Role of Rivers: a political space or an ecological entity?

Role of Rivers: a political space or an ecological entity?

UPD5500 Independent Research Project by Vania Djunaidi Supervised by Michaela F. Prescott Monash University, Melbourne Australia 11/06/2022

Abstract Jakarta, Indonesia has a complex relationship with water. Sitting below sea level, the city faces an increase of flooding issue that is further exacerbated with sea level rise, land subsidence and unregulated developments. Current flooding management of ‘normalising’ the river displaces riverbank communities, emphasising an urgent need to seek alternative and adaptive river transformation in Jakarta. Therefore, this paper explores the role that rivers play in Jakarta, Indonesia and considers multiple stakeholders that have both direct (i.e., those that depends on rivers for its ecosystem services such as sanitary, recreation and groundwater use) as well as indirect use such as its management (Shaw and Thaitakoo, 2010, Batubara et al., 2018, Colven, 2020).

Building on existing literatures that explore rivers through a political ecology framework, the paper has two objectives. First, it asks the role of rivers for multiple stakeholders in Jakarta. This includes city dwellers, non-government organisations, kampung (informal settlements) residents and government entities. Secondly, it asks how the perceived role of rivers from each stakeholder affect their spatial management including channelisation, resistance and revitalisation. For this particular study, five case studies with a range of scales and stakeholders were selected within the geographical location of the Ciliwung River Catchment that runs across the municipalities of Jakarta and Western Java, Indonesia.

Through the process of narrative and case study review with interviews with stakeholders, it is found that differing drivers in managing the Ciliwung River from various stakeholders result in contrasting spatial implications of the river. These spatial implications ultimately can potentially enable or hinder a direct or indirect relationship to the river and shape the role of rivers for future river management. The results highlight the evolution of river management in Jakarta, and its potential trajectory to embed nature-based solutions involving strong partnerships between government, not-for-profit organisations and communities as alternative water management approach.

1. Introduction The infamous spatial relocation of the Indonesian capital city from Jakarta to Kalimantan aims to ease off environmental and infrastructure pressures, particularly saving the current capital from its inevitable flooding issues. However, vulnerabilities to these pressures of the city will continue for specific stakeholders, including those living in informal settlements by rivers. Previous and current flood management approaches since Dutch colonisation have been focused on a hydraulic approach to mitigate severe flooding impacts. Therefore, there is an urgent need for river actions that will mitigate severe flooding impacts as well as urban displacement posed by political shifts in ‘normalising’ rivers by channelisation as a flood management response.

This paper explores the complex roles that rivers play in Jakarta, Indonesia. This is examined from the perspective of different stakeholders, with a direct and indirect relationship to rivers. In this paper, direct relationship is defined as those who depend on rivers for their daily needs, while indirect relationship is defined as those with a system-based dependency on rivers such as its management (Shaw and Thaitakoo, 2010). Direct relationships include the utilisation of rivers for its environmental and cultural services such as sanitary, recreation, food cultivation and groundwater use (Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013, Vollmer et al., 2015b). By identifying the various perspectives of the role of rivers, we seek to understand how this shapes its spatial management and its associated ecological relationship to the identified stakeholders.

Using the political ecology framework, the paper examines rivers as both a political space and an ecological infrastructure. To investigate this, the paper will be split into two objectives: Objective 1: explore the role of rivers in Jakarta, Indonesia for different stakeholders 1.1: to identify stakeholders with a direct or indirect relationship to rivers in Jakarta. This may include kampung residents, city dwellers, non-government/ not-for-profit organisations and government entities.

1.2.: building off objective 1.1, to then iden ztify the role of rivers for each of the stakeholders, for example: what kind of services/function/ identity do rivers play for each stakeholder group.

Objective 2: how the perceived role of rivers affect the spatial management of rivers as a political space or ecological entity 2.1: to compare different perspectives and identify the resulting spatial planning and management outcomes for rivers, as perceived by different stakeholders. This includes technocratic approaches (including channelisation) and revitalisation (including participatory approaches and eco-tourism).

2.2.: to analyse how the outcomes of spatial planning and river management (using case studies) affect the livelihoods of urban dwellers, ecology and urban structure of Jakarta.

By exploring the two objectives, the research investigates the relationship between the ecology of rivers and its politicisation and hopes to contribute to further studies on the role rivers play in the context of flooding vulnerabilities, spatial inequality and urban displacement in the megacity of Jakarta.

Structure of Paper The paper begins by establishing the contextual background of the research. It briefly introduces Jakarta’s relationship with water, its geography, historical and contemporary water and flood management. This is followed by a literature review exploring themes of political ecology framework to highlight the shifting role of rivers for its traditional, ecological services and its transition to a political medium.

Guided by the political ecology framework, a mixed-method approach is employed. Narrative review, case study review and interviews with stakeholders were conducted to analyse the interplay of different perspectives of rivers and its spatial, socialcultural and environmental impact. These perspectives are brought together in the discussion of the paper, revealing a multi-faceted relationship the city has with its rivers. The paper concludes with the city’s complex evolution of river management with a possible future trajectory of adopting an ecological approach, achieved by strong partnerships between stakeholders of the rivers.

Figure 1. Collectie Tropen Museum (1667) Map of Batavia Castle (located at the mouth of Ciliwung River) , accessed 16 May 2022, https://resilienscapes.wordpress.com/2017/04/27/ resilient-tactical-approach-in-jakarta-old-town-regeneration/

2. Jakarta and its complicated relationship with water With its population of over 10 million, the megacity Jakarta is naturally a flood-prone city as it is located in a deltaic floodplain, with 40% of its city below the sea level (Dovey et al., 2019, Goh, 2019, Octavianti and Charles, 2018). The city has 13 natural rivers that run from the mountainous hills in the south and drains water into a catchment pond, the Pluit Reservoir before being pumped out to Jakarta Bay (Goh, 2019, Prescott and Ninsalam, 2020, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015). The longest river, the Ciliwung River runs across two provinces of Jakarta and West Java and is extremely prone to flooding (Goh, 2019, Padawangi and Douglass, 2015, Prescott and Ninsalam, 2020, Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013). Before colonisation, the city has its origins as a small port village along the Ciliwung River (Prescott et al., 2022). Therefore, rivers have long been an essential infrastructure for daily life, proving transportation and water sources for both indigenous communities and later on for colonial settlers (Prescott et al., 2022).

As stated in Law No.11, 1974, rivers are owned and managed by the state (Republic of Indonesia, 1974). Depending on the scale of the river, they are managed accordingly to the level of governance, based on a three-tier system: Pemerintah (national), Pemerintah Provinsi (provinces) and Pemerintah Kabupaten (districts) (Ward, et al). The Ministry of Public Works is responsible for river systems, while Public Works offices at a provincial level are responsible for drainage systems (Ward et al., 2013). National river basin in Indonesia is under the management of 30 public River Basin Organisations (RBOs), called as the Balai Besar Wilayah Sungai (BBWs) or Balai Besar Wilayah Sungai (BWSs). The RBOs are responsible for the regulatory and management functions (that is construction, operations and maintenance) of river infrastructure and irrigation larger than 3,000 hectares (World Bank Group, 2015).

In the case of the Ciliwung River, the river runs across national, provincial and municipal boundaries and so is managed by the National Government (Prescott et al., 2022).

There are three types of flooding (fluvial, coastal and pluvial flooding) that occurs in Jakarta (Batubara et al., 2018). Fluvial or river-flooding is caused by a high discharge of water runoff from upstream catchment areas (Batubara et al., 2018, Goh, 2019). This occurred during the devastating 2007 flood event, where more than 60% of Jakarta is inundated and 79 lives were lost (Batubara et al., 2018, Octavianti and Charles, 2018). Another type is coastal flooding caused by the entrance of seawater from the Jakarta Bay to the city as seawalls and dikes are sufficient in height(Batubara et al., 2018, Goh, 2019). Lastly, pluvial flooding is caused by the impact of an insufficient water management system for capturing, storing and draining rainwater (Batubara et al., 2018, Steinberg, 2007). This

type of flood occurs during heavy rainfall, as evident in the 2013 flood event with twenty deaths and more than 30,000 people left homeless (Batubara et al., 2018, Cairns et al., 2016).

2.1.

Pre-colonisation

Flooding mitigation strategies have always been embedded in the shaping of Jakarta. Since Dutch colonisation in 1617, the then-called city of Batavia underwent major canal constructions with a total of 1,400km of constructed waterways aimed at reducing flooding in the city (Figure 1) (Cairns et al., 2016, Goh, 2019, Prescott et al., 2022, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015, Ward et al., 2013). By 1917, the ‘Van Breen ‘plan proposed two floodways in the city: West and East Flood Canals. The West Flood Canal was constructed soon after, while the East Flood Canal was only constructed in 2003 (Octavianti and Charles, 2018, Ward et al., 2013).

Simultaneously, the city’s water supply network has also been fragmented (Colven, 2020). Although a public water service and pipelines were built in the late 19th century, construction was slow.

By the 1920s, Less than 4% of the total population had access to piped water, and the majority of beneficiaries were Europeans (Putri, 2019b). On the other hand, indigenous communities relied on rivers as their main water source, judging its water quality through its smell, taste and visual appearance (Colven, 2020).

2.2. Post-colonisation Unregulated land use and stormwater management Since Indonesia’s independence in 1945, Jakarta has been trying to project itself as a ‘world city status’ to redefine a new Indonesia (Steinberg, 2007). The reimagining of the city by its first President, Sukarno, is achieved through its urban mega projects. Large architectural gestures such as the National Monument ‘Monas’ (1961) and the Istiqhal Mosque (1978) are intended to symbolise a new independent, modernised country (Kusno, 2000, Steinberg, 2007, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021). The notion of reimagining the city continues in the New Order era from 1965 to 1998, under the presidency of Suharto. His vision of economic development and political stabilisation means major investments in property, commercial and manufacturing developments, often in non-urban spaces including agriculture and wetlands (Batubara et al., 2018, Dovey et al., 2019, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015).

Between 1980 to 2002, almost one quarter of non-urban land uses was converted to housing, commercial and industrial uses, against spatial planning regulations (Batubara et al., 2018, Dovey

et al., 2019, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015). By 2020, there are less than 10% of open green spaces in Jakarta, well under the Spatial Planning provision of 30% (Colven, 2020). Green areas are crucial for flood management as they retain river water, increase ground permeability and groundwater recharge and slow down the passage of rainwater runoff in rivers and urban areas (Batubara et al., 2018, Noviandi et al., 2017). Continual land conversions including forest development in the upper catchment of the Ciliwung River means that water run-off will accelerate at a faster pace and sediment load will increase in the river, resulting in a higher risk of pluvial flooding in the city (Batubara et al., 2018).

Water supply: rivers and aquifers The increase of many private sector developments is often underregulated, and most likely has its private access to a water source (Padawangi and Douglass, 2015, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015).

As stated above, water resources including rivers are owned by the state; however privatisation of water continues in Indonesia. As Gandy (2004) stated, water provision dominated by small European companies is globally common and is evident in Indonesia.

After gaining concession to British and French-owned water companies in 1997, coverage of pipe water systems only increased from 44.5% in 1998 to 59.4% in 2019 in Jakarta (Colven, 2020).

However, this increase occurs only within the middle to upper class neighbourhoods, excluding low-income residents who instead continue to rely on groundwater extraction or informal water supply as their main water source (Castalia, 2007, Colven, 2020, Dovey et al., 2019, GPRBA, 2009, Kooy et al., 2018, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015).

Groundwater extraction is the drilling of wells to access groundwater, usually used for drinking water, irrigation and industrial needs (Colven, 2020, Kooy et al., 2018, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015). In Jakarta, groundwater sources account for at least 60% of the total water urban supply as groundwater supply is cheap and easily accessible (Colven, 2020, Kooy et al., 2018). However, excessive groundwater extraction leads to land subsidence, causing the city to sink at a rate of 8-12cm per year, particularly in North Jakarta (Cairns et al., 2016, Dovey et al., 2019, Shatkin, 2019, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015). Combined with sea level rise, some parts of North Jakarta are sinking at an average rate of 15cm per year, making it very vulnerable to coastal flooding and worsening the impacts of fluvial and pluvial flooding (Octavianti and Charles, 2018). It was only in 2015 that Law No.7/2004 which allowed the privatisation and commercialisation of water used for consumption and irrigation was overturned. In

Figure 2. Architectural Digest (2016) A rendering of the Garuda Sea Wall , accessed 09 June 2022, https:// www.architecturaldigest.com/story/jakarta-sea-wall

2019, the new Law no.17, 2019, was introduced to prioritise public access to Indonesia’s fresh water (Ardhianie, 2015).

Flood management Recognising land subsidence combined with sea level rise as a significant issue that can impact flooding, the Indonesian government has focused on technical and engineering solutions that would quickly drain water out of the city (Padawangi and Douglass, 2015, Padawangi et al., 2016, Ward et al., 2013).

Mirroring Dutch’s hydraulic solutions to flooding, the government’s interventions for flood mitigations often involve the implementation of mega water infrastructure projects. The 1965 masterplan for drainage and flood control was one of the earliest government responses to flooding. The 2009 Jakarta Urban Flood Mitigation Project/Jakarta Emergency Dredging Initiative Project (JUFMP/ JEDI) funded by the World Bank and the 2013 Ciliwung River Normalisasi (Normalisation) Project responded to fluvial floodings while the ambitious yet controversial 2014 Garuda Seawall (Figure 2) in North Jakarta, funded by the Netherlands, aims to mitigate coastal flooding (Padawangi et al., 2016, Ward et al., 2013). While some of these projects are not realised, these projects reveal a pattern of technocratic solutions that are focused on increasing water quantity by widening rivers, dredging and implementing dikes to prevent severe flooding events (Vollmer et al., 2015b).

2.3 Problem Definition: the impacts of flooding and its management However, such engineering solutions implemented in Jakarta have disproportionately impacted informal settlements or kampungs.

Riverbank kampungs particularly have the highest vulnerability to flooding (Taylor, 2015, Vollmer et al., 2015b). In addition, residents living in kampungs are not exclusively low-income but do live below Jakarta’s minimum monthly wage of Rp 2.2 million (approximately US $190)(Vollmer et al., 2015b).

Originally, kampungs are villages that are established in areas outside of official Dutch colonial urban boundaries (Dovey et al., 2019, Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013). Rapid urbanisation, increase land values and economic activity occurred in 20th century Jakarta, resulting in the displacement of many kampung settlements to peripheral areas that are not fit for housing, including flood-prone areas and riverbanks (Dovey et al., 2019, Putri, 2019b, Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013). With Jakarta’s lack of housing provisions for its citizens, kampungs have a high level of autonomy

with strong urban commons orientation, social relations and traditional land tenure instead of legal tenure (Dovey et al., 2019, Leitner and Sheppard, 2018, Padawangi et al., 2016). However, as river settlements grow, waste loads increased at the expense of water quality and the environmental services that rivers offer.

Without legal land tenure, kampungs are often not recognised in the city’s infrastructural system and are labelled as ‘illegal’ settlers living on state-owned land (Goh, 2019, Leitner and Sheppard, 2018, Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021, Winayanti and Lang, 2004). This particularly applies to riverbank kampungs, where Law No.11/1988 stated riverbanks as an illegal location for human settlements (Leitner and Sheppard, 2018, Winayanti and Lang, 2004).

In turn, kampung residents are often blamed for encroachment of the river, degrading water quality of the river and the increasing severity of flooding. As a result of land tenure issues and engineered driven flooding mitigation approach, kampung residents are subjected to evictions (Dovey et al., 2019, Goh, 2019, Padawangi and Douglass, 2015, Putri, 2019b, Steinberg, 2007, Taylor, 2015).

Planning implications of flooding management Asserting that the government has the right to evict residents, the government deemed their eviction process as a ‘social approach’ to mitigate flooding impacts for the residents of Jakarta (Goh, 2019, Leitner et al., 2017, Silalahi, 2017). With no or little negotiation and engagement, kampung residents are typically given monetary compensation or resettlement packages to relocate to a rusunawa (public housing) (Putri, 2019b, Silalahi, 2017, Steinberg, 2007, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021). Evicting informal residents also provide opportunities for government to privatise and commodify their land into the property market (Leitner and Sheppard, 2018, Putri, 2019a, Shatkin, 2019). This is particularly evident in North Jakarta, where the reclamation of land to revitalise the neglected part of the city through attractive commercial and residential developments have resulted in the eviction of many fishing communities (Betteridge and Webber, 2019, Padawangi and Douglass, 2015). In the Ciliwung Normalisasi Project, more than 500 households in Kampung Pulo and Bukit Duri in 2015 were evicted with the rationale of environmental protection, however its newly constructed ‘inspection roads’ have become an access road for nearby property developments (Batubara et al., 2018, Padawangi et al., 2016, Putri, 2019a, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021).

Therefore, flooding has become more than a bio-physical issue, but rather its entanglement within the relationship between water

and urban settlements. It reveals the power relations around a range of issues including contestation over the provisions of water infrastructure, housing, financialisaton of land values and land rights, contributing further to the social and built fragmentation of the city (Shatkin, 2019, Simone, 2015).

What now? A new capital: Nusantara Under the current presidency of Jokowi, it was recently announced that the capital city of Indonesia will move to East Kalimantan on Borneo Island. Named Nusantara, the new capital is envisioned to be a smart and sustainable city to save Jakarta’s never-ending flooding problem (Lechner et al., 2022, Ware and Merino, 2022).

While the new capital may reduce Jakarta’s environmental and water infrastructure challenges, the question remains for those who are left behind and remain in Jakarta. The combined impacts of unregulated land use and water management, land subsidence and the ongoing sea-level rise will continue to exacerbate the livelihood of riverbank communities to flooding (Padawangi and Douglass, 2015). Importantly, it highlights the power relation of involved in river and flooding management, and the spatial and social inequality that is produced (Shatkin, 2019). Therefore, this paper calls for the urgent need for river action, a shift in water management for adaption to climate change and to reduce the growing social inequality in Jakarta.

Figure 3. Interrelated relationship of river management and other urban challenges in Jakarta

Figure 4. The Jakarta Post (2018) Children play in the Ciliwung River in Kwitang, Central Jakarta , accessed 09 June 2022, https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/12/11/rivernaturalization-can-help-mitigate-flooding-in-jakarta-anies.html

3. Literature Review: the transformation of traditional to modern water cultures The complex nature of water and river management in Jakarta reveals how nature plays an integral role in urban processes, producing social, cultural and ecological interactions (Buurman and Padawangi, 2018, Gandy, 2004, Heynen et al., 2006). Water in particular is a key medium in human settlements and civilisation.

Settlements were built predominantly along water bodies and major rivers providing a source of drinking water and recreation (Grêt-Regamey et al., 2016, Shaw and Thaitakoo, 2010, Vogt and Walsh, 2021)). As Vogt and Walsh (2021) stated, rivers embody ideas about the relations between people and the environment.

Traditionally, people had direct water connections and were dependent on water bodies for their livelihoods. It is a medium of community, collection actions, culture and common property (Shaw and Thaitakoo, 2010). Through traditional water cultures, human interactions are viewed as part of the ecological system (Buurman and Padawangi, 2018). However, traditional water culture has been replaced with modern water culture diminishing direct water-human relations (Shaw and Thaitakoo, 2010, Vogt and Walsh, 2021). Now, water is integrated functionally into government-built infrastructure turning its water-human relationship to a systembased dependency (Shaw and Thaitakoo, 2010).

Today, riverbank communities and low-income communities continue to rely directly on rivers and its environmental services as their main water source due to the inability of water access from municipal infrastructure (Prescott and Ninsalam, 2016, Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013). Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey (2013) define environmental services as the benefits that humans derive directly and indirectly from water systems. This includes direct sanitary use (e.g. bathing, and washing goods), passive and active recreation (e.g. sitting, fishing and swimming), harvesting plants, groundwater use and solid waste disposal (Prescott and Ninsalam, 2016, Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013). Furthermore, rivers continue to provide cultural services for its communities. Defined as the nonmaterial benefits of nature, rivers continue to provide aesthetic values, cultural heritage, recreation, social relations and a sense of place (Vollmer et al., 2015b). In some countries in the world, rivers continue to be a medium of transportation such as in Kampung Kuin in South Kalimantan, Indonesia. For the Kuin communities, social and cultural life is inseparable from the river (Angriani et al., 2018, Timmer and Rosbergen, 2021).

Water links urban spaces and people, therefore it plays a sociocultural role and is a critical dimension of space (Gandy, 2004, Lahiri-Dutt and Wasson, 2008). These social and cultural values reflect how water is perceived, used, governed and treated

(Lahiri-Dutt and Wasson, 2008). This is evident in the direct water-humans relations mentioned above; however in modern water cultures, this is evident within a specific political-economic structure (Goh, 2019, Heynen et al., 2006). Gandy (2004) states that modern water emerges due to the “bacterial city” phenomena in response to industrialisation that occurred in the nineteenth century. Defined as the notion of cleanliness, the bacterial city leverage the advancement of science epistemology and technology to transformed water into a hydrological medium, establishing new policy instruments (Gandy, 2004). Municipal managerialism of water through infrastructures such as the construction of dams and pipes forms a new sense of power that intersects with a private interest in the ownership and control of water (Gandy, 2004, Lahiri-Dutt and Wasson, 2008, Vogt and Walsh, 2021). This modern approach symbolises science, modernity and progress (Gandy, 2004, Leitner et al., 2017).

Political Ecology Framework The transition of water into a political medium reflects new forms of social and cultural urban processes. It asks the question of who owns, can access water and shapes the interaction between water and land, reflecting a political-ecology perspective of water (Gandy, 2004, Heynen et al., 2006, Shatkin, 2019, Shaw and Thaitakoo, 2010, Swyngedouw et al., 2002). Political ecology is the interrelationship between social, economic, political and environmental processes in ecological transformations, and its resulting social-power relations (Kull et al., 2015, Padawangi and Douglass, 2015, Swyngedouw et al., 2002). This all depends on the interpretation and value of water by different actors. Interpretations of water can be driven by political and private interest, or by its socio-ecological systems where human-water relations can benefit from nature and be embedded in urban daily life (Prescott and Ninsalam, 2016, Cho, 2010). This differing perspective of nature often results in power arrangement and produces unequal social impacts particularly among those who are already marginalised (Heynen et al., 2006, Padawangi and Douglass, 2015, Swyngedouw et al., 2002, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015).

Differing perspectives of water are often evident in the reconstruction of natural ecologies by human interventions, based on cultural construction of waters (Cho, 2010, Lahiri-Dutt and Wasson, 2008). Cho (2010) argues that the restoration of the Cheonggyecheon River in Seoul, South Korea is driven by the ideology of environmental managerialism. Instead of restoring nature where humans assimilate to live harmoniously with nature, environmental managerialism aims to replicate nature as

an improved amenity and convenience in human living (Cho, 2010). While the restoration claimed to provide flood protection and has become an attractive tourist location globally, property values within 50 metres of the restoration increased by 30-50%, automatically excluding housing affordability for low-income earners within the area (Landscape Performance Series, 2011).

From this example, Cho (2010) argues that the restoration highlights the desire for human control over nature and the resulting social-power relations that marginalises a particular group of society.

Consequently, the existing differing perspectives of rivers highlight the two themes that impact the spatial management of rivers: rivers as a political space and rivers providing ecosystem services for urban dwellers. The two themes reveal the competing but overlapping paradigms of water, depending on a range of factors including the direct and indirect human relations with water, and the diverse or conflicting opinions of rivers and waters.

Figure 5. Engineered approach to flooding, while high rise developments continue. Image from Google Street View, accessed 24 May 2022.

4. Methodology A mixed-method approach y is employed to achieve the aim and objectives of the paper. Political ecology framework as described in Section 2 is used to frame a narrative review, followed by a case study review. The narrative review examines how the role of rivers plays for different stakeholders on a metropolitan scale. A case study review was conducted to highlight specific river management projects, its differing motivations and its spatial implications. This included desk-based review and semi-structured interviews with stakeholders.

Narrative Review Narrative review was chosen as a range of literature sources can be utilised to identify key responses within the given topic.

Published reviews and peer-reviewed articles that have a geographical relevance to the Ciliwung River, Jakarta and Indonesia were searched and found through Google Scholar and Monash University database. Keywords including flood, Jakarta, Ciliwung River, river, kampung, informal settlement, water sensitive cities and socio-ecological systems were used as search terms. Grey literature was also searched, including online newspaper articles (to gain the media’s perspective/narrative), government documents and international reports (including World Bank report). Local and Indonesian published articles were also searched through Google scholar, using keywords such as: ‘sungai’ (river), ‘kampung’, ‘fungsi sungai Ciliwung ‘(function of Ciliwung), and ‘dampak normalisasi’ (impact of normalisation). Specific time periods and political tenure of Indonesia’s presidency are considered as water infrastructure projects are typically achieved by a specific government period. For example, the Ciliwung Normalisation Project under the governor of Jokowi in 2012. Existing articles predominantly study the evictions of Kampung Bukit Duri & Kampung Pulo; the Garuda Sea Wall & JUFMP projects & Kampung Tongkol.

Case Study Review A case study review was conducted to examine how the differing perspectives of rivers (found from the narrative review) play in a project scale. Selection criteria of case studies are based on their geographical location (Ciliwung River Catchment), the scale of projects and the stakeholders involved in each project. Case studies are primarily focused on having diverse stakeholders in river management to compare while having an even distribution between downstream, midstream and upstream of the river.

While case study reviews typically involve site visits to the study area, the Covid-19 pandemic restricts site visits and the possibility of interviewing locals or community groups from each case study.

Instead, literature reviews and interviews of local experts from architecture, planning and design practitioners were conducted as part of the case study review to add personal insights and depth to each case study.The interviews were conducted in line with Monash Ethics Review Board (project number 32500). Participants were approached via emails obtained from the organisation’s websites. Interviews were conducted online through a videoconference application, Zoom. Interviews were conducted in English and Bahasa Indonesia and were recorded with summative notes taken. Interview questions and discussion points (refer to appendix A) were generally about river management of each case study, the benefits and challenges it faces and the resulting spatial implication for urban dwellers in Jakarta. The collection of data from the recording of the interview is analysed to draw discussions and conclusions for the paper.

Other methods including visual analysis through drawing, especially through cross-sectional studies and mapping were conducted for each case study. Cross-sectional study was taken from existing photos, Google Earth and Google Street view to analyse river treatments and potential associated social and cultural behaviour.

Figure 6: Map of Study Area & Case Studies

5. Study Site: Ciliwung River Catchment and case studies Ciliwung River Catchment As mentioned in Section 2, the Ciliwung River is the largest of the 13 major rivers that run across two provinces: DKI Jakarta and West Java, with a catchment area of approximately 420 km2 (Goh, 2019, Kumar et al., 2017, Prescott and Ninsalam, 2016). Its 119km long river slopes down from a mountainous region at Tugu Puncak, Bogor with steep slopes in its upstream to its alluvial plain with a flat terrain at Jakarta Bay (refer to Fig. 6) (Kumar et al., 2017, Prescott and Ninsalam, 2016, Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013). With Jakarta’s rapid population growth and land shortage for housing, it is estimated that 350,000 people or 71,000 households live in the embankment of the Ciliwung River running through the Jakarta city region (Padawangi and Douglass, 2015). Land conversion along the Ciliwung River is common, including the loss of irrigated rice paddies in the middle catchment and forested land in the upper catchment (Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey, 2013). Vollmer et al.

(2015a) advise that if the current trajectory continues, up to 50% of forests and the upper catchment area in Bogor will be converted into urban land uses by 2030. Rapid development of villa and hotels settlement in the Puncak area results in the loss of riparian vegetation and forests, and so diminishing water retention capacity and increasing runoff and flooding risk within the downstream of the river (Noviandi et al., 2017, Octavianti and Charles, 2018).

Selection of case studies Five case studies have been selected within the Ciliwung River Catchment. They are geographically located within both downstream and middle streams of the catchment area (refer to Figure 1). The case studies are: 1. Jakarta Urban Flood Mitigation Project/Jakarta Emergency Dredging Initiative (JUFMP/JEDI), North Jakarta (2012-2019) 2. Ciliwung Normalisasi Project, South Jakarta (2013 – 2017) 3. Kampung Tongkol, North Jakarta (2016) 4. Wisata Kali Ciliwung: Komunitas Kali Ciliwung, Depok& Bogor (2019) 5. Tebet Eco Park, South Jakarta (2021-2022) The case studies are different in its spatial scale, ranging from citywide to local initiatives. In addition, these case studies occurred in different periods of time, reflecting the political and social context of the initiative. Therefore, the stakeholders involved in the projects are also varied. The stakeholders include different levels of government (provincial to city), not-for-profit or non-government organisations and urban dwellers (e.g. kampung and city dwellers).

The initiative and stakeholders of the projects are summarised in Table 1.

Case Study

Year

Location

Summary of initiative

JUFMP/JEDI

2009

Downstream of Ciliwung River; specifically at Anak Kali Ciliwung, Jakarta (refer to A in Figure 6)

Dredging and rehabilitating existing canals, and four retention basins in different parts of the city to increase water capacity and flood protection.

22.1km stretch of Ciliwung River in South Jakarta affecting Kampung Pulo and Bukit Duri (refer to C in Figure 6)

This project sets out to increase the width and depth of the river. Residents living within 15m of the river were evicted and vegetation was cleared to construct an inspection road on the edge of the river.

Kampung Tongkol 2015-2016

North of Kali Ciliwung (refer to B in Figure 6)

A voluntary demolition of settlements within the 5-metre setback of the river as a response to the proposed 15 metre. A prototype house was constructed and river clean-up and greening initiative was also initiated (Dovey et al., 2019).

Wisata Kali Ciliwung

2019

Upstream of CIliwung River, Bogor (refer to E in Figure 6)

A tourism spot and café that encourages eco and education tourism focusing on river treatments, clean up events, river tours to learn about the history of the Ciliwung & hosting an annual Festival of Ciliwung (Himawan, 2019).

Tebet Eco Park

2022

South Jakarta in Ciliwung River Catchment (refer to D in Figure 6)

A seven-hectare revitalisation project of the existing Tebet Park, improving existing canal capacity, pedestrian connectivity and adding new recreation program (Siura, 2022).

Normalisasi Ciliwung Project

2013-2017

In Kampung Kunir, 178 families were evicted and moved to Rusunawa Marunda (Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021)

Approximately 500 families were evicted in Kampung Pulo and Kampung Bukit Duri for the implementation of the work (Padawangi and Douglass, 2015).

Table 1: Summary of case studies

6. Results & Discussion Through a process of narrative and case study reviews across the selected five different case studies, it is found that differing drivers in managing the Ciliwung River from various stakeholders result in contrasting spatial implications of river management across the Ciliwung River catchment. Through the analysis of the political ecology framework, these spatial implications ultimately can potentially enable or disable a direct or indirect relationship to the Ciliwung River. It can be seen that from the spatial implications of the case study, the roles of the river are shaped (and reshaped) by the perspectives and interpretations of what the value of nature is from different stakeholders. As Cho (2010) argued, the diversity of perspectives aligns with the interlocutor’s institutional or political interest, and so implies the role of rivers for particular stakeholders and reveals the role of rivers for particular stakeholders. The results are tabulated in Table 2.

In this section, the results are presented case study by case study with the identification of stakeholders, its drivers and spatial implications. Each case study review is supported by crosssectional studies sourced from existing literature and historical and current imagery from Google Earth and Google Streetview.

Before and after cross-sectional studies were not taken at the same points of the case study area and are therefore illustrative with approximate dimensions sourced from Google Earth measurement tool. In addition, each cross-sectional case study identifies a spatial element in relation to the political ecology framework and its relation to each other. Due to time limitation, only one interview was conducted with an architect from Architecture Sans Frontier (ASF) Jakarta who was involved with the Kampung Tongkol initiative. As the interviewee’s expertise was predominantly on evictions and kampung residents (rather than rivers and ecology), the discussion of the interview revolved mostly around the future role of not-forprofit organisations and kampung residents in river management of Jakarta.

Case Study

Drivers and Motivations of the project

Main stakeholders

Narrative

JUFMP/JEDI (2009)

Land subsidence and 2007 major flood in Jakarta

Main Stakeholder: World Bank with Ministry of Public Works and Housing (DG Water Resources), Provincial Government of DKI Jakarta,Ministry of Public Works and Housing (Regional Office of Ciliwung-Cisadane River Basin), Ministry of Public Works and Housing (Research and Development Agency), Ministry of Public Works and Housing (DG HumanSettlements)

Flood protection through widening of river; kampu residents as illegal settler encroaching the river

Affected communities: Kampung Kunir & Normalisasi (2013)

Increase severity of flooding on the Ciliwung River

Main stakeholders: DKI Jakarta & Public Works and Housing Ministrys Ciliwung Cisdane Flood Control Office Affected communities: Kampung Pulo and Bukit Duri NGOs involved: Ciliwung Merdeka

Kampung Tongkol (2015)

In response to eviction threats for dredging Kali Ciliwung

Main stakeholders: Kampung Tongkol residents, Architecture Sans Frontiere (ASF) Jakarta (ASF) & Komunitas Anak Ciliwung

Changing perspective of informal settlers are the ‘tenders of the rivers’ to li harmoniously with the riv

Main stakeholders: A local resident – Pak Umar Haris Supported by: Pemerintah Kota Bogor (City Government of Bogor) & Komunitas Peduli Ciliwung, Bogor Wisata Kali Ciliwung (2019)

In response to increase waste in the Ciliwung River and poor water quality of the river

Main stakeholders: A local resident – Pak Umar Haris

Tebet Eco Park (2022)

Revitalisation of an existing park as a social and green infrastructure

Main Stakeholders:: Provinsial Government of DKI Jakarta &Dinas Pertamanan dan Hutan Kota Provinsi DKI Jakarta

Supported by: Pemerintah Kota Bogor (City Government of Bogor) & Komunitas Peduli Ciliwung, Bogor

Client: PT Award Global Infinity (property group?)

Clean up actions and education programs of the river reveal humans as caretakers of the river (environmental stewards

Combat flooding through ecology and Increase community connections their environment.

Designers involved: Siura (landscape architect) &Studio Sae (architect) Affected communities: Urban dwellers of Jakarta

Table 2: Sum

Political Ecology Framework

h the ung rs

ive ver

ship)

h to

Political

Environmental

Social & Cultural

Economic

Rivers as owned by the state, affecting the land tenure and property rights of riverbank settlements.

Removal of riparian vegetation on riverbanks.

Recreation and pasar spaces on inspection roads add social activities for riverbank communities

This results in the demolition and relocation of kampung settlements but the continuing construction of apartment complexes and shopping malls nearby.

Inspection roads become spaces for local economic activities with the presence of markets and business stalls.

Greening initiatives such as gardening on the edge of rivers providing cooling and shading for residents

Community mobilisation and self-agency by kampung residents to seek alternatives instead of forced evictions

Greening initiatives such as gardening on the edge of rivers

Community movement supported by the government reveal river ownership by the community

Tree planting and food cultivations

Government initiative in approaching river management to naturalisation

New active and passive park zones, revitalisation of existing of waterways and vegetation

mmary of results

Increased water capacity

River clean-up activities

River clean-up activities

Continuing construction of commercial or high-end developments nearby the river can increase land values

Creating a new identity for kampung communities Education and sharing knowledge in environmental stewardship.

Education and sharing knowledge in environmental stewardship.

Increasing direct human nature relationship through nature play.

Education and sharing knowledge in environmental stewardship

The location of the kampung is nearby Kota Tua, allowing the kampung to be a tourist attraction

Tourism attraction and cafe can generate positive economic impact

Figure 7: Half demolised house as remnants of Normalisasi Ciliwung Project.

Image from Google Street View, accessed in 23 April 2022.

6.1 JUFMP/JEDI (2009-2019) & Normalisasi Ciliwung Project (2015-2019) In response to land subsidence and the 2007 flooding event, the JUFMP/JEDI project involved the dredging of eleven floodways and canals with a total of 67.5km, and the restoration of the four-retention basin (fig.) (Cairns et al., 2016, Leitner et al., 2017, Leitner and Sheppard, 2018, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015). With a total of 67.5km of restoration works, the project was funded by the World Bank with a cost of $189.95 US million. The project was predominantly driven by the government body including the Director General for Water Resources of the Ministry of Public Works, the Directorate General for Human Settlements of the Ministry of Public Works and the Provincial Government of DKI Jakarta. Other stakeholders include international actors such as the Netherlands as the main partner in supporting flood mitigation efforts in Jakarta. Impacted stakeholders include the kampung residents and communities that live in the affected floodways including Kampung Kunir residents who lived along Anak Kali Ciliwung Utara. To accommodate an inspection road along the river, more than 170 families in Kampung Kunir were evicted and relocated to Rusunawa Marunda, located approximately 22km northeast from their previous place of residence (Cairns et al., 2016, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021).

Similarly, the Normalisasi Ciliwung River Project increased the width and depth of 22.1km stretch of the Ciliwung River in South Jakarta through dredging, installing concrete sheets and piles on the riverbank (Batubara et al., 2018). The project was driven by the current Indonesian president Jokowi as the Governor of DKI Jakarta in 2012 and was followed through by its vice-governor, Basuki Tajahaja Purnama (known as Ahok) once Jokowi was elected as president (Putri, 2019a). In 2015, settlements of Kampung Pulo and Bukit Duri living within 15 metres of the riverbank were demolished and residents were evicted as they were living illegally on government-owned land (Dovey et al., 2019, Goh, 2019, Leitner et al., 2017, Leitner and Sheppard, 2018). Like the JUFMP/JEDI project, the land of the demolished settlements and existing vegetation was transformed into a 7.5 to 10-metre-wide inspection road to provide access along the riverbanks for river maintenance purposes (Dovey et al., 2019, Goh, 2019, Putri, 2019a, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021). Up until today, half demolished houses continue to be visible next to the inspection road (Fig.7) Evicted residents were relocated to Rusunawa Jatinegara, located approximately 950m south-east of their previous place of residence (Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021).

Figure 8: Cross Sectional Study of Kampung Kunir

Spatial Implication: prevented direct relationship to the river The channelisation of the Ciliwung River Catchment within the JUFMP/JEDI and Normalisasi Project resulted in a concreted embankment that aims to increase water-carrying capacity and drain water quickly out of the river to cease fluvial flooding.

While this may be successful, the spatial presence of concrete embankment disrupts direct relations of humans to the river (Fig. 8).

Previously, Anak Kali Ciliwung had a pre-existing stone blockwork edge to the river (Fig.9), while Kampung Pulo had a natural river embankment with riparian vegetation. Vollmer et al. (2015a) stated that 40% of households utilise the Ciliwung River for recreating in or along the river through fishing or swimming despite the quality of the river. This activity can only be achieved through the permeable and direct access to the river.

In an interview with the architect from ASF Jakarta, the interviewee described the continual use of getek (floating rafts) in Kampung Pulo (Fig. 9). The use of getek allows for across the two kampungs or for washing clothes and accessing the toilet (Prescott et al., 2022, Vollmer et al., 2015b). However, the introduction of concreted edge and inspection roads limits direct community access to the river and prevents active and passive social recreation activities such as swimming and fishing or daily cores such as washing.

Furthermore, the removal of existing riparian vegetation will affect water ecosystem and catchment capabilities for absorbing and purifying riparian water for community wells (Noviandi et al., 2017, Putri, 2019a). In addition, the removal of riparian vegetation will impact erosion control and reduce opportunities for shade and cooling (Prescott and Ninsalam, 2016).

The spatial implications of both channelisation projects also facilitate and introduce new types of behaviours for kampung residents who did not get evicted. Inspection roads become a space for recreation and parking. In Kampung Kunir, despite the concreted edge, residents continue to plant for food cultivation, greening and cooling on the edge of the concrete sheets (). This is also evident in Kampung Pulo and Bukit Duri, where landscaping becomes a frontage feature of kampung settlements. Increased foot and traffic activity on inspection roads provide new opportunities for local economic and pasar (market) activities.

As mentioned before in Section 2, continuous construction of properties occurs at the urban core of Jakarta and so often nearby the Ciliwung River (Padawangi & Douglas; Van Voorst & Hellman; Shatkin). Therefore, flooding management projects such as Normalisasi and JUFMP can potentially increase the land value of

Figure 9: Cross Sectional Study of Kampung Pulo

surrounding areas, further pushing kampung settlements and the middle class to peri-urban areas of Jakarta. As a result, this limits kampung residents’ access to employment opportunities and social-cultural infrastructure.

Role of River: River as controlled water for visibility of progress As argued by Gandy (2004), the grandness of water infrastructures such as the JUFMP/JEDI and Normalisasi project is a modern approach to shaping water governance and solving flooding issues in Jakarta. Furthermore, Colven (2020) argues that this hypervisibility of large infrastructure restoration aligns with its desire for world-class aesthetics. Mirroring the post-colonial approach of the modern city mentioned in Section 2, Governor Jokowi who oversaw these projects had an underlying promise of a ‘new Jakarta’, a city where residents are free from floods (van Voorst and Hellman, 2015).

With the Dutch continuing to be a major international stakeholder in flood mitigation in the JUFMP project, their flooding approach continued to be similar during its colonisation. It follows an engineering approach to solve its flooding issues and a physical transformation of Jakarta (Dovey et al., 2019, Goh, 2019). Both JUFMP/JEDI and Normalisasi Ciliwung Project reveal the largely shaped values of nature from the perspective of its government to control the river by straightening its flow whilst achieving a hyper-visibility aesthetics of a modern city through the erasure of kampung residents (Cho, 2010, Colven, 2020, Dovey et al., 2019, Putri, 2019a). However, as seen in the spatial implications of the JUFMP/JEDI and Normalisasi projects, both projects limit kampung riverbank communities to continue to utilise the river for its environmental and cultural services. Therefore, this reveals the politicisation of rivers, diminishing its ecological role in the city and the resulting social inequality of the city (Batubara et al., 2018, Colven, 2020, Shatkin, 2019, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021)

Figure 10: Kampung Kunir residents adapt inspection roads for planting, recreation and market activties. Image from Google Street View, accessed in 23 April 2022.

Figure 10: A child swinging at Wisata Kali Ciliwung. Image from Google Review, accessed in 30 May 2022.

6.2 Kampung Tongkol (2015-2016) & Wisata Kali Ciliwung (2019) Like Kampung Kunir, the threat of eviction was also present at Kampung Tongkol. Located approximately 700m north of Kampung Kunir, eviction occurred already in 1992, with construction of an inspection road requiring the demolition of structures within 5 metres of the river (Dovey et al., 2019, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021). Since then, kampung residents continued to encroach on the inspection road. Using the 1992 eviction as a precedent, Kampung Tongkol residents with other neighbouring kampung residents in Kampung Lodan and Kerapu joined together to form the Komunitas Anak Kali Ciliwung (KAKC) and campaigned to reduce the proposed 15 metre setback to 5 metre setback.

This is achieved through the voluntary demolition of one of the Kampung Tongkol residents that aligns with the 5 metre setback.

Collaborated with ASF Jakarta, the participatory focused non-forprofit organisation helped design and constructed a prototype kampung house abutting the 5 metre setback (Dovey et al., 2019, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021). In addition, river cleanup and greening actions along the Kali Ciliwung riverbank were actioned to ‘beautify’ the visual appearance of the kampung (Dovey et al., 2019, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021, Munk, 2016).

Driven by the collaboration between kampung residents and ASF Jakarta, the initiative reveals a direct act of self-organisation of the kampung communities that is supported by a not-forprofit organisation. It aims to change the perception of kampung residents as the tenderers and guardians of the river (Dovey et al., 2019, Simone, 2015, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021, Sofian, 2018).

The act of self-organisation of communities in Kampung Tongkol is similar to Wisata Kali Ciliwung (WKC) in Bogor, located upstream of the Ciliwung River next to the Sumpur Bridge (Prescott and Ninsalam, 2020). While Kampung Tongkol reveals a design response that accommodates urban growth on riverbanks, Wisata Kali Ciliwung promotes eco-educational tourism by educating wider communities about the ecological importance of the river in response to environmental degradation of the river (Antara, 2019, Prescott and Ninsalam, 2020). This is achieved through bottom-up activities such as clean-up actions and planting (Haryadi, 2019).

The WSC also consists of a café called Kopi Pinggir Kali (River Edge Coffee) which allows visitors to enjoy the Ciliwung River over a cup of coffee while being involved in the discussion about the environment, river, and waste management (Antara, 2019, Prescott and Ninsalam, 2020). The owner, Pak Umar Haris, hopes to involve youth in environmental discussions about the Ciliwung and provides a new tourist spot to motivate more surrounding residents

Figure 11: Cross Sectional Study of Kampung Tongkol & Wisata Kali Ciliwung

to protect the environment (Prescott and Ninsalam, 2020). The notfor-profit initiative is in full support from the Governor of Bogor and contributes to the renaturalisation of the Ciliwung River (Antara, 2019, Prescott and Ninsalam, 2020).

Spatial Implication: tactical and adaption responses to live harmoniously with the river A significant spatial implication of Kampung Tongkol is the reorientation of the prototype house to face the river, creating a new relationship between the residents to the river. It reimagines the river as its front yard, further emphasising the residents’ environmental responsibility to the river. Like Kampung Kunir, residents have transformed inspection roads as spaces for greening and gardening providing cooling and food cultivation opportunities.

Greening and clean-up initiatives were also implemented on the other side of the river, while also retaining existing riparian vegetation. Steps to the rivers are retained, allowing for direct access to rivers and tourist boat tours to highlight initiatives of kampung residents to the wider urban dwellers of Jakarta (Munk, 2016).

While contrasting in location and context, WKC similarly reveals the need for environmental responsibility from urban dwellers through its tactical approach to the existing spatial landscape of the river.

Two swings made from used tires hanging from the above bridge and rockwork forming riverbank are painted with lively colours, providing a space for nature play and recreation. Importantly, the riverbank of the Ciliwung has transformed into a space to sit for discussions about caring for the river. These types of activities allow urban dwellers to form a direct socio and environmental relationship with the river and appreciate its importance (Supriyadi, 2019). Kopi Pinggir Kali also provides tourism opportunities that can contribute to the local economy activities while reinforcing a sense of care and connection to the river (Prescott and Ninsalam, 2020).

Figure 12: Antara Foto, 2019, Warga berakaktivitas di dekat aliran Sungai Ciliwung, accessed in 30 May 2022, https://www.suara.com/ foto/2019/03/14/095059/waterfront-city-sungai-ciliwung

Role of the river: Rivers to be cared for in the context of urban growth and climate change through community mobilisation Communities living in flood-prone areas are relatively aware of flooding impacts compared to those living in the city (Padawangi et al., 2016). With a sense of gotong royong (mutual aid) within the social network of kampung community, they have adapted to flood conditions through tactical strategies such as building two-storey houses and tiling lower floors (Padawangi et al., 2016, Prescott et al., 2022, van Voorst and Hellman, 2015, Winayanti and Lang, 2004). Vollmer and Grêt-Regamey (2013) state that environmental management tactics such as composting organic waste and restoring riparian vegetation play a part in flooding management strategies for residents. However, many of these tactics are shortterm solutions that may not be resilient to increasing severity of flooding.

However, partnerships between kampung residents and not-forprofit organisations opens up new opportunities for knowledge about sustainable and long-term strategies for flood adaptation.

The sense of gotong royong through the partnership of kampung residents and non-for-profit organisations is evident in Kampung Tongkol and Wisata Kali Ciliwung. In Kampung Tongkol, the collaboration leads to new social innovations of rebranding of Kampung by producing a clean, green ecology revitalisation of the river and kampung typology (Dovey et al., 2019, Munk, 2016, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck, 2021). Furthermore, Widyaningsih and Van den Broeck (2021) argue that Kampung Tongkol has become a buffer area with a role as the regulator of the river.

Similarly, Wisata Kali Ciliwung was established on a sense of gotong royong, bringing people together over coffee and to clean the river in a relaxed environment. Through this initiative, it is hoped that the tourism activity of the initiative can raise awareness about rivers and environmental protection. Both Kampung Tongkol and WKC reinforce a sense of connection and duty to the river, and in turn contribute to ways in which residents can continuously adapt and live with the river.

Figure 13: Detik News, 2022, Suasana Tebet Eco Park, accessed in 01 June 2022, https://news.detik.com/berita/d-6080213/ dishub-dki-siapkan-kantong-parkir-bagi-pengunjung-tebet-eco-park

6.3 Tebet Eco Park (2022) Tebet Eco Park is a revitalisation project of an existing park with a drainage channel in South Jakarta. The project involved river renaturalisation to decrease flood risk, riparian tree planting and the introduction of educational programs and recreation spaces (Siura, 2022). The revitalisation project is funded and driven by Dinas of Petamanan dan Hutan Kota Provinsi Jakarta (Ministry of Forestry and Open Space) and the Provincial Government of DKI Jakarta; and is designed by Singaporean landscape architectural firm, Siura Architects. Current Governor of Jakarta, Anies Baswedan, called the project as an example of naturalisation where ‘concrete and plaster are transformed into natural areas’ (Kompas, 2022) and has proved to be a popular tourist destination for urban dwellers (Antara, 2022).

Spatial Implication: river as a blue-green infrastructure The revitalisation of the Tebet Eco Park has become an example of a blue-green infrastructure of the city. Blue-green infrastructure involves the connection of vegetation (green) and water (blue) to improve the environmental, social and economic conditions of the city (Lechner et al., 2020). Previously, Tebet Park treated its river as a drainage channel (Fig. 15). The transformation of its riverbank from a concreted edge to a landscape medium allows for a permeable edge of the river and direct access to the river (Fig). The revitalised park also includes riparian vegetation on its riverbanks to attract wildlife while the Linking Bridge provides access for visitors to be amongst tree canopies of the park. The design approach of the park fosters a new relationship between urban dwellers and nature, allowing for a socio-ecology system where humans benefit from the changes in physical landscapes (Prescott and Ninsalam, 2016). The revitalisation of the park brings urban dwellers to nature and highlights the important role of ecology and nature in the city.

Figure 14: Before and After Cross Sectional Study of Tebet Eco Park

Role of rivers: rivers to be renaturalised as an alternative water management approach In contrast to Normalisation, which aims to straighten and strengthen river flow with concrete walls, renaturalisation is defined as self-restoration of rivers with limiting anthropogenic disruptions and corrective measures (Díaz-Redondo et al., 2022). Poppe et al.

(2016) argue that a renaturalisation approach will allow the river to develop its own morphology and improve its resilience capacity.

With this approach, reducing the channelisation of rivers allows for extended spaces that will contribute to the increase of microhabitat diversity (Poppe et al., 2016).

River renaturalisation is gaining momentum globally and is a term that is popularised at a government level. This is evident in the initiatives of Wisata Kali Ciliwung and Tebet Eco Park.

Setting Singapore and Tokyo as prime examples, current Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan introduced the term renaturalsation in the context of Jakarta in opposition to the continuing approach of Normalization (Jakarta Post, 2018), The governor believes that river renaturalisation can help flood mitigation in Jakarta (Jakarta Post, 2018). In contrast to Kampung Tongkol and WKC which are community and non-for-profit driven, Tebet Eco Park is an emerging perspective of river renaturalisation from a government driven point of view. The shift of perspective from a supportive government reveals the changing role of rivers as an ecological entity rather than a controlled medium as a new approach to flood mitigation.

While the project involved local community engagement through focus group workshops to vision the aspirations of the future park (Siura and Lim, 2021), the project primarily focuses on the partnership between a government body, a property group as the primary client and a renowned international firm rather than a strong partnership with vulnerable community groups that experience a high flooding risk in the city. As Shatkin (2019) stated, the tourist-attracting park may hide the underlying and bigger drivers of flooding such as uncontrolled urban development, land subsidence and failures of water provision.

Figure 15: Diagram of potential trajectory of water management in Jakarta

7. Outlook and way forward From the analysis of the five case studies, it is revealed that the findings can contribute generally to the evolution of river management practices in a complex megacity like Jakarta.

It reveals the importance of the involvement of multifaceted perspectives from different stakeholders that will shape a more equal and sustainable Jakarta.

7.1 Evolution of water and river management practices in Jakarta Both Wisata Kali Ciliwung and Tebet Eco Park reveal the emerging perspective of river management of the Ciliwung River into a nature-based solution. Nature-based solutions use natural ecosystem processes and functions to provide services that help in alleviating flood risk, and provide water supply and wastewater treatment needs through approaches such as sustainable drainage systems and water sensitive urban design (Lechner et al., 2020). As seen in Fig. 16 , Indonesia is lagging in its renaturalisation approach globally. The Room for the River is an approach by Dutch river authorities since 2005, which involves literally making room for the rivers instead of raising higher dikes on the riverbank (de Groot and Lenders, 2006). Like Tebet Eco Park, Bishan Ang-Park in Singapore transformed its concrete channel into a wetland in 2012 (GANSW, 2017).

While Wisata Kali Ciliwung and Tebet Eco Park are at their first steps in the nature-based solutions paradigm, it starts to seek an alternative, ecological perspective for flood adaption. Through the political ecology framework analysis across five case studies, it can be learned that there is a perspective change of rivers as a nuisance to an ecological opportunity that plays a potential part in sustainable water futures. In the urban water management paradigm, this shift of perspective is common within developing cities, a leapfrogging approach from a ‘drained city’, (a city with a cost-effective flood protection approach), to a ‘water sensitive city, where a city integrates social-political values of environmental repair and protection, supply security, flood control and public health (Brown et al., 2009).

As Lechner et al. (2020) stated, the adoption of nature-based solutions and the transition to water sensitive cities is generally limited. In addition, the adoption of nature-based solutions comes with particular challenges in the context of developing countries. Illiberal politics leading to market-driven infrastructure projects, promotion of gentrification and an increase of land value surrounding NBS infrastructure questions who can access these types of infrastructure (Lechner et al., 2020). Therefore, there is a need for further research to explore the transitions of Jakarta into a water sensitive city and the deeper considerations of its social challenges.

7.2 Partnership between government, not-for-profit organisations and vulnerable communities Through the political ecology framework approach, it can be seen which case studies reveal spatial implications that support sociopolitical capital for sustainability and water sensitive behaviours (Wong and Brown, 2009). This is evident in Kampung Tongkol and Wisata Kali Ciliwung, as socially innovative case studies and fosters care and environmental stewardship of the CIliwung River.

In contrast to JUFMP and Normalisasi project, both of these case studies seek alternative initiatives to involve communities, educate and encourage residents and the wider urban dwellers to think of rivers as vital in their daily lives (Leitner and Sheppard, 2018). This is achieved through a strong partnership between communities and not-for-profit organisations, and in the case of Wisata Kali Ciliwung a supportive government entity that allows for its continual environmental advocacy work for the wider community.

This partnership aligns with the success of nature-based solution approaches, where multi-level governance, knowledge co-creation and participatory approaches can support the implementation of nature-based solutions infrastructure (Lechner et al., 2020).

The interviewed architect from ASF highlights the important role of NFP for future solutions to river management as they provide a bridge for residents to work together to contribute to the shaping of the city. The work at Kampung Tongkol tries to mend the relationship between kampung residents, the river and the city of Jakarta as a whole. This is achieved through the bridging of new knowledge, exploring different ways of achieving outcomes and building new relationships between kampung residents and other institutions. While the interviewee stated that the Kampung Tongkol prototype house may not be replicated as a model elsewhere, it opens up new opportunities and a set of principles of living with the river. Furthermore, Winayanti and Lang (2004) argue that participation of residents in the planning of urban services builds cohesiveness of communities.

The degree to which communities feel empowered to act at its own interest, reveals the success of the WKC initiative (Taylor, 2015).

Its initiative reveals the important role of not-for-profit initiatives in bringing rivers closer to urban dwellers through tourism activities.

As Taylor (2015) argues, civil society organisations and NGOs are key in mobilising community participation and raising awareness.

Therefore, this type of community mobilisation contributes to empowerment in water governance at an individual level (Shaw and Thaitakoo, 2010).

7.3 Limitations of the research Various limitations may impact the results of the research. The inability of site visits to kampung communities and not-for-profit organisations in Jakarta presents a limitation to understand insights of these stakeholders in greater detail. In addition, the research was only able to interview one architect for one case study due to the time limitation of the research. This means that other findings and results primarily rely on secondary data such as existing academic and grey literature, newspaper articles, Google Street images and visual materials from academic papers. Therefore, further research is needed to include primary data such as site visits and conducting interviews with representatives of the other case studies.

23/04/2022, 18:44

West Jakarta, Jakarta - Google Maps

West Jakarta, Jakarta

Figure 16: Adhoc greening in Kampung Kunir. Image from Google Street View, accessed on 24 May 2022.

Image capture: Jan 2021

https://www.google.com/maps/@-6.1337377,106.815874,3a,90y,259.31h,78.79t/data=!3m6!1e1!3m4!1shXegRZN3Z49JWoec2uJgLA!2e0!7i16384!8i8192

© 2022 Google

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Figure 17: View of Kampung Pulo. The writing on the concrete embankment translate to: ‘In Jakarta, concrete is more fruitful than trees’.. Image from Google Earth, accessed on 11 April 2022.

8. Conclusion Jakarta is dubbed as the fastest sinking city as it sits on the deltaic floodplain with thirteen rivers across the city. The increase severity of flooding due to seawater rise, land subsidence, market-driven projects and unregulated water provisions result in an urgent need for alternative approaches to river management in the city. This research aims to question the complex role that rivers of Jakarta play from different perspective of stakeholders with direct and indirect relationships to rivers, and how this shapes their spatial management.

Using the political ecology framework as a tool to guide the narrative and case studies review across five case studies on the Ciliwung River Catchment, it is found that differing drivers in managing the Ciliwung River from various stakeholders result in contrasting spatial implications of the river. These spatial implications ultimately can potentially enable or hinder a direct or indirect relationship to the Ciliwung River and shape the role of rivers for future river management. It is concluded that three perspectives coexist with each other. These are: 1) rivers as controlled water for the visibility of progress, 2) rivers to be cared for in the context of urban growth and climate change through community mobilisation and 3) rivers to be renaturalised as a new water management approach. Despite the limitations of research, these three perspectives reveal the evolution and potential future trajectory of a water sensitive approach involving nature-based solutions in Jakarta. However, an important element of water sensitive cities is the need for a multi-level governance between government, not-for-profit organisations and communities. Through this, new opportunities for knowledge co-creation and a sense of responsibility to rivers can be achieved, allowing individuals to help shape the future of water governance in the complex, megacity of Jakarta.

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Appendix A: Semi Structured Interview Guide with Architects and Planning Professionals Semi-structured Interview with Architects and Planning Professionals in Indonesia Interviewee: Kamil Muhammad (ASF Jakarta & studio pppoolll) Case study: Normalisasi and Dredging River Project at Ciliwung River Catchment / Kampung Kunir & Kampung Tongkol, North Jakarta Topics and Investigative Questions: -

Can you please describe your involvement in Kampung Tongkol and Kampung Kunir in response to the dredging and normalisation project in Jakarta?

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Before the dredging and normalisation project, are you aware of the relationship between the Ciliwung river and the kampung residents? Was it direct (e.g. using the rivers for everyday use) or indirect?

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How did the river management involving normalisation and dredging affect the spatial structure/changes (physical condition) of the local and urban context surrounding the river?

E.g. the river’s environment/ecology, access & movement, surrounding urban morphology, etc.

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Has the river management affected the daily lives and activities of any local stakeholders? In what ways? For example, how has it affected the livelihoods of kampung residents who stayed in the riverbank settlements?

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Other than government bodies, what do you think the role of not-for-profit/nongovernment-organisation and urban dwellers (including kampung residents) play in river management?

-

Can you tell me about any lessons learned from your experiences that can inform future river practices/management in Indonesia?

-

Going forward, do you think there are any ‘solutions’ for the adaption of ecology and rivers in the built environment, while responding to urban growth and increase severity of climate change impacts? And what role do different stakeholders (such as government, not-forprofit/non-government-organisation, wider communities and kampung residents) have as part of these solutions?