Lux 2019 Issue II

EDITORIAL STAFF Founding Co-Editors Josephine Rodriguez and Emily Dotson Production Editor Mike Still Editorial Board Anthony Cashio Joseph Kern Christa Moore Sabrina Qureshi Alexandria Reynolds Madelynn Shell Advisory Board Huda Aiden Amy Clark Amelia Harris Brian McKnight Margie Tucker Lux is especially grateful for the support of: President James Ryan Chancellor Donna Henry Provost Sanders Huguenin Dean Amelia Harris 1

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In grateful appreciation to our benefactors who support undergraduate research at The University of Virginia's College at Wise: The C. Bascom Slemp Foundation The University of Virginia's College at Wise Foundation.

Funding for the Fellowship in Natural Science is made possible through the Benjamin C. and Eleanor B. Sturgill Endowment and the Fellowship in Natural Science Current Use Fund.

This issue was made possible by the financial support of Wise Writes and the UVa-Wise Student Government Association.

We extend additional thanks to: Huda Aden, Bruce Cahoon, Amy Clark, Mark Clark, Tom Costa, Jonathan Crimmins, John Cull, Gray Hamilton, Bryan Hoyt, Ryan Huish, Suzanna Masters, Brian McKnight, Pam McKnight, Peter Ryan, Michael Shell, Walter Smith, Donald Sorah, Kathy Still, Mike Still, Margie Tucker, Marla Weitzman, and Witold Wolny.

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To Sandy Huguenin, We dedicate this issue to you in grateful appreciation for your many years of encouragement and support for undergraduate scholarship.

We can’t wait to see your students in Lux next year.

From, The Lux Editorial Staff

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Cover Image: Photograph “Tulips at Dawn” Qasim Qureshi The photograph was chosen by the Editorial Board as the art submission which best exemplified the spirit of the 2019-2020 issue of Lux.

*The Limits of Knowledge: Responses to Darwinism Among German Scientists

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Robert Powers

*This essay was chosen by the Editorial Board for the Lux Award for Excellence in Writing

Battle for Birth Control in the 20th Century Georgia Horne 4

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Exploration of Industrial Hemp Cultivars on Reclaimed Mine Land in Far Southwest Virginia Adam Jones

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Unexpected Amounts of Human DNA Discovered in Appalachian Karst Cave Systems Katy Mullins

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Robert D. VanGundy, M.S. Bruce Cahoon, Ph.D. Sleep Deprivation and Memory: A Review K. McKenzie Mullins

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Alexandria M. Reynolds, Ph.D. 5

The Limits of Knowledge: Responses to Darwinism Among German Scientists Robert Powers A native of Southwest Virginia, Robert Powers is a 2019 UVaWise Graduate who holds a B.A. in History and Foreign Studies. He is interested in the intellectual history of modern Europe, specifically the relationship between science, philosophy, and theology, especially during the long nineteenth century.

AUTHOR’S NOTE: This project would have never been possible without the funding for summer research from the Slemp Foundation. Many of the sources were costly, and the Slemp Foundation allowed me to focus wholly on my research.

I am, moreover, infinitely indebted to my advisor Professor Mark Clark. His input and suggestions, not to mention his general willingness to help, have been absolutely indispensable during this process. I would also be remiss not to mention Dean Amelia Harris, without whose assistance and thorough teaching I would have had none of the requisite skills to perform this type of research.

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ABSTRACT This paper focuses on responses to Darwinism among German scientists and religious thinkers. The topic is closely linked to the natural sciences, but the research is principally historical in methodology and seeks to explore the philosophical and theological questions with which Darwinism forced nineteenthcentury thinkers to reckon. The scientists foregrounded in this study are the Jesuit entomologist Erich Wasmann and the botanists Johannes Reinke and Eberhard Dennert, all of whom commented at length on Darwinism and critically examined his theory of natural selection. In doing so, they did not resort to what we would now label “fundamentalist tropes.” Rather, they were willing to accept empirical evidence and thought in broad religious and philosophical terms about evolution’s mechanisms and the associated implications. This research also represents an attempt to contextualize Darwinism, for his theory was certainly not exempt from the prejudices of his Victorian cultural background. In Germany, his ideas were quickly appropriated by materialists and largely popularized by the monist Ernst Haeckel, who put his own philosophical “spin” on Darwin’s conclusions. German scientists’ arguments against materialists’ employment of Darwin’s ideas fit with other comments on the limits of knowledge, so I attempt to situate them within the broader intellectual history of the nineteenth century. In essence, the study attempts to capture the truly revolutionary nature of ideas such as Darwin’s in a time both similar to and greatly different from our own and understand the cultural impact Darwin’s ideas had in Germany.

The Limits of Knowledge: Responses to Darwinism Among German Scientists 2

Robert Powers The University of Virginia’s College at Wise Darwin’s reception in the German-speaking world brought societal tensions between traditional religious and modern secular worldviews to a dramatic climax. Darwinism, filtered through the controversial monism of Ernst Haeckel, was essentially the final piece in the German materialists’ intellectual puzzle, for it provided an explanation of human origins that did not necessarily require a special act of original, instantaneous creation or successive acts of miraculous species creation.1 Already in 1878 anti-Darwinist Albert Wigand published Zeitfragen des christlichen Volkslebens: Der Darwinismus ein Zeichen der Zeit (Current Issues of the Christian Life of the People: Darwinism a Sign of the Time), a tract that explicitly linked Darwinism and materialism: “Materialism and Darwinism are children of one and the same spirit.”2 Whether or not one agrees with Wigand’s polemical position, his purported unveiling of Darwinism’s 1 For more on the relationship between Darwinism and materialism in popular culture see Alfred Kelly, The Descent of Darwin: The Popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860-1914 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 17-29, 142-144. For an intellectual survey of German materialists see Frederick Gregory, Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth Century Germany (Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 1977).

2 Albert Wigand, Zeitfragen des christlichen Volkslebens: Der Darwinismus ein Zeichen der Zeit (Heilbronn: Verlag von Gebr.

Henninger, 1878), 99.

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connection with the “spirit of the times” reflected the extent to which On the Origin of Species merely intensified a cultural war that had begun long before 1860.3 The materialist appropriation of Darwinism should not, however, overshadow the array of nuanced positions between the widest possible application of Darwinism at one extreme and the total rejection of his ideas at the other. The rise of religious fundamentalism and the ascendancy of scientism appear to expose a fundamental rupture between science and religion, but an examination of the theological and scientific dialogue surrounding the Darwinian debates in late nineteenth-century Germany reveals that this rupture was anything but inevitable.4 To be sure, in defending their faith, some scientists developed positions that are no longer tenable, but scientific advancements and new discoveries constantly force scholars of all convictions to rethink their ideas and forsake long-held conceptions. As Peter Bowler has argued, scientific knowledge, due to its very nature, “must be treated as provisional.”5 Thus, the most important mark of German thinkers 3 Georg Bronn’s translation of On the Origin of Species first appeared in Germany in 1860.

4 Kelly, The Descent of Darwin, 75-76. Kelly also argued this point, though his treatment of mediators was somewhat superficial. For a closer examination of the many varieties of scientism see Mikael Stenmark, “What Is Scientism?,” Religious Studies 33, no. 1 (1997): 1532.

5 Peter J. Bowler, Evolution: The History of an Idea (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 14.

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who defended the merits of both science and religion was their willingness to accept contemporary empirical evidence, not their capacity to withstand the evaluation of modern science.

Scientists and theologians who attempted to reconcile Christianity and Darwinism often did so by reminding contemporaries of the limits of knowledge in general. In terms of epistemology, they fit nicely within the much larger context of the revolt against positivism. Building upon the thought of Auguste Comte, nineteenth-century positivists looked to apply the method and understanding of the rational physical sciences to the whole of society, with only “positive,” quantifiable knowledge as a basis for civilization. By the late nineteenth century, this approach had given birth to Herbert Spencer’s scientific determinism, so those who pronounced the limits of scientific knowledge or decried an overlybroad application of the scientific method were, according to H. Stuart Hughes, “seeking to restore the freely speculating mind” and defend “the rights of rational inquiry.”6 Throughout the works of mediators between science and religion, one finds an overall acceptance of evolutionary theory combined with a rejection of the broad anti-theistic philosophical conclusions that men like Haeckel sought to draw. As Jesuit entomologist Erich Wasmann7 aptly 6 H. Stuart Hughes, Consciousness and Society: The Reorientation of European Social Thought, 1890-1930 (New York: Vintage Books, 1961), 38-39.

7 More specifically, Wasmann was an Austrian Jesuit born in 1859, the year of the publication of the Origin of Species.

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noted in response to Haeckel’s claim that he carried a “double nature” as a theologian and a scientist, “Yes, there are also two people in Haeckel, an academically-exact scientist (Naturforscher) and a generalizing, audacious prophet of Darwinism.”8 As a proponent of evolutionary theory himself, Wasmann recognized that Haeckel’s proclamations were beyond the scope of what one could ground in the natural sciences.

Moreover, though many historians have explored Darwinism in Germany, there is a dearth of research that analyzes the philosophical and religious positions of German scientists.

Indeed, only two important foundational works in English thoroughly explore the discourse between science and faith in late nineteenth-century Germany. Nature Lost? by Frederick Gregory examined the principal theological responses to Darwinism among German Protestants on their own terms.9 Gregory also noted the lack of research on the subject and criticized Ueli Hasler’s Marxist treatment of nineteenth-century theological history for its refusal to acknowledge intellectual developments independent of the economic realm.10 Hasler’s conclusion that nineteenth-century 8 Erich Wasmann, Der Kampf um das Entwicklungsproblem in Berlin (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herdersche Verlagshandlung, 1907), 141.

9 Frederick Gregory, Nature Lost?: Natural Science and the German Theological Traditions of the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2008).

10 Ibid., 3, 16. For the full economic-determinist treatment see Ueli Hasler, Beherrschte Natur: Die Anpassung der Theologie an die bürgerliche Naturauffassung im 19. Jahrhundert (Bern: Peter Lang, 6

theology had developed a “devaluing-negative attitude” toward “human dependence on nature” in light of the change in the “bourgeois conception of nature” only partially reflected the theological mosaic of the nineteenth century, but Nature Lost? effectively demonstrated that there were other significant theological positions that did not sacrifice a positive, productive view of nature.11 Overly theoretical approaches to history often discover whatever the theory in question dictates rather than the complexity the historical record reveals.

Anyone addressing Darwinism in Germany must also consult Alfred Kelly’s seminal work The Descent of Darwin.

Kelly’s research investigated the fate of Darwin’s ideas in popular culture. The Descent of Darwin did not provide much “high” intellectual history, but it did make the post-1848 cultural context of Darwin’s revolutionary theory clear: “Popular Darwinism was a sensation in Germany because it was sucked into some of the deep cultural currents of the day….The revolutionary spirit of 1848… was of pivotal importance in turning Darwinism into a Weltanschauung.”12 Kelly briefly mentioned Christian scientists and literary figures who sought to defend a Christian worldview, but he dismissed them rather quickly, adding that they “found few 1982).

11 Hasler, Beherrschte Nature, 7.

12 Kelly, The Descent of Darwin, 142-143. As noted earlier, Gregory’s Scientific Materialism also sheds light on the political aspects of materialist thought in Germany preceding and following Darwin.

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readers” and citing cultural inertia as the reason for their ineffectiveness.13 He alluded to them only insofar as they fit within the narrative of his “popular” intellectual history, one defect of an otherwise excellent work. Thus, Kelly presented a sound foundation for further research by outlining key cultural trends while leaving future research to engage with the ideas of the authors whom he referenced but did not fully discuss.

Historians studying Darwinism in Germany also inevitably confront the work of University of Jena professor Ernst Haeckel, the most enthusiastic advocate of a radical rethinking of society and the famous “prophet of Darwinism” with whom most nineteenth-century German scientists had to reckon. In his famous work The Riddle of the Universe (Die Welträtsel), Haeckel called for the elimination of the Church in a diatribe that could easily serve as the positivist manifesto: We can only arrive at a correct knowledge of the structure and life of the social body, the state, through a scientific knowledge of the structure and life of the individuals who compose it, and the cells of which they are in turn composed…. Never will our government improve until it casts off the fetters of the Church and raises the views of 13Ibid., 75-99. Kelly dedicated an entire chapter entitled “The Holiness of Science” to this theme, but spent a large part of it further discussing Wilhelm Bölsche, one of Darwin’s popularizers in Germany.

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the citizens on man and the world to a higher level by a general scientific education.14 However, Haeckel’s bold stance did not end with his emphasis on the importance of the scientific worldview and secularism.

Rejecting Kant’s “dualistic” division between pure and practical reason and its appropriation by established religion, he also asserted, “Monistic cosmology proved…that there is no personal God; comparative and genetic psychology showed that there cannot be an immortal soul; and monistic physiology proved the futility of the assumption of ‘free will.’”15 It is not surprising, then, that scientists and statesmen of sundry political and religious convictions bluntly rejected Haeckel’s ideas. Haeckel’s monism potentially threatened the traditional religious structures upon which society was founded.

Haeckel made his designs for modern science and society quite clear. Echoing Comte’s “Law of the Three Stages,” Haeckel traced the ideological development of the West, which matured with Spinoza’s formulation of pantheism in his “monistic system.”16 As numerous critics asserted, it was blatantly clear that 14 Ernst Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe, trans. Joseph McCabe (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1900), 8.

15 Ibid., 349. Broadly speaking, monism is the notion that there are no separate spheres or dualities, that there is a single nature in reality.

A monist in the Haeckelian mold would argue, for example, that there is no distinction between spirit and body or God and the universe.

16 Ibid., 290.

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Haeckel was more than a scientist; he was also a philosopher making metaphysical claims beyond the scope of scientific inquiry.

Haeckel was not just fighting for the acceptance of Darwin’s idea within the scientific community or for the establishment of some “evolutionary synthesis.” Rather, he wanted to remodel fundamentally the whole of society based on his interpretation of the broader implications of Darwinism. One should not view opponents of Haeckel simply as antagonists to the progress of science, but as scholars who, working with the same evidence, drew different conclusions and sought to shape the cultural and scientific discourse.

Some religious figures repeated Haeckel’s mistake of drawing overly broad conclusions based on philosophical or theological positions rather than on the evidence itself. Whereas Haeckel claimed to represent the latest cutting-edge science, biblical literalists appealed to tradition to buttress their viewpoint.

One of the most salient examples of the latter approach was Otto Zöckler, a Lutheran professor at the University of Greifswald who “took the lead among orthodox theologians addressing the issue of the relation between science and religion.”17 Just as Haeckel had essentially stated that respectable scientists could not be Christians, Zöckler dismissed anyone who accepted Darwinism, writing, “Concerning the history of creation, one cannot be a Darwinist or a 17 Gregory, Nature Lost?, 49.

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materialist and still be a Christian.”18 Although Haeckel and Zöckler worked from drastically different ideological points of origin, they both ended up expressing an incredibly narrow, exclusive worldview that left little room for dissent. They were two different sides of the same rigid coin.

Well-read in science, Zöckler was equally aware of recent discoveries in the fossil record, but he attempted to minimize their importance at every turn. He began by attacking Charles Lyell’s uniformitarianism, the idea that the Earth had developed gradually over a period long enough to allow for the great expanses of time necessary for Darwin’s theory. Lyell’s science was not to be taken seriously since it had only been prominent for thirty years and conflicted with Zöckler’s interpretation of Genesis.19 Zöckler’s attempt to square his version of creationism with science rejected key tenets of empirical investigation. For example, one of Zöckler’s principal four theses was that development occurred faster in the early stages of the Earth’s history than at present day.20 Imperative for the practice of science is the notion that immutable natural laws have operated and will continue to operate, so Zöckler’s assertion that change occurred more quickly in the past 18 Otto Zöckler, “Über Schöpfungsgeschichte und Naturwissenschaft,” in Neun apologetsiche Vorträge über einige wichtige Fragen und Wahrheiten des Christenthums (Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Perthes, 1869), 50.

19 Ibid., 34-35.

20 Ibid., 38.

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would render the empirical foundation of science temporary at best and unpredictable at worst, the latter being a direct contradiction of science’s very premise. Gregory maintained that Zöckler was a theologian for whom nature was “retained.”21 However, it seems that Zöckler’s nature was not the same nature to which the burgeoning professional scientific community referred.

Despite the prevalence of their ideas, Haeckel and Zöckler did not have the final word on the meaning and nature of evolution in Germany. Some scientists attempted to contribute something meaningful to the evolutionary synthesis without sacrificing sincere religious faith or the legitimacy of modern science. The thought of Erich Wasmann was particularly nuanced. In stark contrast to Zöckler, Wasmann was willing to “acknowledge without reservation” the empirical findings of science.22 Wasmann was himself a strong supporter of evolutionary theory, though he believed that natural selection was just one of the several factors that influenced evolutionary development. He argued for the importance of “inner factors,” adding, “If we are not presently familiar with the inner factors of development, it is due to a lack in our imperfect science.”23 Rather than simply rejecting Darwin’s theory out of hand because he disagreed with him about the 21 Gregory grouped his treatment of the various theologians according to whether nature had been “lost” or “retained” in their theologies.

22 Wasmann, Der Kampf um das Entwicklungsproblem, 49.

23 Ibid., 27.

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importance of natural selection, he engaged with it and contributed in a constructive way.

One of the most innovative aspects of Wasmann’s thought was his theory of “amical selection.” As an example of amical selection, Wasmann cited the blood-red ants, who, contrary to logic, take care of a species of beetles that end up laying their eggs in the ant nest and whose children feed on the ant larvae. Given that the ants are acting directly against their own self-interest, taking care of the beetles was a “formation of instinct that could not possibly have arisen through natural selection.”24 As A.J. Lustig described it, “[T]he ants were engaging in an active selection process…like the artificial selection practiced by human beings.”25 Clearly, Wasmann was not focused on eroding confidence in science, but contributing to a more complex understanding of the process of evolutionary development.

Haeckel and Wasmann certainly disagreed on scientific questions such as the importance of natural selection, but their greatest disagreement concerned Wasmann’s philosophical 24 Ibid., 30. For a more detailed, accessible description of Wasmann’s amical selection, see A.J. Lustig, “Erich Wasmann, Ernst Haeckel, and the Limits of Science,” Theory in Biosciences, 121 (2002): 252-259.

25 A.J. Lustig, “Ants and the Nature of Nature in Auguste Forel, Erich Wasmann, and William Morton Wheeler,” in The Moral Authority of Nature, eds. Fernando Vidal and Lorraine Daston (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 294.

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dualism. Wasmann contended that biology had only “examined the material side of the question,” but the spiritual side was inaccessible to biological research.26 Furthermore, whether the first organisms arose as a result of abiogenesis or creation was a “natural philosophical problem that lies outside of a scientific theory of development (Entwicklungslehre) and does not belong thereto.”27 Wasmann, despite his acceptance of evolutionary theory, was always quick to remind his colleagues that the theory of development was not an exact science but a question of a “higher or lower degree of probability.”28 Such a caveat was maddening for a monist like Haeckel searching for a philosophical-scientific system that explained reality in a unified, confident way. For Wasmann, it was “not true that the theory of development as a scientific hypothesis and theory necessarily leads to monism and pantheism. That is not correct!”29 Among Protestant scientists, opposition to Haeckel took shape as the Keplerbund (Kepler Association). Founded in 1907, the Keplerbund was the brainchild of Eberhard Dennert, a former student of Albert Wigand in Marburg, and opposed specifically 26 Wasmann, Der Kampf um das Entwicklungsproblem, 32. A.J. Lustig’s article also contained several key insights into Wasmann’s dualism (see note 25).

27 Ibid., 6. Wasmann’s use of the term Entwicklungslehre may sound awkward to modern ears, but the term was not at all rare or unusual in his time.

28 Ibid.

29 Ibid., 143.

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Haeckel’s Monistenbund (Monist Association) and the worldview it represented.30 Though modern ideas about the inevitability of scientific progress may tempt one to view the Darwinian debates in Germany as a quick, decisive victory of science over narrowminded religious doctrine, the work of Dennert as well as Johannes Reinke, another prominent member of the Keplerbund, seems to indicate otherwise.31 Haeckel’s monistic interpretation of Darwinism did not spread unopposed, and Dennert and Reinke did not reject evolutionary theory32 or argue on narrow religious grounds, despite not fully agreeing with Darwin’s or Haeckel’s particular characterization of evolution’s mechanisms. As Sander Gliboff noted in his recent work on German translations of Darwin, Darwinism was, for the scientific community, “‘not a theory by which to work’…, but rather a theory on which to work.”33 30 For a more comprehensive description of the founding of the Keplerbund, see Ulrich Dankmeier, “Naturwissenschaft und Christentum im Konflikt: Die Konstruktion konkurrierender Weltanschauungen unter dem Einfluss des naturwissenschaftlichen Paradigmas durch den Deutschen Monistenbund und den Keplerbund am Beginn des 20.

Jahrhunderts (doctoral dissertation, Johann Wolfgang Goethe Universität zu Frankfurt am Main, 2007), 317-340.

31 Ibid., 14.

32 Dennert usually referred to evolution as the Deszendenzlehre (theory of descent), while Reinke often used the term Abstammungslehre (also roughly equivalent to theory of descent).

33 Sander Gliboff, H. G. Bronn, Ernst Haeckel, and the Origins of German Darwinism: A Study in Translation and Transformation (Cambride: MIT Press, 2008), 203. Darwinism is often used to indicate the whole of the modern evolutionary synthesis, but significant portions 15

Dennert’s ideas often receive condescending, unfair treatment due to his patently false prediction of the future of Darwinism in his most famous work Vom Sterbelager des Darwinismus: Ein Bericht (From the Deathbed of Darwinism: A Report).34 Though Dennert’s attempt to disprove that natural selection was the main evolutionary mechanism sometimes appears desperate, his work broached some important questions about the nature of science. Dennert summarized his rejection of Darwinism as follows: 1. The entire development followed and follows a plan and strives toward a goal. 2. Coincidence and randomness do not exist in nature; every level of development is the result of lawful factors. 3. Egoism and struggle in natural life take a backseat to the cooperative and harmonic linkage of all creatures. 4. The spirit of man is a thing for itself and alone as a higher level of animalistic instinct simply unexplainable.35 Alfred Kelly made clear that most of the assumptions Dennert wanted to refute with his argument were those of Haeckel, not of Darwin.36 However, Dennert’s statement reveals what an important of Darwin’s theory have been rejected or altered in the time since.

34 Eberhard Dennert, Vom Sterbelager des Darwinismus: Ein Bericht (Stuttgart: Max Kielmann, Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1903).

35 Ibid., 8.

36 Kelly, The Descent of Darwin, 98.

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role Haeckel played in shaping the perception of Darwinism in Germany. Even if Darwin mostly agreed with Haeckel about evolution’s implications for religion, he was never fond enough of controversy to make public proclamations as broad as Haeckel’s.

Few would disagree with Dennert’s second point: the “winners” and “losers” of natural selection may be such by nature of their chance existence at a certain temporal point in space and time, but the outcome is still a result of processes governed by natural law. One might also argue that his third point has become slightly irrelevant given the complex understanding the modern evolutionary synthesis provides. His first and fourth points, on the other hand, were and are at the heart of the debate surrounding evolution. To assume definite answers to these questions is quite literally to go beyond the limits of quantifiable human knowledge.

Thus, Dennert and Haeckel shared a commonality: they both made claims as scientists that properly belong to the realm of theology and philosophy.

Dennert’s most relevant point about the limits of science was his statement that “the entire zoological system is nothing but a logical abstraction, and in this respect, one should guard oneself from making the transformation of the logical term into a phylogenetic transformation.”37 Dennert seemed quite ambivalent about his acceptance of evolutionary theory in general, but that 37 Dennert, Vom Sterbelager des Darwinismus, 31, 73.

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need not invalidate his important philosophical point. Science is not a defined, absolute body of knowledge immediately accessible to all with an engaged mind, but a tool of humanity employed to better understand itself, the planet, and the universe. Dennert’s thesis questioning what conclusions his contemporaries could fairly draw with the available evidence may sound slightly antiquated to twenty-first century students of science with the benefits of modern technology and a more complete fossil record.

Nonetheless, his conclusion, “The theory of descent remains, Darwinism vanishes,” was not altogether unreasonable.38 His “closing word,” despite embracing certain Lamarckian notions that have long since been disproven, left room for the “inner causes of development,” which have arguably found validation with the rise of modern genetics.39 Presentist bias has also tainted the interpretation of botanist Johannes Reinke, a former Lutheran theology student famously known for being a vitalist.40 Publishing his critique of Darwinism nearly twenty years after Dennert, Reinke’s positions were almost universally more refined, cogent, and productive than those of his 38 Ibid., 80.

39 Ibid., 83. Darwin also accepted Lamarck’s theory of use and disuse, so Dennert’s citation of Lamarck was not at all out of the ordinary or overly retrograde.

40 Vitalism, which almost all modern scientists understand to be disproven, is the notion that organic matter cannot develop out of inorganic matter without some other operative force.

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Keplerbund colleague, though they shared certain critiques of Darwinism. Mirroring Dennert’s warning about using the word “transmutation” too broadly, Reinke wrote that the term “kinship” (Verwandtschaft) did not have one stable, absolute meaning since it was used to describe relationships beyond what human experience could identify.41 Reinke then built on this point by citing the implications of Einstein’s theory of relativity: “[W]e experienced…that the surely-proven current theorems of Newton have been…through the arguments of the general theory of relativity…retired from public life….[E]very certainty, however, still includes elements of the unknown and is thus more or less subjective.”42 Reinke’s use of the word “subjective” was not an attack on science’s credibility. Rather, it was a call to submit all theories to critique and close examination, for one can never be certain that accepted theory provides the best possible explanation of natural occurrences.43 Such a reminder was crucial for many of Reinke’s insights into evolutionary theory. For example, Reinke challenged orthodoxy by questioning the necessity of tracing the development of all animal life back to one original cell (Urzelle): “We could go further and imagine that every living species of bird…perhaps 41 Johannes Reinke, Kritik der Abstammungslehre (Leipzig: Verlag von Johann Ambrosius Barth, 1920), 1.

42 Ibid., 7.

43 Ibid., 45.

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came from several co-existing Urzellen at the beginning of life.

Why should the number of Urzellen not have amounted to billions?”44 To reject polyphyly because it would damage the notion of “genetically-related phylums,” Reinke added, would be to commit the logical fallacy “petitio principii.”45 Reinke also argued that Darwin overestimated “outer factors” and ignored the fact that “natural selection assumes the existence of a purposefulness…that through it [natural selection] only the purposeful can be kept.”46 Importantly, Reinke did not use his position on the philosophy of science to dive into speculation. Instead, he used it to place what could indeed be empirically known on a firm foundation and to make science as open as possible to alternative ways of thinking. In other words, he was responding to criticisms of restrictive “normal science” long before Kuhn or poststructuralists entered the public arena. Despite Reinke’s contention that much of evolutionary theory was based on unobservable premises, he defended its invaluable application as a “heuristic principle.” Echoing German philosopher Hans Vaihinger, author of 44 Ibid., 30. Reinke labeled the idea that life came from several distinct Urzellen “polyphyly” and the idea that life came from one Urzelle “monophyly.”

45 Ibid. This logical fallacy occurs when one falsely or without good reason accepts a premise to be correct.

46 Ibid., 44. Unlike Dennert, Reinke took care to explicitly reject Lamarckism and distance himself therefrom.

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The Philosophy of “As If,” he wrote, “Essential for us is that the appearances [of animal and plant life] stand in relation to one another, as if it [the rise of higher plant and animal life from Urzellen] existed and that such an explanation for the connection of organisms is more welcome to us than any other.”47 Reinke had already hinted at this principle when he mentioned Ernst Mach’s definition of axiom as “instinctive knowledge” while justifying his acceptance of phylogeny as a working hypothesis.48 When he used the “as if” principle to describe his understanding of evolutionary development, Reinke did not name Hans Vaihinger, but his indebtedness to thinkers whom H. Stuart Hughes called the philosophers “of hypothesis and conventional fiction” is clear.49 Although many of Reinke’s main points concerned very specific aspects Darwinism, he also raised more general questions about the limits of scientific knowledge within the framework of evolutionary theory. Addressing the principle of abiogenesis (Urzeugung), Reinke, a vitalist, naturally rejected the idea that life could arise from inorganic matter, but the vital principle was not the essence of his argument. Like many German scientists and philosophers, Reinke enlisted Kant: 47 Ibid., 128 (emphasis mine).

48 Ibid., 118-119.

49 Hughes, Consciousness and Society, 106. Hughes made the connection between Mach and Vaihinger (as well as Henri Poincaré) clear and used the quoted phrase to succinctly describe their thought.

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We cannot expand human knowledge beyond the limits of possible experience, Kant already taught that. According to him, metaphysical knowledge cannot be empirical. The source of metaphysical knowledge is thinking; but everything that lies beyond possible experience is metaphysical. Nevertheless, there will always be metaphysics, and one must acknowledge metaphysical foundations for the theory of descent; meanwhile, they [metaphysical foundations] no longer belong in the realm of natural science.50 Reinke freely admitted that he held a metaphysical belief about the origin of life on Earth but thought that belief should remain outside the realm of natural scientific inquiry. In this instance, one of Wasmann’s themes reappeared: metaphysical beliefs are a natural, healthy part of the human experience, but one should not attempt to pass them off as empirical science. A healthy skepticism pervaded Reinke’s work. In fact, he even quoted the famous words of David Hume: “If the truth does lie within the scope of human capability, it must lie quite deep and hidden.”51 As the widely-varied responses to Darwinism in the German scientific community illustrates, there was by no means a unanimous cultural reaction to Darwin’s theory of descent with 50 Ibid., 114.

51 Quoted in Ibid., 122.

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modification. This lack of unanimity underscores the fact that fundamentalism and scientism were not the only possible reactions to modern science. To be certain, orthodox conservatives like Zöckler as well as radicals like Haeckel spoke for many people when they posited an insurmountable impasse between science and religion. Nonetheless, there were exceptions to narrow-minded partisanship, a fact which the above mediators surely proved.

More than a century and a half later, it remains unclear to many that the divisive heritage of fundamentalism and scientism is avoidable. Recently, Catholic biologist Kenneth Miller’s commentary on faith and Darwinism made a convincing case for the unity of the two, and Italian theoretical physicist Carlo Rovelli, though not religious, discussed the limits of human knowledge and scientific understanding.52 The great intellectual flaw of both fundamentalists and positivistic scientists is not that they hold any particular position; it is that they both present mutually-exclusive worldviews that allow little room for fruitful collaboration or common ground. The valuable ideas that arose out of the Darwinian debates in Germany, as well as the insightful thought of modern mediators, give one hope that the co-reign of scientism and fundamentalism will eventually come to an end.

52 Kenneth R. Miller, Finding Darwin’s God: A Scientist’s Search for Common Ground Between God and Evolution (New York: Harper Perennial, 2007); Carlo Rovelli, Seven Brief Lessons on Physics, trans. Simon Carnell and Erica Segre (New York: Riverhead Books, 2016).

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Bibliography

*All translations from the original German are mine unless otherwise noted.

Bowler, Peter J. Evolution: The History of an Idea. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009.

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Dawkins, Richard. The Blind Watchmaker: Why the evidence of evolution reveals a universe without design. New York: Norton, 1987.

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Du Bois-Reymond, Emil. Vorträge über Philosophie und Gesellschaft, Edited by Siegfried Wollgast. Hamburg: Felix Meiner Verlag, 1974.

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Fisher, Simon. Revelatory Positivism? Barth’s Earliest Theology and the Marburg School. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988.

Frohschammer, Jakob. Das Christenthum und die moderne Wissenschaft. Vienna: Tendler & Comp., 1868.

Gliboff, Sander. H. G. Bronn, Ernst Haeckel, and the Origins of German Darwinism: A Study in Translation and Transformation. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2008.

Gregory, Frederick. Nature Lost?: Natural Science and the German Theological Traditions of the Nineteenth Century.

Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992.

———. Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth Century Germany.

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Haeckel, Ernst. The Riddle of the Universe. Translated by Joseph McCabe. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1900.

Hasler, Ueli. Beherrschte Natur: Die Anpassung der Theologie an die bürgerliche Naturauffassung im 19. Jahrhundert. Bern: Peter Lang, 1982.

Hermann, Wilhelm. Die Religion im Verhältnis zum Welterkennen und zur Sittlichkeit: Eine Grundlegung der Systematischen Theologie. Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1879.

Hughes, H. Stuart. Consciousness and Society: The Reorientation of European Social Thought, 1890-1930. New York: Vintage Books, 1961.

Ignatieff, Michael. “Making Room for God.” The New York Review of Books, June 28, 2018. http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2018/06/28/makingroom-for-god-liberalism-religion/? sub_key=5b2d60697d5c8.

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Kelly, Alfred. The Descent of Darwin: The Popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860-1914. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1981.

Kuhn, Thomas. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. 3rd ed.

Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996.

Livingston, James C. Modern Christian Thought, Volume I: The Enlightenment and the Nineteenth Century. 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 1997.

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Miller, Kenneth R. Finding Darwin’s God: A Scientist’s Search for Common Ground Between God and Evolution. New York: Harper Perennial, 2007.

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Richards, Robert J. The Tragic Sense of Life: Ernst Haeckel and the Struggle over Evolutionary Thought. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008.

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Rovelli, Carlo. Seven Brief Lessons on Physics. Translated by Simon Carnell and Erica Segre. New York: Riverhead Books, 2016.

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Wasmann, Erich. Der Kampf um das Entwicklungsproblem in Berlin: Ausführlicher Bericht über die im Februar gehaltenen Vorträge und über den Diskussionsabend.

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Wigand, Albert. Zeitfragen des christlichen Volksleben: Der Darwinismus ein Zeichen der Zeit. Heilbronn: Verlag von Gebr. Henninger, 1878.

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Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Perthes, 1869.

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The Battle for Birth Control In the 20th Century Georgia Horne Georgia Horne is a junior currently pursuing a degree in History with a minor in Women’s Studies at UVa-Wise. She was introduced to UVa-Wise through the Early College Academy where she developed an interest in history. Her love for the subject has continued to grow over time with her induction into Phi Alpha Theta in spring of 2018 and volunteer work at the Washington County Court House during the summer sorting court cases from the late 19th to early 20th centuries. After graduation she plans on attending law school.

AUTHOR’S NOTE: I would like to thank Professor McKnight for his help during the development of my writing this paper as well as my family for supporting me in the entire process, even though I never let them read it.

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ABSTRACT During a time when even gaining the vote seemed impossible, women continued to champion for the right to use birth control.

Due to the Comstock Laws of 1873, women were faced with the options of letting their pregnancies tie them to an unwanted motherhood or harming themselves and their bodies to remain childless for as long as they could. Each day women longed for a better world, they were faced with relentless opposition from the U.S. Postal Service, the medical community, and the Catholic Church. However, it was with Margaret Sanger’s ascendancy as leader of the Birth Control Movement that made headway for the right to contraception. Sanger’s books and research continued to provide desperate women with the best guidance as to how to prevent pregnancies altogether. When the first birth control clinic was opened in Brownsville, Brooklyn in 1916, the building was raided by police only a mere 9 days after opening and Sanger was arrested. The significance of the raid proved that laws had to be broken until women could access birth control. It was in 1965 when it was ruled that the private use of contraceptives by married couples was a constitutional right and it took another two years for unmarried couples to receive the same right. Almost one hundred years after the Comstock Laws were institutionalized did the United States allow women rights to their own sexuality by removing obscenity labels from all contraception and therefore full independence from the institution of pregnancy as bondage. Facing several large and influential institutions, the people behind the movement ensured that birth control would forever be a right for American women.

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The Battle for Birth Control In the 20th Century Georgia Horne The University of Virginia’s College at Wise Following the social purity movement of nineteenth century, the Comstock Laws were passed to criminalize the circulation of sexually-related information through the U.S. Postal Service. The birth control movement combatted the Comstock Laws by helping poor women gain the right to greater bodily autonomy. Margaret Sanger and other leaders of the movement struggled to distribute information on contraception to women due to the restrictions placed on the postal service by these laws.

Nevertheless, newsletters and pamphlets written by Sanger were still published and dispersed despite these limitations. Opposition from the Catholic Church and the medical community was significant in helping the resistance of the movement develop their stance. Members of the Church often held the upper hand which was warranted by their defiance to Sanger’s efforts in the form of lobbying. Though she faced steep opposition to her cause, Sanger 30

ensured the legalization of birth control for millions of women, thus allowing for all people to choose their own path to family planning.

Prior to the Birth Control Movement, the methods of contraception available varied by differing cultures, religions, and societies. Conversely, the demand and use of contraceptives has been around as long as documented history, regardless of cultural acceptance of such devices. Despite there being no laws against contraceptives in America until the nineteenth century, abstinence and withdrawal were the most common and effective methods of reducing pregnancies for colonial couples.53 Although people of the time would not have been stopped from using other methods of birth control, they were simply not available yet. Following the American Revolution, there was less oversight on the virtue and behavior of women; more freedoms were allowed in choosing husbands and having control over their own fertility. As the country began to industrialize, gender roles were challenged as more women began to leave the traditional confines of the home to enter the workplace. Following almost two centuries of unwavering birth rates,

53 Jon Knowles, A History of Birth Control Methods (New York: Education Division of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, 2012), 3.

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the United States experienced a demographic transition from larger to smaller families that began around 1800 and lasted until World War II. The fertility rate dropped an astounding 50 percent from 1800 to 1900, from slightly more than seven to about three and a half children per couple.54 Due to the changing roles, the topic of contraception was unveiled first by the men of the developing nation.

The first two major publications about contraception were written in the 1830s by Robert Dale Owen, a newspaper editor and writer, and Charles Knowlton, a physician. In 1831, Owen’s essay Moral Physiology; or A Brief and Plain Treatise on the Population Question examined the societal and economic benefits of contraceptives and listed the various (albeit expensive) methods that were available. Owen’s work encouraged Knowlton to write his own piece, Fruits of Philosophy: The Private Companion of Young Married People, in 1832. In Knowlton’s work, he discussed the reasoning of the opposition to birth control methods and responded to these views with rhetorical questions and alluded to “anti-contraception art” (birth control) as having the ability to “reduce prostitution, limit excessive population growth, and ease

54 Peter C. Engelman, A History of the Birth Control Movement in America (Santa Barbara, CA: Prager, 2011), 5.

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poverty.”55 Although the publication of Knowlton’s work later led to his arrest, the early writings on birth control gave the future leaders of the movement a small foothold of information.

Prior to the birth control movement, Emma Goldman played a large part in advocating for the anarchist community and often vocalized her support of sexual freedoms for women. In 1893, she was arrested for unlawful assembly and was sentenced to ten months in prison at the New York Blackwell Island prison and was trained to work as a nurse.56 In her autobiography, Living My Life, she mentioned her time there and how she witnessed firsthand the tribulations that poor women encountered, especially when faced with unwanted pregnancies. These women, many of whom were immigrants, did whatever they could to make sure that their pregnancies did not come to fruition by “jumping off tables, rolling on the floor, massaging the stomach, drinking nauseating concoctions, and using blunt instruments” as well as asking Goldman herself to perform abortions for them.57 Although Goldman understood the women’s desperation, her knowledge of contraception was limited and her resources lacking, marking her efforts as futile despite her many attempts to help. Goldman’s campaigning made those in support of the movement rally behind 55 Engelman, 6.

56 Chris Dodge, Emma Goldman, Thoreau, and Anarchists, Thoreau Society Bulletin 248 (Summer 2004): 4.

57 Engelman, 25.

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her, but she understood that it was not her work that would turn the tables in favor of her cause.

By 1912, Margaret Sanger realized she would dedicate her life to fighting for the acceptance of birth control. Like Goldman, Sanger witnessed the horrors of frequent childbirth, miscarriages, and self-inflicted abortions during her time working as a nurse in New York.58 After witnessing her own mother undergo 18 pregnancies and fall into poverty, Sanger strongly believed that women who were impoverished were enslaved by their motherhood, Women who have felt the pinch of poverty from their own childhood, who have looked toward marriage as an escape from the hardships and struggles of their own families. But the effort to establish and maintain a decent standard of living has invariably been cancelled by the swift arrival of babies.59 Still, Sanger faced the same problems as the activists before her: There was no available knowledge on inexpensive and available contraceptives. Only the richest families had access to the contraceptives that could be found on the black market or through 58 Rilma Buckman, Social Engineering: A Study of the Birth Control Movement, Social Forces 22:4 (May 1944): 421.

59 Margaret H. Sanger, Motherhood in Bondage (Columbus: Ohio State University, 2000), 24.

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private clinics; even if these devices were obtained, there was little to no understanding of how they should be properly used.60 After studying what medical books she could get her hands on, Sanger found that the information on contraception was insufficient, just as Emma Goldman had. In 1913, a trip to Paris had been planned to save Sanger’s failing marriage, however, “she continued her research on contraception” and was successful in recording useful information on the various forms of birth control.61 After two months of studying in France, Sanger returned to America and began to amass what information she had acquired from Europe in order to build a broader knowledge for the medical profession.

However, opposition to birth control was often found within American medical communities. As the movement progressed, doctors and physicians often spoke out against abortion, calling it “the destruction of human life.”62 Many physicians wanted to fully control their female patients’ treatments; “This male-dominated profession sought to cure women’s desire to avoid pregnancy, not to facilitate it.”63 This refusal to speak on contraceptives and abortion had formed out of the medical field’s 60 Engelman, 38.

61 Ellen Chesler, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), 93.

62 Engelman, 12.

63 Carole R. McCann, Birth Control Politics in the United States, 1916-1945 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1999), 67.

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acceptance of the conservative belief that sexuality should be tied to procreation. This later allowed the American Medical Association to become a large influence on the endorsement of antiabortion and contraception laws. It was between 1860 and 1890 that doctors were granted power over women in regard to abortion, “40 U.S. states and territories passed antiabortion statutes that either criminalized abortion at any stage of pregnancy or imposed severe restrictions.”64 Notwithstanding the opposition to birth control from the medical community, Sanger’s research offered what doctors could not.

Margaret Sanger’s work Family Limitation described the methods of contraceptives that she had compiled while in France and how exactly they must be used in order to assure the best success in preventing pregnancies. Sanger offered her personal advice throughout the pamphlet and answered questions that she figured would commonly be asked and even alluded to her thoughts on eugenics.65 Motherhood in Bondage, another work by Sanger, complied over 5000 letters sent to her asking how to prevent pregnancy. Throughout the book, Sanger denounced the ways in which women had been tethered to their maternity by various institutions and detailed advice in how to overcome their

64 Engelman, 13.

65 Margaret H. Sanger, Family Limitation (London: Baukin Press, 1920), 16.

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plights and how to better plan their families.66 It was Sanger’s intention to publish these works and do the jobs of American doctors so that what was known about contraceptives could be easily accessed.

In 1914, Margaret Sanger published The Woman Rebel, an eight-page monthly newspaper that spouted the oppression of women under different institutions and attacked the feminists that were too passive in their views.67 Although access to contraception was listed as an issue that The Woman Rebel supported, Sanger held back from publishing overt information on contraception for fear of being arrested and her magazine being removed from print.

Due to the acrimonious tone of the first issue, New York Postmaster Edward Morgan informed Sanger by letter that the first issue of The Woman Rebel was unmailable under Section 211 (the Comstock Act) of the Criminal Code and would be confiscated, presumably because of the article on prevention.68 Of the seven issues of The Woman Rebel that Sanger had aimed to distribute, five were suppressed despite excluding the issue containing the first mention of the term birth control.69 As Sanger 66 Margaret H. Sanger, Motherhood in Bondage (Columbus: Ohio State University, 2000), 432.

67 Engelman, 39.

68 Engelman, 41.

69 Engelman, 42.

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sustained her crusade for the rights of women, she met some of her greatest opposition from the Comstock Laws.

Following the Civil War, Anthony Comstock’s acts to ban obscene material through the U.S. Postal Service burgeoned among conservative individuals and organizations. After following an example set by the English in 1868, Comstock proposed measures to censor the mail which “expressly prohibited traffic in contraception and abortion.”70 As the self-proclaimed leader of the birth control movement, Margaret Sanger understood that she must combat the Comstock Laws if she wanted up-to-date information about contraceptives to reach the women who had been most enslaved by their motherhood. Throughout the majority of the birth control movement, it was Comstock’s laws that sought to destroy the information Sanger and her followers intended to disperse through the poorest neighborhoods of New York City.

On March 3, 1873, Anthony Comstock’s Act for the Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Literature and Articles of Immoral Use was passed. Once signed by the president, several senators “united in asking Postmaster-General Jewell to appoint Comstock a Special Agent of the Post-Office Department to enforce the new laws.”71 Comstock’s new occupation strengthened the laws he created as he was able to 70 Ellen Chesler, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), 67.

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enforce them directly. As a Special Agent, Comstock and many others infringed upon the privacy of thousands by opening any mail to confirm that no “harmful materials, abortion-related instruments or information” were being sent.72 In 1913 an excerpt from What Every Girl Should Know, Sanger’s book on the spread and cause of sexually transmitted diseases and safe sex education, was published in a paper before Comstock had the chance to ban it.73 A week later, a blank column was published in the same space in the paper headlined “What Every Girl Should Know—Nothing” by order of the U.S. Post Office.74 In a position of great influence and power, Comstock and other organizations fought for anti-vice reforms against the rising birth control movement.

In 1957, Sanger was interviewed by an ABC journalist and stated that “the opposition [to the birth control movement] is

71 Charles G. Trumbull, Anthony Comstock, Fighter: Some Impressions of a Lifetime Adventure in Conflict with the Powers of Evil (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1913), 113.

72 Karen Weingarten, The Inadvertent Alliance of Anthony Comstock and Margaret Sanger: Abortion, Freedom, and Class in Modern America, Feminist Formations 22:2 (Summer 2010): 51.

73 Margaret Sanger, What Every Girl Should Know (New York: Max N. Maisel, 1913), 7.

74 Ellen Chesler, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), 66.

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mainly from the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church.�75 To the church, the only purpose of sexual intercourse was the procreation of children. Secondary aims such as mutual help between husband and wife or the alleviation of concupiscence were much less important in the marriage relationship. Any artificial interference with the natural processes of conception was contrary to the laws of God.76 Father John A. Ryan was one of the few members of the Church that would freely express his strong opinions about birth control. In 1915, a letter that Ryan had written about the National Birth Control League was published in which he stated, I regard the practice which organization desires to promote as immoral, degrading, and stupid. The so-called contraceptive devices are intrinsically immoral because they involve the unnatural use, the perversion of a human faculty‌ Such conduct is quite immoral as self mutilation or the practice of solitary vice.77 Most Catholics of the time held the same opinions as Ryan and following the publishing of his letter, the Church only became 75 Margaret Sanger, interview by Mike Wallace, ABC, September 21, 1957.

76 Flann Campbell, Birth Control and the Christian Churches, Population Studies 14:2 (November 1960): 147.

77 Peter C. Engelman, A History of the Birth Control Movement in America (Santa Barbara, CA: Prager, 2011), 53-4.

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more forthright in their opinions against the birth control movement.

It was in 1916 when Sanger’s role as the leader of the birth control movement was firmly established. In twenty cities across America, Sanger spoke to audiences over thirty times in a crosscountry tour in which she appealed to the progressives of the era.78 In St. Louis, Sanger was met with transparent resistance to her lectures. Edward V. P. Schneiderhahn, an attorney for the Federation of Catholic Societies “urged Catholic leaders and businessmen to threaten a boycott of the Victoria Theater, which Sanger supporters had booked for an evening lecture on May 22.”79 Schneiderhahn’s influence won over the theater’s manager and Sanger’s event was cancelled. Alongside individuals, Catholic newspapers often ran articles denouncing birth control as well as the leaders of the movement. In an article from the Catholic Courier published on January 18, 1936, it is stated that the position of the Catholic Church on this question of artificial family restriction is due to no arbitrary ecclesiastical regulation but is based upon the grounds that appeal to all Catholic, Protestant, or Jew, especially to those who are interested in preserving right moral standards

78 Engelman, 64.

79 Engelman, 65.

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among our people and in keeping our national life free from corroding decay80.

From this article, it is clear that as long as birth control and abortion are accessible, the Catholic Church will indubitably be there to fight against them.

At the end of Sanger’s tour in 1916, the very first birth control clinic was opened on October 16th in Brownsville, Brooklyn.81 Because the Comstock Laws applied only to obscene materials being shipped through the mail, it was ensured that the New York State Penal Code “made it a misdemeanor to sell or exhibit contraceptives or impart contraceptive information.”82 Despite these restrictions, hundreds of women rushed to the clinic for medical advice. Sanger and the other doctors at the clinic witnessed more women in distress than ever before, one mother had 7 surviving children out of 11 and claimed to have self-aborted 28 times. The most ‘pitiful,’ according to Elizabeth Stuyvesant, were the pregnant women seeking

80 The Catholic Courier, January 18, 1936.

81 Angela Franks, Margaret Sanger’s Eugenic Legacy: The Control of Female Fertility (London: McFarland and Company Inc., 2005), 256.

82 Peter C. Engelman, A History of the Birth Control Movement in America (Santa Barbara, CA: Prager, 2011), 79.

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abortions who had ‘a desperate determination to risk all’ but had to be sent away.83 The stories of these women proved just how badly such a hospital was needed in the early twentieth century. The clinic was, by all means, a lifesaver. Nine days after its opening, the clinic was raided; “the police impounded pamphlets, furnishings, and supplies, along with the case histories that had been compiled as a record of the clinic’s activities.”84 After refusing to go to the police station, Sanger and activist Fania Mindell were “forcibly dragged out of the clinic and into a patrol wagon. Ethel Byrne was arrested at her home that evening. All three were released the next day on bail.”85 The arrests of the three activists indicated that change needed to happen immediately. If any information on birth control or contraceptives was going to be distributed, the laws would have to be changed in order to do so.

In 1917, Margaret Sanger stated that if a woman “must break the law to establish her right to voluntary motherhood, then the law shall be broken.”86 Sanger had hoped for an integration of material on birth control and family planning to go into public 83 Engelman, 83.

84 Ellen Chesler, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), 151.

85 Engelman, 84.

86 Hazel C. Benjamin, Lobbying for Birth Control, Public Opinion Quarterly 2:1 (January 1938): 51.

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education but soon realized that it would take far too long and face too much opposition for any change to become apparent. Even though Sanger now had the information on contraception that women needed, she was completely unable to scatter it due to state laws. While Sanger was indisputably guilty of selling and distributing contraceptives and information on such devices at the Brownsville Clinic, [Judge Frederick] Crane upheld Sanger’s conviction under Section 1142 of the state’s obscenity law and thereby affirmed the state’s right to prohibit laymen and women from distributing contraceptive information. His opinion, however, offered an interpretation of Section 1145 of the law that granted specific license to physicians to prescribe contraception not just to prevent or cure venereal disease, but on more broadly defined medical grounds.87 This decision provided a rational definition of a system in which contraceptives could be prescribed by doctors no longer solely on the basis of protecting one from venereal disease. Conversely, when the case was petitioned to be heard by the Supreme Court, America’s involvement in World War I postponed the hearing until

87 Ellen Chesler, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), 159-60.

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November 1919, “at the time, the court without explanation refused to accept jurisdiction.”88 Acquiring the blessing of the medical community became crucial to the survival of the birth control movement. As public opinion was rapidly becoming more liberal and in favor of the legalization of birth control, small legal victories across the country had slowly begun to change the viewpoint of the historically conservative medical community. It was in 1937 when the American Medical Association officially endorsed contraception for “the prevention of disease” following a gradual increase of sexually transmitted diseases that were recorded after World War I.89 Sanger founded the Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA) in 1916 and alongside medical humanitarian Katherine Dexter McCormick, the funding and development of the birth control pill began in the 1940s. Biologist Gregory Pincus and physician John Rock commenced an investigation in 1948 on the hormone progesterone as an “ovulation suppressant”, despite uncertainty from the PPFA, at the Worcester Foundation for Experimental Biology.90 However, their hard work had paid off, and their research stood successful in creating a pill that effectively and continuously prevented pregnancies without any major 88 Chesler, 160.

89 Chesler, 285.

90 Peter C. Engelman, A History of the Birth Control Movement in America (Santa Barbara, CA: Prager, 2011), 183.

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negative symptoms. The new research that was brought forth on birth control methods aided in the acceptance of these systems and radically began to change American laws.

In 1962, Estelle Griswold, director of the Planned Parenthood League of Connecticut, and Professor Charles Lee Buxton, the medical director of the league, were arrested for giving advice on birth control methods to married couples.91 In 1965, Griswold v. Connecticut was taken to the Supreme Court and in a 7-2 decision, it was stated that the “private use of contraceptives by married Americans is an inherent constitutional right.”92 Justice William O. Douglas, of the majority decision, questioned the court, Would we allow the police to search the sacred precincts of marital bedrooms for the telltale signs of the use of contraceptives? The very idea is repulsive to the notions of privacy surrounding the marriage relationship.93 Two years later, the right to birth control was given to unmarried couples in Eisenstadt v. Baird, but it was not until 1970 that Congress would rewrite “the federal Comstock laws and formally

91 Engelman, 184.

92 Ellen Chesler, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), 376.

93 Anita Bernstein, The Common Law Inside the Female Body (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2018), 176.

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remove the label of obscenity from contraception.�94 These verdicts allowed all women sexual freedoms as they had never experienced before. Women no longer had to rely exclusively on men to ensure that their lives were not going to be held hostage by pregnancies they did not want or could not have. For the first time in history, women possessed the power of contraception.

Despite all attempts to shut Margaret Sanger and the birth control movement down, she never stopped educating on and defending the sexual rights of women in the United States. In facing some of the largest establishments in opposition to its stances, the birth control movement strived for a world in which women were permitted to control their own bodies, regardless of class. Through the efforts of Sanger and the other women behind the movement, it was made certain that the decisions made in court protecting a woman’s right to contraceptives had a concrete future in American society.

Bibliography Primary Catholic Courier. Rochester, NY, 1936.

Sanger, Margaret H. Family Limitation. London: Baukin Press, 1920.

Sanger, Margaret H. Motherhood in Bondage. Columbus: Ohio State University, 2000.

94 Chesler, 376.

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Sanger, Margaret H. What Every Girl Should Know. New York: Max N. Maisel, 1913.

Trumbull, Charles G. Anthony Comstock, Fighter: Some Impressions of a Lifetime Adventure in Conflict with the Powers of Evil. New York: Fleming H. Revell and Company, 1913.

Secondary Bernstein, Anita. The Common Law Inside the Female Body.

Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2018.

Buckman, Rilma. Social Engineering: A Study of the Birth Control Movement. Social Forces 22: 4 (May 1944): 420-28.

Campbell, Flann. Birth Control and the Christian Churches.

Population Studies 14:2 (November 1960): 131-147.

Chesler, Ellen. Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992.

Dodge, Chris. Emma Goldman, Thoreau, and Anarchists. Thoreau Society Bulletin 248 (Summer 2004): 4-7.

Engelman, Peter C. A History of the Birth Control Movement in America. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2011.

Franks, Angela. Margaret Sanger’s Eugenic Legacy: The Control of Female Fertility. London: McFarland and Company Inc., 2005.

Hazel, Benjamin C. Lobbying for Birth Control. Public Opinion Quarterly 2:1 (January 1938): 48-60.

Knowles, Jon. A History of Birth Control Methods. New York: Education Division of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, 2012.

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McCann, Carole R. Birth Control Politics in the United States, 1916-1945. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1999.

Weingarten, Karen. The Inadvertent Alliance of Anthony Comstock and Margaret Sanger: Abortion, Freedom, and Class in Modern America. Feminist Formations 22: 2 (Summer 2010): 42-59.

Exploration of Industrial Hemp Cultivars on Reclaimed Mine Land in Far Southwest Virginia Adam Jones Originally from England, Adam Jones has lived in Wise, Virginia since 1998. He is a passionate caver and outdoor explorer with a deep appreciation for the wonders of the natural world. In 2016, he began pursuing a Bachelor’s of Science in Environmental Science.

Upon graduation in 2019, he plans to seek employment with environmental agencies in hopes of contributing to the protection and preservation of our natural resources.

AUTHOR’S NOTE: Adam Jones would like to thank Professor Ryan Huish and UVa-Wise Fellowship in the Natural Sciences.

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ABSTRACT The University of Virginia’s College at Wise was enlisted to find suitable hemp cultivars for the Appalachian coalfield region. To bridge the gap between the declining coal industry in the region and future sustainability, hemp was planted on reclaimed mine land to provide an alternative use to the abundant, sometimes problematic byproduct of the coal industry. If successful, hemp cultivation could benefit the declining economy of southwest Virginia. Seven hemp cultivars were grown on a 25-year-old reclaimed mine land site in the summer of 2017. In the interest of sustainability and protecting the underdeveloped soil, seeds were drilled using a no-till method. Samurai variety showed the most promise as a potential cultivar for reclaimed mine land, however, its success was only relative to the other six cultivars. Overall performance of the crops was extremely poor, yielding significantly less output than input. Poor soil quality and dry conditions were unfavorable for the hemp to successfully grow.

Hemp cultivation is not recommended without significant soil preparation and organic matter development. Other growing environments might be better suited for growing hemp in 50

southwest Virginia.

Exploration of Industrial Hemp Cultivars on Reclaimed Mine Land in Far Southwest Virginia Adam Jones Mentor: Ryan Huish, Ph.D. University of Virginia’s College at Wise Introduction

Industrial hemp (Cannabis sativa L.) is a fibrous plant with a long history of global cultivation (Andre et al., 2016). Its stems contain durable long cellulose-rich bast fibers and woody fibers (Andre et al., 2016; Clarke, 1999; Finnan and Styles, 2013). Not to be confused with marijuana, hemp contains very low levels of THC (Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol). Hemp is grown for its seeds, fibers, and oil. Applications include use in textiles, fabric, cosmetics, medicine, construction material, paper alternatives, supplements, food, and cost-effective biofuel. Due to its sustainability and wide variety of uses and applications, an increasing demand for hemp products over the last decade suggests that industrial hemp has great agricultural potential (Andre et al., 2016, Finnan and Styles, 2013; Johnson, 1999; Mandolino and Ranalli, 1999; Small and Marcus, 2002; Turner et al., 1980). Since the 1930s, hemp cultivation has been banned in the United States (Baxter, 2000). Recently, regulations are changing to allow hemp to be grown again. In 2014, the Federal Farm Bill Section 7606 51

established guidelines under which higher education institutions could conduct agricultural pilot programs growing industrial hemp.

Requirements included acquisition of a hemp growing permit and that plant THC levels not exceed 0.3% by dry weight (USDA, 2014). The University of Virginia was awarded a grant through VDACS to develop a pilot study to explore hemp cultivation in different parts of the state. This research was extended to the University of Virginia’s College at Wise, where data on hemp growth in the coalfields was needed.

The Appalachian coalfields of southwest Virginia owe much of their economic history to coal mining. The region has supplied nearly all of the state’s bituminous coal since the 1950s (DMME, 2015). Today, the only evidence of once-successful coal mining operations are the dilapidated coal camps, prep plants, and hundreds of acres of significantly altered landscape. Although coal is still mined in the region, it has been in decline for years. Coal production in Virginia has fallen 73% since its peak in 1990 (DMME, 2015). Despite a gradual increase in coal prices, which peaked in 2011, the overall trend remains downward (DMME, 2015). In Virginia alone, over 71,000 acres have been affected by coal mining (DMME 2015). Reclamation laws and regulations require coal mining companies to restore mine land after mining operations cease. As a result, hundreds of acres of reclaimed mine land exist in the southwest Virginia region. These lands have 52

limited uses, as building can be problematic due to factors such as subsidence and ground creep (Krebs and Zipper, 2018). Although development is possible, it can be cost prohibitive. Agriculture is an alternative use for such lands.

Reclaimed mine land is abundant in southwest Virginia. If hemp could be grown on it successfully, the struggling regional economy could benefit from its cultivation as a cash crop, while promoting an alternative sustainable use for the land. This study explores the agricultural potential of seven different industrial hemp varieties grown on reclaimed mine land at the University of Virginia’s College at Wise in the summer of 2017.

Methods and Materials Hemp varieties Seven proprietary hemp varieties were grown in this study: Rho-1, CSO-1, Finola-O-1, Swift-1-V, Samurai-V, SKO-O, and St Gold-1.

Each cultivar was assigned its own plot and all plots were given the same treatment. Plot size was predetermined by the quantity of seed available for each respective cultivar. Plot shape and location were dictated by field boundaries and avoidance of poorly-drained hydric areas. See Table 1 for plot layouts.

53

Name

Crop type

Plot #

Plot size

Rho-1

Fiber

1

1 acre

CSO-1

Fiber

2

1 acre

Finola-O-1

Fiber

3

1 acre

Swift-1-V

Seed

4

½ acre 1 acre

Samurai-V

Seed

5.1, 5.2

SKO-O

Seed

6

(combined) 1

/5 acre

Phytoremediati St Gold-1

on

7

1 acre

Table 1. Hemp cultivars and their respective plots. The size of each plot was determined by the amount of seeds available.

Soil analysis Soil samples were taken at 9 randomly chosen field locations using a hand auger. Cores were placed in auger trays to reconstruct the soil profile. Composite samples were boxed and transferred to the Virginia Tech Soil Lab to determine soil nutrient levels. Additional samples were analyzed using ICP-MS per EPA method 200.8 to determine if heavy metals were present in the soil.

Germination trials

54

To determine if the hemp seeds could compete with pre-established grasses in the field, pots were prepared for germination trials using grass and soil from the field. Plugs of grass with approximately 4 inches of soil were dug from the growing site and placed in 14 separate 5” plastic pots to replicate field conditions. Seeds from each of the 7 hemp cultivars were planted at 1” depth in one pot, and at ½” depth in a second pot. The influence of planting depth on germination and emergence was noted.

Figure 1. Plots were arranged to avoid the softball field, abrupt changes in topography, and areas with wetland-like characteristics.

(North is to the left side of map) Site preparation and planting

55

Acre and sub-acre plots were measured and established by tape measure and Brunton pocket-transit compass. A no-till planting method was employed, adhering to best conservation management practices, given the lack of development observed in the soil. The grass in the fields was cut, hayed, and then cut once more before planting the seeds.

On June 29, 2017, seeds were drilled in 7� rows using a Great Plains 706nt no-till seed drill. The drill was configured to plant sorghum (milo) seeds because hemp seeds are physically similar. Seeds were drilled at ½� depth at a rate of 50 lb/A, however that rate was increased to 70 lb/A when the bins did not empty as quickly as expected. Thirty additional rows were drilled in a crosshatch pattern over the initial rows of plot 4 and plot 5.1.

To prevent mixing of hemp varieties, the seed bin was vacuumed out each time seeds were changed.

Prior to drilling the seeds, the organic fertilizers were broadcast over each plot at the rates given in Table 2 via tractor-operated fertilizer spreader. Feather meal was applied using a push spreader.

One tenth of each plot was left unfertilized as a control.

56

Application Rate Soil additive

(lb/A)

Feather Meal

100

Sodium Nitrate

100

Potash 0-0-52

100

Harmony 5-4-3

800

Bone Meal 2-14-0

300

Azomite

132

Humic DG

40

Table 2. Organic fertilizers applied to the hemp fields Harvesting Identifiable hemp plants were harvested by hand in early October following approximately 100 days of growth. Plants were dried, measured, and weighed.

Results Soil analysis 57

Soil in the hemp plots was predominantly Kaymine soil, a mine land entisol exhibiting very little profile development.

Average A-horizon depth was 1 to 1½ inch. O-horizon development was scarce, however at least one sample exhibited an O-horizon up to 1 inch thick. Soil was acidic, with a pH ranging from 5.4 to 5.8. ICP-MS revealed cadmium concentrations at 48 ppm and lead concentrations at 28 ppm, both below EPA limits of 70 ppm and 400 ppm respectively. Iron was present at around 20,000 ppm.

Hemp plant growth Germination rates observed in the field were consistent with rates seen in pot trials at ½” planting depth. All seeds planted at ½” depth in pots germinated within a week, except for SKO-O which did not germinate at all. No seeds germinated from any variety when planted at 1” depth in pots.

In the field, Samurai had the largest observed population at Day 50, with approximately 2000 individuals. Finola had 300-400 and RHO had 200-300 individuals. Only 2 SKO-O plants were found in the entire plot. Swift had less than 200 plants and St. Gold and CSO each had less than 100. All plants in all varieties were stunted. By harvesting time at day 100, a total of 328 hemp plants had survived, and no individuals from the SKO or RHO variety

58

remained. Samurai had 268, Finola had 33, St Gold had 12, Swift had 10, and CSO had 4 surviving individuals.

Hemp

Dates of

Days to

Average

Varieties: Emergence Emergence Rho-1 7/5/17 6

Plant 5 inat Ht.

CSO-1 Finola-O -1 Swift-1-V SamuraiV SKO-O St Gold-1

Approx.

Date of

Population First 200-300 Week 8 Flowering <100 Week 7

7/5/17

6

10 in

7/3/17

4

7-12 in

300-400

Week 6

7/3/17

4

10 in

<200

Week 7

7/3/17

4

10 in

>2000

Week 8

n/a

n/a

4.5 in

2

n/a

7/4/17

5

4-14 in

<100

Week 8

Table 3. Samurai variety established more plants than all others combined

59

Figure 2. By day 100, RHO and SKO plants were absent from the fields. Samurai variety had ten times as many survivors as Finola.

Figure 3. Total dry weight of harvested hemp plants equaled 0.3% of the total weight of seeds planted in the fields at only 208.39 g.

60

Discussion Poorly developed soil The reclaimed mine land in this study falls into map unit 42C of the Wise County Soil Survey (NRCS). It is classified as a Kaymine-Fiveblock-Cedarcreek complex. The three mine land soils that make up the complex are entisols, soils that show little to no pedogenic horizon development. They are developed from a mixture of unsorted sandstone, siltstone, and shale bedrock, intermixed with small quantities of coal fragments and remnants of the natural soil. All three are loamy-skeletal, active to semi-active, mesic, typic udorthents. Kaymine and Fiveblock are described as nonacid soils, in contrast to Cedarcreek, which is an acid soil (NRCS). Samples dug confirmed the soil on site to be predominantly Kaymine soil.

The current soil is a result of approximately 25 years of profile development following post-mining reclamation of the site.

Seeding of fescue, lespedeza, foxtail millet, red top, and rye grass was completed by Strouth Coal Company in 1992 (DMME 2015).

The field has been mowed or hayed yearly since vegetation was reestablished. Despite very low overall hay productivity, the field now contains a diverse assortment of wildflowers, forbes, rushes, sedges, and grasses.

No-till issues 61

To preserve and protect the relatively young soil and its developing physical, biological, and chemical components, plowing the fields was deemed detrimental to the health of the site.

Instead, no-till planting was employed as the most sustainable alternative for sowing the hemp seeds. The Great Plains 706nt notill seed drill works by cutting a small groove in the soil, into which seeds are deposited. A flat wheel behind each cutting disc rolls back over the groove to close the soil over the seed. The dry, ununiform nature of the soil caused the no-till planting process to be problematic. Dips and rocks in the soil impacted the consistency of the groove depth. The soil was extremely dry, which inhibited the seed drillâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ability to close the groove. As a result, seeds had very poor soil to seed contact, and many were left exposed. The cut depth and planting density were adjusted several times to account for this, but a variability of up to 2 inches in planting depth persisted regardless. The pre-established grasses in the plots recovered quickly after being cut and easily outgrew most of the hemp plants before they became large enough to compete.

Growth performance All hemp varieties except SKO showed evidence of germination by the end of the first week. Rain on day 5 watered the growing site for the first time since planting. By week 2, second and third true leaf pairs had emerged and new plants were still being discovered. The previously scalped grass had outgrown the 62

hemp and the soil remained extremely dry. At week 3, young hemp plants did not exceed 3 inches in height. Under ideal conditions, hemp plants should have been 30 cm or more in height (Baxter, 2000). Mass herbivory by juvenile grasshoppers devastated hundreds of plants across the Swift and Finola plots. Finola, Samurai, and RHO varieties had the most surviving plants by week 4. Samurai growth was pronounced in week 5 and a 10 ft strip of plants was clearly visible in the grass on the southern edge of plot 5.1. By week 6, heavy rains promoted growth in most of the surviving hemp plants. Samurai, Finola, and RHO-O were by far the most successful at this point. Swift had performed poorly, and very few plants were large enough to be easily located amongst the grass. The only St Gold plants in plot 7 were found within a 15 ft. by 3 ft. strip in the southeast corner of the plot. The ground in which the plants were found was characterized by a narrow dip adjacent to an area of damp soil. It is suspected that the dip caused the seed drill to cut deeper into the soil and bounce, depositing more seeds than it was supposed to. There were no other plants anywhere in plot 7 outside the anomalous strip. Plot 2 was completely devoid of hemp except for a 30 ft. by 20 ft. section containing at least 10 large CSO individuals hidden within a patch of unusually tall grass. An unavoidable small wetland-like section within plot 4 yielded several relatively tall Finola plants. These outliers were isolated to a mound of soil created by the edge of a tire track and exceeded 20 inches in height. In plot 6, only 2 63

solitary SKO-O plants were discovered throughout the entire study.

Neither of them surpassed 5 inches in height before dying.

From day 50 to day 100, the grass in the plots was higher than most of the surviving individual hemp plants, making them very difficult to see. To understand how poorly the hemp plants performed, it must be stressed that the fields appeared to contain only grass throughout most of this study. Only upon close inspection could the hemp be seen. Ideal conditions would have yielded plants several feet high instead of inches high.

Overall performance of the hemp fields was so poor that harvesting could only be accomplished by hand. To ensure that the most hemp plants were accounted for, researchers formed a line and combed each plot to identify and harvest those remaining at day 100. Harvested plants were dried and weighed. The combined 5.6 acres-worth of hemp originally planted yielded less than 400 surviving individuals which accounted for 208.39 g of combined dry weight. Two varieties, RHO and SKO, did not contribute to that weight as no individuals remained by harvest time. Samurai variety accounted for 81.7% of surviving plants by count.

Causes for failure The extreme loss in plant numbers is likely a result of many combined factors. Growing conditions were stressful and severely impacted performance. For adequate growth, hemp prefers soil in 64

the pH 6.0 to 7.5 range (Baxter, 2000). The Kaymine soil in the fields was too acidic, ranging from pH 5.4 to 5.8. Soil lacked significant organic matter and had a thin A-horizon. Hemp requires a lot of early soil moisture (Baxter, 2000). Long dry periods before and during cultivation impacted survival by preventing the soil from closing around the seeds, leaving them exposed to birds and the heat. Herbivory by grasshoppers decimated a large portion number of young plants. Existing grasses and vegetation were not eliminated before planting the hemp, with the expectation that the hemp would outgrow them and shade them out. Under more favorable growing conditions, the hemp would have likely competed well. The poor weather and soil quality put the hemp at a disadvantage to the well-established grasses. Late seed acquisition meant that hemp was planted too late in the growing season.

Ideally, seeds should have been sown in late May to early June while soil moisture was still high (Baxter, 2000).

Soil thickness, moisture, and planting depth The tallest individuals in the Finola variety were found isolated from the majority of surviving plants in a damp region of the plot. The added soil thickness from the outside mound of a tire track created a protective â&#x20AC;&#x153;islandâ&#x20AC;? in which the plants had no competition from existing grasses. The trough of the track had standing water in it which may have served as a reservoir to sustain soil moisture during long dry periods with no rain. The thickness 65

and moisture of the mounded soil likely provided excellent seedto-soil contact. Similarly, those areas in the hemp field in which the seed drill cut too deep seemed to have lower seed mortality than those in which cuts were shallow. In pot trials, seeds planted at 1 inch depth failed to germinate, yet those at ½ inch depth sprouted successfully. The primary difference between field and pot planting was that in pots the soil was closed around the seed by hand, providing adequate soil contact despite the shallow planting depth. It appears that successful germination requires a balance of adequate soil moisture and seed-to-soil contact.

Conclusion Industrial hemp did not perform well on reclaimed mine land. The Samurai variety showed most promise, with more than 260 surviving individuals, accounting for 82% of harvested plants by count. Samurai plants averaged about 12+ inches in height by the time they were harvested, which is four or five times less than the height a hemp plant would be expected to reach by that time.

Regardless, Samurai may be a potential candidate for future mine land cultivation. Finola variety came in second, accounting for approximately 10% of all surviving plants. The remaining 8% was shared between Swift, CSO, and St Gold varieties. RHO and SKO did not contribute to the final count at all. The combined dry weight of all hemp harvested was 208.39 grams, accounting for only 0.3% of the total weight of seeds planted across the 5.6 acres.

66

The amount of input significantly exceeded the output.

A multitude of simultaneous factors contributing to the crop failure made it difficult to determine exactly which ones impacted the hemp most. The poorly developed acidic mine land soil is most likely the underlying cause of the hemp failure, but more controlled studies are needed to confirm. Raising pH and establishing a thicker organic horizon would likely improve the odds of success.

The abundant reclaimed mine land in southwest Virginia appears to be problematic in both building and agricultural applications. This implies that although reclamation is designed to restore damaged landscapes after mining operations cease, the land may not be productive enough to be agriculturally useful on a short-term basis. The growing site of this study had 25 years-worth of post-reclamation soil formation. The conditions in the field were stressful on the hemp plants, causing their growth to be severely stunted.

The legalization of hemp cultivation in Virginia warrants much research to fill the knowledge gaps created by its almost century-long ban in the United States. Studies will ultimately discover best growing practices, conditions, and environments as more data is acquired. Future hemp cultivation research in southwest Virginia will take place on remnant tobacco fields, 67

where soil is well developed compared to that of reclaimed mine lands. Although reclaimed mine land cannot yet be ruled out as a potential setting for growing hemp, this preliminary study suggests that successful hemp farming in such an environment will not be easy. Cannabis sativa L. has great potential to benefit southwest Virginia, but it may be beneficial to explore other land types to maximize those benefits.

References Andre, C. M., Hausman J. F., Guerriero G. 2016. Cannabis sativa: The plant of the thousand and one molecules. Frontiers in Plant Science 7:19.

Angelova, V., Ivanova R., Delibaltova V., Ivanov K. 2004. Bioaccumulation and distribution of heavy metals in fibre crops (flax, cotton and hemp). Industrial Crops and Products. 19: 197205.

Baxter, J. 2000. Growing Industrial Hemp in Ontario. Agdex# 153/20. Available from <http://www.omafra.gov.on.ca/english/crops/facts/00067.htm#fertility>. [accessed 2019 Feb 26] Clarke, C. 1999. Botany of the genus Cannabis. In: Ranalli, P., ed.

Advances in Hemp Research. New York: Hawarth Press. pp. 1â&#x20AC;&#x201C;18.

[DMME] Dept. of Mines, Minerals, and Energy. 2015. Coal production Division of Geology and Mineral Resources: Coal Production in Virginia. [date unknown] <https://www.dmme.virginia.gov/Dgmr/coal.shtml>. [accessed 2019 Feb 26] [DMME] Dept. of Mines, Minerals, and Energy. Division of Mined Land Reclamation: Remining in Virginia. 2015. <https://www.dmme.virginia.gov/dmlr/DmlrReminingPage.shtml> [accessed 2019 Feb 26] 68

Finnan, J., Styles, D. 2013. Hemp: a more sustainable annual energy crop for climate and energy policy. Energy Policy 58, 152–162. doi: 10.1016/j.enpol.2013.02.046 Johnson, P. 1999. Industrial hemp: a critical review of claimed potentials for Cannabis sativa. Tappi J 82: 113–123.

Krebs, R. D., Zipper C. E. 2018. Foundations for Housing on Reclaimed Mined Lands. Virginia Cooperative Extension: Publication 460-115.

Mandolino, G., Ranalli, P. 1999. Advances in biotechnological approaches for hemp breeding and Industry. In: Advances in Hemp Research. (Ranalli, P.) New York: Haworth Press, pp. 185-208.

[NRCS] Natural Resources Conservation Service , United States Dept. of Agriculture. Wise County Soil Survey. <https://websoilsurvey.sc.egov.usda.gov/App/HomePage.htm> [accessed 2017 July] [NRCS] Natural Resources Conservation Service The Twelve Orders of Soil Taxonomy: Entisols. <https://www.nrcs.usda.gov/wps/portal/nrcs/detail/soils/edu/? cid=nrcs142p2_053588> [accessed 2017 July] Small, E., & Marcus, D. 2002. Hemp: a new crop with new uses for North America. In: Trends in New Crops and New Uses. (Janick, J., Whipkey, A.) Alexandria, VA: ASHS Press, pp. 284-236.

Turner, C.E., Elsohly, M. A., Boeren E. G. 1980. Constituents of Cannabis sativa L. XVII. A review of the natural constituents. J Nat Prod 43: 169–237.

[USDA] United States Dept. of Agriculture. 2014. Industrial Hemp <https://nifa.usda.gov/industrial-hemp>. [accessed 2019 Feb 26]

Unexpected Amounts of Human DNA 69

Discovered in Appalachian Karst Cave Systems Katy Mullins Robert D. VanGundy, M.S. Bruce Cahoon, Ph.D.

A resident of Dickenson County, Virginia, Katy Mullins pursuing a Bachelor of Science in Environmental Science with a concentration in Biology with hopes to become a college professor in the future.

AUTHORâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S NOTE: We would like to thank the Columbus Phipps Foundation of Dickenson County, Virginia and the Department of Natural Sciences at UVa-Wise, Brandon Thompson, Adam Jones, Tim McDonald, and Layton Gardner, who assisted in the laboratory and collected samples in the field, and, Robert Chapman and the staff at Natural Tunnel State Park, Stephen Grayson, Shawn Morris, and Maude Debusk for allowing us to collect samples from the caves.

ABSTRACT 70

The primary goal of this experiment was to perform an eDNA meta-barcoding survey of eukaryotic organisms in Appalachian karst cave systems to determine what could be detected using this methodology and if similarities between cave biomes exist. The isopod, Lirceus usdagalun, was the inspiration for this study since it is an endangered cave dwelling species endemic to Lee County, Virginia with few documented sightings. Sediment and water samples were collected from six karst caves in Lee and Scott Counties in Virginia. DNA was extracted from the environmental samples, and polymerase chain reaction (PCR) was used to amplify barcode regions from each sample. Primers that would amplify barcodes specific to amphibians, birds, bryophytes, copepods, fish, fungi, insects, mammals, protists (both algae and zooplankton), and Lirceus were used. Eukaryotic organisms were detected within each of the selected caves with mammals being the most abundant group and fungi the most diverse. Human DNA dominated the mammalian data, and sequencing of the mitochondrial hypervariable region detected at least four different individuals, none of whom were involved in sample collection or processing.

Other mammals were also detected, as well as algae, protozoans, and copepods. Principal coordinate analysis revealed that the eukaryotic biome is similar between caves.

Unexpected Amounts of Human DNA Discovered in 71

Appalachian Karst Cave Systems Katy Mullins Robert D. VanGundy, M.S. Bruce Cahoon, Ph.D. The University of Virginiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s College at Wise Introduction Scientists have used invasive, expensive, and laborious approaches to improve conservation methods throughout the years.

However, metagenomic barcoding offers the potential of a more conscientious approach since it is less invasive, provides organismal identification, and is potentially less expensive; it consists of extracting DNA from environmental samples (eDNA) that lack obvious signs of biological source material (Thomsen et al., 2015). The process begins with the purification of DNA from microscopic biological material found in an abiotic environmental sample such as water or soil and then using PCR to amplify DNA barcode regions that can be sequenced to identify the organisms that shed the DNA (Cannon et al., 2016; Thomsen et al., 2015).

This method becomes beneficial when assessing biodiversity in poorly understood areas, such as caves. These environments are fragile and unique ecosystems because of their sensitive ecology (Faille et al., 2015). Organisms often fail to survive because of the 72

harsh conditions in these environments, such as a limited energy supply, which creates a high degree of endemism (Niemiller et al., 2013; Venarsky et al., 2014). Karst caves, those found in limestone dominated areas, have high diversity and endemism because of isolated physical terrain and varying climate conditions (Kumar et al., 2016; Rajendran et al., 2014). Surface connectivity reduces detritus supply, creating an environment where obligate cave species are competitive (Venarsky et al., 2014). Many studies have been performed assessing the biodiversity of prokaryotic organisms, but few exist on eukaryotes.

Some eukaryotes expected to dwell in caves range from protists to fungi, plants, and animals, including endemic species (Cavallini Sanches et al., 2012; Vanderwolf et al., 2013). This study was initially conducted to try and detect Lirceus usdagalun, an endemic cave species found in Southwest Virginia that is colloquially known as the Lee County Cave Isopod. This troglobitic subterranean freshwater crustacean belongs to the family Asellidae, but it has been rarely observed; the abundance remains uncertain since many caves cannot be sampled using standard observational techniques (Hanlon and Orndorff, 2007). Its limited range makes it susceptible to groundwater pollution, and carcasses are rarely found because of the decay rate in these wet, humid environments (Hofreiter et al., 2003). The extent of its habitat and role in the cave ecosystem remains unknown; therefore, 73

its habitat should remain undisturbed (Hanlon and Orndorff, 2007).

In addition to the focused screen for L. usdagalun, a much broader screen for other groups of eukaryotic organisms was also conducted. In this paper, we assess the biodiversity of eukaryotic organisms detected within six caves near Lee County, Virginia as well as the similarities in the eukaryotic biome between each cave.

Materials and Methods Study Area Sediment and water samples were collected in triplicate from six caves in Lee and Scott Counties in Virginia on April 29, 2017.

Caves from Lee County include: Smithâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Milk, Gallohan II, Gallohan I, and Surgener. Smithâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Milk is located on privately owned land whereas Gallohan II, Gallohan I, and Surgener are located in the Cedars Natural Area Preserve, which is managed by the Natural Heritage Division of the Virginia Department of Conservation and Recreation. Bolling and Panel Caves are located in Natural Tunnel State Park in Scott County (Figure 1). Samples were collected from the outflow areas inside the entrance of each cave and consisted of 10mL samples of sediment and 1L of water.

74

Figure 1. Sampling location map of Southwestern Virginia. Lee and Scott Counties in particular.

DNA Handling, Sequencing, and Barcode Identification Water samples were pumped through a 0.45µm membrane to capture cells and DNA. The filters were submerged in DNA lysis buffer and stored in a freezer at -20◦C until the extraction process could be completed. DNA was extracted from the environmental samples using Qiagen’s Power Soil and Water kits.

Next, polymerase chain reaction was used to amplify a barcode region from each organism occurring in each sample. The process was performed using a Bio-Rad C1000 thermal cycler using Phusion high fidelity polymerase (Thermo-Scientific). The reaction mixture consisted of 50ng DNA template, 1 X High Fidelity PCR buffer, deoxynucleotides (dNTP), 1U Phusion Taq DNA Polymerase, and water to 25 mM. For this experiment, the primers from Cannon et al. (2016) were used to amplify barcodes 75

from algae, copepods, fungi, mammal, protist, amphibian, aves, fish, insects, and bryophytes (Table 1). Primers we hoped would detect Lirceus usdagalun were designed using the 18S sequence for L. fontanalisis (GenBank AF255702.1) as it was the only Lirceus gene available. To evaluate the success of the PCR reactions and estimate the sizes of the DNA barcode fragments, agarose gel electrophoresis was used. The amplicons produced from each collection site were combined and shipped to GeneWiz (Plainfield, New Jersey) a commercial sequencing facility that used Illumina MiSeq next-generation deep sequencing technology.

The bioinformatics program, Geneious, was used to sort sequences from each sample site, remove short sequences and primers, and align similar sequences to produce a list of Operational Taxonomic Units (i.e. unique sequence) using the methodology published in Cahoon et al. (2018). These OTU sequences were used to create a comprehensive library of cave sequences by finding matches in GenBank. This database was used to screen the samples.

Analysis of Eukaryotic Biomes Between Caves Principal coordinate analysis (PCoA) is a multivariate statistical method used to assess various data, including morphological, genetic, and biochemical diversity between populations (Sandal et al., 2018). For this experiment, the method 76

was used to provide information pertaining to the diversity of the eukaryotic organisms detected within each cave, and calculations were performed using the program PRIMER-E with the PERMANOVA add-on (Bogdanowicz et al., 2012; Clarke and Gorley, 2015).

Group

Primer

Average Amplicon

Mammals Aves Amphibians Copepod

16Smam Aves12S AmpCB Cop28S

Length 95 bp 53 bp 68 bp 209 bp

Fish Insects

FishCB COI_ZBJ_Art

90 bp 162 bp

Plants Bryophytes

trnL BryoTrnL

48 bp 52 bp

Fungi Protist

FungusITS Diatom18S

163 bp 359 bp

Table 1. List of primers used from Cannon et al. 2016 Results Detection of Eukaryotic Barcodes

77

A wide array of eukaryotic organisms was detected using eDNA in six caves in Lee and Scott Counties in Virginia, as seen in Figure 2. This graph shows the relative abundance and diversity of the eukaryotes discovered in each cave. The size of the bubble represents the number of occurrences of each organism. The large size of the mammalian bubble suggests that this group was the least diverse but most abundant. The evaluation of mammalian families indicated that the Hominidae was the most abundant DNA found in the samples (Figure 3). The initial incidence of human DNA was from the cytochrome c oxidase (COX I) barcode region, which can be used to identify mammals but cannot distinguish humans beyond the level of species. In an attempt to further characterize the human DNA, the human mitochondrial hypervariable region, which can be used to distinguish deep ancestry and in some cases ethnicity, was PCR amplified and sequenced. The results indicated that 4 different ancestral lineages were identified. Two of those lineages belonged to haplogroup H (common in Europeans), whereas one belonged to haplogroup N (common among Native Americans), and the other one belonged to haplogroup L (common in Africans).

We also found other mammals in each cave, such as woodrats in Smith Milk; wildcats in Smithâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Milk and Surgener; groundhogs in Smith Milk; deer in Surgener; sheep in Gallohan II; mice in Smith Milk; raccoons in Smith Milk, Gallohan II, and 78

Gallohan I; wild boar in Smith Milk, Panel, and Gallohan I; and chipmunks in Surgener (Figure 4). Although we discovered various mammals in the caves, the group was not the most diverse.

From Figure 2, the fungi appear to be the most diverse eukaryotic group; however, they were the least abundant. There is an apparent trend for this group as well, which we believe to be a result of the connectivity of the caves found in Lee County; they are all connected by an underground stream. Smithâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Milk is the first cave in the system, followed by Gallohan II, then Gallohan I, and ending with Surgener. There appears to be a trend of decreasing fungal diversity as water flows from Smith Milk to its eventual exit from Surgener cave. That trend is not seen in Panel and Bolling because the two caves are not connected. Table 2 shows the number of fungal OTUs unique to each cave as well as the number that the caves shared. The results determined that the caves shared 23 fungal genera. Smithâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Milk was the most diverse cave with 113 unique OTUs whereas Surgener was the least diverse with 21 unique OTUs. The same information can be found for the collected protozoan and algal genera. The caves had no protozoan genera in common but shared six algal groups. Surgener possessed the most diversity in terms of protozoans and algae.

These groups were all expected to be found in cave ecosystems.

Copepods are also expected to thrive in these environments; however, we only distinguished a few genera 79

(Figure 5). We believed this primer would provide sufficient information to detect Lirceus usdagalun but no Lirceus DNA sequences were found. Our amphibian, aves, fish, insect, and bryophyte primers also failed to successfully produce sequence data. This occurrence was unfortunate since many of these eukaryotes can be visually observed in caves.

Figure 2. The relative abundance of detected eukaryotes. The size of the bubble represents the number of sequences.

80

Figure 3. Graph representation of the different types of mammalian families detected.

Figure 4. The types of mammals detected in each cave.

81

Table 2. List of the unique and shared OTUs for algae, fungi, and protozoan genera detected in each cave.

82

Genera

Cave

Unique

Shared

Bolling

OTUs 0

OTUs

Panel

4

Smith’s

24

Milk Gallohan

8

II Gallohan

0

I Surgener

39

Bolling

0

Panel

46

Smith’s

113

Milk Gallohan

6

II Gallohan

0

I Surgener

21

Bolling

9

Panel

9

Protozoan

Smith’s

27

s

Milk Gallohan

16

II Gallohan

18

I Surgener

38

Algae

Fungi

83

6

23

0

Figure 5. The copepod genera detected within each cave.

Analysis of Eukaryotic Biome Between Caves Principal Coordinate Analysis was used to assess the resemblance of the eukaryotic biome between the selected caves.

The clustering observed between organisms suggests that the eukaryotic biome is similar from cave to cave.

Discussion Detection of Eukaryotic Barcodes The collection of eukaryotes present within karst caves in Southwest Virginia was quite diverse, and the eukaryotic biome 84

was surprisingly similar between caves. Several of these eukaryotes are commonly found in these environments and were therefore expected to appear in the results, such as protozoans, insects, fungi, amphibians, and more; many of these organisms can be visually observed in these environments (Lee et al., 2012).

Unfortunately, several of organisms we expected to detect could not be identified as a result of primer failure, including amphibians, aves, bryophytes, fish, insects, and Lirceus.

Fortunately, we were able to detect some of the eukaryotes expected to dwell in caves, such as protozoans, fungi, algae, and mammals.

Various mammals were anticipated to appear in the results while others were not. The discovery of wild boar and sheep was surprising; however, Smithâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Milk, the cave that contained sheep DNA, is located on private farm land, and wild boar are common in Lee County, Virginia. The most surprising result was the significant amounts of human DNA that was collected during this study. Little research exists on discovering human DNA in such extreme environments. One study sequenced mitochondrial hypervariable regions to determine if modern humans contaminated their samples (Fu et al., 2013). In this study, we sequenced mitochondrial hypervariable regions and were able to distinguish four different individuals, whose ancestral lineages were found in haplogroups H, N, and L. The mtDNA of 85

haplogroup H occurs in Europeans, that of haplogroup N is found in Native Americans, and that of haplogroup L is common in Africans. The mitochondrial HVR sequences did not match individuals who were involved in this study.

This experiment is one of the few that has used an eDNA metagenomics approach to assess the biodiversity of cave ecosystems. The process is beneficial in evaluating the biodiversity of these environments because they are often secluded and possess extreme conditions (Thomsen et al., 2015). As a result, traditional techniques are not always ideal. Metagenomics provides a more modern approach to collecting a survey of biodiversity without relying on visual encounters (Plaire et al., 2017).

Conclusion Metagenomic barcoding allowed us to assess the biodiversity of eukaryotic organisms living within karst caves in Lee and Scott Counties in Virginia. The results determined that various organisms inhabit in these environments. Many of these organisms were unexpected, such as humans. We collected a significant amount of human DNA within these caves and discovered four different individuals whose ancestors originated from Haplogroups H, N, and L. Lirceus usdagalun was one eukaryote that we hoped to detect but were unable to do so in this study. The eukaryotic biome appeared to be similar from cave to 86

cave. Future research is recommended in order to gain a better understanding of karst cave ecosystems and food webs.

87

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Sleep Deprivation and Memory: 91

A Review K. McKenzie Mullins Alexandria M. Reynolds, Ph.D. K. McKenzie Mullins is a third year student from Clintwood, Virginia majoring in Psychology and minoring in both English and Sociology. She currently assist in running subjects and collecting data for the Sleep Study on campus. Upon graduating in the spring of 2020, she aspires to attend graduate school and enter into a Ph.D. program in the field of Cognitive Psychology, concentrating in psycholinguistics. With her degree, she hopes to one day become a college professor.

AUTHORâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S NOTE: K. McKenzie Mullins would like to thank Alexandria M. Reynolds, Ph.D.

ABSTRACT

92

Memory is an essential factor in the learning process. Memory, consequently, is crucial for education and learning for students of all ages, especially college-aged students. College-aged students are known to commonly engage in unhealthy and abnormal sleep hygiene, like pulling â&#x20AC;&#x153;all-nighters,â&#x20AC;? overusing caffeine, misusing alcohol, and overindulging in fatty or fried food before bed. There has been extensive research conducted on the relationship between sleep and memory; these studies provide evidence that non-rapid eye movement (NREM) sleep, specifically, is imperative for memory consolidation and, therefore, learning. This review will examine some of the ways sleep deprivation can affect memory, and, thus, academic performance in college students.

Sleep Deprivation and Memory: A Review K. McKenzie Mullins Alexandria M. Reynolds, Ph.D. The University of Virginiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s College at Wise 93

College students across the world are strongly associated with having abnormal sleep patterns (Hershner & Chervin, 2014).

The majority of college students have a heavy workload, including commitments to both schoolwork and outside employment, which sometimes makes it difficult for them to effectively manage their time; ineffective time management can lead to students pulling â&#x20AC;&#x153;all-nightersâ&#x20AC;? in order to study or complete assignments. In lieu of sleeping, college students oftentimes overindulge on caffeinated stimulants (i.e. coffee, energy drinks, candy, soda, etc.) to help keep them alert throughout their classes and to stay awake longer to meet academic deadlines (Buboltz, Brown, & Soper, 2001).

College studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; sleep may also be affected by their environment; for example, roommates can be noisy, and students are unable to control the temperature of their dorms. In contrast, some college students take naps throughout the day to compensate for their lack of sleep throughout the night. Naps can be beneficial to memory, but they can also inhibit the quality of nighttime sleep, depending on the time the nap was taken, the duration of the nap, and the amount of naps taken throughout the day (Tucker et al., 2006; Ye, Hutton-Johnson, Keane, Manasia, & Gregas, 2015). Some of the ways college students attempt to enhance their academic success could, in turn, be hindering their academic performance. This review will examine studies that have been conducted on college94

aged students who obtain less than 8 hours of restful sleep per night and the negative impact sleep deprivation has on memory and academic performance.

Sleep When studying the effects of sleep on any other psychological or physiological variable, it is important to understand what processes take place in the brain during sleep. The circadian rhythm is the body’s natural, daily rhythm. Part of this rhythm includes the release of melatonin from the pineal gland; melatonin is one of the many hormones in the brain that promotes sleep (Sack et al., 2007). When the eye is exposed to light, photoreceptors send a message to the pineal gland to refrain from releasing melatonin, putting the body in “wake-mode” (Goel, Rao, Durmer, & Dinges, 2009; Sack et al., 2007). The circadian rhythm is like an internal clock; regular sleep patterns and sleep hygiene, which includes a variety of habits that affect the quality and duration of sleep, help to regulate circadian rhythm (Carney, Edinger, Meyer, Lindman, & Istre, 2006; Sack et al., 2007). Good sleep hygiene includes practices like consistent wake and bedtimes, exercising, and limited light exposure before bed. Many college students suffer from poor sleep hygiene, however.

For instance, many college students use their phones, laptops, or tablets before going to sleep, exposing themselves to light at night. Light from electronic screens contain the full 95

spectrum of wavelengths, but blue light can be especially impactful in altering messages to the brain (Chellappa et al., 2013). Because of this, blue light from phone screens, tablets, and laptops can cause a delay in the melatonin secretion, resulting in insomnia or difficulty falling asleep (Tosini, Ferguson, & Tsubota, 2016).

Therefore, using electronic devices before bed is poor sleep hygiene, as it alters the bodyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sleep patterns and natural circadian rhythm. Other poor sleep hygiene habits include eating close to bedtime and consuming alcohol in excess. According to Buboltz et al. (2001), substances like alcohol can also impact a personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sleep/wake rhythms. College students are commonly associated with partying and binge drinking, so students who regularly drink are more likely to disrupt their sleep/wake cycles, thus experiencing more sleep-related issues.

Sleep Architecture Nighttime sleep consists of four stages, occurring in 90minute cycles (Stickgold, 2005; Walker & Stickgold, 2004).

Throughout each 90-minute cycle, a person will experience two different types of sleep: rapid eye movement (REM) and non-rapid eye movement (NREM; Stickgold, 2005; Walker & Stickgold, 2004). In each cycle of sleep, there are different durations of REM and NREM sleep (Walker & Stickgold, 2004). NREM sleep is composed of four stages; lighter sleep occurs during the first stage of sleep, and deep sleep occurs during stages three and four. REM sleep occurs at the end of each sleep cycle, and the duration of 96

REM sleep increases with each new cycle of sleep (Walker & Stickgold, 2004).

Since REM sleep increases in duration as the night progresses, sleep deprivation results in lost or reduced REM sleep.

Each time a person misses sleep, his or her brain will try to recover or make up for the lost sleep. During this recovery, the duration of REM sleep for each cycle is increased (Walker & Stickgold, 2004).

Increasing the amount of REM sleep during the night, however, leads to loss of NREM sleep, which plays an important role in memory processes (Walker & Stickgold, 2004). Consequently, when college students compromise sleep in order to finish assignments or study, it can negatively affect their ability to recall the information that they were staying up to study. College students, therefore, believe they are benefitting themselves by staying up late to study, yet they are hindering the memory and learning processes when they deprive themselves of sleep.

Sleep Terminology Adequate sleep. First, it is important to understand the ways in which the term “adequate” sleep is defined. “Adequate” sleep has been described in a variety of ways, but usually refers to 8 hours of sleep (Cain et al., 2011; Sagaspe et al., 2006) and more than 8 hours of sleep (Lo, Ong, Leong, Gooley, Chee, 2016).

Typically, when defining “normal” sleep, researchers refer exclusively to the number of hours an individual sleeps during the 97

night, excluding any naps taken throughout the day. For the sake of this review, “adequate” sleep is defined as at least 8 hours of sleep during the night.

Sleep deprivation. Sleep deprivation is usually defined as any duration of sleep that is less than “adequate.” Generally speaking, there are two major types of sleep deprivation: partial sleep deprivation and total sleep deprivation. There is not an absolute agreed-upon standard definition of either partial or total sleep deprivation, especially since sleep deprivation is dependent upon the subjective term “adequate.” Some researchers consider partial sleep deprivation to be more than 4 hours, but less than 6.5 hours, of sleep (Lo et al., 2016). Others, however, consider it to be anything less than 8 hours (Sagaspe et al., 2006). While total sleep deprivation is another subjective term, most researchers consider total sleep deprivation to be no sleep within a 24-hour period (Basner, Mollicone, & Dinges, 2011; Chennaoui et al, 2015).

Because most college students more regularly experience partial sleep deprivation rather than total sleep deprivation, this review will focus on partial sleep deprivation, which is defined as anything less than 8 hours of sleep.

Sleep quantity versus quality. Furthermore, sleep quantity and quality are two separate concepts; Ohayon et al. (2017) reported that it is important to clearly define between sleep quantity and sleep quality. Sleep quantity is an objective 98

measurement referring to the total duration or time slept during the night (i.e., number of hours spent sleeping). Conversely, sleep quality is a more subjective measurement, often relying on asking a person to report factors like number of awakenings, time spent trying to fall asleep, and restfulness of the sleep period (Dewald, Meijer, Oort, Kerkhof, & Bögels, 2010; Ohayon et al., 2017). A person can obtain 8 hours of sleep (“adequate” sleep duration), but he or she may wake up sleep deprived due to poor quality of sleep.

Restlessness, such as constant tossing and turning, waking up to go to the bathroom, and poor sleep conditions (for example, a room that is too hot), can all disrupt sleep cycles and contribute to poor sleep quality. Curcio, Ferrara, and Gennaro (2006), for example, conducted a study and found that sleep quality had a stronger association with daytime sleepiness than sleep quantity had to daytime sleepiness. While it is important to sleep for an adequate duration (8 hours) at night, it is equally important that the sleep obtained is of high quality.

Sleep during adolescence. Some students attend college as young as 17 or 18 years old. Younger college students, then, are still considered adolescents. Studies show that adolescents need more sleep than adults (Dewald et al., 2010). Adolescents require more sleep than adults because many of them are still going through puberty, which is a time of growth and development.

Additionally, during this time, adolescents’ bodies experience a 99

change in their circadian rhythm, resulting in a later sleep-wake cycle (Dewald et al., 2010). Some school districts have taken the change in their students’ sleep patterns into consideration, starting their classes later in the morning; delaying classes helped significantly improve academic performance in high school adolescents (Carrell, Maghakian, & West; 2011; Minges & Redeker, 2015). These results indicate that freshmen in college, who are still in this developmental period, should choose classes that start later in the day to enhance their academic performance.

Collecting data on sleep deprivation. Polysomnography (PSG), which is a method used to collect real-time sleep data through the use of equipment while the subject’s sleep is monitored in-lab, is the “gold standard” for sleep data collection. While PSG is the preferred method for collecting sleep data, this is expensive, requires trained technicians to monitor the subject, timeconsuming, and it is more difficult to arrange with subjects. As a result, two of the most common ways for researchers to determine whether a subject gets adequate rest each night throughout their studies are with wrist actigraphy and sleep diaries (Chuah et al., 2009; Grundgeiger, Bayen, & Horn, 2014; Lo et al., 2016; Sagaspe et al., 2006). To collect sleep and activity data, subjects wear a wrist monitor, or actigraph, for an allotted period of time, which will typically track their physical activity, sleep duration, and sleep quality (Lo et al, 2016; Sagaspe et al., 2006). Some studies also 100

require their subjects to fill out sleep diaries; each diary is different, but most will have the subjects write down when they went to bed, when they woke up, their caffeine intake, how many times they woke up in the night, etc., which then helps researchers gather information about their subjects’ sleep, as well as factors that might affect their sleep (Grundgeiger et al., 2014; Sagaspe et al., 2006). Collecting data on sleep deprivation can help researchers better understand the role of sleep in cognitive function, as well as learn more about the impact that sleep deprivation has on certain aspects of cognition, like memory.

Memory Short-Term Memory Working memory. Short-term memory can be anywhere from a few short seconds to 30 seconds, depending on how much information one is trying to retain. Short-term memory is considered to be “active” or “working” memory because it is being used to maintain relevant information in the brain over a brief period of time (Lim & Dinges, 2010). Furthermore, there are two major types of memory: verbal and non-verbal. Verbal memory stores language-related information, while non-verbal memory stores all other information (shapes, colors, locality, etc.). One of the most well- known models of working memory is known as Baddeley’s model; it is comprised of the central executive, the 101

visuospatial sketchpad, phonological loop, and episodic buffer (Baddeley, 2000). Baddeleyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s model also shows how these components interact to process incoming information. The visuospatial sketchpad processes visual and spatial information, while the phonological loop processes language-based information.

The phonological loop, therefore, plays a key role in verbal (language/auditory) memory. The episodic buffer integrates information from the phonological loop, the visuospatial sketchpad, and even long-term memory in order to help keep the incoming information in sequence. The central executive separates incoming information, sends the information to one of the three components, and then manages the components (Baddeley, 2000).

There are many ways to test both short-term memory and working memory; in order to test working memory, though, a test must require an individual to hold information in their memory to recall at a later time while they focus on another task.

A strategy that some researchers use to test working memory is the Sternberg Working Memory Task. For this task, a list of items is presented on a computer screen, and the subject is asked to memorize these items. The subject is then presented with a blank screen and must hold the list of items in his or her memory.

Next, a series of words will appear on the screen, and the subject must determine whether or not those words were in the original list that he or she had to memorize (Gradisar, Terrill, Johnston, & 102

Douglass, 2008). Another way to test verbal memory is with Thurstoneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s verbal learning task, which requires a person to recall as many words that begin with a particular letter in an allotted period of time; the more words the person can remember and list in the amount of time he or she is given, the better his or her verbal memory (Durmer & Dinges, 2005). Another task that some researchers use is the delayed-match-to-sample-task, which assesses visual matching ability and short-term visual recognition memory, is a common test of non-verbal memory (Habeck et al., 2004). In this task, participants are shown a non-verbal pattern on a computer screen, and then a blank screen for a few seconds; then, the participants are shown four similar patterns, and they must select which pattern matches the original pattern they were shown (Habeck et al., 2004). An important factor that can affect working memory is attention, since one cannot commit an item to memory unless he or she is paying attention to it. Countless studies (i.e., Cain et al., 2011; Lim & Dinges, 2010; Sagaspe et al., 2006) have been conducted examining sleep deprivation and attention, as attention is quite sensitive to sleep duration.

Attention. A simple reaction time task is a type of task researchers use to measure reaction time in sleep-deprived subjects. Participants are required to look at a screen and react to stimuli that appear on the screen as quickly as possible (Ratcliff & Dongen, 2011). The Psychomotor Vigilance Test, or PVT, is a type 103

of one-choice simple reaction-time task that measures attention and alertness. The PVT involves reacting to a stimulus (for example, a red dot on a black background); the aim of the task is to respond to the stimulus as quickly as possible. Quicker responses on PVT tasks indicate higher levels of alertness (Basner et al., 2011; Ratcliff & Dongen, 2011). Basner et al. (2011) conducted a study to test the validity and sensitivity of both totally sleep deprived (33 hours without sleep) and partially sleep deprived (4 hours of sleep per night) subjects on a PVT task. The subjects were asked to look at a screen with a red box and press a response button when they saw a yellow stimulus appear on the screen; they were told not to respond before seeing the stimuli, but to try to respond as quickly as possible once it appeared on the screen (Basner et al., 2011).

The goal of such tasks is not to “predict” when the stimuli will appear, but to simply react to the stimuli.

Long-Term Memory Explicit memory. First, it is important to note that memory consolidation is the process of solidifying and storing memories from short-term memory into long-term memory (Walker & Stickgold, 2004). Declarative, or “explicit,” memory is the branch of long-term memory that involves memories that can be verbalized; it is further broken down into semantic memory and 104

episodic memory. Semantic memory includes factual, general, and conceptual knowledge, such as dates and names (Kilgore, 2010).

Episodic memory, as the name suggests, includes events and experiences that have happened throughout a personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life (Kilgore, 2010). While extensive research has been done on both semantic and episodic memory, more studies examine the relationship between semantic memory and sleep compared to the relationship between episodic memory and sleep. Consequently, most studies in this review that have tested explicit memory tended to focus more on semantic memory rather than episodic memory.

Implicit memory. Unlike explicit memory, implicit memory includes memories that are brought to oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mind unconsciously, like procedural skills (Stickgold, 2005). Procedural skills include any task that a person has to remember steps to complete, like remembering how to tie his or her shoe. People rely on procedural memory each and every day in order to perform both simple and complex tasks. Some of the more complex tasks that people might use procedural memory to complete would be operating machines and software in the workplace, or even remembering how to perform an experiment in a lab at school.

Some studies show that implicit memory is significantly impacted by the loss of stage 2 NREM sleep, which occurs in the latter half of the night (Walker & Stickgold, 2004). Procedural memory is also important for college athletes; consequently, sleep deprivation 105

to hinders athletic performances in college students (Mah, Mah, Kezirian, & Dement, 2011) Prospective memory. Prospective memory is a subcategory of long-term memory that involves remembering to perform a certain task at a later time (Grundgeiger et al., 2014).

This type of memory includes the “what” information of declarative memory, but it also includes the planning skills of executive functions (Scullin & McDaniel, 2010). Because prospective memory includes remembering to perform tasks throughout the day, it is important in everyday life. Despite its importance, Esposito et al. (2015) and Grundgeiger et al. (2014) both express that there has not been an abundance of research conducted on the effects that sleep deprivation can have on prospective memory. In their study, Esposito, et al. (2015) explain that there are two types of prospective memory: event-based and time-based. Event-based prospective memory is to remember to perform a certain task when an event happens; time-based prospective memory is to remember to perform a certain task after a particular amount of time has passed.

An example of an event-based prospective memory task can be found in one experiment by Scullin and McDaniel (2010) that examined the effect of sleep on prospective memory; in this study, participants were required to press the “Q” button on the keyboard any time they saw or heard the words “table” or “horse” 106

during some ongoing tasks. The results indicated that sleep benefitted participant’s event-based prospective memory (Scullin & McDaniel, 2010). Esposito et al. (2015) conducted an experiment to see how sleep affected time-based prospective memory. The time-based prospective memory task in this study required participants to press the “A” key on the keyboard 20 minutes after the session had begun. Sleep also improved subjects’ performance on time-based prospective memory tasks (Esposito et al., 2015). Future research should be conducted on event-based and time-based prospective memory to expand psychologists’ knowledge about the subject, especially in college-aged students who tend to have multiple tasks to remember in various aspects of their lives, such as homework, work, laundry, extracurricular activities, etc. each day (Hershner & Chervin, 2014).

Relationship between Sleep and Memory Sleep Deprivation and Short-Term Memory Sleep deprivation and working memory. When conducting research on sleep, a considerable number of researchers have examined the relationship between sleep deprivation and working memory. For example, Lim and Dinges (2010) found that short-term sleep deprivation (less than 48 hours without sleep) significantly impaired working memory in subjects who performed simple cognitive tasks, like the Sternberg Working Memory task 107

and the delayed-match-to-sample task. In another study, Kilgore (2010) found that sleep deprivation negatively affects reaction time and accuracy during working memory tasks. Furthermore, Lo et al.

(2016) found that adolescents who were partially sleep deprived (< 8 hours of sleep a night) performed worse on simple attention tasks, like the PVT. Adequate, good quality sleep can improve working memory since it can reduce fatigue and help individuals stay more alert and focused, which improves oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s attention.

Attention is an important factor that is closely related to working memory because people must pay attention and focus on information in order for it to be stored into and processed by their working memory.

Sleep Deprivation and Long-Term Memory Sleep deprivation and explicit memory. Since sleep is important for the memory consolidation process, it is logical that partial and total sleep deprivation studies would result in participants showing deficits in long-term memories.

Consequently, in one study that required participants to perform a visual search task, Geyer, Mueller, Assumpcao, and Gais (2013) found that explicit memory was impaired when subjects were partially sleep deprived. Kilgore (2010) also found that partial sleep deprivation was strongly associated with poorer performances on semantic and episodic memory tasks. Since partial and full sleep deprivation is so detrimental to short-term 108

memory, studies have been conducted to test cognition-enhancing drugs in order to improve or reverse the cognitive deficits produced by sleep loss. For example, one study conducted by Chuah et al. (2009) examined donepezil, a cognition-enhancing drug, to see if it would reduce the effects that sleep deprivation had on episodic memory. Although donepezil successfully reduced the effects of sleep deprivation (Chuah et al., 2009), it is still unclear what long-term impact a drug of this nature would have on the brain, sleep/wake cycle, and later cognitive function. Several studies, including Geyer et al. (2013), Kilgore (2010), and Chuah et al. (2009) have further provided evidence for the negative impact of sleep loss on explicit memories. As can be expected, implicit memories are also not immune to the impact of sleep loss.

Sleep deprivation and implicit memory. Perhaps less researched than the relationship between explicit memory and sleep deprivation, some studies have been conducted on the relationship between implicit memory and sleep deprivation. Geyer et al. (2013) found that sleep deprivation adversely affected implicit memory in subjects performing a visual search task, which required subjects to search for the letter “T” amongst a page full of the letter “L.” Participants were split into two groups; one of the groups was assigned to take a nap before performing the task, while the other group was required to stay awake (Geyer et al., 2013). While these researchers studied three separate types of 109

memory, the results concluded that procedural memory improved in the group who napped prior to performing the visual search task (Geyer et al., 2013). Such results provide evidence for the relationship between sleep and procedural, or implicit, memory.

Furthermore, in one study examining sleep and procedural memory in college athletes, researchers found that adequate sleep can enhance overall athletic performance. Mah et al. (2011) studied the effects of sleep on athletic performance in basketball players.

The athletes were asked to maintain their regular sleep habits (limiting their time in bed to 6-9 hours) for up to four weeks. They were then asked to get as much sleep as possible, spending a minimum of 10 hours in bed per night. After the sleep extension period, the participants reported higher game ratings. The results of this study indicate that sleep extension is one of the most beneficial ways to enhance athletic performance (Mah et al., 2011).

Sleep deprivation and prospective memory. Grundgeiger et al., (2014) studied the effects of sleep deprivation on prospective memory in subjects who went without sleep for 25 hours. Overall, sleep deprivation had a significant effect on prospective memory, as it decreased the likelihood for individuals to execute their intended actions (Grundgeiger et al., 2014). In a study that examined the relationship between sleep deprivation and timebased prospective memory, Esposito et al. (2015) found that subjects who were totally sleep deprived performed worse on the 110

time-based prospective memory task. In this study, participants were asked to press the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Aâ&#x20AC;? key on the keyboard after they had been solving arithmetic problems for exactly 20 minutes; participants who were totally sleep deprived failed to perform the instructed time-based prospective memory task (Grundgeiger et al., 2014). Sleep deprivation, therefore, has a substantial impact on prospective memory Relationship between Sleep and Academic Performance Many studies that examine the relationship between sleep and academic performance rely on self-reported questionnaires.

Gualtney (2010) was interested in the relationship between sleep disorders in college students and Grade Point Averages (GPAs); she used the SLEEP-50 questionnaire to detect sleep disorders in 1,845 college students and also had them self-report their GPAs. The results of this study showed that students with a GPA of 2.0 or lower were more likely to have some type of sleep disorder (Gualtney, 2010). Similarly, Eliasson et al., (2010) conducted a study on 157 college students where they administered sleeprelated questionnaires to acquire information on the amount and quality of sleep that the students were receiving, and obtained selfreported GPAs. Interestingly, the results of the study concluded that timing of sleep was more strongly associated with GPAs than the total amount of sleep students received each night; earlier bedtimes were strongly correlated with higher GPAs (Eliasson et 111

al., 2010). Furthering this idea, Gilbert and Weaver (2010) found that students who reported poorer sleep quality on the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI) also reported having lower GPAs. However, Lowry, Dean, and Manders (2010) found that sleep quality did not significantly affect academic performance, but the quantity of sleep students received did have a significant impact on academic performance. Even though some of the results are contradictory, there is substantial evidence that sleep quality, quantity, and timing are all factors related to academic performance.

The effects of sleep deprivation and daytime sleepiness provide major issues for some college students, including lower GPAs, higher chances of academic failure, and compromised learning (Hershner & Chervin, 2014). It has been established that quality sleep is essential for the process of memory consolidation.

Consequently, college-aged students who fail to receive adequate sleep at night are likely to worsen their memory, especially their verbal, procedural, and prospective memories, which are important processes for studying, test taking, and general day-to-day function. Moreover, extensive experimental evidence repetitively demonstrates that sleep deprivation causes impairments while performing cognitive tasks. Because of this, it is logical to speculate that lack of sleep would cause college-aged students to see a decline in their academic performance.

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Conclusion Various results from the studies in this review, such as Esposito et al. (2015), Lim and Dinges (2010), and Mah et al (2011), all provide evidence that sleep deprivation can have a significant impact on memory. Sleep is imperative in the memory consolidation process, which is also crucial for learning (Walker & Stickgold, 2004). Explicit, emotional, and procedural memories are consolidated during REM sleep, which increases progressively throughout the night (Walker & Stickgold, 2004). College students who partially deprive themselves of sleep likely face REM deprivation early on in their sleep loss, putting them at higher risk of losing or reducing the consolidation process for explicit memories. However, the brain attempts to recover by increasing REM sleep earlier in the night, subsequently depriving the brain of NREM; NREM is important for the consolidation of implicit memories (Walker & Stickgold, 2004). This process of sleep loss, recovery, and shifting of cycles put students at a disadvantage in terms of concreting the skills and material that they learn from day-to-day. College students rely on their memory, especially verbal memory when completing assignments and taking exams.

College students also rely heavily on procedural memory when they are required to recall steps in certain lab procedures.

Because students tend to lose sleep for reasons like stress, anxiety, staying awake to study or complete assignments, and even because 113

of the noisy, disruptive environments in which they sleep, they tend to see significant impairments in their academic performance.

Many of the factors involved with sleep loss, like sacrificing sleep for academic or social reasons, sleeping in a sleep unfriendly environment (i.e., loud, warm, and disruptive room), and not making the time to sleep, are all related to poor sleep hygiene. In fact, college students who report lower GPAs also tend to report poor sleep hygiene (Carney et al., 2006). It is unclear if college students are uneducated on proper sleep practices, or are knowingly engaging in unhealthy sleep behaviors. As students compromise sleep in order to study longer, many of them find that they are unable to remember information to answer questions on assignments and exams. College students should be better informed about the importance of quality sleep on memory and learning processes, as well as how to get a better nightâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sleep, for this might help them improve their academic performance.

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Lux Mission Statement

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Lux: Undergraduate Scholarship at UVa-Wise is a faculty-reviewed multidisciplinary journal dedicated to publishing exceptional research-based scholarship by current students and recent graduates at The University of Virginiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s College at Wise.

Eligibility Original academic writing that demonstrates recent relevant research and/or scholarship is eligible for publication if the author initiated the work as a student and is within three years of graduation. Submissions are welcome all year, but final decisions are not released until Fall of each publication year.

Review Process

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Detailed review and submission information can be found at

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