Today, it has become one of the city’s important landmarks and a popular tourist attraction. The date of construction of this hiti is known, unlike other hitis that do not have a clear distinction. Hence, it acts as a crucial archaeological object in the city to decipher the trends and history of that period.

54

Social Activities

There is a raised platform next to the corner pati of the Manga hiti.

This place becomes a temporary stage like structure as it sits adjoining the pavilion. Temporary structures made with cloth and bamboo cover the platform during the less significant festivals in the Nepalese calendar(Fig 60).

Musicians singing folk songs occupy the corner pati, and the sacred offerings occupy the middle of the platform. There is a pole in the middle of the open space next to Manga hiti. Temporary decoration connecting it to the surrounding buildings marks occasions in the square(Fig 59).

Economic activities Fig.59: Demarcation of temporary structures next to the platform besides the pavilion.

Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

Since there is a square next to the Manga hiti, and it is adjacent to the primary north-south axis of the city, it becomes an essential location for street vendors and temporary shops to set up during the day. The edge of the hiti facing the square becomes a showcase wall for the street vendors exhibiting their collection of antiques to the visitors of the Durbar square(Fig 56).

Fig.60: Sketch showing temporary structures that are added during festivals next to the pavilions.

55

56

5.2 Analysis : Nagbahal Hiti Location: Nagbahal, Lalitpur Built: 4th century (Bhandari, 2017) Commisioned by: Unknown Size: 15.15m x 13.75m x 4.47m Religion: Buddhist

Fig.61: Top: View of the Nagbahal hiti from the entrance | Middle: View of the Nagbahal hiti from the southwest | Bottom: View of the Nagbahal hiti from the northerst direction.

57

Identity Positioning

The Nagbahal is a monastery quadrangle (Baha) that enjoys a significant position because this residential courtyard is the biggest in the city. It was a Buddhist monastery earlier, and it is occupied by Buddhist families with various occupations today. The religious structure in the middle of the courtyard does not exist, but Nagbahal still maintains its cultural significance. Adhering to the concentric arrangement of the city where the higher class stayed near the city centre(Molden, 2015), Nagbahal, with its Buddhist monks, was near the Palace square. Hence the Nagbahal hiti, a part of the courtyard, becomes the closest to the Manga hiti in the Durbar Square(Fig 62). Its proximity to the city centre gives it more significance in the minds of the city dwellers.

4

1

3

2

LEGEND 1.Nagbahal Hiti 2. Manga hiti 3. Chyasal hiti 4. Konti hiti

Fig.62: Plan showing placement of the Nagbahal hiti with respect to the Durbar square (ciy centre) and other nearest hitis.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

58

Proximity

1

LEGEND 1.Nagbahal Hiti 2. Golden Temple, Kva Bahah

2

The Nagbahal is adjacent to another courtyard named Kva Bahah, which houses the famous Golden Temple of Patan in one corner(Fig 63). It is one of the religious centres of the city.

(Bhandari,2017). The Nagbahal has two patis (resthouses) adjacent to the hiti. Each pati has a snake painted on its wall(Fig 64). The residents of Nagbahal believe that these snakes, the Nagaraja and the Nagini are protectors of the temple. They are responsible for the prosperity of the residents of the Bahal (Sakya S., personal conversation, 11 February 2022). The name, Nagbahal comes from the painting of these snakes, and the hiti also gets its name from it. The hiti holds religious significance because of its placement in the Nagbahal courtyard.

Fig.63: Diagramatic plan of the Nagbahal hiti and its placement with respect to the Golden Temple.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Landmark

In this particular context, the patis are a landmark that define the identity of the courtyard. The elaborate character of the hiti, its large size as compared to others in the city, and its articulation are ways to highlight the importance ascribed to the place. To maintain the visibility of the snake paintings, the edge of the hiti remains lower, thus acknowledging its presence. The hiti becomes a supporting function to the Landmark.

Fig.64: Sketch of the Patis with the Nagaraja and the Nagini paintings

59

Proximity

1

3 2 4

N

LEGEND 1.Nagbahal Hiti 2. Older well 3. New well 4. New stone spouts

Fig.65: Plan diagram showing placement of all water structures within the Nagbahal courtyard.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

The shape of the courtyard is orthogonal, with the northeastern corner expanding to form a street.

The Nagbahal area has multiple water structures, but all of these did not simultaneously come into existence. There are two traditional dug wells, of which one is newer, and the other sits in the extended part of the courtyard. There are three stone spouts on the edge of a shrine in the middle (marked 4 in Fig 65), but those are newer and are not a part of the traditional water network. The Nagbahal hiti sits in the northeast corner of the courtyard, and it is the deepest visible point of the court. The hiti is the oldest water structure in the Nagbahal court and, at some time, would have been the only source of water for the residents. Hence, acquiring historical significance.

Proximity

LEGEND Nagbahal Hiti Pati Visibility

N

Fig.66: The patis acting as vantage points for viewing the activity in the courtyard.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

The placement of the patis adjacent to the hiti in the northeastern corner of the court makes them a vantage point to view the activities happening within the space(Fig 66). The proximity of the hiti with the patis inevitably makes their combination feel like an ensemble. The depth of the hiti holds the courtyard. The pati enables the space around the hiti to be inhabitable. Old residents find this place comfortable for social gatherings and prefer to occupy it during their time outside. The water structure and the resthouses act as one unit to generate activity in the courtyard.

60

Boundary

Landscaped garden

Surrounding Buildings

The hiti sits as a separate entity in the court and does not share any edges with surrounding buildings. On the other hand, the pati becomes a part of the facade of buildings marking one edge of the courtyard(Fig 67). The distance between the pati and hiti is minimal but adequate to allow people to walk across easily. The hiti becomes a separate object within the courtyard, but it is still closely associated with the patis.

KEY PLAN

Hiti

Fig.67: Axonometric diagram showing the hiti as a separate entity from its surroundings

Axis

The extent of the hiti and its placement do not follow any symmetrical axis of the surrounding objects present in the courtyard. It staggers towards the left side of the pati(Fig 68).

Its broken shape acknowledges the placement of the pati. When the structure does not strictly follow the axes of the surrounding buildings, it gives an informal character to the space.

N

Fig.68: Relationship of axes between hiti and patis

61

Porosity

Fig.69: Diagrammatic section showing the porous character of the hiti parapet.

All edges of the hiti are below eye level, which enables people to perceive the presence of the hiti from far(Fig 69). Once near the parapet, they can easily view activities happening inside.

The gate on one of its corners is minimally built and does not block views hence maintaining the porosity of the structure. The visible nature of the hiti makes it feel ingrained in the fabric of the courtyard.

Climatic Response

Fig.70: Shaded parts of the hiti and pati allowing for options of inhabitation.

The Nagbahal hiti and pati are places in the northeast corner of the courtyard. This placement allows people sitting in the pati to experience the flow of southwest winds in the summers(Fig 71). The hiti is a depression that leads to shadows in some parts and sunlight in others. The users can sit in the shade during the hot summers near the water. Or they can sit in the sunlight, protected from the winds in the cold winters(Fig 70). The form of the hiti enables people to use it during both summers and winters.

1

2

LEGEND 1. Nagbahal hiti 2. Patis

Fig.71: Diagramatic plan showing the wind flow in the Nagbahal courtyard.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

62

Geomorphic

Fig.72: Diagrammatic plan showing the movement of water from the source to the hiti.

Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

The water source of the spouts in the Nagbahal hiti is the Khwayebahi aquifer present towards the southwest of the hiti (Fig 72)(Bhandari, 2017). This aquifer has an indirect link to the canal that brings water into the city from the distant villages of Lele. Water from the Rajkulo gets filled in the Lagankhel ponds, and the excess water reaches the Prayag pokhari in Pulchowk, which recharges the Khwayebahi aquifer(Theophile & Joshi, 1992).

An underground channel system connects the Khwayebahi aquifer to the Nagbahal hiti. These channels have multiple revision holes on the way for regular maintenance(Fig 73). The aquifers are natural geological formations, and the hiti water supply system taps these to fulfil its requirements.

It works with the natural hydrogeological landscape of the city.

Fig.73: Plan diagram showing the supply line of the Nagbahal hiti from Khwayebahi aquifer.

Adapted from Preserving the Nagbahal Hiti(pg 72) by Joshi, Jharna, 2008, SPACES Nepal, Nov-Dec.

63

Structure: Form Geometry

Fig.74: Plan diagram showing the dimensions of the Nagbahal hiti

The hiti goes considerably below the ground level because the groundwater table would require tapping it at that depth. The depth requires many steps to reach the water spout. As one goes deeper into the ground, the soil pressure increases. To counter the force of the soil on the walls, they are broken down into platforms, thus forming a stepped structure (Fig 74) (Becker-Ritterspach, 1995).

The shape of the hiti is a rectangle, but one of its corners towards the pati shifts inwards to break the rigid geometry(Fig 75). The breaking of the geometry gives a slight degree of informality to the presence of the hiti. The hiti feels less formal than the rigid shape of the Manga hiti seen in the section above.

Dimensions

Fig.75: Stepped form of the hiti

The two faces of the hiti have slightly similar dimensions, but the placement of the entrance staircase makes it rectangular in size(Fig 75). The usable space within the hiti forms a regular square. The Nagbahal hiti is smaller in plan than the Manga hiti, with a square shape of 16m. The depth of the hiti is more than the Manga hiti, but its dimension is dependent on the groundwater table in the area(Fig 76). Being smaller than the most politically significant hiti in the city generates a hierarchy between the two.

Fig.76: Section showing depth of the hiti

64

Craftsmanship

a

Stone blocks Stone slabs Brick Pavement

Fig.77: Diagrammatic plan showing the various materials used in the construction of the Nagbahal hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

The materials used in the making of the hiti are locally sourced.

Less frequently used areas like the platforms are paved with brick, whereas spaces that undergo frequent wear and tear like the staircase have stone blocks in the flooring. Even the water spout basin holding water is made with stone blocks to prevent water seepage and damage to the structure of the hiti. All the edges of the platforms have stone edges to prevent wear and tear. The stone used in the water basin and spouts enables intricate carvings due to its natural property(Fig 77). In the Nagbahal hiti, special brick blocks with a curved profile running below the stone edges add intricacy to the design(Fig 78). The smaller articulations in the shape of the basin also add value to the craftsmanship of the hiti.

Fig.78: Sketch of the view from point ‘a’ in fig.77 of the water spout basin in the Nagbahal hiti to show the intricate craftsmanship

65

Structure: Function Edges

Fig.79: Left: Axonometric diagram of the edges of the Nagbahal hiti, Right: Section of the parapet of the Nagbahal hiti.

The parapet surrounding the edge of the hiti is approximately 900mm in height. It has a stone top with brick walls at the bottom. The stone coping slopes inwards and gives a lengthier surface where the nearby residents dry their clothes in the sun(Fig79:right).

In one corner, the parapet shifts inwards to house a Buddhist Caitya (Fig79:left). A change in the shape and articulation of the parapet acknowledges the shift.

The southernmost corner of the hiti has a gate that marks its entrance for descending the steps. The blank nature of the parapet wall allows minimal attraction and makes people look at the intricate space within the hiti. Hence, minimal changes in the parapet are enough to identify the presence of an entrance and a Caitya.

Supply: Spouts

There are three stone spouts present in the hiti premises, the one in the centre is bigger than the other two. All three follow the symmetrical axis of the geometry.

There are two more water outlets present in the Jahru (drinking water fountain) in the shape of a lion’s face(Fig 80). When the water flows in the monsoon season, the overflow of the main spouts goes into the other two, and excess water comes out from the outlets in the Jahru (Sakya S., personal conversation, 11 February 2022).

Minor variations in the placement of the water spout become a characteristic feature of the hiti.

Fig.80: Placement of the spouts and numbering based on importance expressed through its making.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Outlet: Drainage

An unusual characteristic of the water spouts in the Nagbahal hiti is that all three have separate water basins. The central depression has more area and depth, whereas the other two have smaller, shallower ones. There is a depression beneath the Jahru to allow water to be collected and then flow through the drainage channel. Very thin grooves are responsible for the water movement between the basins to the drain. The drain and the spouts are present on two adjacent walls(Fig 81). Two separate directions for supply and drainage prevent the mixing of pure and used water. The drainage line goes towards the Bagmati river, where other lines add in the way(Fig 82).

Spout wall

Drain wall

Depression for water basin

Fig.81: Plan diagrams showing basin depressions and placement of the drain.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Towards Bagmati River

3

2

1 LEGEND 1. Nagbahal hiti 2. Konti hiti 3.Amrit hiti

Fig.82: Plan diagram showing drainage line of the Nagbahal hiti and other hitis that connect to it.

Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 35) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

67

Access

The staircase leading down starts from one corner and turns towards the direction of the spout. While descending the first flight, one encounters a sculpture of Buddha placed inside a small pati(Fig 83).

A Caitya on the ground floor marks the placement of the Buddha statue beneath it. There can be various reasons for following such a geometry. A straight flight of stairs would mean more depth of the platforms, and the size of the hiti would become more than the Manga hiti. As the hiti belonged to a monastery square, the user should encounter their diety’s image every time they enter the hiti premises.

Fig.83: View from the landing before turning towards the water spout.

Pati

The Nagbahal hiti is unique because of the presence of a Pati inside the hiti premises. It is a small room with a defined entrance towards the landing and a window facing the water spouts.

It is known as the Mandah Phalca, meaning a semi-open resthouse (NHDP). It could be a small room made for travellers to stay or for a caretaker to keep a check on who uses the hiti. It could be a place to rest while filling water (NHDP).

Today, it houses Buddha’s idol, which people encounter during their descent(Fig 84).

Fig.84: Diagrammatic plan, axonometric sketch and placement of the Mandah phalca.

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Platforms

The concentric arrangement of the platform happens behind the water spout(Fig 85). Such an arrangement enables a directionality facing the Golden Temple(Fig 86). The outer edges are regular squares, and the innermost one articulates to mark the presence of water spouts. The platforms follow the symmetrical axis of the geometry of the hiti.

The last flight of the staircase also follows the symmetrical axis, thus formalizing the user’s experience when they reach the lowest level.

Fig.85: Concentric Platforms in the Hiti and their symmetrical axisaxis of symmetry

Fig.86: A Plan diagram showing the directionality of the platform towards the Golden temple.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Jahru Jahru Hiti

Movement of water Movement of users for Jahru

Fig.87: Plan diagram showing the placement of the Jahru and the movement of the water towards the drain.

The Jahru hiti is an intergral part of one edge of the hiti. Since it was a monastery earlier, one could imagine that the Jahru would enable travellers and passersby to access drinking water from these fountains without vessels.

The Jahru in the Nagbahal hiti is adjacent to the one with the water spouts(Fig 87). Such a design does not hinder the aesthetics of the front facade, but it adds a hint of asymmetry that gives an informal character to the hiti. The placement of the Jahru follows the easy movement of water from basin depressions towards the drain.

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Meaning Religious Associations

Fig.88: Plan diagram showing the placement of Religious objects within the hiti complex.

Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

3 1

2

LEGEND 1. Nagbahal hiti 2. Garden inside the courtyard 3. Open space in front of the hiti.

Fig.89: Plan diagram marking the open space in front of the Nagbahal hiti Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.90: Image showing the Itilhane Samyak Mahadana festival taking place in Nagbahal Retrived from Bajracharya D. (2016, March 13) Dha:baja Performance Itilhane Samyak [Video]. Youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pq-uFk3mGe4&t=199s

The central water spout has a Buddhist Aksobhaya Caitya, which symbolically purifies the water coming from it. There are other smaller Caityas in the hiti premises. In the southern corner, statues of Hindu gods and goddesses are present, but there is no record mentioning the date of their instalment(Fig 88). The presence of the Buddha statue and the Caityas associates the Nagbahal hiti with the Buddhist religion. The placement of Hindu deities brings a sense of inclusion.

Socio-Cultural Activities

The open space toward the water spouts in the Nagbahal courtyard hosts many religious and social gatherings(Fig 89). The hiti plays a significant role in Buddhist festivals, including the Dipankar Yatra every eighteen years and the Samyak Mahadan every five years (Bhandari, 2017). Figure 90 shows how the occupation of the platforms of the hiti by instrumentalists performing during the festival. During the Samyak, the pooja follows after redrawing and worshipping the snake paintings in the patis (BeckerRitterspach, 1995). The ensemble of the open space, the hiti and the patis host the religious people of Patan.

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Administrative Activities

The residents have come together for the maintenance without any support from the government. The people of Nagbahal tol(area in Newari) have formed a ‘Tol Samiti’ with a chairman. Everybody else works according to the instructions given by the chairman. The Samiti cleans the hiti every two weeks. The people of the neighbourhood value the hiti as a historically significant object passed on to them from their ancestors. This value gets translated into its maintenance and continuous efforts for its persistence (Sakya S., personal conversation, 11 February 2022).

Historical Associations

It is among the few hitis that has undergone regeneration and has seen a considerable improvement in its supply after it. After the regeneration project, the authorities could decipher the supply and management system of the Nagbahal hiti. Valuable information and knowledge about the water system came to light. The Nagbahal hiti hence plays an important historical role in understanding the workings of the water network.

71

72

5.3 Analysis : Tapa Hiti Location: Tapa hiti, Lalitpur Built: Dates back to Licchavi era (4th Century) Commisioned by: Unknown Religion: Buddhist and Hindu Size: • West: 4.8m x 3.8m x 0.84m • East: 5.15m x 3.88m x 1m

Fig.91: Top: View of the Tapa hiti west | Middle: View of the tapa hiti complex from the southwest corner | Bottom: View of the Tapa hiti east.

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Identity Positioning

1

2

3

DURBAR SQUARE

LEGEND 1. Tapa hiti 2. Nagbahal hiti 3. Manga hiti

Fig.92: Plan diagram showing positioning of Tapa hiti with respect to city center Adapted from Map 3, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 12) by BeckerRitterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

The tapa hiti sits towards the northwestern end of Patan city. The tapa hiti is around 420 meters away from the Manga hiti in the city centre. The Tapa hiti plaza situates towards the northwest of the Nagbahal courtyard, approximately 150 meters away (Fig 92). Unlike the Nagbahal hiti, which sits in a monastery courtyard, the Tapa hiti is part of a plaza formed at the junction of multiple narrow streets.

The plaza is irregular in shape compared to the regular geometry of the Nagbahal courtyard(Fig 93).

While moving through the narrow streets, the traveller unexpectedly encounters a big plaza, which houses the Tapa hiti at one end.

The irregular geometry of the plaza gives an organic and informal character to the area.

Residential buildings 1

Tapa hiti

2

Nagbahal hiti

1

2

Fig.93: Plan diagram showing the positioning of Tapa hiti with nearby roads and residences.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

74

Positioning

The tapa hiti is part of a complex which forms one edge of the public plaza(Fig 94). This open space directly links to the streets. Hence it has a more accessible nature than the Nagbahal courtyard, which has a strong sense of belonging to the Nagbahal community. The neighbourhood surrounding the plaza is very dense. Hence the open to sky space becomes a release, recreational, community space shared by all the nearby residents. The open space gives balances the dense arrangements of the residential quarters.

Proximity

Residential buildings

Fig.94: Plan diagram showing the positioning of the complex in the plaza.

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

Tapa hiti east Tapa hiti west West hiti Phalca East hiti Phalca Gathering space Temple complex Ganesha temple Temple Phalca Temple Satah

The Tapa hiti is one of the few places in the city where two separate stepped water conduit structures are present adjacent to each other. They are named Tapa hiti west and Tapa hiti east based on their position. Each hiti has a semi-open single-storeyed resthouse known as pati associated with it. This ensemble forms one half of the complex. The other half consists of a Ganesha temple with a Pati and a Satah (A two-storeyed resthouse with rooms on the upper floor) as parts of the temple. Both the halves have boundary walls that break in some places for easy access (Fig 95). One perceives the tapa hiti complex to have two separate parts interconnected to form one edge of the plaza (Fig 94).

Axis

Fig.95: Plan diagram showing components of the Tapa hiti complex Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 8) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

The making of the tapa hiti complex does not seem to follow evident axes. It arranges in a diagonal axis where the form staggers towards the northeast (Fig 95). The east and west hitis have a diagonal relationship which generates a balanced aesthetic.

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Boundary 1

2

LEGEND 1. Water structures 2. Temple complex

Fig.96: Schematic section showing ground modulation in the two parts of the complex.

Fig.97: Sectional diagram showing the openness felt in the plaza.

TAPA HITI COMPLEX

Fig.98: Flooring pattern around the tapa hiti complex.

Adapted from “Heritage: Study of traditional settlement, its composition, character and coherence to lifestyle”( pg 15) by Asmita, 2017, Conservation studio project, xx University, Nepal. [Unpublished Thesis]

The separate boundary walls for the hiti and the temple distinguish the two parts of the complex. This separation enhances due to a level difference between the two parts (Fig 96). The part with the water structures lies lower to facilitate a gradual descent. The natural topography of the place could also impact the ground modulation.

Porosity

The hiti structure is below the ground level. Hence it enhances the openness felt while inhabiting the plaza (Fig 97). It allows for uninterrupted views. Even though the boundary of the hiti separates its presence on the ground level, the underground volume gives an impression of the plaza as one open space.

Landmark

There was a radiating flooring pattern around the tapa hiti, suggesting its central role in the street life (Theophile & Joshi, 1992) (Fig 98). Today the pavement has been replaced to accommodate plans of the state to mark heritage areas with stone roads. The area is known as Tapa hiti as it is the only built structure in the plaza. Hence the hiti acts as a Landmark for this particular neighbourhood.

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Geomorphic

Slope Aquifer Supply line

Fig.99: Plan diagram showing the connection between the Khwayebahi Aquifer and the tapa hiti and their respective altitudes.

Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

Street sloping from Nagbahal area

Tapa hiti plaza

Fig.100: Diagramatic section showing slope of the tapa hiti area

The water source of the spouts in the Tapa hiti is also from the Khwayebahi aquifer, which supplied water to the Nagbahal hiti (Theophile & Joshi, 1992).

This aquifer has an indirect link to the canal that brings water into the city from the distant villages of Lele. Water from the Rajkulo gets filled in the Lagankhel ponds, and the excess water reaches the Prayag pokhari in Pulchowk, which recharges the Khwayebahi aquifer(Theophile & Joshi, 1992) (Fig 72). An underground channel system connects the Khwayebahi aquifer to the Tapa hiti (Fig 99).

The aquifers are natural geological formations, and the hiti water supply system taps these to fulfil its requirements.

The core city of Patan has a sloping gradient towards the north and the northeast directions (UNHABITAT, 2007). While travelling from Nagbahal courtyard, the user walks along a steeply sloping street to reach the Tapa hiti plaza (Fig 100). The plaza is on a considerably flatter plain which could have been one of the reasons for its formation. The plaza also slopes towards the northeast corner, which would become an ideal place to tap groundwater without constructing a deeper structure. A gradual descent creates smaller platforms within the hiti complex used by neighbourhood ladies for social gatherings and festivals (Fig 101) (Dipak Ji, personal conversation, 11 February 2022). The architecture of the hiti works with the natural hydrogeological landscape of the place.

Fig.101: Section showing the ground modulation of the hiti area with the gradual sloping of the ground.

77

Geomorphic

The direction of the water spout and the drain in the hiti structures also follows the natural gradient (Fig 102). Such an arrangement enables minimal modifications in the underground channel systems. Following the natural slope in these structures means that superstitions like Vastu or the direction of placement of water spout came secondary to functionality.

Fig.102: Diagrammatic plan showing the movement of underground water from channels according to the natural gradient and its relation to the placement of the spouts & drains.

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.103: Left: Plan diagram showing movement of winds, Right: Section showing ideal behaviour of the pati w.r.t. winds and sun

Fig.104: Gradient of the road and the ideal nature of plaza as a place to sit during cold winters

Climatic Response

The placement of the hiti complex in the northeast corner of the plaza ensures its usage during all seasons. It enables winds during the summer as the pati faces the south (Fig 103). During the winters, the plaza in front of the hiti becomes an ideal place to sit to sunbathe on cold winter days (Fig 104). Also, as the sun penetrates deeper into the pati, it can act as a comfortable space.

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Structure: Form Geometry and dimensions

Fig.105: Plan diagram showing the shape and size of the west(left) and east hiti(right).

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

Both the hitis are squarish in shape and similar in size. Modifications in its edge mark the presence of the water spouts and the access points (Fig 105). The depth of the west hiti is slightly lesser than the eastern hiti, but the level of the water spouts in both is the same (Fig 106). The elevation of the water spout marks the groundwater table. Since the tapa hiti sits on a sloping ground nearer to the bottom slope of the city, the depth of the hiti reduces because the groundwater is available nearer to the surface.

800mm

Craftsmanship 1000mm

Fig.106: Sections showing the depth of the west(top) and east(bottom) hitis Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

Variations in the shape of the hitis give each of them a unique identity. The stone slabs used in its construction vary according to the geometry that the hiti tries to achieve. Smaller blocks repeat along its edge to maintain aesthetic harmony in the curved wall of the east hiti. The west hiti employs larger stone blocks to achieve a rigid clean look (Fig 107).

Fig.107: Axonometric diagram showing the materials used in the making of the west(left) and east(right) hitis and their articulation.

The red lines indicate the bricks and the black lines indicate the stone blocks and slabs.

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Supply: Spouts

1 2 2

1

3

3

Fig.108: Spouts and their placement in the west(left) and east(right) hitis.

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

The east and west hitis each have three stone spouts. In the eastern hiti, a curved wall marks the presence of the central water spout. The other two are placed symmetrically on each side of the niche. A characteristic feature is that it is slightly tilted and not aligned to the symmetrical axis of the hiti. Its reason is unknown, but it could be an error during construction. In the western hiti, there are two niches on adjacent walls with symmetrically placed water spouts. A third spout protrudes from one corner (Fig 108). The west hiti stopped supplying water a few years back (NHDP). The central outlet of the east hiti continuously works even during dry seasons.

Outlet: Drain

Drainage direction Depression for drain

Fig.109: Plan diagram showing basin depression and drain position in west(left) and east(right) hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

Drains of both the hitis follow the direction of the natural slope, as mentioned in Figure 102. Deep basins are formed near the spout that store water for washing the vessel before using it for collection (Fig 109). This stored water slowly flows towards the drain preventing flooding of the hiti depression.

Edges

Fig.110: Section showing the height of the parapet w.r.t. Inside the hiti premises and the exterior road.

A boundary wall separates the roads from the hiti premises (Fig 110). When inside the premises, the wall appears to be significantly higher. The space inside the hiti makes one concentrate on the people inside and the movement and sound of water. People on the street can look into the hiti complex to view the activities. The parapet prevents the direct flow of dirty water from the adjacent road with dust and garbage into the hiti premises to maintain the cleanliness of the drinking water source.

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Access

LEGEND 1. Tapa hiti east 2. Tapa hiti west 3. Intermediate platform

The depth of the hitis is less, which is why the steps leading to the lowest level are few. The water spouts appear in the direction of the entrance (Fig 111). Hence the descent shifts on the right edge of the hitis facing west. An intermediate platform between the ground level and the hitis reduces the number of steps inside the structure. It also creates a space safe from the movement on the streets for people to gather on social or religious occasions.

1

2 3

Fig.111: Plan diagram showing movement paths to the west and east hiti from the central platform.

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

Pati (Resthouses)

LEGEND 1. Tapa hiti east 2. Tapa hiti west 3. Intermediate platform 4. Tapa hiti east pati 5. Tapa hiti west pati

Both the hitis have a pati (resthouse) associated with them.

The pati is not open from all sides.

The edges are a combination of walls and columns selectively opening up the facade. The openings in the pati face the water structures and create a directionality towards them (Fig 112). Its form suggests a way to occupy the space as it obligates the user to look in the open directions.

The pati also create a frontality and imbibe an introverted character to the hiti complex.

4

1 5

2

3

Fig.112: Plan diagram showing the directionality of the pati expressed through their making.

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Meaning Religious Associations

Buddhist objects 1. Amoghasiddhi Shrine 2. Catyrvyuha Caitya 3. Licchavi Caitya Hindu objects 4. Lakshminarayana 5. Umamaheshwara 6. Lakshminarayana 7. Garudnarayana 8. Unidentified Statue

Fig.113: Plan showing religious object within and near the Tapa hiti west.

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

Hindu objects 1. Sage Agastya shrine 2. Shivlinga 3. Umamaheshvara 4. Vishnu 5. Lakhminarayana 6. Umamaheshvara 7. Vishnu

Fig.114: Plan showing religious object within and near the Tapa hiti west.

Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.115: Old photograph of the Tapa hiti east pati during Mataya, a buddhist procession.

Retrieved from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 9) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

The tapa hiti east has a Hindu shrine above the central water spout and images of Hindu deities carved on its walls (Fig 114).

On the other hand, the tapa hiti west has Buddhist Caityas above the water spout and on the hiti floor (Fig 113). There are other Hindu idols present outside the hiti on the boundary walls. Such differentiation in the deities could hint toward the use of the hiti by people following the two religions.

Amatya (2006), in his book ‘Water and Culture’, states that there is a balance of Hindu and Buddhist religious objects present in the water structures. Today, one of the hiti does not work, and the use of the other hiti has no restrictions related to caste or gender. In olden times, people used to bathe in the hitis. After the hiti became a heritage object, the government prohibited people from using soap and other chemicals on the hiti premises (Dipak Ji, personal conversation, 11 February 2022).

Socio-Cultural Activities

In the image (Fig 115), one can observe how the pati attracts people during social and religious functions. Old residents occupy the patis during the evenings to spend their free time (Dipak Ji, personal conversation, 11 February 2022). Even today, the pati acts as an ideal shaded place for quick interaction with an acquaintance.

82

83

84

5.4 Analysis : Alko Hiti Location: Ikhāchẽ Ṭola, Lalitpur Built: NS 535 (1415 CE) Commisioned by: Tuhūdeva Vajrācārya and his family Religion: Buddhist Size: 9.63m x 8.5m x 1.7m

Fig.116: Top: View of the Alko hiti | Middle: View of the Alko hiti complex from the southeast corner | Bottom: View of the Tapa hiti from the southwest

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Positioning

The Alko hiti is the furthest hiti complex in the old settlement of Patan city (Fig 117). When one moves from the tapa hiti or the konti hiti, which are nearest to the Alko hiti, the density of houses reduces gradually. In the east direction, there are terraced fields as the backyards of smaller and poorer households. The steepness of the streets increases towards the boundaries of the older settlement.

The Alko hiti sits at a diminutive distance of approximately 500 meters from the Bagmati river flowing along the edges of the Patan city.

Fig.117: Diagrammatic Plan showing placement of the Alko hiti in the map of the Patan city.

Adapted from Google Maps [a zoomed out picture of the patan city with the Bagmati river, viewed on 1 March 2022]

Positioning

The Alko hiti sits further down the Konti road that connects the Kumbheshwar temple complex with the Patan Durbar square. The Kumbheshwar temple complex has two hitis, approximately 200m away from the Alko hiti. The Alko hiti is around 530 meters away from the Manga hiti in the city centre. The Alko hiti complex situates towards the northwest end of the Ikhachhe road, which connects to the Tapa hiti in the southwest. (Fig 118)

1

4

2

3

LEGEND 1. Alko hiti 2. Konti hiti, Kumbheshwar temple complex 3. Manga hiti, Durbar square 4. Tapa hiti

N

Fig.118: Map showing the placement of the Alko hiti w.r.t. The city centre and the Konti hiti

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

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Proximity

From Kumbheshwar Temple

Legend 1. Alko Hiti 2. Buica Hiti 3. Dhatu Hiti 4. Washa Hiti 5. Children’s Park 6. Amrut Hiti 7. Organic But wellto-do residences 8. Informal Squatter settlements

Fig.119: Plan diagram showing the hitis present around the Alko hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Ikhachhe area houses five hiti structures. The Alko hiti sits on the highest level. The other four hities named Amrit hiti, Washa hiti, Dathu hiti and Buica hiti sit consecutively along the sloping road from the Kumbheshwar temple (Fig 119). There is a steep hillock that currently acts as a children’s park. The street till the Alko hiti from the southwest is less steep(marked 7 in Fig 119), but its gradient increases as soon as it crosses the hiti. The road from Kumbheshwar temple is a steep slope towards the four hitis. The steepness could have determined the boundary of the old settlement.

Landmark

An existing city gate next to the premises of the Alko hiti shows that the hiti is at one of the northwestern ends of the old settlement of Patan (UNHABITAT, 2007). Due to its placement at the city gate, one could imagine that the hiti would form an image of the city for a traveller. It creates an identity associating the city with knowledge and skills to make water structures. The Alko hiti sat inside the gate boundaries. Hence it belonged to the neighbourhood people. The hitis outside the gate could be for travellers, cattle or irrigation of fields. (Fig 120) (Molden,2015)

Fig.120: Plan diagram showing the city gate and the street considered to be outside the city premises.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Boundary

The Alko hiti forms a complex on the inner side of the city gate. It divides into two parts (Fig 121): • one with the hiti • the other is the aquifer that supplies water to the hiti

LEGEND 1. Alko hiti 2. Ganesha Temple 3. Shivlinga 4. Satah 5. Main aquifer land

The local people from the Alko hiti area added the later part of the aquifer to the complex to preserve it from encroaching by the neighbouring community in the east direction (UN-HABITAT, 2007). The complex consists of the hiti and a Satah (A two-storeyed resthouse designated for charity) that faces the hiti. There is a Ganesha temple at the northeast corner of the hiti complex. The aquifer area is fenced and locked.

The hiti complex has a Shivlinga in the northwest corner placed in a small plot with soft ground.

Fig.121: Components of the Alko hiti complex.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.122: Section showing the enclosed nature of he boundary wall of Alko hiti.

Porosity

The hiti has the Children’s park on the northern edge, the aquifer land on the east, community farmland on the south and residences on the west (Fig 119). The compound walls of the Alko hiti complex are high and opaque (Fig 122). The Satah has a few windows facing the road, and all other edges are walls with idols of deities on them. It could be due to the presence of the city gate adjacent to it. It could also be a later change in the complex boundaries by the Alko hiti community to keep it safe and preserved. The solid boundaries of the hiti complex make an outsider feel conscious and unwelcome. It also enables one to focus on the activities happening within the hiti complex. It creates a barrier to the constant bustle in the Children’s park and promotes a sense of peace inside the complex.

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Geomorphic

Fig.123: Top: Plan showing the Placement of the Emu don aquifer. Bottom: Tentative section showing the formation of the emu don aquifer.

Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

The community believes that the aquifer providing water in the Alko hiti is a nearby agricultural land towards its northeast and south (Fig 124). This aquifer is named the Emu don aquifer, present above the Alko hiti. According to UNHABITAT (2007), it could be an artesian aquifer due to its presence in a slight valley formed by the Ikhachhe hillock (Fig 123). The city slopes down towards the Alko hiti, but a slight elevation of the hillock leads to the formation of the Emu don aquifer. When the water level from the higher regions increases, the water pressure in the aquifer also increases. Due to this reason, there are no direct water supply lines that connect the Khwayebahi aquifer to the Alko hiti. The hydro-geological arrangement of the city allows for the perennial flow of water in the Alko hiti (UN-HABITAT,2007).

Climatic Response

The Satah sits towards the western edge of the hiti complex.

It provides an ideal space to sit during the hot summers near the water structures (Fig 125). The plaza towards the east of the hiti becomes a warm sunny space to inhabit during cold winter days, safe from the harsh winds due to the presence of the Satah.

Fig.124: Plan diagram marking the agricultural lands believed to be the sources of the aquifer preserved by the Alko hiti community.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.125: Section showing the climatic response of the hiti to the sun.

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Structure: Form Geometry and Dimensions

3

2

1

LEGEND 1. Alko hiti 2. Ganesha Temple 3. Shivlinga court

8.5M

The Alko hiti complex is an irregular-shaped polygon, but the hiti, the Shivlinga court and the temple structure follow a regular right-angled geometry (Fig 126). The latter two are squares, whereas the hiti’s square shape is modified to indicate entrances and the presence of water spouts.

The complex is 600 mm below the road level, and the hiti reaches approximately 1100mm below the compound level. There is a gradual descent from the road. Since the water is available very near the ground, there is no need to build a deeper structure.

9.63M

Fig.126: Plan showing the geometry of the Alko hiti and the other structures in the complex.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.128: The hiti shifts towards the left in the complex to create an open space in front of the Ganesha Temple.

Geometry

Fig.127: Plan diagram showing the axis of symmetry followed by the central niche in the Alko hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Alko hiti sits towards the left of the symmetrical axis of the complex. It leaves space on its right in front of the Ganesha temple where social or recreational gatherings can happen (Fig 128).

Within the hiti, the central access and the placement of the water spouts follow the symmetrical axis of the hiti boundary (Fig 127).

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Craftsmanship

The materials used in the construction of Alko hiti are locally available bricks and stone.

Since there are no concentric platforms made in the hiti, the walls have inlayed stone slabs to mark the presence of the water spouts (Fig 129). The pavement within the hiti has stone blocks arranged to form basins to collect water below the water outlets. The overall structure is less articulate to highlight the intricate religious objects present on its edges and in the centre.

Structure: Components Access

Fig.129: Sectional isometric sketch of a wall of the Alko hiti showing the material palette in its construction.

There are two entrances to reach the water spouts in the Alko hiti.

The central access sits nearer to the complex entry and aligns symmetrically to the geometry of the hiti. These steps appear to be the primary access because the user faces the water spout directly.

Another access in the right corner of the hiti is narrower and makes a person move along the edge of the structure (Fig 130). The user encounters the main spout niche after taking a 180-degree turn.

The spouts that appear along the secondary access are shaped differently and are less articulate.

The primary and secondary steps would have rules and regulations based on class, caste or gender, but there is no written evidence for the case of Alko hiti (BeckerRitterspach, 1995).

Fig.130: Plan diagram showing the two access points of the Alko hiti structure.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Structure: Function Supply: Spouts

Fig.131: Plan diagram showing the number and placement of water spouts in Alko hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

There are a total of five spouts in the Alko hiti. Three present in the central niche align symmetrically to the geometry of the hiti. The other two spouts are present on the walls towards the east (Fig 131). These outlets have different sources opposed to the Manga hiti, Nagbahal hiti and Tapa hiti with a singular source. The rightmost hiti from the central niche is known as the Narayan hiti(3 in Fig 131), and people believe that its intake lies protected below the Ganesha Temple. The eastern plot above the Emu don aquifer supplies water to the other two hities. A wooden channel brings water to the spout instead of a prefabricated terracotta channel employed in other hitis. It is one of the highest discharginf hities in Patan (UN-HABITAT,2007).

The use of varied materials makes the water structures a ground for innovation and experimentation while following basic norms of construction.

Outlet: Drain

The wastewater drains from the northwest corner of the hiti and the complex (Fig 132). It follows the slope of the terrain preventing the supply lines of the other four hitis in the northeast of the Alko hiti(Theophile & Joshi, 1992).

Drain Drain

BASIN DEPRESSION SLOPE

Fig.132: Plan diagram showing the placement of water basins and drain in the Alko hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Satah - Resthouse

Fig.133: Diagrammatic section showing the nature of the spaces in the Satah.

Open space adjacent to hiti

Fig.134: Plan diagram showing open spaces on the two sides of the Alko hiti.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Satah is a two-storeyed structure with closed rooms on the upper floor and semiopen spaces on the lower level. It is usually a structure made out of charity for the community. The Satah next to the Alko hiti falls under the jurisdiction of the Ikhāchẽ Ṭola Sudhāra Saṃgha. Half of the lower floor acts like a verandah where people can take rest and interact when they come to fill water from the hiti (Fig 133). The Satah is relevant today as a place to host public gatherings and vaccination programs for the people of the Ikhāchhẽ area. The Alko hiti satah became a quarantine centre for COVID-19 patients in 2020.

(NHDP)

Platforms

The Alko hiti has two levels, one forming a community space around the hiti and the other is the hiti floor. There are many religious objects on the central platform of the hiti. These days a water tank sits in a corner that collects water from the spout and distributes it to the neighbourhood houses. The hiti floor is often wet and does not allow people to sit and talk there.

The platform surrounding the hiti offers a place for the people to gather and the kids to play.

On the western end, the Satah protects people from the harsh sun, and the semi-open space on the ground floor allows small groups to communicate. The broad plaza towards the east enables children to run around. It can also become a place where people gather during religious festivals related to the Ganesha temple or the water structure. Open spaces of varying characters enable various functions to take place in the vicinity of the hiti (Fig 134).

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Meaning Religious Associations

KEY PLAN

Religious objects present in the hiti structure connect it to both Hindu and Buddhist religions. There is a Buddha statue along its edges and many Caityas on the wall with the stone spouts. On the other hand, the presence of a Shivlinga on one of its edges and the Ganesh Temple towards its east attracts Hindu devotees. The balance of religious objects maintains a sense of harmony and peace within the community. The descendants of Tuhudeva, the person responsible for the construction of the hiti, even today take responsibility for its maintenance and cleanliness.

They carry out yearly rituals on festive occasions and take responsibility for the judicious use of the water supplied by the hiti (Fig 135).

Social activities

Fig.135: Sketch sections showing the presence of religious elements in the Alko hiti.

A few years ago, a bone factory installed near the hiti led to the flow of bloody water from the spouts. After this incident, the locals became aware of the role played by the hiti in their daily needs. The bone factory shut down after many protests by the people of the Ikhachhe area. The people formed a committee of the stakeholders named the Ālko Hiti Saṃrakṣaṇa Tathā Khānepānī Vikāsa Upasamiti (Ālko Hiti Conservation and Water Supply Users Committee). The committee manages and distributes the water collected from the hiti. Today, the piped water connection collecting water from the hiti into a tank distributes water to approximately 200 homes. The local mobilisation at Alko hiti to save the hiti from disuse inspired many other neighbourhoods to form communities that look after their water structure.

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5.5 Analysis : Three hitis Hiti : Washa hiti Location: Imūdvã hillock, Lalitpur Built: premiership of Juddha Śamśera Religion: Hindu Size: 0.73m x 0.71m x 1.4m Hiti : Dathu hiti Location: Imūdvã hillock, Lalitpur Built: premiership of Juddha Śamśera.

Religion: Hindu Size: 0.63m x 0.70m x 1.4m Hiti : Buica hiti Location: Imūdvã hillock, Lalitpur Built: premiership of Juddha Śamśera.

Religion: Hindu Size: 0.615m x 0.66m x 1.2m

Fig.136: Top: View of the Washa hiti | Middle: View of the Dathu hiti | Bottom: View of the Buica Hiti

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Positioning

Fig.137: Plan diagram showing perpendicular axis followed by the three hitis to the slope of the hillock.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Washa hiti, Dathu hiti and Buica hiti have less than 100m between their positioning. They sit at the bottom of the Ikhachhe hillock and are perpendicular to its slope (Fig 137). These hitis face residential squatters of the Pode community, with lesser living standards than the people in the Ikhachhe area. The backyards of the houses in the Pode community open out to steep slopes or farmlands, marking the end of Patan city. These are the furthest hitis present outside the old settlement.

Geomorphic

The three hitis with the Amrit hiti sit on the lower contours of the Ikhachhe hillock, whereas the Alko hiti sits on a higher elevation (Fig 138). Water from the Emu don aquifer on the top of the hillock flows down towards the four hitis at the bottom (Fig 139).

5 4

3 LEGEND 1. Alko hiti 2. Amrit hiti 3. Washa hiti 4. Dathu hiti 5. Buica hiti Emu Don Aquifer

1 2

Fig.138: Plan diagram showing placement of hitis near the Ikhachhe hillock and its aquifer.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

LEGEND Emu Don Aquifer

Fig.139: Section showing the movement of water from higher ground to the lower hitis.

96

WASHA HITI

DATHU HITI

BUICA HITI

Fig.140: Plan diagram showing shape and size of the three hitis.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

Geometry

The sizes of the three hitis are similar, and their shapes seem to follow a squarish geometry, but variations in one of its edges create a change in the character. This variation generates an individual identity for the Hiti (Fig 140).

Pati (Resthouse)

Fig.141: Plan diagram showing the placement of pati in the three hitis Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

Each of the hitis has a pati associated with it. In the Washa hiti, the pati faces the hiti, whereas, in the other two, the pati faces the street allowing for views of ongoing activities (Fig 141).

Supply: Spouts | Access

Fig.142: Plan diagram showing number of spouts and access paths in the three hitis.

Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

In all the three hitis, the spouts appear perpendicular to the edge of the hillock. The direction of the water spout governs the geometry of the hiti structure. In Washa and Buica hiti, there is an additional spout on one of the edges of the hiti. The access in all the three hitis is different. The Washa hiti has a straight flight facing the main water outlet. The Dathu hiti has a straight flight, but users encounter the water spout after taking a turn.

The Buica hiti has two sets of steps from two adjacent edges that flow into the hiti (Fig 142). Each creates a unique experience for the user.

Dimensions

Fig.143: Schematic section of the relation of hiti with the hillock.

Since water is available near the earth’s surface, all the hitis are only around 1.2 meters below ground level (Fig 143).

97

98

5.6 Analysis : Pimbahal Pukhu Location: Pimbahal, Lalitpur Built: 14th century(Mishra A,2020) Commisioned by: Unknown Size: 75m x 50m

Fig.144: Top: Painting of the Pimbahal Pukhu from 1854 (by Henri Ambrose Oldfield, 1852, NHDP)| Middle: Photograph of the Pimbahal Pukhu (date unknown, NHDP)| Bottom: View of the Pimbahal Pukhu today Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389- 99 0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Identity Positioning Pimbahal Pond

City Centre

N

Residential Neighborhood Roads Pimbahal Pokhari

Pimbahal is a monastery court 500m away from the city centre.

There is a pond in the middle of the court named after the area known as Pimbahal Pukhu. It is also known as the Jagmaru Pukhu or the Jalmandapa Pukhu. The Pimbahal Pukhu embeds within the residential fabric of the city.

Its access is from a secondary road that runs parallel to the east-west axis of Patan city (Fig 145). It is one of the remaining ponds with a considerable size and attracts tourists and visitors all around the year.

Fig.145: The positioning of the Pimbahal Pukhu w.r.t. The city centre.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

Positioning

N

Fig.146: The placement of the Pimbahal Caitya and four other Asoka Stupas in the cardinal directions in Patan.

Adapted from ‘Traditional Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley’ (pg 4) by W. Korn, 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

The Pimbahal is known for the Asoka Caitya towards the west of the Pimbahal Pokhari. It resembles the Svayambhunath Caitya in Kathmandu. The Patan city, intended to be a royal city with religious and secular importance, underwent extensive planning during its early stages. One of the characteristic features was the placement of four Buddhist stupas in four cardinal directions to sanctify the city (Gutschow & Kolver, 1975) (Fig 146).

According to Sekler (1979), there is a belief that a fifth stupa was present in the centre of the city. The Nepal Heritage Documentation Programme suggests that the stupa in Pimbahal could be the central stupa, but there is no other document that confirms it (NHDP).

100

Proximity |Axis

The Pimbahal Pukhu has a semi-open structure (Pati) in its middle, connected through a bridge to the edge facing the Caitya. The northern edge of the pond has a three-storied medieval pagoda temple of Caṇḍeśvarī, who is the lineage deity of one of the communities living in the Pimbahal area (NHDP). The Pati inside the pond follows the symmetrical axes of the Pimbahal Caitya and the Candesvari Temple, thus acknowledging their importance (Fig 147).

4

3

2

1

Landmark

LEGEND 1. Pimbahal Pukhu 2. Pukhu Pati 3. Pimbahal Caitya 4. Candeswari Temple

Fig.147: Plan diagram showing the placement of the central pati w.r.t. The Caitya and the Temple.

Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

SECTION B

B

The Pimbahal sits in a square surrounded by narrow residential streets. While moving along the dark alleys, there is a limit to the amount of light and views available. When one enters the Pimbahal court, there is a sudden release due to the change in volume and light. The sky broadens, and the expanse of space allows a person to view many more activities happening around them (Fig 148). A larger open space allows more people to gather and still feel comfortable.

The presence of the pond enhances the openness as it reflects the image of the sky. It does not allow people to occupy all points in the court hence concentrating social activities towards the edges. The Pimbahal becomes an attractor of activity and people, thus becoming a Landmark for the city.

A

KEY PLAN

SECTION A

Fig.148: Sketch sections showing the variations in experience of the streets and the Pimbahal court.

101

Fig.149: Elevation showing the presence of Shops on the ground floor of residential buildings around the Pimbahal Pukhu.

Fig.151: Sketch section showing the articulation of the building edges facing the Pukhu.

Boundary

The edges of the Pimbahal Pukhu have a street running around it with residential houses along its edge (Fig 151). One characteristic feature of these buildings is that the ground floors have commercial spaces like cafes, grocery shops and other commodities (Fig 149).

The place where the ground floor meets the street forms steps on which people can sit facing the Pimbahal Pukhu (Fig 150). These steps become primary places of social gatherings and temporary activities like vegetable and fruit markets.

Fig.150: Sketch showing how the edges of the buildings are occupied for social gatherings.

102

Geomorphic

Ponds Roads Rajkulo Inter-pond lines Aquifer Slope

Fig.152: Plan showing the water source of the Pimbahal Pukhu.

Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

Paleswan Pokhari Chhayabahal Neighbourhood

The Pimbahal Pukhu depends on two sources of water: The annual rainfall and an underground channel that connects the Paleswan Pokhari to the Pimbahal Pukhu (Fig 152). The Pukhu sits on lower ground than the region towards its south and southwest.

The Pukhu has an indirect link to the canal that brings water into the city from the distant villages of Lele. Water from the Rajkulo gets filled in the Lagankhel ponds, and the excess water reaches the Prayag pokhari in Pulchowk, which recharges the water in the Paleswan Pokhari connected to the Pimbahal pond(Theophile & Joshi, 1992). The topography makes the water flow naturally towards the Pimbahal through the Chhayabahal neighbourhood (Fig 153). The Pimbahal area forms a flat plain that collects the water flowing down from the southwest.

Excess stormwater runoff also reaches the pond. The Pukhu acts as a retention pond recharging the groundwater table. It is responsible for water availability in dug wells around the Pukhu.

Pimbahal Pukhu

Fig.153: Sketch Section showing the movement of water from higher grounds to the Pimbahal Pukhu

Climatic Response

Fig.154: Sketch Section showing the Evaporative cooling effect of the Pimbahal pond.

The Pimbahal pond has a considerable size as compared to the dense settlements of Patan.

As an urban water body, it allows for evaporative cooling during the day, which reduces the temperature of nearby spaces (Fig 154). The pati present in the middle of the Pukhu becomes an ideal space to sit during the free times of the day as it provides a comfortable space in the summer heat. As it is open from all directions, it also allows cool breezes.

103

Structure: Form Geometry and Dimensions

3

3 1

N LEGEND 1. Pukhu 2. Caitya 3. Temple

Fig.155: Plan diagram showing the alignment of the Pukhu edges with the temple and the Caitya.

Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a3890242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

N

Fig.156: Plan diagram showing the dimensions of the Pukhu.

Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a3890242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.157: Sectional diagram showing the components of the boundary wall of the Pimbahal Pukhu.

Fig.158: Painting of the Pimbahal Pukhu from 1852 AD. Retrieved from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Pimbahal Pukhu is approximately 50 meters by 75 meters in size. The depth of the Pukhu is unknown. The shape of the Pukhu is an irregular polygon(Fig 155,156). The northern and western edges that respond to the two religious structures present on each make a right angle at the corner. The other two sides seem to follow the natural topography of the region. Since streets with houses are present along all the edges of the ponds, it suggests that they followed the shape of the pond.

Craftsmanship

The edges of the pond have changed over the years. The boundary wall present today has brick masonry walls above the ground level. It becomes a random rubble and stone masonry walls consecutively as it goes deeper(Fig 157). The stone masonry is water resilient which maintains the strength of the walls for a longer duration. The brick walls on the ground help situate the pond in the aesthetics of the old settlement.

Craftsmanship: Pati

The pati in the middle of the Pimbahal pond is a characteristic feature that creates a unique identity for the water structure. A painting from 1852 AD shows the Pimbahal Pukhu with the central pati as a semi-open structure (Fig 158). Throughout the years, the Pati has had many different forms.

There was a time when it had walls on all sides with windows, and it became a place where people read and sang religious songs. After the 2005 earthquake, the pati took its original form as a pavilion open from all sides (NHDP).

104

Craftsmanship

Fig.159: Placement of Pati in the Pukhu.

Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a3890242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.160: Directionality of the Pati.

Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a3890242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

LEGEND

The bridge connecting the pati to the edges opens out in front of the Pimbahal Caitya because of a larger open space(Fig 163).

The bridge leads to the Pati in the middle, with a Lord Krishna shrine towards its east. The symmetrical axes of the pati and the shrine align with that of the Pimbahal Caitya(Fig 161). The pati has a paved walkway of approximately 1.2 meters on all sides so that people can access all faces easily.

The edges surrounding the pati open up at the northern and southern ends to allow access to water. Peddle boats in the pond become a recreational activity for the neighbourhood. The bridge has a low height parapet that enables people to sit on it to rest temporarily(Fig 162). Fishes are bred in the pond to maintain cleanliness and avoid the odour of stagnant water. The edges of the Pimbahal Pukhu are less articulate than the Pati in the centre. It attracts people to sit amidst the peaceful presence of water. Additional non-functional elements like pati become characteristic features of urban infrastructure.

Axis of Symmetry Access to Water

Fig.161: Plan of the Pati in the middle of the Pimbahal Pukhu

LEGEND Space before Caitya Direction of Bridge

Fig.162: Section of the bridge, people occupying its edges and the Pati

Fig.163: Plan diagram demarcating open space in front of the Caitya Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389- 105 0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Supply: Spouts

The current structure of the bridge has many stone spouts protruding out of it. These spouts are aesthetic elements that try to situate the pond in the context of Patan. The functioning stone spouts bringing water from the Paleswan Pokhari lie in the southwest corner of the Pimbahal Pukhu(Fig 165).

Pati LEGEND Surrounding Patis Central Pati Directionality of Pati

Fig.164: Plan demarcating the Patis surrounding the Pimbahal Pukhu Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a3890242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

LEGEND Aesthetic spouts Spout from Paleswan Pond

Fig.165: Plan showing the spouts present in the Pimbahal Pukhu.

Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a3890242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

There are other semi-open structures present along the edges of the Pimbahal Pukhu(Fig 164).

There is one Pati aligned to the Pimbahal Caitya that forms the entrance to the bridge. Another pati following the symmetrical axis of the Candeswari Temple becomes a place for the residents to gather and recite daily prayers. A third pati sits at the southwest corner of the Pukhu. Each expresses a different directionality due to the arrangement of walls and columns during its construction.

Edges

Fig.166: Top: Section showing the edge of the Pukhu in olden days. Bottom : Section showing the edge of the Pimbahal Pukhu today with the drain.

Fig.167: Image of the edge of the Pimbahal Pukhu in olden days.

Retrieved from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg. de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a3890242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.168: Image of the edge of the Pimbahal Pukhu currently.

The edges of the pond were undefined stone boulders during the olden days(Fig 166,167). The construction of a wall took place in 1967 CE. Earlier, the stormwater would flow directly into the pond. Due to the construction of walls around the pond, drains filter the stormwater before it reaches the pond(Fig 166). Such a measure could be necessary because of the excessive amounts of non-biodegradable waste lying on the streets. The walls have metal fences today to maintain cleanliness and safety. Elements of the urban landscape change to accommodate the changes in the lifestyle and behaviours of its residents.

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Meaning Religious Associations

Residential Neighborhood Mu Bahah Pim Bahah Candesvari Temple Krishna Shrine

Fig.169: Plan showing the Religious objects in the proximity of the Pimbahal Pukhu Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

LEGEND 1. Religious 2. Recreational/Residential 3. Break Out Space For Youngsters 4. Vegetable Market

Fig.170: Plan showing the activities happening on the ground level of surrounding buildings and the resultant character of open spaces around the Pimbahal Pukhu Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Towards the west of the Pimbahal Pukhu lies the Pimbahal Caitya and the Mu Bahah further down the same symmetrical axis. There is a temple of the Candesvari Goddess towards the north of the Pukhu. The central pati follows the symmetrical axes of the religious buildings on its adjacent sides(Fig 168). Due to the presence of the Krishna shrine next to the central Pati, it is a place for performing bhajans and ritual dances on special occasions. The Pimbahal Pukhu becomes an inherent experience of the journey of the devotees who come to worship the religious buildings along its edges.

Social Activities

There is a narrow street along the edges of the Pimbahal Pukhu, which expands at certain places to create public gathering spaces.

The nature of activities happening in the social spots depends on the functions of the buildings surrounding them(Fig 170).

For example, the open space in front of the Buddhist Caitya and the Candesvari Temple caters to religious gatherings. A small square created on the southeast corner becomes a marketplace during the day because of many shops on the ground floors of the surrounding buildings. The northwest corner of the Pimbahal Pukhu becomes a space for the residents to interact daily because of the grocery stores on its edges.

There is immense opportunity for interaction and trade around the Pimbahal Pukhu because of its extrovert nature and wellconnected network of streets.

Hence, it becomes an attractor of activity in the city.

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5.7 Analysis : Purnachandi Pukhu Location: Puncali, Lalitpur Built: Unknown Commisioned by: Unknown Size: 30m x 50m

Fig.171: Top: View of the Purnachandi Pukhu from Northeast | Bottom: View of the Purnachandi Pukhu from North

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Positioning

Purnachandi Pukhu

City Centre

Residential Neighborhood

N

Roads Purnachandi Pond

Fig.172: Plan diagram showing the placement of the Purnachandi Pukhu w.r.t. The city centre.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago LEGEND 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Unknown structure Purnachandi Pukhu Pati facing krishna temple Pati facing Puncali Temple Puncali temple Puncali Temple Krishna Temple Old structure Krishna Temple

The Purncachandi Pukhu is approximately 500 meters away from the city centre in the southwest direction. The Purnachandi Pukhu lies south of the east-west axis of the city(Fig 172). The Pukhu area is accessible from the main road, unlike the Pimbahal Pukhu, which sits along a parallel inner road. The Purnachandi Pukhu area meets the main road at a perpendicular junction of streets marked by an old structure.

Axis

The ensemble of the Purnachandi Pukhu includes the two patis along its edge. The Pati towards the northeast points towards the direction of the Puncali temple but does not seem to follow any axes of surrounding buildings. The Pati towards the east follows the axis of the Krishna Temple in the street(Fig 173).

1 5

3 2 1

22

3

4

4

6

Fig.173: Plan diagram showing the components of the Purnachandi Pukhu ensemble and the religious buildings that it responds to.

Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e560242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.174: Section showing the nature of the parapet wall of the Purnachandi Pukhu with the metal fences on top of the brick wall.

Fig.175: Section showing the relationship between the shops and the edge of the Pukhu.

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Boundary

The treatment of edges along the buildings surrounding the Pukhu is similar to that in the Pimbahal Pukhu area. There are shops on the ground floor with steps that allow people to sit and markets to expand during the day(Fig 175).

The recently reconstructed walls of the Purnachandi Pukhu allow for views interrupted by metal fences(Fig 174). In the olden days, the edges of the Purnachandi Pukhu opened up to the street, which allowed the direct flow of stormwater (Fig 176).

Fig.176: Old image of the Purnachandi Pukhu.

Retrieved from Monumentum (pg 101, XVIII-XIX) by Eduard Sekler, 1979

Geomorphic

The Purnachandi Pukhu is a standalone pond with no direct connection to the other pond network. It sits in a natural depression made along the northeast-southwest slope of the city. The natural depression collects the annual rainfall and the stormwater that flows from the higher regions. The Purnachandi pond acts as a retention pond to recharge the groundwater table(Fig 177). The water structure follows the natural topography of the area.

It creates an urban aesthetic feature that also solves a hydro-geological purpose.

Fig.177: Top: Key plan Middle and Bottom: Parallel sections cutting through the Southwest quarter of Patan city to show that Purnachandi Pukhu sits in a Natural depression.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

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Geometry

Fig.178: Diagrammatic plan showing the geometry and dimensions of the Purnachandi Pukhu.

Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e560242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Purnachandi Pukhu has an irregular shape. It does not follow the geometry of any buildings in its proximity. It seems to follow a natural depression in the landscape turned into a water structure by building its edges(Fig 178). The pond could be an old establishment which reflects in the buildings and the street along its edge. The Purnachandi Pukhu is slightly smaller than the Pimbahal Pukhu.

The movement alleys along the Purnachandi Pukhu are narrower than the ones in Pimbahal. Also, the number of buildings having a shop on the ground floor is less in the Purnachandi Pukhu area. Due to the absence of a significant religious object near the Purnachandi Pukhu and its smaller size, the Purnachandi court seems more intimate than the Pimbahal court.

Pati

There are three Patis present along the edge of the Purnachandi Pukhu. Each expresses a different directionality due to the arrangement of walls and columns during its construction(Fig 179).

Both the patis on the boundary wall face outwards in the opposite direction of the pond. The third pati on a wall on the other side of the street looks towards the Purnachandi Pukhu. It is an enclosed structure and is currently under occupation by some poor people from the neighbourhood.

The pati on the edges of the Purnachandi Pukhu are under disuse. The directionality of the Pati opposed to the pond could be one reason.

Fig.179: Plan showing the directionality of the Patis along the Purnachandi Pukhu Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e560242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Craftsmanship

Fig.180: Section of one edge of the Purnachandi Pukhu

The walls of the Purnachandi Pukhu are a combination of stone and brick masonry. It has a stepped form which also increases the structural strength of the walls as it does downwards against the increased soil pressure.

Looking at the old photo of the Purnachandi Pukhu(Fig 176), one can assume that the ponds were not expressions of architectural or aesthetic knowledge. Instead, they were natural elements of water left in their pure forms contrasting the elaborate human-made hiti structures.

Edges

Fig.181: Section of the access gate of the Purnachandi Pukhu

The edge of the Purnachandi Pukhu has a stepped form(Fig 182), but it has variations in certain places. The drains along the periphery are similar to those found around the Pimbahal Pukhu.

The access gate to go inside the pond is closed at all times, and the Purnachandi Pukhu becomes only an aesthetic element of the landscape(Fig 181). The Purnachandi Pukhu houses some ducks, and at some places, the steps broaden to form platforms that the ducks occupy. The fenced walls of the Purnachandi Pukhu do not allow inhabitation by a passerby or the community. It has become a mute element in the urban landscape today.

Supply: Spouts

The Purnachandi Pukhu also has stone water spouts that act as aesthetic elements but do not function as part of the existing water network(Fig 182).

Fig.182: Section of one edge of the Purnachandi Pukhu

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Meaning Religious Associations

Puncali Temple Puncali Satah Gah Bahah Nhu Bahah Vala Bahah Unknown Structure

Fig.183: Plan showing the religious objects present around the Purnachandi Pukhu.

Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e560242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

Religious Market place Recreational/ Residential

Fig.184: Plan diagram showing the function on the ground floor of the surrounding buildings and the resultant activities in parts of the Purnachandi court.

Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e560242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Purnachandi Pukhu derives its name from the Hindu temple at its southwest corner, named Puncali Temple. There are smaller Buddhist courtyards, known as Bahah, towards the northwest and east of the Purnachandi court(Fig 183). The Purnachandi Pukhu had no signs of regular worship by the people, but its proximity to religious buildings gives it more value. Also, the northern Pati plays a significant role in the chariot procession of Buṅgadyaḥ or the Rato Matsyendranath festival.

Hence, many people gather here during that time of the year.

Social Activities

There is a narrow street along the edges of the Purnachandi Pukhu. Since there are no other open spaces around the pond apart from the temple court, the public activity around the Purnachandi Pukhu is not as high as at the Pimbahal court. The nature of activities happening in the social spots depends on the functions of the buildings surrounding them(Fig 184). For example, the court adjacent to the Puncali Temple caters to religious gatherings. A street junction on the east edge becomes a marketplace during the day because of many grocery shops on the ground floor of the surrounding buildings. The northwest corner of the Pukhu becomes a space for the residents to interact daily because of only residences on the ground level. It is a quiet square nestled next to the bustling Mangal Bazaar.

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5.8 Analysis : Kumbheshwar Tank Location: Konti, Lalitpur Built: 512 (1392 CE) (NHDP) Commisioned by: Jayabhim Size: 12.5m x 13.3m x 5m

Fig.185: Top: View of the Kumbheshwar kund from west | Middle: View of the Kumbheshwar kund from Southeast Bottom: View of the Kumbheshwar kund from Northeast

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Identity Positioning

PATAN DURBAR SQUARE, CITY CENTRE

There are two tall pagoda temples in Patan city, the Kumbheshwar temple and the Machchindranth temple. They sit at an equal distance from the city centre in the opposite directions to sanctify its presence (Fig 186)(Bründlmayer, 2011). The Kumbheshwar temple sits 360 meters away, in the northwest, from the city centre.

It places on a parallel road to the north-south axis of the city. There is a Kund in the Kumbheshwar temple complex, which is an important religious destination for the citizens.

N

Proximity Fig.186: Plan diagram showing the placement of the Kumbheshwar Temple w.r.t. The city centre.

Adapted from ‘Traditional Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley’ (pg 4) by W. Korn, 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

Built Kumbheshwar Temple Konti hiti Misa hiti Kumbheshwar tank

Fig.187: Plan diagram showing the other water structures present near the Kund.

Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Kumbheshwar temple complex situates in the Konti area of the city. There are a total of three water structures present around the temple. The Konti hiti and the Misa hiti sit adjacent to the temple boundary, whereas the Kumbheshwar Kund is a part of the temple complex(Fig 187). The hitis present around the Kumbheshwar Temple provide continuous drinking water to many devotees and residents and are places for ritual bathing before performing prayers in the temple.

The Konti hiti for men and the Misa hiti for women (but there is no written document to confirm the information). The Kumbheshwar Kund is open for all, but it does not have filled water at all times.

Due to its proximity to the other water structures, the Kumbheshwar Kund does not function as a daily use infrastructure. It acquires more value than the hitis because of its use during special occasions.

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Geomorphic

The Konti area sits towards the northwest part of the city.

Patan slopes in the northeast direction(Fig 188). There are six stone spouts present in the Konti hiti and seven stone spouts in the Misa hiti. The Kumbheshwar Kund has one stone spout on its southern wall with a continuous flow. The spouts in the Misa and the Konti hiti come from different directions to the outlet in the Kund. The Kund water spout follows the natural slope of the topography(Fig 189). Tales among the locals suggest that the Kund’s water supply directly connects to the Gosaikund water body, approximately 140kms away from the temple. The exact source of the spout is unknown.

KONTI NEIGHBOURHOOD

CITY CENTRE

Fig.188: Plan and section showing the changes in altitude across the city.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

1

3

2

LEGEND 1. Kumbheshwar Kund 2. Misa hiti 3. Konti hiti

Fig.189: Plan diagram showing the tentative water source and spout placement in the water structures in the Konti neighbourhood.

Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816ae3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0

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5m

13 .3m

4

12.

LEGEND 1. Kund 2. Temple 3. Misa hiti 4. Konti hiti Axes

1

3

2

Fig.190: Plan diagram showing the geometry and alignment of the kund with surrounding buildings Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0

Structure: Form Geometry and Dimensions

The geometry of the Kumbheshwar Kund is almost a square, and it follows some of the edges of the surrounding Kumbheshwar Temple and the entrance structure(Fig 190). The Kund is approximately 13 meters on each side to cater to many people visiting it during the Janai Purnima festival (BeckerRitterspach, 1995). The square shape situates its typology between the water conduits (hitis) and the irregular shaped ponds in the city.

It functions like a pond, storing water for various purposes, but the presence of a water spout and a drain makes it similar to the hiti structures.

Craftsmanship

Fig.191: Image showing the direct access and the staircase access of the Kund

LEGEND 1. Kund 2. Temple 3. Misa hiti 4. Konti hiti Staircases Direct access

4 1 3

2

Fig.192: Plan diagram showing accesses of the water structures in Konti neighbourhood.

Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0

The Kumbheshwar Kund situates itself within the Temple complex by following the aesthetics of other temple buildings. On the ground level, the parapet of the Kund is a blank wall with statues of lions to mark the access points(Fig 191).

The walls of the Kund have a layer of red and white paint done on other smaller temples within and outside the Kumbheshwar Complex.

Access

There are two staircases towards the west and the east edge of the Kumbheshwar Tank to access the bottom when there is no water within the tank. The Southern edge of the tank opens up to allow easy movement of people and religious objects during festivals when water fills to the top. People inside the Kumbheshwar complex choose to use the continuously flowing water from the spout inside the Kund(Fig 192).

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Meaning Religious Associations

Fig.193: Plan diagram showing the religious objects present near the Kumbheshwar Kund.

Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0

Small gatherings and food distribution

Religious Ritual gatherings

Rituals in smaller groups

Fig.194: Plan diagram showing the open spaces within the complex and the various activities they cater to.

Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0

There is a small Gosaikund temple shrine towards the south of the Kumbheshwar Kund. The shrine’s presence in the direction of the water spout connects its water to the actual Gosaikund lake (an important Nepalese Pilgrimage) in the Himalayan foothills (Fig 193). The Kund becomes an inherent part of the ‘Kumbheshwar Mela’ held every year, believed to maintain regular rainfall. A sanctum of Siva covered in snakes is put in the centre of the Kund for one entire day. During this procession, people from diverse ethnic and religious groups gather in the temple compound to celebrate various other festivals happening on the same day (Bründlmayer, 2011).

Religious Activities

The complex consists of one five-storeyed Pagoda structure, the Kumbheshwar temple. Small shrines and Shivlinga statues across the complex and other temple buildings are present towards its southern end. There is a continuous engagement of people in these spaces as they visit the temple for blessings on the special days in their life. A community building towards the northeast end of the compound behind the Peepal tree hosts donations and food distribution for the devotees.

The Kund is of secondary religious importance to the temple. Hence the intimate open space around the Kund caters to specific family gatherings and functions. The nature of the space and its position corresponding to the temple govern the activities taking place in it(Fig 194).

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5.9 Analysis : Chhayabahal Well Location: Chhayabahal, Lalitpur Built: Unknown Size: 2m x 0.9m

Fig.195: Top: View of the Chhayabahal street from the court | Bottom: View of the Chhayabahal well

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Positioning

Paleswan Pokhari

Pimbahal Pukhu

Fig.196: Plan diagram showing the placement of the Chhayabahal well w.r.t. The Pimbahal Pukhu

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

The Chhayabahal is a neighbourhood placed between the Pimbahal Pukhu and the Paleswan Pokhari on the western end of Patan city. The Chhayabahal area is in the form of a street. It’s one end opens to the Paleswan Pukhu, converted into a School today. It has a hiti structure next to a gate that marks the beginning of the neighbourhood. Almost in the middle of the length of the street, one encounters a traditional dug well. The dug well is part of a small courtyard that forms at a junction of two perpendicular paths(Fig 196). The other end of the Chhayabahal street leads to the Pimbahal Pukhu court. The well sits approximately 50 meters away from the Pimbahal Pukhu.

Proximity

The Chhayabahal street has one more dug-well placed inside a courtyard adjacent to it. The difference between the positioning of the two wells is that one sits along the primary movement axis of the neighbourhood, whereas the other one is in a private court.(Fig 197)

1 2

LEGEND 1. Mu Bahah

Pimbahal Pukhu

2. Pim Bahah Caitya Wells in Chhayabahal Well Courtyard Residential Neighbourhood

Fig.197: Plan diagram showing the placement of other well in the Chhayabahal neighbourhood.

Adapted from Monument - Chāya Bāhāḥcā (1659 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/f99b4e0e-6215-11ea-b4c2-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

The dug well along the street is accessible from the Mu-Bahah, a Buddhist courtyard near the Pimbahal Pukhu. Since the water in the Pukhu has fish and other organisms, it is impure and might not be fit for use during religious rituals. The dug well acquires filtered water from the soil and its inner walls. Hence it could be the primary source of pure water for ritual use in the Chhayabahal area.

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Boundary

Since the courtyard well is accessible through a narrow branched alley from the primary road, it has an introverted nature and seems to belong to the people with their houses facing the court.

The well along the primary street becomes its extension and acts as a community commodity that anyone from the neighbourhood can use(Fig 198)..

Geomorphic Movement axis along Chhayabahal neighbourhood

Fig.198: Plan diagram showing the orimary movement axis along the Chhayabahal neighbourhood.

Adapted from Monument - Chāya Bāhāḥcā (1659 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/f99b4e0e-6215-11ea-b4c2-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.199: Section showing the dependency of the well on the Pond.

The availability of water in the well is dependent on the Pimbahal Pukhu present in the northeast direction. The pond retains fresh rainwater and the additional water supplied from the Paleswan Pond uphill. It recharges the groundwater table, which ensures a continuous supply of water to the residents of the Chhayabahal well(Fig 199). The water supply system in the traditional dug wells does not require any additional energy. It works according to the natural principles of gravity and the properties of the earth’s surface.

Structure: Form Dimensions

The Chhayabahal well is a traditional dug well, circular with a height of approximately 900 millimetres above the ground level and 2 meters in diameter.

The formation of a wide court along the narrow street enhances the presence of the well(Fig 200). It becomes a release for the residents and a small gathering space for socio-cultural occasions.

It also acts as a redundant space reappropriated as a space for parking, storing construction material, and planting.

Fig.200: Sections of the street(left) and the court formed around the well(right) to show the difference in volumes felt in the space.

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Craftsmanship

The traditional dug well uses bricks for its construction with a stone slab on the top to prevent wear and tear of the wall edge.

Unlike other dug wells in the city, this one has a unique character attributed to it by the intricate carvings near the mouth of the well(Fig 201). Below the stone slabs, two snakes carved out of the bricks add an aesthetic value to the well. The two snakeheads meet in the middle to form a small shrine worshipped by the residents.

Pati Fig.201: Elevation of the well to show the intricate carvings along the mouth.

There is a pati (resthouse) along the northwest end of the Chhayabahal court facing the well.

The presence of a pati enhances the public character of the court(Fig 202). The water structure and the pati together make the court inhabitable. It acts as a place where community gatherings can happen, and old residents of the neighbourhood can spend their free time.

Meaning Religious objects

The residents use the water from the well for the ritual prayers offered to the two Buddhist Caityas present in the court. The well acquires religious significance because of its association with the Buddhist Caityas.

Social Activities Residential Commercial

Fig.202: Plan of the ground floor around the Chhayabahal court showing the activities happening around it.

The buildings near the court start acquiring a public nature. Grocery stores and meat shops on the ground floor of the surrounding buildings generate urban activity in the residential street(Fig 202).

The presence of the well ensures continuous human presence in the court and promotes the economic growth of the neighbouring shops.

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5.10 Analysis : Radhakrishna Mandir Well Location: Svatha Tola, Lalitpur Built: Unknown Size: 2.5m x 0.85m

Fig.203: Top: View of the Krishna Temple and the Radhakrishna well | Bottom: View of the Radhakrishna well and the shops along the edges of the court

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Positioning

While moving in the north direction along the north-south axis of Patan city from the Palace square, one encounters a court formed along the nearest crossroads(Fig 204). There are two temples on two ends of the court, and a well sits between them. This particular well sits in an open public space, contradictory to multiple other wells present in the vicinity that are parts of residential courtyards. Its presence along the primary north-south axis of the city gives it a more public nature than the Chhayabahal well with a sense of belonging to the neighbourhood.

CITY CENTRE

LEGEND Wells in the vicinity

Fig.204: Plan diagram showing the relationship between the well and the city centre. It also shows other wells present in the vicinity.

Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

3

4 2 6 5

Proximity

The well situates in the centre of three religious buildings with the Krishna Temple to its north, the Svathanarayan Temple to its east and the Radhakrishna Temple to its south(Fig 205). The space around the well also has a Buddhist Caitya, a neem tree and a Jahru hiti (drinking water fountain).

The Jahru hiti provides drinking water to the passersby. People of the neighbourhood would procure water from the well and fill the storage tank in the Jahru hiti. The buildings surrounding the court have shops on the ground floor.

One can assume that the well and the Jahru hiti become the local source of drinking water during their time in the day.

LEGEND 1. Well 2. Jahru hiti 3. Krishna Temple 4. Svathanarayan Temple 5. Radhakrishna Temple 6. Caitya

Fig.205: Plan showing the structures around the Radhakrishna Temple well Adapted from Monument - Rādhākṛṣṇa Mandira by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/c9bc2916-eb40-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Meaning Social Activities

Due to the proximity of the Patan Durbar Square in the city centre, the ground floors of all the surrounding buildings have shops or cafes to attract tourists for their economic growth(Fig 206). In olden times, this court would be more inhabitable than today as it provided a place to rest and access to drinking water for the travellers.

The presence of the water structure makes the court inhabitable.

Religious Associations

LEGEND 1. Radha Krishna Temple 2. Krishna Temple 3. Svathanarayan Temple 4. Buddhist Caitya

The plinth of the religious buildings surrounding the well creates public platforms for people to rest. There is a small Ganesha shrine on the steps of the Krishna Temple(Fig 208).

Due to the presence of the neem tree, part of the court near the well stays in the shade. Ladies from the neighbouring residential neighbourhoods spend their free time on the steps near the Ganesha temple.

Fig.206: Plan showing activities around the well on the ground floor of surrounding buildings.

Adapted from Monument - Rādhākṛṣṇa Mandira by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/c9bc2916-eb40-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

Fig.207: Section showing the relation of the well to the two religious objects surrounding it.

Fig.208: Image of Ganesha Shrine on the Krishna Temple steps.

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5.11 Analysis : Tikabhairav Rajkulo Location: Tika Bhairav to Lagankhel Built: During Malla rule, 1648 AD Size: 13kms

Fig.209: Top: Rajkulo passing through agricultural fields (Manna, 2015) | Middle: Rajkulo following the slope of the terrain, along the roads (Manna, 2015) | Bottom: Rajkulo passing through villages (Manna, 2015) Derived from Exploring the rhythms of public life through public water structures within Kathmandu valley (pg 6) by Ashim Kumar Manna, 2015, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven,(Unpublished Paper)

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Positioning and Geomorphic

Fig.210: Map showing the origination of the Tikabhairav Rajkulo Retrieved from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 18) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition

The canal that brings water to Patan city is named Tikabhairav Rajkulo. The city receives rainfall for four months during the monsoon season. This water is insufficient for the water network to function continuously, especially during the dry months. Patan is a city in a considerably flatter region of the Kathmandu Valley.

The mountain ranges surrounding the valley have steeper slopes that are more difficult to inhabit.

Many perennial springs flow along these steep slopes. There are long canals from the foothills of the surrounding ranges of the valley to tap these natural springs that ensure the constant flow of water in the city. The Patan Rajkulo taps the springs and aquifers near the Lele and Naldu mountain ranges (Altitude 2100 m) and brings the water to the Lagankhel ponds in the southern end of Patan(Altitude 1325m). The Rajkulo travels approximately 13 km from Lele and supplies water to agricultural fields and villages on the way(Fig 210). It follows the gentle slopes of the terrain to transport the water to the city(Fig 211).

Fig.211: A section of the terrain from the source of the Rajkulo to the city

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Structure : Form Dimensions

The Rajkulos are unlined channels, 1.5m in width and 1.3 m in depth, that travel through the agricultural fields or along roads while transporting water to the city (Aryal, 2005). (Fig 212)

Fig.212: Sketch section of the unlined Rajkulo in the starting of its journey from Lele.

Geometry

The flow of the Rajkulo follows the natural terrain and requires minimal modifications to the landscape (Fig 213). The project of transporting water 13kms away from the city was a large scale infrastructural project for the old settlement of Patan. It was most feasible to make the canal according to the landscape to reduce the cost of instalment and maintenance.

Fig.213: Sketch showing the placement of the Rajkulo in a field following the topography of the place.

Structure: Function

Fig.214: Diagrammatic placement of the canal with respect to the river and the outlets towards agricultural fields at regular intervals.

There were outlets in the canal that enabled farmers to collect water for irrigation of their agricultural fields (Fig 214) (BeckerRitterspach, 1995). The Rajkulo was not only a tool to constantly supply water to the city. It was also an infrastructural solution for the farming community to get a continuous fresh water supply for their fields. More supply meant surplus agricultural produce, which would help the city prosper. (source on tracing paper) 133

Type 2

Fig.215: Section of second type of water channels connecting external ponds to aquifers within the city

Variations in the type of the channels were responsible for the water to reach the hiti structure present in the city. Once the unlined canals bring water to the Lagankhel ponds on the southern end of Patan, it transfers through layers of gravel beneath the earth’s surface to other ponds and aquifers in the north and northeast directions. Excavation near Lagankhel ponds revealed these underground channels, paved on the ground to avoid any disturbance in the streets (Fig 215) (Dixit & Upadhya, 2005).

Type 3

Fig.216: Section of third type of earthen channels present deep below the earth’s surface transporting water to the hiti structures.

Another type of earthen channel transports the water from aquifers existing a few meters below the earth’s surface to the stone spouts in the hitis. These channels have revision holes made every 100 meters that filter all the surface runoff during the monsoon seasons and transport it to the water spouts (Fig 218). These revision holes also act as tools for maintaining the underground channels (BeckerRitterspach, 1995). These channels are not visible on the ground level, and even today, some of the hitis have unknown sources because of the construction of dense neighbourhoods above these channels (Fig 216). Every part of the Rajkulo responsible for supplying water to the city reappropriates according to the purpose it solves and its placement in the urban fabric. Prefabricated earthen channels with detailed locking mechanisms constitute the last stage of the canal system (Fig 217).

Fig.217: Diagram showing the profile of the earthen canals placed a few meters below the ground.

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Meaning Social Activities

Fig.218: Section showing the placement of revision holes along the buried channels for maintenance and increase water flow.

The name Rajkulo, which means royal canal, shows the involvement of the rulers of the city in its inception, care and maintenance (Shrestha, Yakami, & Roth, 2022).

In the villages along the Rajkulo, there was a Guthi system for its maintenance. A specialised group of selected individuals would come together, and they would be known as the Rajguthi or Rajthala.

A plot of land allocated to them and the agricultural produce from the land would be responsible for fund collection for its regular maintenance (Amatya, 2003).

The practice of management by the farmers could also be a result of the Muluki Ain, a written document of rules for use from 1852 (Shrestha, Yakami, & Roth, 2022). The Rajkulo was a necessity for the agrarian society of the valley. Its importance reflects through the formation of social groups to ensure its persistence throughout the years.

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Chapter 6: Inferences The following chapter records observations and their subsequent inferences about each type of water structure in Patan based on the framework derived in chapter 2. The analysis for the selected case studies informs the collective observations for the type. These observations aim to decipher the patterns of hierarchy and social order followed across the city that reflect through the architecture of the infrastructure.

The inferences record various aspects of urban life and management to which each type of water structure responds. These inferences, when put together, will express the multifacetedness of water infrastructure in Patan. Since all the types do not respond to all aspects of the framework, there are varying observations and inferences. Eventually, they depict the degrees of multifacetedness embodied in the types.

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6.1 Inferences: Hiti Subject

Observation

Inference

Identity: Positioning

The positioning of the hiti near the city centre, a religious landmark, a public square or the city gate governs the purpose of the water structure (Molden, 2015). Using its water in a national festival attributes it more importance. Water use for less celebrated activities like laundry or irrigation connotes lesser significance to the structure.

The placement of the hiti next to a road makes it accessible to the passersby. Its placement in a private courtyard makes it a property of its residents.

There is a direct link between the surroundings, use and significance, situating them in the socio-cultural fabric of the city.

Identity: Proximity

Identity: Boundary

Identity: Porosity

Identity: Axis

Perceived boundaries for accessibility create an identity for the urban object and its association with people.

Distance between hitis range from less than It leads to a utilitarian logic with smaller 100m to around 400m across the city. groups and fewer people for coordinated use. It reduces the distance one needs to travel to collect water for daily chores. It acts as a resilient system where another nearby hiti is easily accessible if one hiti does not function. The density and prominence of the hiti type spread evenly across the city make it a characteristic feature of Patan.

They are usually individual ensembles with Each hiti has its unique identity because of other attached elements like platforms, open its distinct boundary and ensemble. Since spaces and pati (resthouses) structures. these are individual structures, these can Each hiti serves a particular area in the city, be made gradually over time in phases. and its functioning is usually independent A controlled amount of resources is spent of other hiti structures. on constructing public structures, thus reducing the risk of poverty of the state or debt and increasing resilience.

As the water structures are underground, The space feels more extensive than its they do not hamper the public plaza’s actual footprint. It becomes a release for openness. “From the junction of the main the residents away from the cramped road to neighbourhood courtyards, spouts settlements. The scale of the space allows and spout activities are porous and visible more people to gather simultaneously. The public spaces.” (Molden, 2015) The visibility allows for people to be more boundary walls are usually low, allowing interactive and adds familiarity. People for the visibility of activities. naturally occupy it for social and religious gatherings.

In the places where the hiti surrounds When the hiti structure follows the axis important religious and political buildings, of the surrounding buildings, a formal especially near the city centre, its ensemble character adds to its presence. The follows the axis of its surrounding formality in the design of the hiti ensemble buildings. The hiti structures follow an directly relates to its placement near the organic composition with surrounding city’s political centre. structures as one goes farther from the city centre.

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Identity: Landmark

Identity: Geomorphic

The hitis placed near politically or religiously significant neighbourhoods follow the identity of those places, like the Nagbahal hiti named after the courtyard.

When the hiti is the oldest or most prominent structure in the neighbourhood, it becomes an identifying element, like the Tapa hiti and the Alko hiti become landmarks for their vicinity.

Other types act as sources of groundwater recharge and rainwater harvesting in the entire water supply system, and hitis become the springs that supply it to the citizens. The recharged aquifers ensure a constant flow of water in the hiti spouts.

The hitis become the interface where the water system meets the people.

The soil condition prevailing in the Valley favours excavation. It is the argillaceous soil that allows the approximative vertical wall faces. It forms terraces where minimal support is necessary to protect the natural surface from moisture and weathering.

(Becker-Ritterspach, 1994).

The hitis are depressions in the ground to tap the pure water from the aquifers in the city. The aquifers are natural geological formations underground consisting of gravel. After passing through an extensive filtration system, water filtered through layers of the soil and gravel reaches the stone spouts. Hence the water tapped from aquifers is naturally of superior quality (Becker-Ritterspach, 1994).

The utilitarian nature of hiti structures renders them less prominent than the religious or political landmarks. However, in their absence, these structures identify neighbourhood features due to their functionality.

The depth of the hitis varies according to the groundwater table, and the direction of water flow from higher grounds.

In shallower hitis, the structure and surroundings usually follow the existing slope, like in Tapa hiti.

The structures work with the natural geological formations of the city. They are highly regional responses to their specific location. There is a minimal effort in constructing the structures according to the geology, thus wasting fewer resources.

The earth’s temperature is moderate when measured a few meters below the surface. The water flowing from the hitis is groundwater. It is warm in the winters and cold in the summers instead of the water flowing in technologically advanced piped systems. People prefer using the water from the hitis during harsh weather conditions.

The traditional system achieves a moderate and comfortable temperature for water used for daily activities without additional energy. It is a truly sustainable form of acquiring water that uses gravity and the properties of the terrain.

It enjoys an important position in the urban fabric because the continuous flowing water gives a sense of security to the citizens. It becomes a symbol of trust towards the state and nature.

The hiti becomes a structure that requires minimal effort in its making, which would make the funding feasible. Its density in the city reflects the simplicity of its construction.

The purity of water from the hiti leads to its celebration in the form of elaborate and intricate structures. People primarily use it for drinking and prefer it for cooking even today as they like its taste better than the modern piped water system (Dipak Ji, personal conversation, 11 February 2022).

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Identity: Climatic Response

The hitis are stepped structures with concentric platforms for people to sit while waiting to fill their buckets. These are ideal spaces to sit under the sun on cold winter days, safe from the harsh winds. There are semi-open pavilions like resthouses called patis next to them. They create shaded spaces for people to occupy during the summers. This pati catered initially to travellers who would stay overnight.

The form of the hitis and other auxiliary structures surrounding it create an ensemble that enables people to occupy them all year round. It ensures the ‘eyes on the street’ phenomenon used by Jane Jacobs (1993).

Form: Geometry

The shape of the hitis is predominantly rectilinear or square with slight modifications in one or more edges. The depth, size, shape, craftsmanship, materials, water supply, and drainage direction are all variable. These variations result from the geographical location, social status, patronage and builders of the hiti.

Every hiti looks different and has certain identifying factors that create a unique identity from other hitis. The possibility of variations leads to explorations of form and construction methods, thus developing an accurate ecological response to the natural conditions with aesthetic value.

Form: Dimensions The hiti present near the city centre is larger than those near the fringes. It could also result from the geography as the groundwater table is lower in the city centre. Hence, the depth must be more, resulting in a bigger footprint. There is still an attempt to ensure that the Manga hiti in the Palace square is larger than the Nagbahal hiti that comes farther from it, even though the Nagbahal hiti is deeper than the former.

The size of the hiti could signify its importance in the social order.

Form: Dimensions The hitis nearer to the ground have gradual platforms with gathering spaces that descend towards the lowest level. In contrast, the deeper hitis have long flights of stairs with narrower platforms appearing in concentric patterns on the edges of the hiti. The lesser well-to-do neighbourhoods use these open spaces next to the hitis as spaces for informal gatherings. The deeper hitis is famous during annual festivals with formal processions and performances.

One feels conscious of their presence in the towering water structure while descending the deeper hitis. On the other end, one fails to realize the level difference one traverses in the shallower hitis. The shallow hitis feel more informal than the sincerity that the deeper ones demand.

Form: Craftsmanship

Carvings in the hitis add value to its appearance. The hiti becomes an artefact of the urban fabric. Places encountered during the travel that represents the city have elaborate levels of craftsmanship. It paints the picture of Patan being a place for expression and art.

The hitis placed in more important neighbourhoods, like the Tusa hiti in the Palace premises or the Manga hiti in the Durbar square, show more elaborate carvings than the hitis present in less important neighbourhoods like Alko hiti and Tapa hiti.

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Components: Access

Every hiti has a different approach to the lowest level of the water spout. The depth of the hiti governs the number of steps and their arrangement. The deeper hitis have long flights of staircases, whereas the shallower hiti has a gradual descent marked by platforms. Some staircases face the water spouts directly, whereas others enter from its adjacent edge. Some hitis have one entrance, whereas some have two. There is a hierarchy in positioning where two access ways are present.

The axis of descent and its relation to the positioning of the spouts determine the structure’s formality. The number of entrances and their making show inherent socio-cultural norms and restrictions that the residents follow.

Components: Pati (resthouses)

Various types of Patis are present besides the hitis. The Manga hiti and Tapa hiti have semi-covered rest houses, whereas the Nagbahal hiti and Alko hiti have twostoreyed structures with enclosed rooms on the first floor. These spaces act as rest houses and places to stay overnight for travellers who came to the city in the past.

(Spodek, 2002). The names of many patis associate them with the hiti they adjoin.

It becomes an open, covered public space accessible by all the residents and strangers.

It is a utilitarian urban insert that enriches the socio-cultural connections between the people and the city. It acts as a place for hospitality to travellers.

It acts as a recreational place for older adults of the neighbourhood to spend their free time and clear their thoughts. They support other purposes like schools, covid vaccination camps and more (NHDP).

These structures face the flowing water from the spouts in all the case studies done for the research.

Thus these structures re-appropriate themselves with the changing needs of the time. It creates a covered space along the edge of a busy plaza to view the activities that happen in it. The sense of enclosure contributes to the enjoyment of space and the feeling of being safe amidst the bustle (Whyte, 1980).

Almost all hitis have an odd number of water spouts. The most common number is three, but some have five, some other places have nine and one has 108 spouts.

The utilitarian system with more spouts allows more people to use it simultaneously, thus reducing conflicts and time of the residents.

Components: Supply (Spouts)

The multiple stone spouts in a hiti structure Tapping water from different sources into either have the same source bifurcated or one hiti develops resilience against the risk have different water sources. of drying out.

The water in the hiti structures is continuously in motion. It flows from the spouts to collect in basins and empties through drainage.

Flowing water makes the structures cleaner and more reliable than wells or ponds, which store stagnant water for a longer time.

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Components: Outlet (Drain)

Every hiti structure has a drain with a mesh towards its mouth. The mesh filters solid waste particles and connects the wastewater lines to other lines belonging to nearby hitis. Water from the drainage reaches the agricultural fields and forests, and the run-off gradually reaches the river. In some cases, the hitis present downhill reuse water filtered from the hitis uphill. (Spodek, 2002)

The wastewater from one source becomes an input for other purposes that do not require pure drinking water. There are multiple cycles of reuse before the water reaches the river. At every step, the filtration through the soil layers purifies the water.

Although the structure functions because of an interconnected water system, the clogging of drainage or breakage of conveyance channels in one hiti does not directly affect use in other hitis.

It is a resilient system such that temporary issues do not affect other parts, and the people can access water from other hitis for the time being.

Components: Platforms

Platforms result from a utilitarian logic to reduce the load on the form of the hiti.

The depth of the hiti determined the type of platforms created around it. The deeper hitis have concentric steps on three or all four sides with breaks for staircases. These platforms are approximately 1.2m wide, allowing people to sit, children to run, and devotees to perform during religious festivals. The shallower hitis have broader platforms with enough space to gather during social functions or rituals.

The practical solution employs minimal effort to stabilize the structure and creates auxiliary spaces for the people to inhabit.

Components: Jahru

In some hitis, there are additional components like the drinking water fountains (Jahru). They sit on one of the walls of the hiti on the lowest floor.

Overflow from the spout flows through the walls and supplies through small holes in the Jahru wall.

These additional components allow multiple activities in the same space and allow an added group of people like passersby or travellers to utilize it according to their needs.

Meaning: Religious Associations

Carved religious symbols appear on the water spouts and walls of the hitis. The religious objects within the hiti complex or outside it could indicate the religion followed by the patron or the anticipated users. Like in the two hitis present at Tapa hiti, one has Hindu deities, and the other has Buddhist, signifying their use by the people belonging to those two religions.

There is usually a balance between the two religions expressed in the water structures (Amatya, 2003).

Water supplied from the spouts acquires a sacred and pure quality. Religious symbolism anchors the hitis in the cultural context of Nepal. It ensures value for the resource and its maintenance by the laypeople. Nepal has predominantly two religions, Hinduism and Buddhism, and many people respect both of these equally. Even today, many people adhere to religious beliefs.

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Some hitis like the Manga hiti are historically associated with religious festivals like the Karthik Nach. The Sithinakha festival marks the day for the maintenance and cleaning of all water structures in the city (Ritterspach,1994).

Meaning: Spiritual The water spouts have carved surfaces Associations depicting mythological creatures like the Makara. It is the vehicle of the river goddess Ganga. Hence the water flowing out of the water spout becomes pure as the holy water of Ganga. (Slusser, 1982) Meaning: The usage of the hiti has inherent rules Administrative and regulations like: using chemical-based Associations soaps and washing laundry is prohibited, women refrain from using it during menstruation, people remove their leather footwear before entering the hiti, and those in mourning do not enter the hiti premise for a few days (Ritterspach,1994).

Meaning: As mentioned in chapter 3, The traders sell Economic their goods in open squares and markets of Activities the city. The Hitis present next to the open squares provides free water to the travellers and their cattle (Shankar,2014).

Meaning: Cultural With a lesser agricultural surplus of its Activities own, the Kathmandu valley develops into a place for ideas, cosmopolitan society, and performing culture and art to exert its influence on the region surrounding it (Shankar,2014). Open spaces enable these creative interactions. The presence of water structures with their ancillary spaces makes these open spaces inhabitable and user friendly.

Including infrastructure as an essential element in festivals allows people to make memories and associations with them from their childhood and increases their perceived value.

Meaning: Social Activities

Hiti structure is essential and sometimes the only water source for the people in a neighbourhood. Out of necessity, these structures cater to all kinds of people belonging to all castes, genders and ages.

The hiti creates an equal environment for all the people who seek its water. It is a public amenity that is genuinely open to all.

A corporate body created both by the government and private citizens to ensure the operation and maintenance of community service like water structures is known as Guthis that survive today. The institution of the Guthi had built financial and institutional sustainability through land grants or other ‘fixed deposits’ (Tiwari, 2002).

The formation of groups or responsible communities reaffirms the feelings of unity and belonging. It also ensures a sense of ownership towards the commodity as “members must help pay for, and deliberate on, spout related activities like cleaning festivals, repairs, or modifications.”

(Molden, 2015).

These symbolisms that spiritually purify the water are ways to maintain the sincerity of the users towards the commodity. People are unlikely to waste it or use it carelessly when attributed with pure nature.

These rules signify the purity attributed to water structures. There is a realization that systemic management and maintenance of structures will guarantee their presence over time.

The presence of the hiti in open spaces shows the city’s hospitality towards the traders, welcoming them to stay. It also facilitates the development of markets.

The presence of the hiti in the open square makes it an integral part of the activities and performances that take place in it.

The hiti becomes an object to associate memories with as people on occasions and festivals frequent it.

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6.2 Inferences: Ponds Subject Identity: Positioning

Identity: Proximity

Identity: Boundary

Identity: Landmark

Identity: Axis

Observation There are two types of ponds present in the system, some are external that take water from the canals and recharge the aquifers, and some are present inside the city that recharges the local groundwater table.

(Adhikari, B., Parajuli, A., & Adhikari, P. 2020) These ponds act as retention structures to collect water that facilitates gradual seepage into the ground. Ponds appear at regular intervals within the city to maintain water in wells and hitis.

Almost every pond has religious elements placed near it. For example, the surroundings of the Pimbahal and Lagankhel ponds have Buddhist stupas, whereas the Purnachandi Pukhu has a temple at its edge.

Ponds are embedded in the city’s fabric, forming open spaces countering the cramped residential streets. Multiple streets open up to the plaza that houses a pond in the middle.

The place where the pond sits feels like a bulge in the street. The water bodies are unplanned structures; unlike the hitis, they follow the geological formation. The ponds usually have streets running along their edges, but there are smaller squares formed along their edges.

The buildings surrounding water bodies, like those in the market streets of Patan, have shops on the ground floor and residences on the upper floors. These shops have steps at the entrance where people sit and face the water body during their free time.

The openness experienced in the pond court allows many people to gather without feeling congested. This character leads to the formation of markets near and around the ponds.

The ponds studied in the analysis portray a characteristic to acknowledge the presence of critical religious buildings surrounding them through minimal gestures like the placement of a pati. The formality of the gesture can vary according to the neighbourhood or the importance attributed to the religious object.

Inference It is a resilient system where each element works independently. Though the entire system is interconnected, the removal or addition of individual elements does not significantly affect the working of the entire system.

The presence of a water structure provides a perennial supply of water for religious rituals, and in return, the pond’s water acquires a holy character.

Ponds provide a release to the citizens because it allows access to the open sky.

The ponds feel more informal and organic than the hitis structures. When in a hiti, one feels a need to act in a certain way. In contrast, there is no such compulsion when in the vicinity of a pond.

The surrounding buildings acknowledge the presence of the water structure and include elements in their structure to generate activities around it. One can assume that shops on the edges of the ponds have more business than the ones present on internal streets.

Ponds become essential landmarks in the urban landscape as they are attractors of social activities.

Acknowledging important buildings around the ponds creates a harmony between the water structure and other institutions that constitute the urban fabric.

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Identity: Porosity

Identity: Geomorphic

Identity: Climatic Response

Form: Geometry

Form: Dimension

Form: Craftsmanship

The ubiquitous nature of ponds enhances by the presence of low height porous edges.

In the olden days, these edges were more open. Ponds usually are in the central space of the plazas that they occupy.

Ponds are structures that hold water to recharge the groundwater table and act as a surface water supply. They collect rainwater and act as retention agents to allow maximum seepage. There are ponds at multiple levels to facilitate a directly downhill water supply. The successive levels of ponds have specific purposes as each has a different water quality. As the ponds hold surface water, they act as a secondary source for daily chores that do not need pure drinking water (Antony G, 1985).

The substantial water bodies undergo evaporative cooling during the day, allowing for a temperature-controlled open public space to inhabit.

The open edges make them apparent objects in the urban fabric, unlike the hitis that occupy only parts of the public spaces.

This nature makes their presence a part of the experience of the city.

Every element of the water network has a utilitarian purpose at the level of the city based on the quality and quantity of services it can provide. The form and positioning of the water structures depend on their role in the network and the landscape’s geology.

In some places, the shape of the pond follows the natural depression like in Purnachandi Pukhu. Natural depressions form neighbourhoods that define the edges of a pond gradually. In contrast, regular rectilinear geometries characterize the ponds in Bhaktapur and the outskirts of Patan. Stable geometries come about while designing the neighbourhood with a pond structure.

The sizes of ponds vary greatly in Patan.

Ponds within the city are smaller compared to the ones outside it. The role of the ponds on the outside was to recharge the primary aquifers in the city. In contrast, the role of the smaller ponds in the settlement was to maintain the local groundwater tables and beautify the neighbourhoods.

The shape of the pond depends on the method of its inception. Ponds give a less formal impression than the hitis, as some examples have less defined forms.

The level of craftsmanship expressed in the making of ponds is lower as compared to the hitis. Older images show boulders placed on the edges, thus barely making it a built structure. Today, decorative elements like water spouts line the walls in renovated pond structures, but they fail to function as parts of the existing water network.

There is a hierarchy in the importance given to the water structures. The hitis seem like more celebrated structures than counterparts like the ponds, wells, and canals.

The ponds naturally create a more comfortable space for people to inhabit during the day. It acts as an energy-efficient system.

The utility of the ponds governed their size.

Their size determined the impact of their presence in the city. The more prominent examples underwent multiple cycles of remaking throughout their history.

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Components: Pati (resthouses)

Components: Access

Components: Supply

Components: Outlet

Meaning: Religious Associations

In many cases, pati or pavilions placed along the edge of the water structure make the public space inhabitable. Patis facing the water are preferred by users more than those with a wall towards the water body. The positioning of the pati reflects the presence of significant objects around the pond by pointing in their direction or following their symmetrical axes.

The ponds are accessible from one or two edges. In Bhaktapur ponds, broad platforms at the entrance enhance the experience of the gradual descent towards the water.

The parapet walls with slanting stone tops allowed people to take support on it and use it for drying clothes. In the renovated ponds in Patan, the parapet walls have a metal fence with metal gates for access that are always locked. It inhibits people from maintaining physical associations with the water body.

Fish play an essential role in maintaining the cleanliness of ponds because it holds still water which might accumulate algae or start smelling if left ideal. From older pictures of the ponds, these structures seem easily accessible to other animals like dogs and cows roaming in the streets.

Rainwater, storm-water runoff and sometimes overflow channels from other ponds are the inputs for these water structures. Today drains with layers of filtration line the edges of the ponds to maintain the cleanliness of the water body after collecting surface runoff from the streets.

The output is the water collected in the groundwater table, accessed through dug wells and hitis present around the ponds.

The filtration through layers of underground soil results in odourless pure water supplied in the dug wells and hitis.

The pavilions act as temporary rest spaces for passersby, but while sitting, ponds become an aesthetically appealing element that soothes the mind. The pati also become architectural elements that bind the water structure to the existing urban fabric and culture.

Many ponds have religious buildings placed along one or more of their edges.

The name of the pond also reciprocates the presence of the religious object.

Architectural elements associated with the pond acknowledge their presence.

Religious associations of the pond reflect its coherence with the city’s cultural beliefs.

It reflects a sense of sincerity towards these religious objects and imbibes it in the people.

The formation of the edges and the access of a structure affect its relationship with the people. When open to all, people acquire a sense of belonging and ownership of the infrastructure.

The people realize the importance of accessible water structures. Since ponds are less formalized than hitis and require less effort to access the water, they act as ecosystems to sustain other living organisms.

The collection of fresh rainwater creates an opportunity for reuse. It prevents the water from directly going to the sewage lines and into the river. Systems for collection change according to the changing lifestyles of the people The ecological method of working with the properties of the soil and water leads to an efficient system of managing the demands of the urban population.

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Meaning: Administrative Associations

Meaning: Social Activities

The local community organizations are responsible for the management of the pond. There have been instances when the government wanted to build over the ponds.

Resistance from these local organizations has led to their persistence.

The ponds have streets running along their edges. Near important buildings or road junctions, the space widens, forming small courts. The nature of these spaces depends on the activity happening around them in the buildings. Their daily chores like washing clothes and drying them include the infrastructure. A necessary commodity accessible outside the house ensures the presence of people on the streets.

The people have the agency to stop unwanted changes to their urban landscape.

The laypeople’s knowledge about the importance of the water structures generates its value.

The pond becomes an attractor of activity because it allows for uninterrupted views and hence becomes a comfortable space for so many people to gather and talk without making the space feel too loud.

It necessitates the movement of people outside the house for their daily chores.

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6.3 Inferences: Wells Subject Identity: Positioning

Observation The wells are the most densely packed water structures in Patan. The traditional dug wells serve approximately 20 per cent of the households in the core city (Vaidya, 2006). Some wells sit along the streets, whereas others sit in private residential courtyards. Its surroundings decide to whom the dug well water belongs.

Inference The number of people sharing a well is less than the hitis; hence there is minor discrepancy and arguments during use.

The accessibility of the well reflects in its placement.

Identity: Proximity

The density of the wells enables extreme proximity. The distances between them can be as minimal as a few meters.

It enables resilience. If one well cannot provide adequate water quality, another well near it can solve the purpose.

Identity: Boundary

At the surface level, the wells do not have a significant presence. The well sits as a separate element in the corner of or in the centre of a court. The diameter of the well is tiny compared to the space surrounding it; hence, in some places, the area near the well is converted into a mini plant nursery cultivating greens through hydroponics or in small potted plants.

The well itself does not contribute significantly to the aesthetic of the place.

However, the space surrounding it becomes essential for shared activities like planting.

These shared activities provide a character to the space.

Identity: Porosity

Many of them have walls going up to around 900-1100mm. The traditional wells are easily accessible both visually and physically.

Identity: Landmark

The wells identify courts that develop around them along narrow streets. These dug wells do not have designated names like the hiti and pond structures. They form associations with the area or courtyard they belong.

The well’s scale is minimal and allows activities to happen around it instead of within it. Activity around the wells is evident on the ground level, even more than the hitis.

Wells could act as local landmarks to help locate oneself in the neighbourhood.

Identity: Geomorphic

The wells do not modify the geography of the place to a great extent. These structures are shallow and narrow. The region’s soil enables easy excavation like hitis.

The geology of the Valley leads to the availability of shallow groundwater tables.

Also, nearby ponds maintain water levels in the wells.

The dug well system becomes a costeffective and straightforward system for a continuous water supply to citizens in the Kathmandu Valley. The simplicity of its construction could justify the density of structures present in the region.

These are predominantly individual structures because they do not directly link through input or output channels. The presence of ponds near the structure ensures water in the well.

The working or contamination of one well does not affect the ones near it to a great extent. It enables resilience and dependency of the neighbourhood on this type of water infrastructure.

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Identity: Climatic Response

Form: Geometry

The small-mouth of wells and the water’s depth reduce its loss through evaporation during the day. The wells require minimal space and require small courts for their presence. The scale of the courts compared to the heights of the surrounding buildings creates intimate shaded spaces for social gatherings.

Wells are circular because of the strength of the geometry, economical construction because of less material use, and according to the significance of Vastu (Vaidya, 2006).

Form: Dimensions The diameter varies from 10-4ft. (UEMS, 2013). It could depend on the number of people the well caters to, as a larger diameter would allow more people to procure water simultaneously.

Form: Some wells have carvings towards the top Craftsmanship with snakes and shrines. Some other wells are devoid of any carvings. The pavement patterns around some wells mark their presence in an open court. The intricacy of ornamentation is much less than that seen in the hitis.

Traditional dug wells were structures that tapped the shallow aquifers around 7.5m. These are hand dug structures lined with locally available bricks and sealed with a concrete or stone slab on top.

(Bajracharya,2015) Components: The well water from some structures can Supply be potable after boiling. However, after installing piped water systems, the local dug wells act as a backup water supply for the residents.

Components: Pati Pati (resthouses) face towards the square where the well sits in a few cases. The well attracts residents from the neighbourhood, and the space surrounding it enables them to congregate. The presence of the pati on one edge enables organized community gatherings.

Meaning: Sometimes shrines are built on the edges Religious of the wells and are worshipped regularly. and Spiritual Wells are a part of the water network in the Associations city, and people clean them with other water structures on a designated day annually (Amatya, S., 2003). The people use water from the well to worship religious objects in the neighbourhood.

The wells generate a small scale of open spaces around them, thus creating a hierarchy of public gathering possibilities for the citizens.

The circular shape is optimum for this deep and narrow underground structure. It is the easiest solution to the structural purpose of the dug well walls.

The dimensions of the wells lead to utilitarian possibilities. In some cases, if the diameter is huge, it adds to the identity of the well and its neighbourhood.

The minimal carvings in the wells signify the lesser importance given to this typology than the hiti structures. Lesser carvings also make them more informal and less imposing on the users.

Since the structures are shallow, the amount of effort, external materials required and resources utilized are less than the deep tube wells built-in modern cities.

The well is considered as a reliable source and people have confidence in its working.

Due to it being a necessity, many people visit it daily. The pati becomes a vantage point to view activities in the court. It acts as a space designated for the community, promoting a sense of belonging.

The shrine’s presence attributes the dug well water with a pure characteristic. It identifies as a practical necessity, and religious festivals ensure its maintenance.

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Meaning: Administrative Associations

Meaning: Social Activities

According to a student survey from Pokhara University, about 16.7% of the wells in Patan were managed by the local community resident, while 83.3% of the wells fall under the responsibility of Tole Sudhar Samities, Upabhokta Samities, women’s groups and youth clubs (Bajracharya,2015). Wells are maintained regularly using the amount collected from the people per bucket. The local community takes ownership of the dug wells and ensures their persistence through time.

People use water from the well for their daily needs like drinking, cooking, bathing, cleaning and worshipping (Amatya, S., 2003). The necessary infrastructure outside the home encourages people to interact with their neighbours. The open space near the wells becomes a buffer for parking, storing building materials or carrying out social ceremonies.

A sense of discipline and responsibility towards the structure imbibes in the citizens. It also leads to the formation of small scale communities where neighbours have a chance to interact with each other at regular intervals, promoting a sense of familiarity and belonging.

The presence of the well generates social interactions and creates possibilities for compromise within the community. People learn to deal with others and create bonds to lead a healthier lifestyle.

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6.4 Inferences: Rajkulo Subject Identity: Positioning

Observation The canals are available in three forms, from the water source to the outlets in the hiti spouts. The first part sits outside the city and connects the foothills of the surrounding mountain ranges to the ponds present at the southern end. The second part connects internal ponds. The third part sits a few meters below the ground within the city, connecting the aquifers to the spout outlets.

Inference The city’s people have minimal direct contact with the Rajkulo canals since most of it lies outside, whereas the other lies underground.

Identity: Boundary

The canal that brings water from the The canal becomes a mute landscape faraway streams is open and runs across element that provides water for irrigation fields and roads. It is easily accessible to the and other uses while passing by. people and other living organisms like birds and animals.

Identity: Geomorphic

The canals run along the slope of the existing terrain, which brings water from higher altitudes into the city placed in the Valley.

There is no requirement for extra effort or energy to transport water through long distances.

The rivers uphill from the surrounding mountain ranges supply water through canals to the water structures in Patan. It enables people to rely on the water network in all seasons. It irrigates fields along the way, thus enabling agricultural activities. It recharges the water in the ponds that supply the aquifers. These aquifers are primary sources for the water structures across the city (UN-HABITAT,2007).

The canals make the water network of the city perennial. Since all parts of the Valley could not produce food, providing adequate resources to farmlands was a necessity for the survival of the entire region. It ensured storage in the form of groundwater for resilience against days when the canal would not provide enough.

Form: Geometry

The canals above ground and underground have U-shaped earthen channels that allow water to flow through them. The type of canals bringing water from the streams to the city sits in a depression below the surface and is more significant (Manna, 2015). The underground channels are smaller versions present a few meters below the surface.

The geometry of the canals is elementary and uses minimal faces for the conveyance of water. It saves a lot of construction material and time due to its simplicity.

Meaning: Religious Associations

There are Religious festivals connected to its maintenance. Older citizens remember that the people of the city used to have a ritual where many people got involved in cleaning the canals once a year (UNHABITAT,2007).

The religious festivals enabled the laypeople in the city to learn about the ways of working of the system. Cleaning the canals also imbibed value to the infrastructure.

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Meaning: Administrative Associations

The canal management system had a group of agriculture-related people who repaired and maintained the canals’ water supply.

Agriculture and the generation of surplus meant the prosperity of the city. The canals predominantly supplied water for irrigation.

The groups appointed by the rulers ensured enough water supply for all farmers to prevent internal conflicts (Amatya S., 2003). These groups had agricultural lands that helped generate income for the maintenance of the system.

The funds for the maintenance and the decision-making power for the canal system were in the people’s hands. A sense of responsibility instils in their minds for the infrastructure.

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6.5 Inferences: Water Network Subject Identity: Positioning

Observation The various types of water structures are present outside, and within the core city based on the purpose they solve in the network. The location of the type would depend on the geology of the place and the population’s requirements (BeckerRitterspach, 1994).

Inference The absence of superstitial rules while placing types of water infrastructure in the city makes it a highly optimized network.

Its functional role in the network becomes the primary factor for its positioning.

Identity: Proximity

The core cities in the Kathmandu Valley have a dense network of water structures.

There are hierarchies of open spaces formed in the city with complementary scales of water structures. The density of wells is much higher than the ponds and the hitis. The number of wells increases because its scale requires fewer people for its management.

The proximity of water structures in the city makes them an inherent part of the daily experience. It also allows for resilience against the contamination or stoppage of any water structure.

Identity: Boundary

Each type of water structure belongs to one typology. Sometimes the structures are a combination of two types. These structures occupy prominent spaces in urban squares, thus becoming an inherent part of its experience. Structures like ponds and hitis are physically more evident due to the scale or the intricacy of their making.

They also form ensembles with various components like resthouses and drinking water fountains.

Every structure has a unique identity based on its place in its surroundings. Additional elements add to its uniqueness as the positioning of its components is different for every structure.

Identity: Landmark

The water structures become attractors of activity as they supply the essential element to the residents. In cases where there are prominent religious buildings surrounding these structures, there are ways these structures acknowledge them architecturally. In other places, the water structures become the identifying element for the neighbourhood.

An inherent respect for religion in the culture of Nepal gives significance to religious buildings over water infrastructure.

Identity: Axis

The geometrically variable structures like hitis and ponds sometimes follow the axes of the prominent buildings surrounding them. Wells and canals have fixed dimensions and geometries based on their utility. There is an attempt to acknowledge prominent political or religious objects surrounding the water structure through architectural gestures.

There is an attempt to maintain harmony between the various types of urban institutions. It promotes an understanding that the old need not be demolished to make the new look situated.

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Identity: Porosity

The water structures in the Valley are evident spaces for public activity. They have porous boundaries with low height parapets on the ground level that allows the passersby to observe the activity within the structures. The pati(resthouses) with semiopen spaces make the edges of the water structures inhabitable for the temporary presence of people on the streets.

The porous nature of the water infrastructure makes them an active agent in shaping the city’s urban life. The presence of people attracts more people to spend time on the streets (Whyte, 1980).

Identity: Geomorphic

The Valley was a lake in ancient times.

People believed in a mythological tale where a scholarly person drains the lake to form the Valley. It left a gravelly surface which sits beneath a layer of soil today.

This geological feature, known as an aquifer, enables groundwater storage. The aquifers spread across Patan city are the primary source for the water structures (Boesch, 1972).

Years of exploration of the landscape and its properties lead to the development of such a system. Myths and stories about the place reflected the natural setting, thus making it a part of the common knowledge of the citizens.

The geology of the Kathmandu Valley enables the formation of the traditional water network that works with the natural geological formations called aquifers storing freshwater beneath the earth’s surface. The region’s geographical hardships that prohibit water from going against the natural slope become the guiding factor for the system. Every type of water structure has a purpose in the network to provide a continuous fresh water supply to the city.

The water infrastructure in Patan works with the limitations of the landscape, geology and the natural forces on earth.

These elements constitute the constants for the region. Since the system responds to the constant characteristics of the place, it persists even after significant changes in technology and the government.

The nature of the flow of the water determines its quality and cleanliness.

Each water structure from the network has varying ways of dealing with water.

In some cases, it flows above the ground, flows through the soil layers, or stays stagnant. The water quality achieved through the infrastructure reflects its use and placement in the urban fabric. Extra efforts like filtration systems develop to enhance the water quality in hitis to make the water potable.

The infrastructure identifies that there are various uses for water in the life of people. Instead of using one system for all the uses, each type of structure celebrates its purpose. It helps reduce wastage of additional efforts in bringing all the water to one standard. It also enables multiple cycles of reuse before the water reaches the river.

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Identity: Climatic Response

The water that enters the system reaches back through multiple reuse cycles. Since it involves movement through soil layers, the water purifies to a large extent before re-entering the river. The system uses gravitational energy to transport water throughout the city, having a positive ecological response. The spaces around the water structures follow the movement of the sun and wind, creating inhabitable spaces for all seasons.

The water infrastructure has minimal ecological damage to the existing systems of nature. There is an effort to create comfortable spaces for the people to inhabit using accurate architectural responses and positioning according to natural elements.

Form: Geometry and Dimensions

Every structure in the water network has a unique shape and size within its typology.

The hitis seem to follow a basic square geometry with variations in shape to mark the presence of the water spouts. The ponds either follow the natural terrain or a rigid rectangular geometry. The wells and canals have a minor exploration in the aesthetic aspects as they follow highly utilitarian geometries.

Minor variations in the geometry or dimensions of structures within the same typology attribute a unique identity to each structure. The neighbourhoods associated with these water structures develop a sense of familiarity.

Form: Craftsmanship

Many water structures exhibit varying degrees of craftsmanship based on their type. The hitis have a minor proportion of the structure occupied by the water. Hence there are a lot of surfaces available for artistic exploration. Ponds and wells are less articulate than the hitis, and the canals show elementary levels of construction.

There is a hierarchy in the value attributed to the water structures. This value highlights through the level of craftsmanship of the structure. Also, since hitis provide the highest level of pure water, they are the most celebrated among the water structures.

Components

Many water structures in the network are ensembles constituting additional structures that make life possible around them. These usually include platforms, open public squares, pati(resthouses), Jahru(drinking water fountains) and steps along the edges of adjacent buildings. The hitis, ponds and wells have varying degrees of complexity in their ensembles based on their location and development of their components.

The canals are distinct elements outside the city and seldom do not have additional components since it is kilometres long and does not require inhabitation along the edges.

The varying combinations and arrangements of components in and around the water structures add to their urban presence. It provides the structure with a unique configuration that helps generate associations among the people.

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Meaning: Religious Associations

There are festivals in the Newari calendar that relate to the rain gods (Rato Matsyendranath) and mandate the cleaning of all the water structures belonging to the city’s water network (Sithinakha) (BeckerRitterspach, 1994). They mobilize the city’s people and involve processions that make these festivals a visible part of urban life.

As Nepali people have strong religious beliefs, systems and rituals were developed around the water structures to ensure their persistence. Since people witness these festivals from childhood, a sense of respect and enjoyment is associated with the water infrastructure.

Meaning: Administrative Associations

There is a system of forming groups of selected individuals responsible for maintaining and developing the community water structures. These Guthi systems work for all types of water structures and pass on through generations in the family.

Due to discrepancies in the records and the reluctance of families to take ancestorial responsibility, today, Sudhar Samities, locally formed community groups, maintain them (UN-HABITAT, 2007).

There is a value attributed to these water structures as they prove to be useful even today after the presence of a piped water network as it fails to work efficiently.

Their persistence through time has led to awareness among the residents and self-mobilization to maintain the water structures.

Meaning: Social Activities

The water structures provide an essential element of the daily needs of the citizens.

It ensures the presence of people around the water structures throughout the day.

It leads to the formation of public spaces around the water structures that cater to the transactions of goods and ideas. These activities happen according to the function of the buildings adjacent to the edges.

Since the residential neighbourhoods are cramped, the open spaces housing water structures become primary activity nodes.

The water infrastructure becomes one of the primary elements generating public life in the city. The contrasting experience provided by the space around the water structures also contributes to the activity it generates.

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6.6 Conclusion Based on the framework of analysis derived in chapter 2, the observations made for each type of water structure led to inferences that hint toward practical considerations during their construction and urban potential in the human realm. Following is a concise list of the inferences as categorized in the manner mentioned above.

Considerations: • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Catering to more than one urban necessity The resilience of the system allowing perennial supply Aim to achieve harmony with other urban institutions Experimentation to obtain optimized results Planned interconnected networks Use of traditional methods of construction and local knowledge and skills Working with the landscape and properties of the region Water quality reflects in the expected use and size of the structure Relation to social systems of organization Reflecting the culture of the place Relation to the Political centre reflecting in degrees of formality Anchored by religious and spiritual symbolism Success through maintenance

Urban Potentials • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Utilitarian design Variations resulting in unique identities Formation of local landmarks Sense of belonging and familiarity Symbol of trust in nature and governance Minimal wastage of resources Ecological approach Comfort in all weathers Medium of artistic expression, appreciation of the builders Inhabitable and hospitable urban space Multiple cycles of reuse Structural solutions promote urban activities Assembled open space encouraging multiple activities simultaneously Increase in perceived value due to socio-cultural associations Self-mobilization of united people with agency and ownership of public space • People attract people • Necessary social interactions to promote a healthier lifestyle

The water infrastructure in Patan thus becomes more than just ‘Multifunctional’, allowing for multiple uses in space. Instead, it becomes ‘Multifaceted’ and caters to multiple aspects of urban life or has many features that embed it into the urban fabric. Hence, to derive the definition of Multifaceted Infrastructure, one needs to look at the thoughts before constructing a structure, the activities it enables during its presence, and its future potential. The following chapter generates the definition of Multifaceted Infrastructure through the inferences mentioned above.

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Chapter 7: Multifaceted Infrastructure The introduction chapter talks about the state of urban infrastructure today. Incoherent systems with functional solutions based on the current technologies try to achieve the Modern Infrastructural Ideals in the west.

In the case of water infrastructure, it becomes a commodity that flows beneath the earth’s surface (Arya, 2019). It leads to mono-functional infrastructural networks that have no direct relation to urban life.

Contradictory to these, traditional water management systems develop engagements with systems of food, landscape, plants, aesthetics, purity and needs to generate highly regional networks (Morrison, 2015). In the case of water, its multifaceted nature and possibilities of use lead to the formation of systems that respond to multiple aspects of daily life, including necessities, beliefs and interactions. The paper derives a definition of Multifaceted Infrastructure from examples of traditional water infrastructure to identify the possible roles that infrastructure plays in urban life.

The paper analyzes traditional water infrastructure in Patan, Nepal, through the lens of architecture. It reinterprets existing architectural frameworks according to the context of urban water infrastructure.

Three primary lenses of Identity, Structure and Meaning constitute the architectural framework. Identity exhibits the relation of the infrastructure to the varying scales of contexts of the region and the city.

Each type of water structure sits in harmony with the landscape. They work with the properties of the terrain, its geology and hydrology and the climatic conditions throughout the seasons. In the urban context, their position follows the political and socio-cultural constructs. They exhibit variations in geometry, dimensions and craftsmanship that leads to the exploration of forms and typologies to generate an optimized system.

They mobilize existing knowledge systems and local materials to create an artistic expression. These structures respond to the people’s religious beliefs while developing public spaces that enable social and economic interactions even today.

Observations from the analysis of examples of each type of water structure constituting the water network result in two categories of inferences, as mentioned in chapter 6. These inferences prove that the traditional water infrastructure systems consider various aspects like the landscape, religious beliefs, socio-cultural norms and knowledge systems to generate highly planned, resilient and perennial supply networks. The second category includes the urban potentials of these systems to develop practical, adaptive, cost-effective solutions that enrich the experience of urban life. These systems express activities and concerns beyond the mere idea of functions or the purpose of these structures. The general meaning of the term Multifunctional or Multifaceted Infrastructure is limited to the functions it enables in the spaces that it constitutes.

Through the inferences obtained in chapter 6, the research generates a definition of Multifaceted Infrastructure that includes thought behind the design idea, the functions it caters to in the present, and the possibilities it has in the future.

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7.1 Connecting Framework to Inferences

Aim to achieve harmony with other urban institutions Catering to more than one urban necessity Relation to social systems of organization, culture of the place, political influences, religious and spiritual symbolism

Variations resulting in unique identities and optimization

FRAMEWORK OF ANALYSIS to articulate the Multifacetedness of the Infrastructure

Utilitarian design Formation of local landmarks Sense of belonging and familiarity

Success through maintenance, Self-mobilization of united people with agency and ownership of public space

Identity

Structure

Meaning

City

Form

Associations

Components

Activities

Positioning Proximity Axis Boundary Porosity Landmark

Region

Geomorphic Climatic Response

Ecological approach, Minimal wastage of resources, Comfort in all weathers, Multiple cycles of reuse The resilience of the system allowing perennial supply

Geometry Dimensions Craftsmanship

Placement and Purpose of the following: Access Platforms Supply - Spouts Outlet - Drains Auxillary Structures Pati/ Jahru

Religious Spiritual Administrative

Socio-cultural Economic Religious

Medium of artistic expression, appreciation of the builders

Inhabitable and hospitable urban space People attract people, Necessary social interactions to promote a healthier lifestyle

Use of traditional methods of construction and local knowledge and skills

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7.2 Definition for Multifaceted Infrastructure The flow chart that connects the inferences to the architectural framework of analysis identifies certain factors that can define Multifaceted Infrastructure. It hints towards an optimized utilitarian design resulting from an experimental approach, which can provide resilience against natural calamities or future needs of the people to generate a perennial supply of urban necessities. It works with the landscape and uses an ecological approach to reduce the wastage of resources. It encourages people’s participation in the persistence of a system that is easy to maintain and additive. It instils a sense of belonging and familiarity among the users by generating activity and associations with the sociocultural, religious, political and spiritual contexts. It employs local or traditional knowledge systems developed through generations to allow artistic expression. Lastly, it caters to multiple forms of urban necessities and generates visual and functional harmony between various urban institutions. It is not only a commodity, instead, it is a celebration of the life-giving properties of water in the form of built heritage. Based on these characteristics, Multifaceted Infrastructure can be defined as follows: A multifaceted infrastructure refers to a system that functions to its utmost optimization while also catering to ideas of ecology, resilience, and urban harmony and encourages public participation and relationships with the city’s socio-cultural, historical political, and spiritual context to enrich the experience of urban life.

This definition creates a holistic image of what Multifacetedness means in the urban context. It can not be exclusive to these factors, but any urban infrastructural project can manifest degrees of Multifacetedness based on them. This research aims to inspire urban infrastructure design that can situate itself in its context. Even though the analysis looks at water infrastructure, future studies can use the definition of Multifaceted Infrastructure to design or decode other forms of infrastructural networks.

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7.3 Reflections There are fundamental ideological differences between the traditional forms of infrastructure and the newer constructions. These, in turn, affect the way they interact with the people and the city. It is the nature of human societies to evolve and generate newer forms of technology. In traditional systems, the latest technology superimposes the knowledge acquired through generations about the region and the landscape.

Infrastructure is not a one-time solution. Instead, it is a process, a continuous struggle to cater to the city’s increasing population. It is not a work of an individual or a group of people from a period in time; instead, it is progressively added upon through generations with similar intents that gradually lead to evolution. The systems base their structure on the environment and the first-hand experience of use, building in parts; hence, they are always politically, culturally, and economically updated (Petruccioli, 2007).

There is also an attempt to look at infrastructure from a circular economy perspective in traditional infrastructure. There is a thought about giving back to nature. In Patan, Nepal, the traditional water system circulates the water that comes into the system back into the river in an unadulterated form. In contrast, the newer infrastructural ideals, inspired by industrialization, focus on demand based solutions. In terms of water infrastructure, dams get constructed along rivers around which people start wasting water during their daily use for luxurious lifestyles.

Ironically, most people are unaware of where the water they consume is coming from (Arya, 2019). Recent trends have started shifting focus towards ecological approaches to minimize the damage that large scale infrastructure has on the environment. These shifts reiterate the wisdom with which traditional societies used to function (Arya, 2019).

The research paper tries to find the meaning of Multifaceted Infrastructure because what matters in designing spaces for urban use is to ask the right questions. Art and Architecture are subjective professions, and the success of a design means different things in a different context.

It is usually about the anchors that drive the design process. These anchors can be thoughts about the environment, responses to the site, or a greater experiential purpose. Here it is a given that the project caters to its function in the most practical manner. But it is the additional anchors that form the essence of the project. In the case of Patan, Nepal, the formation of a stepped water conduit that supplies continuous drinking water while also generating public life acts as an apt example. India, a developing nation, has numerous infrastructural projects that dot its future. If the designers are aware of the various aspects that the infrastructure affects, and if there is an attempt to respond to these aspects, then one can hope to restore a balance between the city, the people and the environment.

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Glossary Attha: Big stone bowls that hold a medium of filtration to purify water flowing underground before reaching the stone spouts.

Bahah, Bahal: A Buddhist monastery Caitya: A Buddhist votive structure Durbar: Palace Hiti: Stepped water conduit, an underground structure with stepped platforms leading down to a wall with water spouts that supply continuous drinking water.

Hitimanga: Carved stone spouts Inara: Traditional Dug well Jahru: Drinking water fountains; are stone structures with a storage tank on top and a few water outlets on the lower end.

Kund: Open to sky water tank; often has steps that lead to the water, and it is usually a part of a religious or political complex.

Makara: A mythical water dragon believed to be the vehicle of the goddess Ganga.

Pati, Mandapa, Phalca: Semi-open resthouses for travellers; usually have one floor with walls on three sides and columns towards the street for religious or social functions.

Phah: Plinths / Platforms in the Hiti Pokhari/ Pukhu: Ponds Rajkulo: Royal canals that bring water to the city Samyak: A periodic grand ceremony of charity for the poor people.

Satah: It is a two-storey structure that acts as a public resthouse. It is a building or house designated for charity to be used by the community.

Stupa: A monumental religious mound of earth made in the memory of the Buddha or a Buddhist monk.

Tol: Area or neighbourhood Yatra: A religious or political procession

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Theophile, E., & Joshi, P. R. (1992). Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan. Lalitpur, Nepal: Patan conservation and development program, UDLE/GTZ. UN-HABITAT. (2007). Water Movement in Patan with reference to traditonal stone spouts. Kathmandu, Nepal: UN-HABITAT Water for Asian Cities Programme.

Whyte, W. (1980). The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. Washington, D.C.: Conservation Foundation.

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List of Figures All figures without a reference are made by the author.

Figure 1

Kathmandu Valley in map of Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Adapted from ‘Nepal Mandala’ Vol 2: Plates (pg xxii) by M.S. Slusser, 1982, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Figure 2

Three major cities in Kathmandu Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Adapted from ‘Nepal Mandala’ Vol 2: Plates (pg xxiv) by M.S. Slusser, 1982, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Figure 3

Map of the Patan City. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Adapted from ‘Traditional Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley’ (pg 4) by W. Korn, 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

Figure 4

Placement of Patan w.r.t. The slope of the landscape. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Adapted from ‘Himalayan Cities’ (pg 58) by P. Shankar, 2014, Delhi: Niyogi Books.

Figure 5

Map depicting the placement of various types of water structures in the core city of Patan. . . . . 23 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago

Figure 6

Flow chart showing the interconnections between the types. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

Figure 7

Water balance of the spout system (Molden,2015). A. Irrigation drainage, B. Outflow from streams and rivers, C. Irrigation canal transport, D. Storage in ponds (pokhari), E. Drainage from ponds into shallow groundwater or pipes, F. Temples are important to water use and management, G. Baseflow into rivers, H. Drainage from upstream spouts, I. Shallow aquifer, J. Underground pipes, K. Filtration chambers, L. Overland flow, M. Brick chambers allow for infiltration, N. Throughflow from upstream Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Retrieved from Traditional Infrastructure, Modern Flows: Cultural Politics Of Modernization In The Kathmandu Valley (pg 29) by Olivia Conniff Molden, 2015, Graduate School of the University of Oregon: Unpublished Thesis

Figure 8

Sectional Axonometric diagram of a generic hiti structure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

Figure 9

Diagram of a generic pond structure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Figure 10 System showing the geology that enables water supply to the spouts from the ponds.. . . . . . . 28 Adapted from Kathmandu’s ancient water spouts still functioning by Alok Siddhi Tuladhar , 2022 (https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/kathmandus-ancient-water-spouts-stillfunctioning/). Illustration by Hrishav Raj Joshi Figure 11 Plan showing the water source of the Pimbahal Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 12 Diagram of a traditional dug well structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Figure 13 Diagrammatic sketch of a canal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Figure 14 Map showing the origination of the Tikabhairav Rajkulo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Retrieved from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 18) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 15 Map marking the case studies chosen from types of water structures in the core city. . . . . . . . 31 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago 168

Figure 16 Diagrammatic Placement of the four hiti case studies w.r.t. The concentric arrangement of Patan. Left to right: Manga hiti, Nagbahal hiti, Tapa hiti and Alko hiti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Figure 17 Top: View of the spouts in Manga hiti | Middle: View of the two pavillions at the entrance of the hiti | Bottom: View of the Manga hiti from the secondary access towards the Northwest. . . . 35 Figure 18 Diagrammatic map of the City. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Adapted from ‘Traditional Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley’ (pg 4) by W. Korn, 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

Figure 19 The Manga hiti follows the entrances axis of the Palace.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 20 Diagrammatic Plan showing the water structures adjacent to the Manga hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 21

Diagrammatic Plan showing the water structures present in the Durbar Square. . . . . . . . . . . 37 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

Figure 22

The two open spaces formed in the Durbar square. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0

Figure 23

Diagram showing directionality of the two open spaces in Durbar Square. . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

Figure 24 Axonometric drawing showing volumes occupied by buildings surrounding the Manga hiti. . . . 39 Figure 25 Sketch of the open space beside the Manga hiti from one of the cafes in the north. . . . . . . . . 39 Adapted from Alamy stock photos by Steve Whyte, 2014 (https://www.alamy.com/stock-photonorthern-part-of-durbar-square-with-the-manga-hiti-water-conduit-patan-117167663.html) Copyright © 17/03/2022 Alamy Ltd. Figure 26 Underground structure allows for uninterruped open to sky space.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Figure 27 The symmetrical axes of the Vishnu Temple, Manga hiti and the buddhist caitya coincide. . . . . 40 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 28 Plan diagram showing the detached presence of the Manga Hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 29 The porous edge created by the entrance mandapas.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 30 Plan and elevation of the Manga hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Figure 31 Estimated water supply to the Manga hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 32 Water source to the Manga hiti passing through the plot of a school. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 169

Figure 33 Plan diagram showing other square structures near the Palace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 34 Section showing the relationship between the pedestal of the temple and the depression of the hiti.42 Figure 35 Plan diagram showing the dimensions of the Manga hiti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Figure 36 Old photograph of the Manga hiti from the northeast direction showing the entrance patis. . . . . 43 Derived from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 37 Sketch of the spout niche in the Manga hiti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Figure 38 Plan diagram showing access lines to the Manga Hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 39 The stairways ending along the symmetrical axes of the Manga hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Adapted from drawing 2a, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 81) by Chitrakar K.R.(1987) Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Figure 40 The primary staircase leading to Manga Hiti.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Adapted from drawing 2a, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 81) by Chitrakar K.R.(1987) Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Figure 41 The secondary staircase leading to Manga Hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Adapted from drawing 2a, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 81) by Chitrakar K.R.(1987) Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Figure 42 The symmetrical axes of the hiti w.r.t. the placement of patis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Figure 43 The directionality expressed through the boundaries of the patis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Figure 44 Plan diagram of the Patis showing centrality of left pati, eccentuated by the idol in the centre and grid of the right pati. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Adapted from drawing 2a, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 81) by Chitrakar K.R.(1987) Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Figure 45 Faces of the patis that are open to views. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Figure 46 Placement of the patis w.r.t. The boundary wall of the hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Figure 47 Concentric plinth walls of the hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Figure 48 A filteration system inside the ground provides a continuous flow of clean. . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Adapted from Sourcebook of Alternative Technologies for freshwater augmentation in some Asian countries(pg X) by DHI and Water branch of UNEP, 1999, Osaka/Shinga, UNEP Figure 49 A sketch of the central space as occupied by users waiting in lines to fill buckets of water for daily chores. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Figure 50 Staircases cut out of these platforms for access to the lowest level. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Figure 51 Minor modifications to the platform shape to signify the presence of water basin with the spouts..47 170

Figure 52 Cut axonometric sketch of the Platforms at Manga hiti showing various ways of use . . . . . . . 48 Figure 53 Plan Diagram showing placement and number of spouts in the Manga hiti.. . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Figure 54 Diagram demarcating the drainage path of the hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 55 Diagram showing the profile of the parapet wall of the hiti and the various ways in which it is used. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Figure 56 Diagram showing placement of Jahru and its accessibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Figure 57 The symmetrical axes of the Vishnu Temple, Manga hiti and the buddhist caitya coincide. . . . . 50 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 58 The symmetrical axes of the Vishnu Temple, Manga hiti and the buddhist caitya coincide. . . . . 50 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 59 Demarcation of temporary structures next to the platform besides the pavilion. . . . . . . . . . . 51 Adapted from Monument - Maṅgaḥ Hiti (built in 570 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/7286700f-4313-42ba-be54-d79933e086a4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 60 Sketch showing temporary structures that are added during festivals next to the pavilions. . . . . 51 Figure 61 Top: View of the Nagbahal hiti from the entrance | Middle: View of the Nagbahal hiti from the southwest | Bottom: View of the Nagbahal hiti from the northerst direction. . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Figure 62 Plan showing placement of the Nagbahal hiti with respect to the Durbar square (ciy centre) and other nearest hitis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 63 Diagramatic plan of the Nagbahal hiti and its placement with respect to the Golden Temple. . . . 55 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 64 Sketch of the Patis with the Nagaraja and the Nagini paintings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Figure 65 Plan diagram showing placement of all water structures within the Nagbahal courtyard.. . . . . . 56 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 66 The patis acting as vantage points for viewing the activity in the courtyard.. . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 67 Axonometric diagram showing the hiti as a separate entity from its surroundings. . . . . . . . . 57 Figure 68 Relationship of axes between hiti and patis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Figure 69 Diagrammatic section showing the porous character of the hiti parapet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Figure 70 Shaded parts of the hiti and pati allowing for options of inhabitation.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

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Figure 71 Diagramatic plan showing the wind flow in the Nagbahal courtyard.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 72 Diagrammatic plan showing the movement of water from the source to the hiti.. . . . . . . . . . 59 Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 73 Plan diagram showing the supply line of the Nagbahal hiti from Khwayebahi aquifer. . . . . . . 59 Adapted from Preserving the Nagbahal Hiti(pg 72) by Joshi, Jharna, 2008, SPACES Nepal, Nov-Dec. Figure 74 Plan diagram showing the dimensions of the Nagbahal hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Figure 75 Stepped form of the hiti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Figure 76 Section showing depth of the hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Figure 77 Diagrammatic plan showing the various materials used in the construction of the Nagbahal hiti.. 61 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 78 Sketch of the view from point ‘a’ in fig.77 of the water spout basin in the Nagbahal hiti to show the intricate craftsmanship. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Figure 79 Left: Axonometric diagram of the edges of the Nagbahal hiti, Right: Section of the parapet of the Nagbahal hiti.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Figure 80 Placement of the spouts and numbering based on importance expressed through its making. . . . 62 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 81 Plan diagrams showing basin depressions and placement of the drain.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 82 Plan diagram showing drainage line of the Nagbahal hiti and other hitis that connect to it. . . . . 63 Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 35) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 83 View from the landing before turning towards the water spout.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Figure 84 Diagrammatic plan, axonometric sketch and placement of the Mandah phalca.. . . . . . . . . . . 64 Figure 85 Concentric Platforms in the Hiti and their symmetrical axisaxis of symmetry . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Figure 86 A Plan diagram showing the directionality of the platform towards the Golden temple.. . . . . . 65 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 87 Plan diagram showing the placement of the Jahru and the movement of the water towards the drain. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Figure 88 Plan diagram showing the placement of Religious objects within the hiti complex. . . . . . . . . 66 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Figure 89 Plan diagram marking the open space in front of the Nagbahal hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Adapted from Monument - Nāga Bāhāḥ Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/85784d90-e904-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 90 Image showing the Itilhane Samyak Mahadana festival taking place in Nagbahal. . . . . . . . . 66 Retrived from Bajracharya D. (2016, March 13) Dha:baja Performance Itilhane Samyak [Video]. Youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pq-uFk3mGe4&t=199s Figure 91 Top: View of the Tapa hiti west | Middle: View of the tapa hiti complex from the southwest corner | Bottom: View of the Tapa hiti east.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Figure 92 Plan diagram showing positioning of Tapa hiti with respect to city center . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Adapted from Map 3, Water Conduits in the Kathmandu Valley(pg 12) by Becker-Ritterspach R.O.A., 1995, New Delhi, India, Munishram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Figure 93 Plan diagram showing the positioning of Tapa hiti with nearby roads and residences. . . . . . . . 70 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 94 Plan diagram showing the positioning of the complex in the plaza.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 95 Plan diagram showing components of the Tapa hiti complex. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 8) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 96 Schematic section showing ground modulation in the two parts of the complex.. . . . . . . . . . 72 Figure 97 Sectional diagram showing the openness felt in the plaza.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Figure 98 Flooring pattern around the tapa hiti complex. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Adapted from “Heritage: Study of traditional settlement, its composition, character and coherence to lifestyle”( pg 15) by Asmita, 2017, Conservation studio project, xx University, Nepal. [Unpublished Thesis] Figure 99 Plan diagram showing the connection between the Khwayebahi Aquifer and the tapa hiti and their respective altitudes.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 100 Diagramatic section showing slope of the tapa hiti area. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Figure 101 Section showing the ground modulation of the hiti area with the gradual sloping of the ground.. . 73 Figure 102 Diagrammatic plan showing the movement of underground water from channels according to the natural gradient and its relation to the placement of the spouts & drains. . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 103 Left: Plan diagram showing movement of winds, Right: Section showing ideal behaviour of the pati w.r.t. winds and sun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Figure 104 Gradient of the road and the ideal nature of plaza as a place to sit during cold winters. . . . . . . 74 Figure 105 Plan diagram showing the shape and size of the west(left) and east hiti(right).. . . . . . . . . . . 75 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 173

Figure 106 Sections showing the depth of the west(top) and east(bottom) hitis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 107 Axonometric diagram showing the materials used in the making of the west(left) and east(right) hitis and their articulation. The red lines indicate the bricks and the black lines indicate the stone blocks and slabs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Figure 108 Spouts and their placement in the west(left) and east(right) hitis.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 109 Plan diagram showing basin depression and drain position in west(left) and east(right) hiti.. . . . 76 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 110 Section showing the height of the parapet w.r.t. Inside the hiti premises and the exterior road.. . . 76 Figure 111 Plan diagram showing movement paths to the west and east hiti from the central platform.. . . . 77 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 112 Plan diagram showing the directionality of the pati expressed through their making. . . . . . . . 77 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 113 Plan showing religious object within and near the Tapa hiti west.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 114 Plan showing religious object within and near the Tapa hiti west.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Adapted from Monument - Tāpā Hiti East by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/5d44f5b8-70f8-11ea-966a-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 115 Old photograph of the Tapa hiti east pati during Mataya, a buddhist procession.. . . . . . . . . . 78 Retrieved from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 9) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 116 Top: View of the Alko hiti | Middle: View of the Alko hiti complex from the southeast corner | Bottom: View of the Tapa hiti from the southwest. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Figure 117 Diagrammatic Plan showing placement of the Alko hiti in the map of the Patan city. . . . . . . . 82 Adapted from Google Maps [a zoomed out picture of the patan city with the Bagmati river, viewed on 1 March 2022] Figure 118 Map showing the placement of the Alko hiti w.r.t. The city centre and the Konti hiti . . . . . . . 82 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 119 Plan diagram showing the hitis present around the Alko hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 120 Plan diagram showing the city gate and the street considered to be outside the city premises. . . . 83 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 174

Figure 121 Components of the Alko hiti complex.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 122 Section showing the enclosed nature of he boundary wall of Alko hiti.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Figure 123 Top: Plan showing the Placement of the Emu don aquifer. Bottom: Tentative section showing the formation of the emu don aquifer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 124 Plan diagram marking the agricultural lands believed to be the sources of the aquifer preserved by the Alko hiti community.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 125 Section showing the climatic response of the hiti to the sun. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Figure 126 Plan showing the geometry of the Alko hiti and the other structures in the complex. . . . . . . . 86 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 127 Plan diagram showing the axis of symmetry followed by the central niche in the Alko hiti. . . . . 86 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 128 The hiti shifts towards the left in the complex to create an open space in front of the Ganesha Temple.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Figure 129 Sectional isometric sketch of a wall of the Alko hiti showing the material palette in its construction.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Figure 130 Plan diagram showing the two access points of the Alko hiti structure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 131 Plan diagram showing the number and placement of water spouts in Alko hiti.. . . . . . . . . . . 88 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 132 Plan diagram showing the placement of water basins and drain in the Alko hiti. . . . . . . . . . . 88 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 133 Diagrammatic section showing the nature of the spaces in the Satah.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Figure 134 Plan diagram showing open spaces on the two sides of the Alko hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 135 Sketch sections showing the presence of religious elements in the Alko hiti. . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 Figure 136 Top: View of the Washa hiti | Middle: View of the Dathu hiti | Bottom: View of the Buica Hiti. . 91 Figure 137 Plan diagram showing perpendicular axis followed by the three hitis to the slope of the hillock.. . 92 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 175

Figure 138 Plan diagram showing placement of hitis near the Ikhachhe hillock and its aquifer. . . . . . . . . 92 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 139 Section showing the movement of water from higher ground to the lower hitis.. . . . . . . . . . 92 Figure 140 Plan diagram showing shape and size of the three hitis.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 141 Plan diagram showing the placement of pati in the three hitis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 142 Plan diagram showing number of spouts and access paths in the three hitis.. . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Adapted from Monument - Ālko Hiti (1415 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/afa386ca-8eea-11ea-bd59-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 143 Schematic section of the relation of hiti with the hillock. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Figure 144 Top: Painting of the Pimbahal Pukhu from 1854 (by Henri Ambrose Oldfield, 1852, NHDP)| Middle: Photograph of the Pimbahal Pukhu (date unknown, NHDP)| Bottom: View of the Pimbahal Pukhu today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 145 The positioning of the Pimbahal Pukhu w.r.t. The city centre. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 146 The placement of the Pimbahal Caitya and four other Asoka Stupas in the cardinal directions in Patan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Adapted from ‘Traditional Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley’ (pg 4) by W. Korn, 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

Figure 147 Plan diagram showing the placement of the central pati w.r.t. The Caitya and the Temple. . . . . 97 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 148 Sketch sections showing the variations in experience of the streets and the Pimbahal court.. . . . 97 Figure 149 Elevation showing the presence of Shops on the ground floor of residential buildings around the Pimbahal Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Figure 150 Sketch showing how the edges of the buildings are occupied for social gatherings. . . . . . . . . 98 Figure 151 Sketch section showing the articulation of the building edges facing the Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . 98 Figure 152 Plan showing the water source of the Pimbahal Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Adapted from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg following 4) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 153 Sketch Section showing the movement of water from higher grounds to the Pimbahal Pukhu . . . 99 Figure 154 Sketch Section showing the Evaporative cooling effect of the Pimbahal pond.. . . . . . . . . . . 99

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Figure 155 Plan diagram showing the alignment of the Pukhu edges with the temple and the Caitya. . . . . 100 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 156 Sectional diagram showing the components of the boundary wall of the Pimbahal Pukhu.. . . . 100 Figure 157 Painting of the Pimbahal Pukhu from 1852 AD. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Retrieved from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 158 Plan diagram showing the dimensions of the Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 159 Placement of Pati in the Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 160 Plan of the Pati in the middle of the Pimbahal Pukhu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Figure 161 Section of the bridge, people occupying its edges and the Pati . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Figure 162 Directionality of the Pati.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 163 Plan diagram demarcating open space in front of the Caitya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 164 Plan demarcating the Patis surrounding the Pimbahal Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 165 Top: Section showing the edge of the Pukhu in olden days. Bottom : Section showing the edge of the Pimbahal Pukhu today with the drain.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Figure 166 Image of the edge of the Pimbahal Pukhu in olden days. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Retrieved from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 167 Plan showing the spouts present in the Pimbahal Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 168 Image of the edge of the Pimbahal Pukhu currently.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Figure 169 Plan showing the Religious objects in the proximity of the Pimbahal Pukhu . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 170 Plan showing the activities happening on the ground level of surrounding buildings and the resultant character of open spaces around the Pimbahal Pukhu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Adapted from Monument - Jagamaru Pukhū Phalcā by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/8fa97d24-02ff-11ea-a389-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0

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Figure 171 Top: View of the Purnachandi Pukhu from Northeast | Bottom: View of the Purnachandi Pukhu from North . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Figure 172 Plan diagram showing the placement of the Purnachandi Pukhu w.r.t. The city centre. . . . . . 106 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 173 Plan diagram showing the components of the Purnachandi Pukhu ensemble and the religious buildings that it responds to. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e56-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 174 Section showing the nature of the parapet wall of the Purnachandi Pukhu with the metal fences on top of the brick wall.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Figure 175 Section showing the relationship between the shops and the edge of the Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . 106 Figure 176 Old image of the Purnachandi Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Retrieved from Monumentum (pg 101, XVIII-XIX) by Eduard Sekler, 1979 Figure 177 Top: Key plan Middle and Bottom: Parallel sections cutting through the Southwest quarter of Patan city to show that Purnachandi Pukhu sits in a Natural depression.. . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 178 Diagrammatic plan showing the geometry and dimensions of the Purnachandi Pukhu.. . . . . . 108 Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e56-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 179 Plan showing the directionality of the Patis along the Purnachandi Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e56-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 180 Section of one edge of the Purnachandi Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Figure 181 Section of the access gate of the Purnachandi Pukhu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Figure 182 Section of one edge of the Purnachandi Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Figure 183 Plan showing the religious objects present around the Purnachandi Pukhu. . . . . . . . . . . . 110 Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e56-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 184 Plan diagram showing the function on the ground floor of the surrounding buildings and the resultant activities in parts of the Purnachandi court. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 Adapted from Monument - Puncali Phalcā (before 1819 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https:// danam.cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/28e34398-8dda-11ea-8e56-0242ac130005). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 185 Top: View of the Kumbheshwar kund from west | Middle: View of the Kumbheshwar kund from Southeast Bottom: View of the Kumbheshwar kund from Northeast . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Figure 186 Plan diagram showing the placement of the Kumbheshwar Temple w.r.t. The city centre. . . . . 114 Adapted from ‘Traditional Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley’ (pg 4) by W. Korn, 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

Figure 187 Plan diagram showing the other water structures present near the Kund. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0 178

Figure 188 Plan and section showing the changes in altitude across the city. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 189 Plan diagram showing the tentative water source and spout placement in the water structures in the Konti neighbourhood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 190 Plan diagram showing the geometry and alignment of the kund with surrounding buildings. . . 116 Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 191 Image showing the direct access and the staircase access of the Kund . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 Figure 192 Plan diagram showing accesses of the water structures in Konti neighbourhood.. . . . . . . . . 116 Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 193 Plan diagram showing the religious objects present near the Kumbheshwar Kund.. . . . . . . . 117 Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 194 Plan diagram showing the open spaces within the complex and the various activities they cater to.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Adapted from Monument - Misā Hiti by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats.uniheidelberg.de/report/fc1db1e6-4fae-4899-816a-e3c4d3da77d4). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 195 Top: View of the Chhayabahal street from the court | Bottom: View of the Chhayabahal well. . 119 Figure 196 Plan diagram showing the placement of the Chhayabahal well w.r.t. The Pimbahal Pukhu. . . . 120 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 197 Plan diagram showing the placement of other well in the Chhayabahal neighbourhood. . . . . . 120 Adapted from Monument - Chāya Bāhāḥcā (1659 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/f99b4e0e-6215-11ea-b4c2-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 198 Plan diagram showing the orimary movement axis along the Chhayabahal neighbourhood. . . . 121 Adapted from Monument - Chāya Bāhāḥcā (1659 CE) by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam. cats.uni-heidelberg.de/report/f99b4e0e-6215-11ea-b4c2-0242ac130006). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 199 Section showing the dependency of the well on the Pond.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Figure 200 Sections of the street(left) and the court formed around the well(right) to show the difference in volumes felt in the space.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Figure 201 Elevation of the well to show the intricate carvings along the mouth.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 Figure 202 Plan of the ground floor around the Chhayabahal court showing the activities happening around it. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 Figure 203 Top: View of the Krishna Temple and the Radhakrishna well | Bottom: View of the Radhakrishna well and the shops along the edges of the court. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

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Figure 204 Plan diagram showing the relationship between the well and the city centre. It also shows other wells present in the vicinity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 Adapted from Architecture of the Newars (pg 666, Vol 2) by Neils Gutschow, 2011, Kathmandu, Nepal: Serindia Publications, Chicago Figure 205 Plan showing the structures around the Radhakrishna Temple well. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 Adapted from Monument - Rādhākṛṣṇa Mandira by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/c9bc2916-eb40-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 206 Plan showing activities around the well on the ground floor of surrounding buildings.. . . . . . 125 Adapted from Monument - Rādhākṛṣṇa Mandira by NHDP Team , 2020 (https://danam.cats. uni-heidelberg.de/report/c9bc2916-eb40-11e9-8bc4-0242ac130002). CC BY-SA 4.0 Figure 207 Section showing the relation of the well to the two religious objects surrounding it. . . . . . . . 125 Figure 208 Image of Ganesha Shrine on the Krishna Temple steps.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Figure 209 Top: Rajkulo passing through agricultural fields (Manna, 2015) | Middle: Rajkulo following the slope of the terrain, along the roads (Manna, 2015) | Bottom: Rajkulo passing through villages (Manna, 2015). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Derived from Exploring the rhythms of public life through public water structures within Kathmandu valley (pg 6) by Ashim Kumar Manna, 2015, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven,(Unpublished Paper) Figure 210 Map showing the origination of the Tikabhairav Rajkulo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Retrieved from Historical Hiti and Pokhari: Traditional Solutions to Water Scarcity in Patan (pg 18) by Theophile E. & Joshi P.R., 1992, UDLE/GTZ, Limited Edition Figure 211 A section of the terrain from the source of the Rajkulo to the city. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Figure 212 Sketch section of the unlined Rajkulo in the starting of its journey from Lele. . . . . . . . . . . 129 Figure 213 Sketch showing the placement of the Rajkulo in a field following the topography of the place.. 129 Figure 214 Diagrammatic placement of the canal with respect to the river and the outlets towards agricultural fields at regular intervals. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Figure 215 Section of second type of water channels connecting external ponds to aquifers within the city . 130 Figure 216 Section of third type of earthen channels present deep below the earth’s surface transporting water to the hiti structures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 Figure 217 Diagram showing the profile of the earthen canals placed a few meters below the ground.. . . . 130 Figure 218 Section showing the placement of revision holes along the buried channels for maintenance and increase water flow. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

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Appendix The author took informal interviews on-site and intended to understand the relationship between the people and the water structures and gauge their knowledge about the system. The set of questions wasn’t the same for everyone, and in some cases, the interviewee directed the conversation. The following transcripts try to capture the essence of those conversations to share their stories and experiences through this research paper.

Pulchowk, Chhayibahal

Interviewer : Varisha Chauhan Interviewee : Gowrishankar ji, resident Date and Time : 11th February 2022, 10:30 AM Location : In front of the Chhayabahal well VC: Do you have piplines in your home?

GS: Yes VC: How do you use the water from this well?

GS: We use the water for washing clothes, and when there is no water supply from the pipelines, everybody from the neighborhood use the water from the well.

VC: How many houses use this well?

GS: Around 40-50 houses. The water is very clean. you have to boil it before drinking thats it.

VC: Does the well have water all year round?

GS: yes, the water from the well goes to the tank. The tank has taps as outlets out of which we fill our buckets.

VC: So, you can not put buckets inside the well?

GS: No The two statues near the well are buddha statues. These are religious symbols. The water from the well is used for the rituals as well as for drinking. The pati is used by old men in the afternoon to spend their time outside. It helps freshen up their minds.

VC: Is the well used only by women?

GS: No, everybody uses the well. I will also go.

VC: Is there any rule or regulation that stops people from overusing the water?

GS: No, we can take as much as we need. The cost of one bucket is 2 rupees. This amount collected is used for the maintenance of the well system.

VC: Is the space used for other festivals or only for parking?

GS: When someone in the family of the hindus that stay in the area dies, they use the space for 12 days for the rituals for that occassion. Otherwise it is used only for parking. When houses are built in the neighborhood, this space is used to put all the building materials like sand, bricks and cement.

VC: Why don’t you use the water from the Dhungedhara?

GS: There is very little water in it right now.

VC: Do you know the source of water to the dhungedhara?

GS: The main muhaan, the main source is Patan Dhoka, dhoka means gate. The muhaan is blocked now so the water does not flow properly. People have made buildings along the way so the water does not flow.

Water flows in the hiti when there will be rain. When there is no rain, the water trickles slowly. The hiti gets filled up with water because of a fault in the drainage system. It becomes a pond for the monsson but nobody uses it. Slowly the water dries up and the hiti is visible again.

There are many outlets from the tank that pumps water out of the well. whenever there is no water in the house, everybody comes to collect the water from the well. When water is not available at home, there is a long que of people waiting to get their buckets filled. The well doesn’t have a name. it is known from the name of the area.

There is one more well in the same area but in a different courtyard not adjoining the main street. The people from its surroundings haven’t maintained it, hence water from that well stays useless. The well is damaged now.

The well water used for making buildings is a loss for others who use it for cooking and drinking. The iron contect in the useless well is too high.

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Tapahiti

Interviewer: Varisha Chauhan, Vaishali Chauhan Interviewee: Dipak Ji, Resident Date and time : 11 feb 2022, 11:30AM Location: Pati at the hiti Because it is water from the ground, water in the summers is cold and water in the winters is warm which is why people prefer using water from the hiti. Water in the pipelines at home has an opposite character. It is hot in summer and cold in winter which is why it has to be modified for use. 2 types of water are available.

There are regulations to not use soaps and shampoos in the hiti hence people fill their buckets and take it to their homes to use it.

The people of the neighborhood dont like the taste of the tap water hence people from slightly far away residences also come to take the water from the hiti to use for drinking and cooking purposes.

The water that was flowing from the hiti is slightly lesser now because of the dry season but after monsoon, many hiti manga will start working and also the flow will be much better. many people come to take the water. Right now is the dry season which is why there is lesser water, but later the water will flow in much better quantity. Many people come to take the water from here. In older times, there used to be better flow of water, but now because the population has increased, hence while constructing their houses, the supply gets disturbed. Everybody uses this water for drinking and cooking.

The tapa hiti is spring fed, and the water from these hitis go back to the river. All water conduits have 3 or 5 water spouts. Almost every area has atleast one hiti working especially after the rainy season. Every hiti has atleast 3 spouts, 3 have to be there. Every where you go there should be 3-5 spouts. Alko hiti has water.

Nagbahal also ha some water. Manga hiti has very less water. People go there to fill water also. People go to fill water at many of the hitis even today.

The problem is that water taps are available in every house but water is not supplied. Melamchi is coming, Its pipelines were put and water was supplied but during one monsoon floods come which is why it is under maintenance. Once the melamchi system works, lesser people will come to take water from the hiti. Because people these days are very busy. Even today many people use the water filtered from the well instead of coming here.

Festivals keep on happening in Nepal. hence this space in front of the hiti is used during those times. Right now it is under construction. Ladies come to sit here during their social gatherings, during sanskritik programs and festivals.

The pati in the area was used by a lot of old people earlier. But now because there aren’t many old people and many are affraid to come out during corona hence, they are not used enough. But we still saw two men standing under a pati discussing daily affairs while being protected from the heat of the afternoon sun.

In olden times when people used to come from outer regions to Kathmandu for trade and bussiness, hotels weren’t present, they used to come and sit here, stay for a day, sleep at night and then leave the next morning.

Pati used to act like a dharamshala. They used the water from the hiti for their daily needs.

VC: Are these spaces used even today for gathering?

DJ: Yes everybody meets over here. It is a very safe space. People come and sit here during the rain also.

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Nagabahal square Interviewer : Varisha Chauhan Interviewee : Sushilkumar Sakya, resident Date and Time : 11th February 2022, 4:30 PM Location : In front of the Nagabahal Hiti This area is called Nagabahal because it is ruledby two Nagas(snakes).We live under the protection of these two snakes. The water structure that you are asking about are called Hiti in newari language and Dhungedhara in Nepali language.

These structures are present in kathmandu valley since the last 1800 years. The source of the water structure is around 15kms away from here, which is known as the Raaj pokhari in Kathmandu. According to him, all the water in all the hitis came from the raaj pokhari. The water from these hitis go directly to Bagmati river.

Each hiti has a corner for the drain that takes out the water. The hiti had a jahrun like structure. I asked him what it did. He said that the overflow from the water spout came out from the openings in the jahrun. He said that the bigger spout in the middle is the main one, its overflow goes into the adjoining two and their overflow come out from the outlet in the jahrun( the face of a lion).

He compared these to the kwon, which i think is the stepwell in gujarat.

VC: Why did water reduce in these structures?

SS: As people started making more and more buildings and bungalows, the water flow reduced. Now all of us have come together for the conservation of these structures. There are about 57 hitis in Patan. A commity has been made for the conservation of these structures. So the places where these water conduits have stopped working, the commity is trying to review them. According to him, after 3-4 years the water in the Nagabahal spout will increase in quantity and flow. In the monsoon season, water flows from all the 5 places in the hiti.

The drain in the hiti was not working properly that takes water to Bagmati. now that water is filled, the people of the nrighborhood have left some fishes in the water so that they can also live. The neighborhood people clean the hiti once every two weeks, on saturdays.

The people of the society have come together for the maintenance without any support from the government.

He says that to clean this the government is not needed. An area in Newari is called ‘TOL’. There is a commity for every area and every commity has a chairman. Everybody else works according to the instructions given by the chairman. They also have a chairman. They call it the TOL COMMITY. The well in Nagbahal is a bore well. The water that comes from it is dirty hence a filteration system is made there right next to it. Water from the filtering machine goes into the tank. Water from the tank is supplied to 6 taps along the periphery of the garden. These taps give water in the morning.

The hiti is present since the times of Maharaja Maan dev. He thinks these structures are present since the 2/3rd century. People come and sit in the garden.

VC: Do the people living in the neighborhood want the hiti to be present and stay?

SS: If they didn’t want it to stay, would it be kept so clean? Why would there be a system to maintain it? The hitis are considered as a part of history and it is our culture to save it. Such an attitude is found in India as well right? These have to be preserved becuase these are a gift to us from our ancestors.

I have seen samples of these structures in Ghanzou and chinze, near tibet.

The two snakes belong to the Golden temple. They are the protectors of the property of the Golden temple. It is richest temple in Patan. Hence everybody living in the neighborhood is also quite rich with a bungalow and car and enough money to spend. And they attribute this wealth to the snake kings and the golden statue of a cow.

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The hiti inside the kumbheshwar mahadev temple is supplied from Gosaikund. It is very far away. it takes 4 days to reach there by foot. Mythologically it is believed that during the sati yuga, Lord Shiva drank the venom after the samudra manthan. He fainted after drinking the venom and he rested in the Gosaikund during that time. That water comes to the tank in Kumbheshwar which is also a temple for Lord Shiva.

Every hiti has a stupa. Shiva and Buddha are prominent in Kathmandu. Sakya is a cast that believes in Buddha but he is also a Shiva believer. Golden temple is buddist temple and the cow statue is believed to be the first birth of Buddha. After this he was born as Buddha. Dipankar - cow statue.

Pati was used as a place for travellers who came from faraway lands. Nobody comes to sleep there now but people do come and sit there. Lalitpur is known for its craft and culture.

Patan Durbar Square Interviewer : Varisha Chauhan Interviewee : Lilendra, tourguide Date and Time : 13th February 2022, 11:30 AM Location : Tusa Hiti During the dry season there is no water running but in the monsoon season there is running water in the hiti since many hundred years. Not only in this one, but in Manga hiti which is 1400 years old also has running water. It was built in 780BC. The oldest hiti in the city is built in Chhyasal in the 2nd century. It is a small part of the city where the newar settlement started. You cannot see the canals outside the city or even within. The canals are closed which is about 7 mins from here. Every 6-7 kms they make a water storage and with several different channels that take water to different parts of the city. So. every source of the water they have made different structures either ponds or tanks. Every hiti is made underground hence it is very difficult for other kingdoms to know where the source is. Otherwise they will cut the pipeline and then attack the kingdom in some days after the people are weak. They made the water spouts undergorund to keep the piping secret. Water goes from the hiti to the river via a drain.

This is the most famous water fountain in city. Tu means sugarcane and sa means tasty. The water that flows in the spout over here from the mountains tastes sweet like the sugarcane. Hence it is called tusa hiti. There are 72 statues of the family gods of the Malla kings. So when in the morning they will come to take a bath, and there is a small drainage that takes the water to the river, at a height such that the water never comes higher than around half a meter. They just have to sit down and take bath and then offer the water to all the gods on the periphery.

Location : Manga Hiti was built in 570 AD, 1400 years old, built in 6th century. This water fountain was used before 20 years for many different purposes. For every local people this is the place to come for their daily activities where they are allowed to bathe, do laundry, cleaning and whatever they have to do here but 20 years back UNICEF said, not to use chemicals like soaps and shampoos here so then people come here just to grab buckets of water from here to take it home for different activities. There is still some water flow over there, but in the monsoon water comes from every part of the fountain. The left top corner is the drain where the water passes through to get to the Bagmati river.

The big fountain - water spout was the main source of water for the people in older days. In the winter for 2-3 months its dry and in summer 2-3 months its dry. So today people have to buy water from the tankers during those periods. In earlier times, the population was not very much. so the amount of water was too much in comparison to the number of users. So there was no issue like this before but now, there are too many people.

So in the old days it was good enough for the people to use. The water would flow in all the seasons. It is also blocked because of the earthquake.

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Matsyendranath Jatra Interviewer : Varisha Chauhan Interviewee : Lilendra, tourguide Date and Time : 13th February 2022, 11:30 AM Location : Manga Hiti In earlier times, in 12th century, there was a dry season and ppl were not finding enough water. As the valley was highly dependent on agriculture, water was a very important resource. People tried worshiping many gods but nothing helped. One of the tantriks, Gubazhu, said lets bring the rain god from India to Nepal so that we’ll always have rain. When they figured out, there was only one dynasty in Bhaktapur. So there were 3 ppl involved. The tantrik from Kathmandu, the king from Bhaktapur and the carrier of the water god was a portor from Patan that they call Japu. They went to India, and brought the pot to Nepal. When they were in the way near kathmandu at a place called Bungamati, there was an argument between the three as to where the God will be placed. All three said that the God should be placed in their city. Bungamati was in the Lalitpur district. The portor placed the idol in Bungamati to stop the argument. The statue established itself in the same place. Since then the chariot festival started. In this the chariot stays in Bungamati for 6 months and 6 months it stays in Patan. In that time a big statue is made out of wood and the chariot is pulled by the people so there are 1000s of people on the streets trying to pull it. The chariot is made out of bamboo and wood and tied with ropes. There was an old regulation not to build homes taller than the chariot. Hence the houses would stay around 3 and a half floors tall. The chariots would be four and a half floor tall. But now a days the buildings are getting bigger and chariots are getting smaller.

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