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UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vols. 1-6 incl. 1928-1933 By many authors

Utah State Historical SocietySalt Lake City 1934.


Utah State Historical Society B O A R D OF CONTROL (Terms Expiring April 1, 1929) J. CECIL ALTER, Salt Lake City D. W. PARRATT, Salt Lake City ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , Salt Lake City

J O E L E. RICKS, Logan PARLEY L. W I L L I A M S , Salt Lake City

(Terms Expiring April 1, 1931) GEORGE E. FELLOWS, Salt Lake City W I L L I A M J. SNOW, Provo HUGH RYAN, Salt Lake City LEVI E. YOUNG, Salt Lake City FRANK K. SEEGMILLER, Salt Lake City E X E C U T I V E O F F I C E R S 192S-1929 ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , President J. CECIL ALTER, Secretary-Treasurer Librarian and Curator Editor in Chief WILLIAM J. SNOW, Vice President All Members, Board of Control, Associate Editors

MEMBERSHIP Paid memberships at the required fee of $2 a year, will include current subscriptions to the Utah Historical Quarterly. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $1 a year or 35 cents per copy; but it is preferred that residents of the State become active members, and thus participate in the deliberations and achievements of the Society. Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Secretary-Treasurer, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.

CONTRIBUTIONS The Society was organized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the State. To effect this end, contributions of writings are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters and other writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present day writers on any phase of early Utah history. Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanently removing them from their possessors. Contributions and correspondence should be addressed to the Editor, Utah Historical Quarterly, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.


Utah Historical Quarterly State Capitol, Salt Lake City Volume 2

JANUARY, 1929

Number 1

MOSHOQUOP, T H E AVENGER, AS LOYAL FRIEND By Josiah F. Gibbs The July, 1928, number of the "Utah Historical Quarterly" carried a story of the Indian version of the Gunnison Massacre, 1853, near the present town of Deseret, Utah. The narrative left Moshoquop in the traditional light of a merciless, avenging savage, in whom persisted only the instincts and passions of primitive men—the heritage of almost limitless time and ancestry. It will now be a labor of love and duty to unmask the relentless war-chief of the Pahvants, of whom Chief Kanosh was the intelligent, just and merciful leader, and re-introduce Moshoquop as a loyal friend and protector from beneath whose reserved and dignified exterior occasionally emerged examples of moral courage, loyalty and gratitude—unconscious manifestations of Christian virtues not too conspicuous in many professed followers of the peerless Son of Man. A few glimpses of early life in Utah, and of my first intimate contact as a boy with the younger members of the Ute tribe, will form a fitting back-ground to the story of Moshoquop's heroism, though in no specific way connecting with Moshoquop. During the months of November and December, 1857, the year of our arrival in Utah, quite a large number of boys, whose homes were in North Salt Lake, were in the habit of daily bathing in the Warm Springs, to which I was an unfortunate addict. Frequently, the bath continued during several hours, when from the delicious temperature of the water we sprang to the edge of the pool, and urged by the generally ice-cold northwest winds donned our cotton shirts and pants, and shoes if sufficiently fortunate to have them, then raced to our respective homes, warmed by scrub cedar, or sagebrush from "over Jordan"—more often the latter. It was a miracle, the only one I ever encountered, that pneumonia so rarely resulted from those sudden exits from nearly boiling water to zero atmosphere. However, along about Christmas, an acute attack of inflammatory rheumatism forced me to bed, and held me there until the early spring. Then came the "Move"—see Utah histories, 1857-1858 (out of the way of Johnston's Army). Father's trek to the south ended at Summit creek, now Santaquin. Every house and nearly every habitable barn in central Utah was overflowing with refugees from northern Utah, who would remain, or move on, depending on the settlement of the slight misunderstanding with Uncle Sam,


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whose "army" of 2,500 men was in winter quarters at Fort Bridger. There was not a vacant room in Summit, and father made camp among the willows and cottonwoods near the creek, a few rods south of the village, where he built a rude shelter of interlaced willows and clay—"our" only "happy home" during five months. A mile or so south of our not altogether uncomfortable "wickiup" a large encampment of Utes occupied both sides of the creek. (It was a question of "pulling through"—not of sanitation.) Contrary to the general interpretation of Utah history, the winter of 1857-1858 was gloriously mild, dry and pleasant. Spring, with its alternations of warming sun, light clouds and warm rains, came early. One morning father moved me out for my first sun-bath. Fully clad, propped up with pillows and covered with quilts, free from pain, but still weak in my lower limbs, I looked out on my rediscovered world of majestic mountains, greening valley, with Utah lake, a few miles distant to the north, glinting in the early morning sunlight. Presently there came to my super-sensitive ear drums the faint pit-pat of human feet. With easy, swinging strides a slender Indian boy was approaching from the south. He paused at the foot of my cot and keenly looked at the rheumatic invalid. A year or so my senior (I was nearing my 13th year), his frank, happy, boyish face had not hardened into the grave, immobile features of the older men of his tribe, nor had his soul yet been seared by legendary tales of tribal wars, of pillaged and burned villages, of murdered squaws and papooses. "Heap sick?" he abruptly asked. "No," I replied, "legs sick," and waved my arms as evidence that I was all right above my hips, then explained as best I could the nature of my affliction. He nodded understandingly. Doubtless, he had daily passed to and fro over the Indian path to the village, and had seen members of my family, and had learned of the presence of the sick "Mormon" papoose. Doubtless, he realized my craving for companionship and decided to gratify it. After setting a target at a distance of about 25 feet, he returned to the side of my cot and gave me my first lesson in the use of bow and arrow shooting. During an hour or two the Indian boy chased arrows for his pupil, manifesting as keen delight when, by accident, I made a close or center shot, as if made by himself. At about the same hour next morning my Indian friend was at my cot-side. Again he chased arrows for me, and shared my boyish pleasure at evidences of rapid improvement. A few days of penetrating sun-rays, exercise of my arms and body, and mild perspiration—thanks to the ingenious method of the Indian boy, figuratively, "put me on my feet." With his aid


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I was soon able to walk, and then began our hunting tramps for rabbits and other small game. One morning my companion surprised me with a gift of a beautiful bow, made from mountain sheep horn, backed by sinew, and a dozen or so cane arrows, tipped with greasewood spikes. It was a priceless token of friendship that in memory has never dimmed. Frequently I was at the Indian camp, and mingled freely with the youngsters and their parents. During those often all-day visits I heard no "backtalk" from children to their parents, nor of quarreling. Socially, their intercourse was frank, open-hearted and generous—entirely free from affectation, egotism and hypocrisy. Such was my first experience among the redmen, and today, while awaiting the final sunset, that first intimate contact with the Ute Indians is one of the most cherished memories of my life. Early in June, "Johnston's army" had passed through the silent city of Salt Lake, and on to Camp Floyd. Danger of conflict had passed, and father returned to Salt Lake. Five years afterward our family moved to Fillmore, where frequent contacts with the redmen continued for more than a score of years. The chief objective of a visit to the mountains made by father and me, July 3, 1871, far back in the Pahvant Range, was to explore North fork of Chalk creek for saw-timer, with the view of building a sawmill, provided accessible timber justified. The minor incentive was that of quietly passing Independence Day within the forests and shadows of Nature's "templed hills." We ascended the South fork to Cherry creek, where the road ended. Following the ancient trail to the head of Cherry creek, we emerged from the canyon onto the open, grass-covered summit of the Pahvant range an hour or so before sunset. To the north a half-mile or so distant, a band of Indian ponies was quietly grazing on the smooth divide, which proved the presence of the owners, and evidently right in the way of our crossing over into the North fork. Five years had passed since Black Hawk and about 200 of his renegade warriors had raided Scipio, killed two of the residents, and driven away 400-500 head of cattle and horses. But five years were not enough to dim one's memory of the tragedy, nor of the strenuous pursuit by Captain James C. Owen's cavalry, in which I had participated. I suggested a retreat to the friendly depths of Cherry creek canyon. Father protested that the Pahvants were our friends; that doubtless the Indians whoever they might be, had discovered our presence, therefore it were better that we "face the music." (There was a marked difference between father and me—he was confiding, while I have ever bristled with interrogation points.) On arriving at the summit of the divide, we were greeted with shouts of welcome from a small band of Pahvants who, ac-


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companied by their squaws and papooses, were on a hunting expedition. They were camped near a large spring, a hundred fifty yards or so down the hillside. Beyond, and about the same distance to the northeast, was another and larger encampment. Two incongruous details attracted my attention—if they were Pahvants, why did they camp apart, and where were the women and children of the second band? We rode down to the nearest camp and received hearty welcomes from Moshoquop and his companions. Narrient, brother of Moshoquop, and Nimrod, so-named by whitemen, and a prized friend of the writer, were the other hunters whose names are now remembered. It was from Nimrod that, subsequently, the interpretation of the mystifying incidents of that evening and early morning at Moshoquop's camp was obtained. With genuine hospitality Moshoquop requested a couple of young hunters to relieve our tired horses of their equipment and picket them nearby. Father suggested hobbling, but for reasons then unknown, Moshoquop insisted on picketing, then turned to his wife: "Ruth, Gibb and boy hungry, cook deer meat." Ruth had been reared in a pioneer family, but instinct, and love for the war-chief, had impelled a reversion to the life of her ancestors. It was hardly dusk when father suggested spreading our blankets, and asked our host where it would be most convenient. Moshoquop assisted in carrying our blankets, saddles and rifles to the south side of a huge log, assisted in spreading the blankets —head to north against the log, then remarked, "Tie sareech (dog) here," indicating an upright limb at the head of the bed. "Mebbeso steal deer meat," was the reason given by the warchief. ("Victor," a large New Foundland cross, because of his size and exceptional friendliness, was a general favorite among the redmen, and had been well fed by the Indian children. "Tie sareech here," was a mere detail of Moshoquop's unrevealed program.) He then advised against removing our clothing, "Morning heap cold," he said, and returned to his wickiup, a hundred feet or so distant. Father was well along in life, not accustomed to horseback riding, was soon soundly sleeping. While not apprehending danger, there was a sub-conscious realization that in Moshoquop's detailed arrangement of our bed, the nearness of Victor-— our "night guard," the convenience of our fire-arms and nearby horses, suggested preparations for a fight or flight, perhaps both. But why ? Another enigma: Moshoquop had not imparted the slightest information regarding the identity of the occupants of the other camp, none of whom had visited the Pahvants during the evening. Finally I slept, but frequently disturbed by Victor's cold nose on my cheek.


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It was well along towards morning, when it is "darkest just before day," that I was awakened by Moshoquop's stentorian voice. Standing by the small campfire, the fitful flames of which added a singular weirdness to the scene and hour, Moshoquop, his body erect as the pines of his native forest, was facing the camp of the stranger Indians, but seemingly addressing his remarks to the night-enveloped wilderness. Father arose to a sitting posture, rubbed his eyes to convince himself that he was not dreaming, then asked, "What is that sleepless savage talking about?" I replied that apparently he had just begun an address to the departing night, or of welcome to the approaching day—that I was equally mystified as himself. Even for an Indian, the war-chief was exceptionally reticent. But out into the darkness of that memorable night his words rolled and vibrated in typically Indian eloquence. (Could the people generally listen to a phonographic record of Moshoquop's impassioned oration, with its vivid coloring and life-like verbal pictures, and understand, they would absolve the North American Indians of their wholesale indictment of "savages"— they would blush for shame at the treatment accorded them in the past, and which, except in rare instances, and with hardly less cruelty, yet persists.) Moshoquop described the condition of his people prior to the advent of the pioneers. He told of the suffering and death of his tribesmen during the long and severe winters when the snow lay deep on the ground, and driven by the fierce winds how it drifted into their wickiups, putting out their small fires, covering their scant bedding, and often burying the aged, sick and infirm ; how their supplies of food, stored for winter use, were often exhausted weeks in advance of the melting snow. The war-chief then spoke of the coming of the white settlers "with hearts like squaws;" of their pity for the ignorance and poverty of the redmen; how, from their also scanty supplies, they divided their food and clothing with them; that when their papooses were sick, the white mothers gave them milk, nursed them back to life, and taught the dark-skinned mothers how to take better care of their children. Moshoquop's closing words yet ring in my ears, they were: "And before we will permit harm to our white brothers, the Pahvants will die." A year after the events just narrated, Nimrod told me that the strange Indians were trespassers from Wayne county—a fragment of Black Hawk's band of thieves and murderers; that after father and I had retired, they proposed that Moshoquop permit our assassination, and the appropriation of our horses, guns and other equipment. The Black Hawk renegades outnumbered Moshoquop's warriors at least two to one, therefore the careful preparations for


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our escape in the event of trouble. And in his silence thereafter concerning his intervention for our safety, we find in Moshoquop a delicacy of feeling in shielding us from any sense of obligation to him that is rare among civilized men. And such was the dual nature of the merciless leader of the Gunnison Massacre. FIRST SETTLEMENT OF SAN JUAN COUNTY, UTAH By Kumen Jones After Uncle Sam's "Blue Jackets" got through with their "trimming up" of the Navajos in Northeastern Arizona, along in the late "sixties," under the leadership of Kit Carson, the Indians were left in extremely hard circumstances with very little to live upon. Being a thrifty, resourceful people, many of them crossed the Colorado River to the Mormon frontier in search of something to replenish their wasted substance. Finding small scattered settlements and many lone ranches with sheep, cattle, horses, etc., the Indians without ceremony appropriated what they wanted, and made back in haste for their own country. This onesided traffic soon became unbearable, and the Mormon church authorities sent a number of missionaries over to the chief men of the Navajos. These missionaries succeeded in making peace, and they invited the leading men of the tribe to a council with the high officials of the church, where a regular treaty was made, followed by exchange of presents and the smoking of the sacred peace-pipe. Not long after this an event occurred which tested the strength of this peace compact, revealing to each party whether it was to be more than a "scrap of paper." The Navajos, assured by the terms of the treaty, crossed the. river on a friendly expedition, and after starting on their return trip they were caught in a heavy snow-storm in the Wasatch Mountains. In this delay, and their provisions exhausted, they killed a calf to eat, and the owners of the animal, happening on them about that time, opened fire without waiting for a word of explanation. Three of the four Navajos were killed, and the fourth, severely wounded, worried his way back to the Navajo country, a feat which an ordinary person would have perished in attempting. When the wounded Navajo reported among his people that their newly-made Mormon friends had treacherously broken the peace treaty, a wave of indignation swept quickly over them. The Indian who had been treated so roughly belonged to one of the influential families of the nation, and war to the death was immediately declared. Frenzied excitement prevailed, and all the white people on or near the western side of their reservation, were notified and ordered out of the way. The Mormons, leaders and people, were shocked and sur-


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prised when they heard of what was taking place. The church authorities immediately drafted their old Indian missionaries into service, and these missionaries, daring and obedient, faced the perilous situation to allay the danger threatening their people. What they accomplished by thus taking their lives in their hands has gone into Mormon history, and is good evidence of the diplomacy and wise policy of the Mormon leaders. It proves also the genuine stuff of which those old experienced scouts were made. These missionaries convinced the angry and excited Indians that the murdering of their people was not done, nor sanctioned by their Mormon friends, but that it was done by non-Mormons, hard characters, by whom the Mormons themselves were also being robbed. A party of representative Navajos were taken back to the place of the trouble, and were convinced of the fact that the former treaty had not been broken by the Mormons. And again they were loaded up with presents and given added assurance of the desire on our part to stand eternally by the treaty of friendship and peace. It was with these things in mind that the leaders of the church, in 1879, selected seventy-five or eighty young men, mostly married, to establish an outpost, and were given the mission of "cultivating and maintaining friendly relations with Indians whose homes were near the section where the state of Colorado, and the territories of Utah, New Mexico and Arizona corner together." In pursuance of the above arrangement, an exploring party was organized and started in April to find a way into the proposed region. It consisted of about twenty-five men, most of them young men, (I among them) under the leadership of Silas S. Smith, who proved to be a careful, wise and successful scout. From our starting point in Iron county in Southern Utah, we traveled south-east to Lee's Ferry, thence to Tuba City, and from there north-east through the Navajo country, reaching the San Juan river about twenty-eight miles below the "four corners." We spent three months exploring the country in every direction, and traveled on north by the Blue Mountains, crossing Grand River and Green River, returning home by way of central Utah. While our party were out on their exploring trip, another party was sent from Escalante to find a more direct route into the San Juan country. This outfit came down as far as the western brow of the Colorado river gorge, and looking down through the "Hole-in-the-rock" to the water of the river, and to a canyon leading out on this side to a flat looking country, went back and reported that it was all clear sailing for a wagon road to the San Juan. This report was prompted more by the desire to encourage travel through the little village of Escalante, than to find a feasible place for a permanent road.


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By the latter part of October, 1879, the settlers selected for San Juan were on the road headed in that direction. They had all been advised to provide themselves with provisions for at least a year, and with clothing, seeds, tools and implements to begin farming, and to build places' of shelter from the elements and safety from the Indians. After the main body of the company had arrived at what is called Forty-mile Spring, the last camping place where sufficient water for so large a company is found, twenty miles from the river, exploring parties were sent out to see just what was ahead of us. The discovery was soon made that we had been led into a trap, as deep snows had fallen on the mountains back of us, and the next to impossible loomed up before us. The writer, then a young man, was one of three sent out for the purpose of returning with an official report. After eight days of exploring the report was made about as follows: One reported that the idea of making a way through by the "Hole-in-therock" was absolutely out of the question. The second scout reported that the way was quite feasible, and the men of the company could make a fairly good wagon road without much trouble. The third reported that by getting experienced men, tools, powder, etc., a way could be opened to get the outfit through the country, but there was no place in sight for a permanent wagon road. The latter report was accepted, and steps were taken to act upon it. Silas S. Smith returned and visited the Territorial Legislature, and the leading officials of the Mormon church, from both of whom he received appropriations for blasting a way across the river and over the broken country out to where Bluff, Utah, was afterwards located. In the company there were eight-two wagons^ and about that number of men and boys old enough to handle a team. The company put in about fifty days on the "Hole-in-the-rock," getting down with their outfits to the river, and they put in the greater part of three months getting across to where Bluff was begun. It was a severe winter, but the pilgrims enjoyed good health. Each Sabbath day was duly observed by all resting from their labors and holding services. Each night before retiring the bugle sounded as a signal for all to observe evening prayers. Dancing parties were frequently held on the flat bed rock, also singing, games, readings and other amusements. Three babies were born on the way, and with the assistance of two old-time nurses, and the blessing of the Good Father, all went well with mothers and children. And the Good Father had a kind watch care over our whole company of pilgrims, bringing us through without death or serious sickness or accident of any nature. Nearly everyone was helpful and kind and good-natured, and in very rough places men would rally to each other's help,


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steadying the wagons down the slick rocks with long ropes, and pushing and pulling up the hills. With them was an old-timer named Barnes whose ponderous laugh echoing through camp would bring at least a good-natured smile to the face of all who heard. Looking back at it now, and considering how that large company, working and blasting their way through a country of that nature, and being there during six months of one of the severest winters, it looks to me as though there was something more than human power and wisdom associated with it. When that bedraggled company of tired pilgrims straggled into the present site of Bluff, many of their teams, which consisted of horses of all sizes and descriptions, as well as oxen, mules and burros, were unable to proceed farther; at least they would have to stop there for some time, and some of them remained there on that account. Most of the original settlers at Bluff, however, remained there from religious and conscientious motives. And under- the blessing and protection of a kind Providence, they were prospered and preserved to accomplish, at least in a large measure, the mission assigned them. For forty years there was but one of the original colony, a very dear friend of mine, killed or harmed by the Indians. And no Indian was killed by one of our party. A quiet, orderly Christian civilization was established in the midst of these Indian tribes: Utes, Piutes, Navajos, etc., many of whom were savage outlaws. Many children have grown up in our colony who are developing into good strong characters, and filling places of responsibility in the different communities of south-eastern Utah. During our stay of almost forty-five years in San Juan county, Utah, there has never been a suspicion of any social or moral laxity between our people and the Indians. FIRST W H I T E MEN IN SAN JUAN COUNTY, UTAH By Albert R. Lyman After becoming interested in the first white man to explore a country, it is peculiarly interesting to learn of a still earlier explorer. For a long time it was believed by the historians of San Juan county that the first white men to find their way through its broken solitudes were the four scouts sent out from Hole-in-the-Rock by the Mormon pioneers in 1879. However, according to an account having the sound and appearance of truth, a company of ten white men found their way through this wild region in 1873, more than six years before the scouts from Hole-in-the-Rock. This early company, according to F. P. Brown, of Telluride,


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Colorado, were in search of a mysterious mine. Brown and others from Fort Defiance in Arizona, had crossed the Navajo reservation in 1872, and crossing the San Juan River in Utah, had gone eastward in the mountains of Colorado perhaps to thirty miles of what is now Durango. But the Indians drove them back and they returned to Arizona without having found any gold, but with a still stronger belief that there was something rich in the great unexplored region. That winter in Prescott, a man name Charley Jones, declared he would pledge his life to anyone who would put up the money, to pilot a company to a rich mine in an unexplored region, and Brown and eight others prepared to follow him in the spring. With good equipment and a generous supply of provisions, this company of ten reached, in June, what is now called the mouth of Comb Wash. Ignorant of the quicksand of the river they narrowly escaped drowning in an attempt to ford it, but swimming it successfully, they followed a dim trail up through the lower alkali bottoms, and when the trail could no longer be found, they turned westward on what is now the Barton Range, following dim trails uncertainly towards Lower Grand Gulch. Knowing nothing of the gulch till they reached it, they prospected around a long time and at length, by hazarding many perilous twistb and turns, they reached the west side, only to find a lofty reef still frowning on them from the west. In these long days of hardship in the unknown it is difficult to figure out what will-o-the-wisp led Captain Jones on, but when he saw the high barrier he told his men they must get over it. It is probable they were south of Clay Hill Pass, and hunting along the rocky base to the north, they discovered the pass, climbed up into it and followed down what was six years later named Castle Wash. Somewhere south-east of the Redd Tank country they climbed out of the wash and got their first glimpse of the Henry Mountains. Jones informed them that the promised mine was in those mountains, and led off in that direction without mention of the great Colorado gorge cutting directly across their intended pathway. Going down over a long sand-slide they entered what was later called North Gulch, and following its devious course twenty or thirty miles they reached the river, only to look in vain for a landing at the base of the perpendicular wall on the opposite side. Turning back up the gulch they hunted a long time before they found a way to get out on the north side, and somewhere in the wild region below the mouth of Redd Canyon, they found a way down to the river where a landing could be made on the west side.


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JUAN COUNTY, U T A H

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It is a long thrilling story with some hair-raising details, perhaps more than the "Quarterly" wishes to reproduce. Giving it very briefly, four of the company braved the river on a raft and succeeded in reaching the opposite side. Then for three days they followed Jones into the heart of the Henry Mountains where, as it became apparent he knew no more about it than any of them, he grew nervous lest the promised forfeit should be claimed. They found nothing, and in the darkness after the third day, Jones stole back alone to the part of the company waiting at the river, and being unable or unwilling to give any acceptable account of his three companions, they held him under guard till there was surprise all around by the return of the three. Omitting here more perils on the river, suffice it to say, most of the company decided Jones was unbalanced, and dividing the provisions, eanh man was left responsible for his own return. Five of them retraced their steps by Clay Hill and after being compelled to trd.de some of their horses for Navajo sheep to. keep from starving, reached Prescott in safety. The others, falling again under the leadership of Jones, who claimed to know the way to a Mormon settlement, found themselves hopelessly hemmed in and had to make a perilous return by way of Clay Hill, but fearing to cross the San Juan, they followed it into New Mexico before finding white men again. Note: Charles Baker, George Stroll and James White, are reported to have passed through this country in the late summer of 1867, prior to White's perilous journey on a raft through the Grand Canyon of the Colorado—according to Thomas F. Dawson in his publication, "First Through the Grand Canyon." - J . C. A. FEW NAVAJOES IN UTAH Properly speaking, the Navajo Indians do not live in Utah, although quite a number live on a strip of ground across the San Juan River, west of the 110th Meridian; and recently some of them have filed on land in order to maintain permanent sites. A very few Pah-Utes also lived there (north of the San Juan) part of the time. I am not very well posted on them, although it was at our Trading Post (near old Mexican Hat and Goodridge) that Tse-Ne-Gat surrendered to General Hugh L. Scott in 1915; and a number of times later we experienced so-called Indian scares, the last in which Old Posey lost his life. I am more familiar with the Navajoes, as distance means little to an Indian, and we meet many of them as customers.—Mrs. A. H. Spencer, Spencer's Trading Post, via Bluff, Utah.


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EARLY SETTLEMENT OF KAYSVILLE, UTAH By Henry H. Blood On a tract of high ground, half a mile from the shore of Great Salt Lake, with dense growth of black-willows to the north and south of it, with a stream of water flowing near, and a never-failing spring not far away, was the site of the first known habitation of man within the confines of Kaysville. The earliest settlers found no houses standing there; no tents, no wickiups to mark a permanent abode; but strewn all about, over an area of several acres, were evidences of man having made the spot a dwelling-place. Here women had ground seeds into meal, and made meal into bread, and the task done had laid aside the rude stone implements that served to crush the grains and render them edible. Here painted warriors and dusky hunters had chipped volcanic rock and fashioned spearpoints and arrowheads, and departing, ,had left these evidences of the stern exigencies of savage life to mark the place of their rendezvous. Here children had played with queer shaped toys, and, childlike, lost them in the dusty playground. And here these utensils, implements and toys have been found, mute evidences of conditions now long past. Over this spot it has been my good fortune to guide the plow that has turned up the beaten floor of the once tented village, and eagerly have I sought for the buried mementoes of the daily lives and habits of the race of noble aborigines. The site of the once populous camping-place, this Indian village of the past, is now marked by a modern home of brick and stone and timber. Upon the spot where dark-skinned children played, and hard worked women prepared the meagre family meals from the handfuls of seeds gathered with much care and labor, now are seen rising granaries and barns filled with bounteous plenty for man and beast. It has been generally thought that the portion of Davis County in which Kaysville is located had been uninhabited, except by Indians, up to the time of the arrival here of the "Mormon" pioneers, but testimony of the first settlers indicate that white men, whose identity will probably always remain a mystery, but who are thought to have been trappers, lived in this vicinity earlier than 1847. At least two rude huts, or partial "dugouts" are known to have been found here when the first "Mormon" explorer pushed northward from the Salt Lake City colony to see what the valley in this direction contained. These abandoned habitations were found on a hillside about two miles almost due south of the Tabernacle. They were dis-


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covered by Hector C. Haight, who was the first "Mormon" to make a home in what is now Kaysville. It was in 1847, not long after the arrival in Utah of the original pioneers, that Mr. Haight came north with cattle to find grazing lands. He herded near where is now Farmington, and for the winter pushed the herd farther northw'est, making his location on a stream that ever since has borne his name, Haight's Creek Next following Mr. Haight came Samuel Oliver Holmes, who made his home near the junction of the two forks of Holmes' Creek, as it has come to be known. Edward Phillips and William Kay came next in the order of settlement. Passing by Haight's Creek and Holmes' Creek on their way north, they came to a stream a mile farther on and encamped. The stream became known as Kay's Creek. These two men and their families had spent their winter in the "Big Field," south of Salt Lake City, and their coming here was in the spring of 1850. Mr. Kay built a log house, and later an adobe structure. Edward Phillips established himself ten rods farther west on the south bank of the creek, erecting a log house. Later in the same year, 1850, John Green and his family came up from Salt Lake and made a home some ten rods east of Kay's. Levi Roberts settled a little farther east, and James Robbins, "Peg-Leg" Jones, John Hodson and George D. Grant later came in and settled along the creek, their places running from west to east in the order named. Half a mile north and west of where Phillips and Kay located, James Bevans made a home, while to the south about the same distance Robert Harris and Joseph Hill, with their families, took up their abodes. In September, 1850, Henry Woolley, who, with his family, including his step-son, William Blood, had been a year in Salt Lake, came to the Holmes' Creek district, accompanied by William L. Payne and William B. Smith, and their families, both of whom had crossed the plains that year. These three men located farms side by side, extending across Holmes Creek, a quarter of a mile or so west of Mr. Holmes' location. Selection of lands was made by lot, Mr. Smith winning first choice, and taking the east tract, 32 rods wide. Mr. Payne, with second choice, took 32 rode next west, leaving Mr. Wooley the west tract to the lake shore. The question of water influenced largely the choice of home sites in those early days. The canyon streams were small, and except on the lower lands, near the outlets, were confined in deepcut gullies and channels, from which it seemed not convenient to bring out the water to the land. For this reason homes were first made on the moist, alluvial, and sometimes marshy low-


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lands. Later, when settlers began to come in more rapidly and the higher lands began to be settled, there were objections on the part of those first on the creeks to the using of the waters above. It is related that the first settlers on Kay's Creek declared there was not water enough for their small land holdings, and none could be spared to redeem from their desert condition the higher lands. Yet as the years have gone by, the population has increased, and the same streams, augmented, it may be, under the blessings of heaven, and conserved by more careful and experienced usage, have been made to spread over thousands of acres in place of the few garden patches on which they spent themselves in the early '50's. Reliable testimony is given that during early days in Kaysville the stream that furnishes this central part of town was so low that for three months at a time no water crossed the main street, yet now from the same canyon there comes enough water to convert many hundreds of acres into beautiful gardens, orchards and farms, with hundreds of homes made attractive by lawns and beds of flowers. An interesting incident connected with the name of the town is related by early settlers, to the effect that when Bishop William Kay went away (shortly after the ward was organized in 1851), there was a desire on the part of some to change the name from "Kay's Ward," which it no longer was, in truth, to Freedom. The matter was carried to President Brigham Young for decision, as were all questions in those days affecting the social, moral and religious affairs of the entire people. When the name "Freedom" was suggested to President Young it is said that his characteristic response was the question, bluntly asked: "When did Kay's Ward get its Freedom?" This was taken to indicate his disapproval of the radical change of name, and the name Kaysville came into use, slowly replacing Kay's Ward, which latter name, even at this late date, is often used by early settlers of Utah in speaking of this town. In very early times, Robert W. Burton and John Marriott started a lumber making business. They constructed a sawpit near William B. Smith's residence and made lumber in a primitive manner by one going into the pit below the log and the other standing on top of the log. The saw would be alternately drawn up and down and lumber slowly and laboriously cut out. Robert W. Burton has also laid claim to being the first blacksmith in Kaysville. He followed that occupation here for more than forty years and until old age compelled him to retire. William Stewart was a pioneer shoemaker and repairer, and for two score years carried on that business. The only effort to tan hides and make leather in Kaysville was undertaken by William Stewart and John R. Barnes, under


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17

the firm name of Barnes & Stewart, in a building standing on the south side of Maple street, opposite Frank Gailey's residence. The business was successfully conducted until 1869, when the coming of the railroad brought in leather so cheaply that it could not be made at a profit here. The shortage of tan-bark (bark of red pine) was also a serious drawback. Much of the leather made was worked up into shoes by William Stewart and the shoes sold by John R. Barnes. It was during the official term of Bishop Kay, probably in 1854, that "The Fort" was laid out and surveyed and the fort wall planned. This wall enclosed a square consisting of what now constitutes three tiers of blocks north and south and three east and west, or about 108 rods square, or rather it would have made the enclosure if it had ever been completed. But the work that had been planned was never finished, nor was the part that was construced ever used for purposes of defense against the Indians, for which it had been designed. At a little later time," the fort" was extended two blocks, or about 72 rods further west, to First street, and a portion of the newly planned wall was built, but like the originally designed fort, it was never completed. The wall was constructed of clay dug from the outside, the excavation forming a moat around the outside. It was put up in lumber forms, similar to the present method of concrete construction. At the base the wall was about five feet wide, and it tapered up to about three feet at the top, the height being about six feet. The plan was to have each able-bodied man build a certain stretch of wall and he either did the work or hired it done. John R. Barnes fixes the date of the commencement of the actual building of this wall as June 8, 1854, when he and William B. Smith, John Marriott, William J. Barnes and probably others, started digging for the wall. The coming of Johnston's army to Utah in 1858, and the fear that the soldiers would commit depredations on the settlers as they marched through, prompted "the move" south, which was undertaken by order of Brigham Young. This scattered the original settlers widely, and while some of them returned to again possess their homes, many found permanent residences in southern counties. William Booth, William Blood and William W. Galbraith were left in Kaysville during the move with instructions to lay the homes of the people in ashes in case the government soldiers, sent to harass the people, should undertake to possess themselves of the property of the settlers. Happily, there was no need to carry out the incendiary design. The army marched through, as had been arranged, from Fort Bridger, Wyoming, to Camp Floyd, west of Lehi, and the people


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were advised that they were at liberty to return to their homes in peace.

FATHER ESCALANTE AND THE UTAH INDIANS (Continuing: "Some Useful Early Utah Indian References.") By J. Cecil Alter Continued from "Diary and Tavels of Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez and Fray Silvertre Velez De Escalante, to discover a route from the Presidio of Sante Fe, New Mexico, to Monterey in Southern California," in "The Catholic Church in Utah," by Dr. W. R. Harris. "September 25, 1776 (at Spanish Fork). * * * "The Indians of whom we have spoken, live in the neighborhood, and subsist upon the abundant fish of the (Utah) Lake, for which reason the Yutas and the Sabueganas called them the Fish-eaters. (See p. 77, July, 1928, Utah Historical Quarterly.) They also gather seeds and herbs, and from them make atole (a kind of gruel); they also hunt wild hares, rabbits and fowls, which are very abundant here. There are also buffaloes, not very far away, to the north-northwest, but fear of the Comaches1 hinder these Indians from hunting them. Their dwelling places are huts of cane, of which they also make curious baskets and other useful articles. They are very poorly clothed; the most decent garment they wear is a jacket of buckskin and moccasins and leggings of the same. For cold weather they have blankets made of rabbit skins; they use the Yuta language, but with a great many changes and accents, and even some foreign words, They are good-looking, and most of them without any beard. In all parts of these mountains, south-southwest, the west and the southeast, there live a great many of the same people as the Lagunas (see page 80, July, 1928, Utah Historical Quarterly), with the same language and gentleness, among whom might be formed a province of many large settlements. The names of the chiefs that are in the "token" spoken of above, are in their own language, the Big Chief being Turunianchi; the second, Cuitzapununchi; of the third, which is our Silvestre, Panchucumqui•Comniiclie. One of the southern tribes of the Shoshonean stock, and the only one of that group living entirely on the plains. Their language and traditions show t h a t they are a comparatively recent offshoot from the Shoshoni of Wyoming, both tribes speaking practically the same dialect, and until very recently, keeping up constant and friendly communication.

ÂŤ

* *

The Comanche were nomad buffalo hunters, constantly on the move, cultivating little from the ground, and living in skin tipis. They were long noted as the finest horsemen of the plains and bore a reputation for dash and courage. They have a high sense of honor and hold themselves superior to the other tribes with which they are associated. F . W. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians.


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biran (which means spokesman), who is not a chief, but is a brother of the Big Chief, Pichuchi." "The other lake that joins this one, occupies, as we are told, many leagues, and its waters are very harmful and very salty; the Timpanois assured us that anyone who moistened any part of the body with it would at once feel the part bathed greatly inflamed. They toid us that near the lake there lived a tribe very numerous and very quiet, who were called Puaguampes, (see page 36, April, 1928, Utah Historical Quarterly), which in our tongue means sorcerers; they speak the language of the Comanches; they live on herbs, and drink from the many fountains that are near the lake, and their houses are of dry grass and earth. They are not enemies of the Lagunas, as some have said, but since a certain occasion when they killed a man they have not been so neutral as before. On this occasion they entered by the last pass in the Sierra Blanca de los Timpanosis by a quarter north to the northwest, and by this same pass they say the Comanches enter, but not very frequently." "Los Timpanogotzis are so called because of the lake, on which they live, which is called Timpanogo, (see page 14, January, 1928, Utah Historical Quarterly), the name being peculiar to this lake because the ordinary name which they give to any lake is Pagarori. It is six leagues wide and fifteen long, to the narrow pass and drains into the other lake." * * * "27th day of September." "We went another four leagues over the plain of the valley, and halted at a fountain of good water, which we called El Ojo de San Pablo (the Fountain of Saint Paul) (near Mona, Utah). As soon as we halted, Jose Maria and Joaquin brought in five Indians from the nearby settlements; we gave them something to eat and to smoke, and we offered to them the same things we gave to the others. W e found them as kind and gentle as the lake Indians, showing much pleasure, when they heard that priests and Spaniards were coming to live with them. They remained with us until near midnight." "28th day of September." * * * "We rested here (near Nephi, Utah), a short time in the shade of the poplars, for the heat was very great; we had hardly seated ourselves, when from behind some thick cane brush we saw coming towards us in great fear eight Indians, the most naked of any we had yet seen, with only a piece of deer skin around their loins. W e talked to them, and they answered back, but without in the least understanding us. The two Lagunas and the guide who went on ahead had given us to understand by signs that they were friendly and very gentle." * * * "29th day of September. Leaving San Bernardino (a few leagues beyond Nephi, (Utah) and going to the south-southwest,


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we met six Indians, and talked a long time with them, and by means of the two Lagunas and the interpreter, we preached to them, and they listened with great attention. Going two leagues and a half, we went in a southwest direction, now leaving the Salt-Pits that still extended to the south. Here we met an old Indian of venerable aspect, living in a little hut all alone, his beard so long and matted that he resembled one of the Hermits of Europe. He told us of a river near by and of the ground over which we would have to travel. W e went to the southwest half a league, going to the west-northwest through mountain passes, and over arid rising plains, a league and a half, and came to a river without discovering it until we had reached its bank; we stopped in a plain of good pasturage, which we named Santa Isabel (Sevier)." * * * "Soon after we had halted, four Indians came from the other bank of the river. W e invited them to approach, and all the afternoon they were with us. They gave us information of the land which they knew, and of the stream by which we had to go on the following day." * * * "30th day of September. Very early there came to the camp twenty Indians, accompanied by those that came in the afternoon of yesterday, all wrapped in blankets made of rabbit and hare skins. They conversed with us very pleasantly until nine o'clock in the morning, as gentle and as affable as the others had been. These had a much shorter beard than the Lagunas, and their noses were pierced; through the hole in the nose was carried a small polished bone of the deer, hen or other animal. In features they resembled the Spaniards more than all the other Indians now known in America, and from whom they differ in appearance. They use the language of the Timpanogotzis." "From this river and place of Santa Isabel these Indians begin to wear heavy beards, which give them the appearance of Spaniards, who, they say, live on the other bank of the Tiron (Colorado) river, which, according to general report, is the large river that is made up of the Dolores and the rivers that unite with the Navajo." * * * "2nd day of October. (Near Scipio, Utah.)" * * * "A short time after, the men who had gone to look for water, returned, bringing with them some Indians, whose villages are on the banks of the river Santa Isabel, and to which our men had gone. They were the Indians with beards and pierced noses, and in their language are called Tirangupui. 2 There were five of them, including their chief, and their beards were so long and thick that they looked like Capuchin priests or monks. The chief was of mature age* though not old, and very fine 2 Tirangapui equals Timpaiavats, equals Lagunas. F . W. Hodge Handbook of American Indians. See Page 80, July, 1928, Utah Hist. Quar.


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appearing. They seemed very happy when talking to us, and in a very short time we gained their good will. The chief, knowing that one of our number was still missing, sent his four Indians at once to look for him, and to conduct him to where we were; each one was to take a different direction. This was a kindness worthy of our utmost gratitude, and unlooked for by us from a people so savage; and who had never before seen anyone like us. The chief soon saw the missing one coming, and very joyfully gave us the news. W e preached the Gospel to them as well as we could, with the aid of the interpreter." "We explained to them the unity of God, punishment for sin, reward given to the good, the necessity of Holy Baptism, and also the knowledge and observance of the Divine Law. Being so occupied, we did not see three others that came toward us, and the chief told us that they were of his people also, and asked us to continue our conversation longer, so that they, too, might hear what we had to tell them for their good, or wellbeing. He told them, when they arrived, that were were priests, and that we were teaching them what they had to do to get to heaven, and so they should be very attentive. What he told them had a great effect upon them, and while we could understand only one or two words of the Yuta tongue, yet we knew what they were saying by their actions, even before the interpreter translated the words. W e told them that if they wished to follow the good way we had shown them that we would return to them with other priests, so that they could be instructed like the Lagunas, who were now waiting to become Christians; but in that case they would have to live all together, and not so scattered as they now were. They all replied with much pleasure that we should return with the other priests, that they would do all that we taught them and commanded them to do, the chief adding that, if we wished and thought it would be more convenient, they would go and live with the Lagunas (which we had already proposed to them)." "We bade goodbye to them all, especially to the chief, and they took our hand with great tenderness andjaffection. W e had only just left them, when they all, following the example of their chief, began to jump up and cry and shed tears, and even when we were a long way off we could still hear them lamenting; poor lambs of Christ, wandering about for want of the light. They so moved us to compassion that some of our companions could not restrain their tears." * * * "5th day of October." * * * "This morning before we left the Vegas del Puerto (near Black Rock, Utah), the Laguna, Jose Maria, left us without saying good-bye. W e saw him leave the camp, but did not say anything to him, nor follow to bring him back, because we


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wished him to have entire liberty. We did not know what motive he had in doing this, although, as the interpreter told us afterwards, he had become discouraged, seeing that we were so far from his country, but doubtless it was something that happened the night before. It was this: Don Juan Pedro Cisneros, called to his boy, Simon Lucero, to come with him and the others to recite the rosary, and he not coming, the father reproved him for his laziness and lack of devotion; while Don Juan was reprimanding the boy attacked him, and they grappled arm to arm. As soon as we heard the disturbance from where we were reciting the Matins' of the day following, we put a stop to it, although not soon enough to calm the frightened Jose Maria, for we tried to impress upon him that Don Juan was not angry, and even though a father should reprimand a son as had now happened, that he would never wish to kill him, as he thought, and so he had no cause for fear. Nevertheless, he left us, giving us no notice, and we were now without anyone who knew the country through which we had to travel. We were very sorry for this incident, because we wished him to participate in the good which we could not now extend to him." * * * "10th day of October." * * * "To this place, (San Eleuterio, near Minersville, Utah), the bearded Yutas come from the south, and this seems to be the terminus of their land." "11th day of October." * * * "We named it the Val le Rio de Senor San Jose (The Valley and River of Saint Joseph). (In Cedar Valley, near Iron Springs.)" "12th day of October." "We left the small river of San Jose, in which there were many deep miry places, crossing a large moor with good water and grass in it, through the middle of which ran a stream of water like a ditch. Having passed it to the northwest, we went directly south along the western edge of the slope of the plain, and going over a poor road four leagues and a half, we saw our companions who had gone some distance ahead of us, quickly leave the road; we hastened on to know the reason, and when we reached them they were already talking with an Indian woman whom they had stopped, as she was running away with others that were gathering seeds and herbs on the plain; there were about twenty of them. W e were sorry to see them so frightened, that they could not talk, and we tried to dispel their fears by means of the interpreter and of the Laguna, Joaquin." "As soon as they had somewhat recovered, they told us that in this vicinity, there were many of their people, and that they had heard them say that towards the south the people wore blue clothes, and that the Rio Grande river was not far from


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here. W e could not get from them clearly what nation wore the blue garments or clothes, nor could we form any opinion of what nation they spoke, from that they told us, for we knew that the Payuchis (Paiute—Hodge) wore only a red dress. It soon occurred to us that the Cosninas (Havasupai—Hodge) buy blue woolen garments in Moqui, and so we judged that it was of these they spoke, from which fact we inferred, that we were near the Colorado River and Cosnina. These Indian women were poorly dressed, and wore only a piece of deerskin hanging from the waist, which hardly covered what one could not see without danger. We took leave of them, asking them to tell their people that we came in peace, that we would injure none of them, and that we loved them all, and that the men who were able should come to where we were going to sleep, without imagining any evil would befall them." "We proceeded by the plain and valley of San Jose, and went another three leagues to the south, seeing other Indian women who fled from us. W e sent the interpreter with Joaquin and another companion to try to bring one of them to where we were to halt nearby, in order to inquire of them if the Rio Grande was as near as the other Indian women had assured us it was, and to see if some of them did not wish to accompany us in the capacity of guides as far as Cosnina. They ran with such swiftness that our men could hardly overtake even one; Don Joaquin Lain brought an Indian man with him behind him on his horse to where we had already halted." * * * "This Indian whom our companion brought to the camp was so excited and so terrified that he seemed almost insane. He looked everywhere and at everybody, and our every action or movement frightened him exceedingly, and to escape what he feared, he gave great attention when we spoke to him; but he answered so promptly that he seemed rather to guess at the questions than to understand them. W e quieted him a little by giving him something to eat and a ribbon that we ourselves put on him. He brought a large hemp net that he said they used to catch hares and rabbits. When we asked him where these nets came from, he replied from other Indians that lived below the great river, from which place we afterwards found they brought the colored shells; and according to the direction and the distance at which he placed them, they appeared to be the Cocomaricopas (Maricopas—Hodge)." "With regard to the distance to the Rio Grande, and the blue clothes, he told us the same as the Indian women had, adding that some colored wool which he now had, he purchased, this summer, from those who brought the blue clothes, and who had crossed the river. W e asked him in many ways about the Cosninas, but he gave us no information about them, either


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because his people give them another name, or because he thought that if he acknowledged that he knew them, we would take him by force to conduct us to them; or really because he did not know them. We asked him if he had heard anyone say that to the west or to the northwest (pointing in the direction) there were Fathers or Spaniards, and he replied no; that although there were many people who lived in that direction, they were all of his language and Indians like himself. We showed him a grain of corn, and he said that he had seen how they cultivated it, and that on a ranch that we would come to some other day, they had a little of this seed that they brought from where it was sown. We tried diligently to have him tell us what people they were who had sowed the corn, and of other things of which he had but a confused knowledge; we could learn from him only, that these people lived on this side of the Rio Grande. All night he was with us of his own accord, and (promised to take us to the ranch." "13th day of October." "We left the little river and halting place of our Lady of the Pillar, going south, accompanied by the Indian, to whom we had promised, if he would guide us to where the others were, a knife. We went two leagues and a half to the south, and arrived at the ranch spoken of above, that was his. On it were an old Indian, a boy, several children, and three women, all good-looking. They had some very good nuts, dates, and some small bags of corn. We talked with the old Indian a long time, but he told us only what we had already heard. We gave to him who had conducted us here the promised knife, and we proposed to them, that if one of the three would accompany us to those who sowed the corn, we would pay him well." "By the answer we knew that they did not trust us, and that they were very much afraid of u s ; but at the suggestion of some of the company, we put before them a knife and some glass beads. The Old Indian quickly took them and, impelled by his, suspicions, offered to guide us, in order to get us away from here, as we afterwards found out; and also to give his family time to save themselves by taking refuge in the mountains nearby. The old Indian and the younger one who had passed the preceding night with us, continued to accompany us. We went one league and a half to the south, and descended to the small river of the Pillar, that here has a leafy grove; we crossed it, now leaving the valley of San Jose, and came upon a mountain ridge that lies in the Sierras in the form of a harbor. In the roughest part of this mountain our two guides left us, and ,we never saw them again. We praised their foresight in bringing us to a place so well adapted to their safe and free flight, as they thought, a design, which we had suspected by the manner in which they


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25

consented to guide us, and by their great fear of us. We proceeded now without a guide, traveling with great difficulty because of the stones, a league to the south, and descending the second time to the River of the Pillar, where we halted in a beautiful grove on its bank, naming the place San Daniel. (Near Anderson's Ranch, Utah.)" • "The Indians who live in this vicinity to the west, north and east, call it (The Valley of San Jose) in their tongue, Huascari (see page 41, April, 1928, Utah Historical Quarterly); they are scantily dressed, subsist on seeds and herbs, hares, pinenuts in season, and on dates. They plant corn, but from appearances, gather but little. They are extremely timid, and different from the Lagunas and the bearded Indians." "14th day of October." * * * "We left San Hugolino (at or near Toquerville, Utah) by the western bank of the river and by the sides of some rising slopes nearby, going two leagues and a half to the south-southeast, returning to the bank and middle of the river. Here we found a well-made basket filled with ears of corn and husks. Near to this place was a small field and on the bank of the river were three small gardens, with their ditches for irrigating; the cribs of corn that had been gathered this year, were still in good condition. This gave us great satisfaction, not only for the hope we had of being able to replenish our stock of provisions, but principally because it indicated the care with which these people had cultivated the land, making it easier to civilize them, and to turn them to the Faith when the Most High should will it, because now we knew what it cost to teach these truths to other Indians, and how difficult it was to overcome their aversion to labor, which is necessary in order to live in communities and towns. From here we went down the river, and on the banks of either side were large settlements peopled, as we supposed, by these Indians, who planted the corn and squashes, and who, in their own language, are called Parrusi (see page 43, April, 1928, Utah Historical Quarterly)." * * * AMERICAN POSTS (Continued) By Edgar M. Ledyard Drum, Fort. Temporary fort established in Florida War, nineteen miles northeast from Fort Basinger (Bassenger) on right bank of Kissimmee River, in De Soto County. Present town of Fort Drum is on a railroad in eastern part of Okeechobee County. Fort Drum P. O., is nearby. Neither of last two on Kissimmee River. Florida. Drum, Fort. Okiechobee (Okeechobee) County, Florida. Drum, Fort. On island of El Fraile, Manila Bay, Philippine Islands.


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Drum, Fort Simon. Temporary fort established in Florida War on the outskirts of Big Cypress Swamp. Florida. Duane, Fort. One of the defenses of Beaufort, erected during the Rebellion. South Carolina. Duchesne, Fort. The site of Fort Duchesne is in Uinta County. It lies along the Uinta River, about ten miles above the point where the Uinta runs in to the Duchesne River. The fort lies a little to the south of the highway. Buildings, which were in a fair state of preservation in 1927, are two-stories, painted French grey, with white trimmings. Nearly all of the original buildings are gone with the exception of some old stables and a few adobe buildings. The fort was abandoned in 1910. Buildings at Fort Duchesne now house the Indian Agency for this section. There are two Indian schools in the immediate vicinity, one at Randlett and one at White Rocks, Utah. Dulaney, Fort. Temporary fort on the west coast of South Florida, below the mouth of the Calcosahatchie; established in Florida War. Florida. Dumplings, Fort. Conanicut Island near Newport, Rhode Island. Duncan, Fort. Left bank of Rio Grande, at Eagle Pass, Maverick County, Texas. Du Pont, Fort. Two miles out of Delaware City. This post occupies a reservation of 173 acres, opposite Pea Patch Island in Newcastle County. In 1914 the garrison consisted of three companies of coast artillery. Delaware. Du Pont, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, east of the "Eastern Branch." District of Columbia. Dupre Tower. On iBayou Dupre, on the south side of the mouth and at west end of Lake Borgne; defending approach to New Orleans. Louisiana. Du Quesne, Fort. French work built in 1754 on present site of Pittsburg, (see Forts Fayette and Pitt). The name of this fort was changed to Fort Pitt in 1758 when Fort "Duquesne" was captured by General Forbes and Colonel George Washington. Pennsylvania. Durantaye, Fort (1685). At Checagua, Wisconsin. Dushane, Fort. One of the defenses before Petersburg. Virginia. Dutch Point, Cantonment. Near site of Hartford. Connecticut. Dutch Island, Fort. On West entrance to Narraganset Bay, between Conanicut Island and main shore. May have been the same as or succeeded by Fort Greble. Rhode Island. Duval, Fort. In Boston Harbor, near Boston. Massachusetts. Eagle Pass, Camp. Eagle Pass. Texas.


AMERICAN POSTS

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Early, Fort. Temporary work on left bank of Flint River in Lee County, three miles north of the mouth of Turkey Creek. Georgia. Early, Fort. At Blakely, Early County. Georgia. Easley, Fort. . ( E a s l e / s Fort.) Near junction of Alabama and Tombigbee Rivers. Alabama. East, Fort. Near Oswego. New York. East Bank, Fort at. In New York Harbor. New York. Eastern Point, Fort at. Battery on east side of entrance to Gloucester Harbor. Massachusetts. Eastman, Camp. Located on Chicken Creek in Juab County. Utah. Eaton, Camp. In territory formely occupied by the Cherokee Nation. Georgia. Eaton, Camp. At Island Lake, Livingston County. Michigan. Eaton, Fort. Kentucky. Ebert's Field. At Lonoke. Arkansas. Econfinee, Fort. Temporary fort on the left bank of the Econfinee River, West Florida, about three miles from its mouth; established in Florida War. Florida. Edgecomb, Fort. At Wiscasset, right bank of Sheepscot River. Maine. Edgewood Arsenal. Adjacent to Aberdeen Proving Grounds, at Edgewood. Maryland. Edward, Fort. Baedeker in his "United States," says: "Between Fort Gratiot and Fort Edward, just above Port Huron, the St. Clair River narrows to 30 yards." He mentions Sarnia across from Port Huron, and in the index this Fort Edward is given as being in Ontario. Canada. Edward, Fort. A village fifty-six miles north of Albany, occupying the site of a fort of the same name. The site of Fort Edward was known to the French and English in the latter part of the seventeenth century and the early part of the eighteenth, as the "Great Carrying Place" because of its accessibility to Lakes George and Champlain. Colonel Nicholson built a stockade on this spot in 1709, which fell into decay. In 1755 another fort called Fort Lyman in honor of its builder, was built here. The post was renamed Fort Edward in honor of the Duke of York. Throughout the French and Indian W a r and the Revolutionary War, this fort was the starting point for expeditions against Canada. Washington County, New York. Edwards, Fort. Temporary work at Warsaw, at the lower rapids of the Mississippi. Illinois. Egbert, Fort. At Eagle City. Alaska. Eight, Camp. At Boyne City, Charlevoix County. Michigan.


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El Dorado, Camp. Right bank of Colorado River, near mouth of El Dorado Canyon. Arizona. EJdridge, Camp. Forty-four miles from Manila on Laguna de Bay. Los Banos, Laguna Province. Battalion Post. Old Spanish Hospital at Los Banos and College of Agriculture nearby. Philippine Islands. Eleven, Camp. At Repton, Monroe County. Alabama. Elk Grove, Fort. Established in Black Hawk War. This fort was located a short distance southeast of Platteville. Wisconsin. Ellice, Fort. Northwest Fur Company. In Birtle Election District about eight miles west of Birtle, Manitoba, Canada. Ellington Field. Seventeen miles southeast of Houston, at Olcott. Texas. Elliot, Camp. Canal Zone. Ellis, Camp. Saco, Maine. Ellis, Fort. Military Post. Established in 1868. Near Bozeman, Gallatin County; now obliterated. Montana. Ellsworth, Fort. (Now called Fort Harker.) Kansas. Ellsworth, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, D. C, near Alexandria. Virginia. El Paso, Post. Left bank of the Rio Grande near Franklin. (Now Fort Bliss.) Texas. Emerson Field. Near Augusta. Georgia. Empire, Camp. Subpost of Gaillard; thirty-three miles from Colon. Canal Zone. Ephraim, Fort. In San Pete County. Utah. Epinnette, Fort (1785-94). Same as Pine Fort. Canada. Erie, Fort. This fort was situated in Ontario at the head of the Niagara River opposite Buffalo, New York. It was the scene of considerable fighting during the W a r of 1812. It was abandoned and partially destroyed by the British on May 28, 1813, and for the next two months occupied alternately by the Americans and the British. The fortifications were completed by the American Army after being captured from the British on July 3, 1813. The fort was blown up by the Americans on November 5, 1814, and never rebuilt. Canada. Erie Proving Ground. Port Clinton. Ohio. Esperance, Fort (1787). Canada. Esperanza, Fort. On Matagorda Island in Matagorda Bay. Texas. Esperanza, Fort. Situated on site of present town of Hopefield, Crittenden County, on west bank of Mississippi River. Arkansas. Estado, Mayor (Barracks). Outside of walled city, Manila. Included under District of Manila. Philippine Islands. Estill, Fort. At Richmond, Madison County. Kentucky.


AMERICAN POSTS

29

Ethan Allen, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, D. C , mouth of the Potomac. (Formerly Fort Baker). Virginia. Ethan Allen, Fort. See Allen, Fort Ethan. Vermont. Europe, American Forces in. American Graves Registration Service in Europe, No. 20 Rue Molitor, Paris. France. Eustis, Fort. Eighteen miles northwest of Newport News, at Lee Hall. Virginia. Evans, Fort. Temporary work built by Confederates, near Leesburg. Virginia, Ewell, Fort. Right bank of Nueces River, near the mouth of Salado Creek. On San Antonio and Laredo road to Ringgold Barracks. Texas. Fairfield Air Intermediate Depot. Fairfield, Ohio. Fairfield, Fort. Right bank of Aroostook River, near the eastern boundary line of the State—New Brunswick frontier, one hundred miles north of Bangor. Aroostook County, Maine. Fanning, Fort. Temporary work, built in Florida War, on the left bank of Suwannee River about eighteen miles from its mouth and opposite old Suwannee town. Florida. Far West, Camp. Right bank of Bear Creek, near Marysville. California. Farnsworth, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, D. C, two miles southwest of Alexandria. Virginia. Fair's Fort. Named for prominent early Mormon pioneer. Ogden, Weber County, Utah. Faunteroy, Fort. Later Fort Lyon. On road from Albuquerque to Fort Defiance. New Mexico. Fayette, Fort. At Pittsburgh (See Forts Du Quesne and Pitt). Pennsylvania. Federal Hill, Fort. Baltimore 'City, south side of the "Basin"; erected during the Rebellion. Maryland. Ferres, Fort. At upper Sandusky, left bank of Sandusky River, Crawford County. Ohio. Fetterman, Fort .(1867-68).. This post was named in honor of Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Wm. J. Fetterman, Captain 18th Infantry, killed at the Fort Phil Kearney massacre, December 21, 1866. It was established July 19, 1864, by four companies of the Fourth Infantry, under command of Brevet Colonel William McE. Dey, Major Fourth Infantry. "It is situated at the mouth of LaPrele Creek, on the south side of the North Platte River, one hundred thirty-five miles from Cheyenne, ninety miles south of Fort Reno, and seventy miles northwesterly from (Fort Laramie; latitude 42 deg. 49 min. 08 sec, longitude 105 deg. 27 min. 103 sec. The reservation of sixty square miles was declared June 28, 1869. Cheyenne is the nearest railroad station. The regular conveyance from Cheyenne to the Fort is by Government mail ambulance and Black Hills stages." In 1927 two


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of the old quarters were standing. These were occupied and in fairly good condition. In addition there were a few other remnants of the post. Wyoming. Fidius, Fort. Left bank of the Oconee River. Georgia. Field Artillery Flying Station. At W e s t Point in Hardin County. Kentucky. Fillmore, Fort. Left bank of the Rio Grande, near Mesilla, forty miles above El Paso near Las Cruces in Dona Ana County. New Mexico. Fincastle, Fort (See Fort Henry.) Built in 1774, on site of "Zanos' Ruins" in Wheeling. West Virginia. Finley, Fort. Left bank of Blanchard's Fork of the Maumee, at the town of Finley in Hancock County. Ohio. Fish, Fort. Located near Fort Clinton in Greater New York. New York. Fisher, Fort. Federal Point, on "New Inlet" to Cape Fear River. An earthwork defending the entrance to the port of Wilmington, built by Confederates. This fort was twice attacked by big forces. The first attack was made in 1864, by General Benjamin F. Butler. The Federals were unsuccessful. General A. H. Terry attacked the post in 1865, following heavy losses, some due to a magazine explosion. The Confederates blew up the remaining fortifications and evacuated the post. Wilmington, North Carolina. Fitzgerald, Fort. Alberta, Canada. Fitzsimons General Hospital at Denver. Colorado. Five, Camp. At Dentoybow in Koochiching County. Minnesota. Flagler, Fort. Subpost of Fort Worden, five miles southeast of Port Townsend, Washington, south shore of Puget Sound. This post ordinarily has a garrison of three companies of coast artillery. Washington. Flathead House, Northwest Fur Company. Montana. Flathead Post ((1822). South Dakota. Fletcher, Camp. Later called Fort Hays. See Fort Hays. Kansas. Floyd, Camp. Located by "Johnston's Army," forty-five miles southwest of Salt Lake City in Cedar Valley. Later called Fort Crittenden. Site of present town of Fairfield. Utah. Floyd, Fort. Temporary fort established during removal of Cherokees, at the northeast end of Okeefinokee Swamp, Pierce County. Georgia. Floyd, Fort. Near crossing of Membres River by the overland mail route. New Mexico. Foote, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, D. C. On left bank of the Potomac on Rosier's Bluff, Prince George County, Maryland.


FORT DUCHESNE'S BEGINNINGS

31

FORT DUCHESNE'S BEGINNINGS By Henry Fiack I shall try and give the story of Fort Duchesne as near as I can remember. We were stationed, (I. K. F. and C. Companies, 21st U. S. Infantry) at Fort Fred Steele, Wyoming, at a point where the U. P. Railroad crosses the North Platte River. The latter part of July, or early in August, 1887, at 9 o'clock p. m., our senior captain in command, Captain Duncan, received orders from the War Department to abandon Fort Steele and proceed by special train and in all haste to Fort Bridger, Wyoming, and there await the arrival of Brigadier General Crook, and receive further orders from him, as to our destination. At 11 o'clock p. m. that same night we were on board of a special train under heavy marching order, and started for Carter station, Wyoming, and from there marched eleven miles to Fort Bridger, Wyoming. General Crook arrived in due time at Fort Bridger, handed our commander, Captain Duncan, a package of sealed orders, directed us to follow the road by way of Fort Thornberg and old Ashley, until we arrived on the banks of the Uintah River, there open our sealed orders and await his coming, which we did. From Ashley to the Uintah River you had your choice of two roads, one was by way of Deep Creek and the other the regular traveled road, but much longer than the Deep Creek road. So our commander, always looking for short cuts, decided to take the Deep Creek road. Just before breaking camp that morning, which came nearly being another "Custer Affair," one, "Captain Billy," Indian Police, arrived on a foaming steed and warned us not to go near the Deep Creek road, because about 300 Ute braves were ambushed along some of the deep cuts along that road, bent on another massacre like the ones just previous to our coming, at Fort Thornberg and Fort Meeker, on the lower Ouray in Colorado. We took the regular traveled road, marched about thirty miles without water or anything to eat, arrived on the banks of the Uintah river about 4 o'clock p. m., and so did General Crook in an Army Ambulance, and confronted about 700 Indians, Ute and Ouray in full war dress and paint, and hostile, as hostile can be. Our first act was to throw out a picket line and the remainder of our tiny command started to dig in, or in other words, to dig trenches, a task we accomplished in a surprisingly short time. W e stayed in the trenches for three weeks, short on ammunition and provisions, put on a bold front, displayed our triangle shaped bayonets to the best advantage, and succeeded in


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bluffing the Indians, until the welcome approach of re-enforcements in the shape of two companies of colored cavalry (B. and C, 9th U. S. Cavalry, Fort Washakie, Wyoming, under command of Lieutenant Colonel Benteen) with plenty of ammunition, supplies, and best of all, two light field revolving cannons. Oh what a joy in the camp that night! The big Indian out there was one "Colerow," the biggest thief on earth, especially when it came to stealing tobacco, a very serious offense among soldiers, especially when they are 125 miles from any line of communication or base of supplies. Our first wagon train load of supplies came by way of Fort Bridger, in charge of a man by name John B. Millburn, civilian. Shortly after that we sent another wagon train for more supplies, to Fort Bridger under military escort, of which I had charge. We arrived at Fort Bridger all okey, and got back to Fort Duchesne unmolested by anyone, except a few coyotes keeping us from well deserved slumber at night. After that we turned our attention to making our tents warm and comfortable for the winter, in which we succeeded very nicely, while another detachment was busy building a telegraph line to Price, and also making the road to Price passable for teams to haul supplies from Price to Fort Duchesne. Shortly after the boys had finished the telegraph line, a bunch of young Ute braves promptly cut it down and made fire-wood out of the poles, with the net result that cavalry herded them to the fort, where they were confined to the guardhouse for a time, on a very wholesome diet of bread and water. The coming spring we built a canal, diverting water from the Uintah river, and planting a large garden, large lawn, numerous shade trees, all of which are at the old Fort yet, besides building quarters for officers, enlisted men and animals. The Government spent a great deal of money to keep Fort Duchesne up for a number of years, and for no other purpose than to bring both the Ute and Ouray Indians under submission, after the Fort Thornburg and Fort Meeker massacre, and they succeeded in doing it without very much trouble and no bloodshed whatever. The Government paid fabulous prices for hay, grain, wood and hauling of supplies from Price and Bridger to Fort Duchesne, but the project or program was mapped out, and had to be carried out, no matter the cost. The commanders at Fort Duchesne in my days were, Captain Duncan, 21st Infantry; Colonel Benteen, Colonel Hatch, and Lieutenant Colonel James. F. Randlett, all of the 9th U. S. Cavalry. The four companies of the 21st Infantry were relieved early in 1889, by four companies of the 16th Infantry, and were sent to Fort Sidney, Nebraska, where I was discharged.


UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vols. 1-6 incl. 1928-1933 By many authors

Utah State Historical SocietySalt Lake City 1934.


Utah State Historical Society B O A R D OF CONTROL (Terms Expiring April 1, 1933) J. CECIL ALTER, Salt Lake City WM. R. PALMER, Cedar City ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , Salt Lake City

TOlEL E. RICKS, Logan PARLEY L. W I L L I A M S , Salt Lake City

(Terms Expiring April 1, 1931) GEORGE E. FELLOWS, Salt Lake City W I L L I A M J. SNOW, Provo HUGH RYAN, Salt Lake City LEVI E. YOUNG, Salt Lake City FRANK K. SEEGMILLER, Salt Lake City E X E C U T I V E O F F I C E R S T928-1928 ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , President J. CECIL ALTER, Secretary-Treasurer Librarian and Curator Editor in Chief WILLIAM J. SNOW, Vice President All Members, Board of Control, Associate Editors

MEMBERSHIP Paid memberships at the required fee of $2 a year, will include current subscriptions to the Utah Historical Quarterly. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $1 a year or 35 cents per copy; but it is preferred that residents of the State become active members, and thus participate in the deliberations and achievements of the Society. Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Secretary-Treasurer, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.

CONTRIBUTIONS The Society was organized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the State. To effect this end, contributions of writings are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters and other writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present day writers on any phase of early Utah history. Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanently removing them from their possessors. Contributions and correspondence should be addressed to the Editor, Utah Historical Quarterly, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.


Utah Historical Quarterly State Capitol, Salt Lake City Volume 2

APRIL, 1929

Number 2

PAHUTE INDIAN GOVERNMENT AND LAWS* By William R. Palmer Escalante tells the story of his Indian guide, Sylvestre, sitting out on a rock during the night and calling into the darkness in the language of his people, "We are friends; we are friends." They had come unexpectedly close upon the camp fires of a hunting party and fearing attack if they were discovered the Fathers admonished Sylvestre to use every precaution for their safety. The guide, knowing the laws and customs of his people, did the thing that would put the Spaniards under the protection of the hunters should the two parties meet. (See p. 109, Oct., 1928, this series.) It is not generally understood that the Mormon invasion of the Inter-mountain West in the forties and fifties plowed ruthlessly through and upturned a rather stable and well established order of primitive government that had endured with much constancy for at least a century. The same is true of every invasion of the Red Man's territory. We are likely to suppose that the human inhabitants ran as wild and free as the country's animal life. The great Inter-mountain Basin was the territorial domain of the Ute Nation and as such was respected by the other great tribes that surrounded it. . The Ute Nation was divided into several independent tribes —Escalante says five—and each of these had its own country, the borders of which were definitely marked and understood. Each of the independent tribes were, in turn, subdivided into many clans or communities. These separate colonies each had its own hunting and fishing grounds and owned the fruits and game thereon. The great chief of the Ute Nation went wherever he wished over the national domain. He was the arbiter of all inter-tribal difficulties. A tribal chief went where he wished over his tribal lands and was subject only to the great chief. He could not enter *Copyright April, 1929, by Wm. R. Palmer.


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the t e r r i t o r y of a n o t h e r tribe t o fish or h u n t w i t h o u t presenting himself to t h e local chief and o b t a i n i n g p e r m i s s i o n to m a k e the visit. L i k e w i s e t h e chief or a n y m e m b e r of t h e clan or colony w a s expected to a n n o u n c e himself at t h e t h r e s h o l d of t h e camp to w h i c h he w a s p a y i n g his respects a n d w a s t h e n given welcome. T h e r e w a s a definite and formal c e r e m o n y t h a t w a s more or less religiously followed. I t s o b s e r v a n c e carried all t h e w e i g h t of a legal p r o n o u n c e m e n t . I t c o n s t i t u t e d a solemn pledge of friendship and p r o t e c t i o n on t h e p a r t of t h e h o s t s . T o violate the obligations of t h e edict w a s an unfriendly act which, if the affront w a s serious, w a s cause sufficient to justify a declaration of w a r . T h i s w a s t h a t c e r e m o n y : T h e visitors, on a p p r o a c h i n g the camp of a n o t h e r clan or tribe h a l t e d and cried, " T u c u b e n noonie, t u c u b e n n o o n i e " — ( W e are friends, w e are friends.) W h e n t h e presence of t h e visitors b e c a m e k n o w n and they had t h u s declared t h e m s e l v e s , either t h e chief or his emissary w e n t d o w n to m e e t t h e m . D r a w i n g n e a r h e h a l t e d and saluted t h e m t h u s : ' M a n n o o n i e t u c u b e n , t u c u b e n noonie, i-ooie, i-ooie" — ( I f y o u are friends we are friends a n d y o u are welcome.) " T u w e a p oo-va s a m a v a " — ( Y o u can spread y o u r blankets in peace in o u r c o u n t r y ) . " E b a nite oo e b a " — ( H e r e y o u can build y o u r c a m p fires)**. P a g u oo ab ah p a h v a n t i e " — ( Y o u can catch fish in our w a t e r s and g a t h e r o u r foods). " E - i - i n k — w y - i n g oo'' •—-(and you can h u n t a n d kill our g a m e ) . "I-oo-ie tucuben"—' ( W e l c o m e are our friends). Such visitors had t h e p r o t e c t i o n and good will of the colony w i t h w h o m t h e y w e r e e x c h a n g i n g civilities. If, while u n d e r the protection of t h e g u e s t law, t h e visitors w e r e molested or their effects stolen or injured, the t r i b e b e c a m e responsible. They w e r e expected to m a k e good t h e loss a n d t o p u n i s h the culprit. U n l e s s t h e s e conditions w e r e m e t w a r m i g h t be declared against the offending tribe. O n t h e other hand a n y visitors w h o c a m e unceremoniously and u n a n n o u n c e d to h u n t or fish w i t h i n t h e t e r r i t o r y of another people w e r e r e g a r d e d as r e n e g a d e and it w a s lawful to m a k e war upon t h e m and kill t h e m . T h i s w a s t h e g r e a t u n w r i t t e n b u t v e r y p o t e n t law that regulated all t h e inter-tribal relations, a n d this t h e first g r e a t law **The phrase, "here you can build your camp fires," had a meaning other than just pointing out a camp ground. It meant "Make your camps in our country in comfort and in peace." The renegade Indian seldom made a fire for its smoke betrayed his hiding place. He was afraid to kindle a blaze, and hence ofttimes suffered inconvenience for the lack of it. Those who had conformed to the tribal customs felt no such fears. The invitation to build their camp fires in the country was, therefore, peculiarly significant and appropriate as a welcoming salutation.


P A H U T E I N D I A N G O V E R N M E N T AND L A W

37

of t h e c o u n t r y t h a t t h e w h i t e m a n i g n o r a n t l y b u t r u t h l e s s l y violated. T h e r e a r e m a n y i n s t a n c e s of w h i t e m e n ' s i n v o k i n g t h e protection of t h a t law a n d t h e p l e d g e given b y their n a t i v e h o s t s was never, even u n d e r t h e m o s t u n u s u a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s , violated. A t one t i m e J a c o b H a m b l i n , t h e so-called " A p o s t l e to the L a m a n i t e s " ( I n d i a n s ) , w a s sent b y B r i g h a m Y o u n g to pilot a c o m p a n y of e m i g r a n t s t h r o u g h a hostile I n d i a n c o u n t r y . T h e Red m e n had been t r a i l i n g t h e c o m p a n y , i n t e n t u p o n its destruction a t the first favorable o p p o r u n i t y . T h e y w a n t e d horses and the g u n s and a m m u n i t i o n t h a t t h e e m i g r a n t s possessed. A s t h e t r a v e l e r s e n t e r e d t h e hills and valleys w h e r e the attack w a s m o s t likely t o be s t a g e d , H a m b l i n led the c a r a v a n right t o t h e c a m p of t h e hostile R e d men, and ordered a halt for the night. O v e r the s t r e n u o u s p r o t e s t of t h e c o m p a n y H a m b l i n turned all the a n i m a l s over to t h e I n d i a n s to herd d u r i n g the n i g h t and n o provision w a s m a d e for p r o t e c t i o n should the Indians m a k e an assault. M u c h t o t h e s u r p r i s e of t h e e m i g r a n t s the horses w e r e b r o u g h t in n e x t m o r n i n g well fed and not one missing. N o one had been m o l e s t e d a n d n o n e of t h e c o m p a n y ' s possessions had been touched. H a m b l i n h a d invoked t h e p r o t e c t i o n of the g u e s t law and if a n y I n d i a n h a d violated its provisions by theft or violence h e w o u l d h a v e been p u n i s h e d b y his t r i b e s m e n . T h e U t e N a t i o n w a s presided over by a royal family, a n d so far as can be a s c e r t a i n e d , t h e r u l i n g h e a d s of the five i n d e p e n d e n t tribes w e r e of t h e s a m e royal stock. T h i s at least w a s t r u e as to t h e P a h u t e s . I n t h e early s e t t l e m e n t of U t a h , W a h - k a r - a r was the Chief of t h e U t e N a t i o n . H e is k n o w n in h i s t o r y as Walker, leader a n d i n s t i g a t o r of T h e W a l k e r W a r — a n a s t u t e and resourceful I n d i a n g e n e r a l w h o s e m i l i t a r y s t r a t e g y would do honor to a W e s t P o i n t m a n . * T h e d o m a i n of t h e P a h u t e t r i b e w a s t h a t c o u n t r y w e s t of t h e range of m o u n t a i n s c o m m o n l y called W a s a t c h , from P a h v a n t Valley in Millard C o u n t y s o u t h t o t h e V i r g i n River. A l s o t h a t wedge of t e r r i t o r y b e t w e e n t h e V i r g i n a n d Colorado R i v e r s from the K a i b a b M o u n t a i n s w e s t to t h e j u n c t i o n of t h e t w o s t r e a m s . T h e g r e a t P a h u t e Chief Cal-o-e-chipe w a s a b r o t h e r of W a h kar-ar and h a d his h e a d q u a r t e r s on Coal Creek w h e r e Cedar City n o w s t a n d s . A lineal d e s c e n d a n t of Cal-o-e-chipe is chief over t h e Cedar I n d i a n s to this day. No direct s y s t e m of t a x a t i o n w a s levied by t h e U t e N a t i o n *Many have wondered how this Indian chief came by the English name of Walker. Wah-kar is Ute for yellow. The Indians named their babies for anything that attracted attention or interest and for some such reason this baby was called yellow. They called him "Wah-kar-ar." White men anglicised into "Walker" and so the name has gone into history.


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upon the Pahute tribe but certain tributes of blankets or buckskins were demanded as occasion or whim of War-kar-ar determined. The flighting men of the tribe (called ,'Na-ro-quich) were also subject to draft. The Southern Indians were always poor and were seldom able to pay the blanket tribute. In lieu thereof, Wah-kar-ar took children and these he traded into slavery, usually to the Navajoes who were glad to take them in exchange for blankets, beads and silver ornaments. This system of slavery was more or less common when the Mormons entered the country, and the breaking up by them of this pernicious evil somewhat compensates the natives for the overthrow of their government. The Mss. journal of Isaac C. Haight, clerk and scribe of the first Mormon exploring party into Southern Utah, tells of the killing of one of these slaves by Wah-kar-ar and his warriors. The explorers in December, 1849, were encamped on the Sevier River near the famous war chief and a party of his braves. The Indians were suffering from measles and several of their number had died. As the exploring party broke camp they witnessed the killing of a Pahute slave. The boy was put to death as a peace offering to the angry God who was afflicting the Indians. Christmas night a year later the pioneer Iron County colony was raided by Indians and some of their cattle driven away and killed. They too were camped on the Sevier River near where the Uba Dam (Sevier Bridge Dam) now stands. Horsemen trailed the marauders and captured an old Indian and a boy. In settlement for damages done, the Indian gave the boy to the whites. The boy was glad enough to go with his white owners and it was afterward learned that he had been a slave taken from his tribe in Southern Utah. Months later freedom was offered him, but fearing that he would be re-taken if he returned to his tribe, he begged to be allowed to remain among the whites. Another boy—Omer Badegee Heywood—died in Harmony in 1862. He also had been bought out of slavery from Wahkar-ar's band by the Mormons. The records say that he was a "Piede Indian" captured by the Utes in 1853 and soon after purchased from captivity by Z. N. Baxter of iNephi City, Utah, by whom he was presented to J. L. Heywood in the spring of 1854. The "Piedes" were the Cedar Indians. Omer was a splendid character, much beloved, an Elder in the Mormon faith, and his death was mourned by the entire community. He died at about the age of twenty years and was the fourth person buried in the Harmony cemetery. Wah-kar-ar was feared—not loved, by many of the smaller tribes—and his visits were looked forward to with the gravest apprehension, especially by the mothers of children. These


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women often came into the iMormon settlement with their little ones and were kept is hiding by the settlers until the old warrior had taken his departure. Wah-kar-ar's warriors did considerable stealing of women and girls. Several are yet alive who had experiences of this kind and have given their stories to the writer. There lives at Santa Clara, Utah, an old squaw named Mary Shem who was captured by a band of Wah-kar-ar's men. She was a girl of perhaps twelve years of age when the raiders carried her away from her tribe—the Shivwits. One night on the way north they were camped near the spot where Milford now stands. Mary was placed in charge of a woman who was -the wife of one of the warriors. This Indian had announced his intention of making the girl his second wife. At night while the Indians gambled and smoked, the jealous wife released the girl and told her to go back to her tribe. Mary says she crept stealthily out into the darkness then ran all night as fast as she could. She wore out her moccasins and threw them away, then trailed on barefooted. She traveled back in the hills where she would not be seen through the day and took to the valleys at night. After several days and nights of travel through a hundred miles of rough unsettled country, she finally stumbled exhausted into the camp of her own people. She had not stopped to sleep and the only food she had was the weeds she snatched up and chewed as she ran. There died not long ago on the Indian Peak Reservation an old squaw known to the whites as Jinnie, wife of Curley Jim. As a little girl she was stolen by the Navajoes after a fight near the site of Hatchtown (Hatch, Utah), in which her father, Blue Blanket, was killed. She was carried away across the Colorado and grew to womanhood in Navajo servitude. She herded sheep, cared for children and wove blankets. Finally being a good looking young squaw the man that claimed her took her to wife and she lived with him for several years. One day she learned that her husband was the man that killed her father and she decided then and there to escape. Watching her opportunity she stole "a horse and fled to the Colorado River. It was just after John D. Lee had settled at the,(Lee's Ferry) Crossing and he put her over the stream in a boat. She made her way to Cedar City where her sisters Susie and Rena were living. After putting her across the river, Lee told Jinnie of the Powell Expedition through the Grand Canyon and she remembered seeing the boats that the Major's party had cached. The Navajoes pursued her to this place. Learning of their approach Jinnie fled in terror to the hills. After the Navajoes had left, the family went in search of the frightened woman. They found her after several days of searching at the home of Thomas Gower in Cedar City.


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The Gowers were feeding and hiding her in an old potato cellar**. Jinnie, Susie and Rena were the daughters of Blue Blanket. There was also a little boy about two years old. Their mother died, Blue Blanket was killed, Jinnie had been carried away, and the other children were being cared for by their aunt. The aunt married and the children were objectionable to her husband. He wanted to get rid of them. The girls, Susie and Rena, were big enough to shift for themselves with the aid of other relatives, but the baby boy was helpless. The brutal man proposed either to kill him or to trade him to the Navajoes. To save the baby's life the aunt gave him to John Harris of Glendale, by. whom he was reared. The story goes that John Harris bought him, but the child's sister Rena says this is not true. The boy grew into an active man and as Frank Harris was known all over Southern Utah. He died an old man at Moccasin, Arizona, in December, 1928. In his day he had been famous as one of the best riders and ropers on all the southern range. At times when Wah-kar-ar had made his selection of children the mothers fought frantically to save them. One of the tragedies of the Virgin River is centered in such an occasion. The mother had siezed her child that had already been traded to the Navajoes and had fled into the hills. She was chased around for several days by Walker's warriors and the purchasers and was finally trapped on Thompsons Point near Virgin City, a high promontory that jutted out into the river. As the Indians rushed upon her she threw her child off the cliff down into the swollen river and killed it. There is little doubt that this fear of a worse fate for their children influenced many Indian women to sell their babies to the whites where they could at least be often seen and sometimes cared for by the mothers. Many children in the early days were thus purchased by the Mormons. They were adopted into the families and grew up not in slavery but as members of the family, having the' same legal status as any other adopted child. **Of the Navajo slaves the females fared better than the males. They worked not much harder perhaps, than the women of the tribe and most of them were chosen in marriage before they were twenty years of age. There was no tribal prejudice against such unions, and the social status of a slave woman so wedded became the same as that of any other married woman in the tribe. For the male slaves, however, there was no such process of amalgamation. They were always slaves and had to suffer every indignity that their masters cared to inflict. Many were emasculated that they mifeht be left in safety among the women of the tribe while the warriors were away on heir fighting or hunting expeditions. Some had their tongues cut out to prevent them from talking if they escaped. Others had their ears cut off to mark their servile status.


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While the lands with their game, fish, fruits and foods were owned by clans and tribes, each Indian held title to his own personal effects—his tent, arms, clothing, horse, wife, children, etc. The game on the range was the tribe's, but the deer that was slain belonged to the man who killed it. Likewise the berries and seeds that were gathered for foods belonged to the Indian that garnered them. One of the most unique and valued personal possesions of an Indian was an eagle's nest. The eagle and her nest belonged to the man who discovered them, and since the bird was said to return from year to year to the same nesting place the ownership was a perpetual right. Every spring while she was setting the owner caught his bird and plucked her feathers, then released her to grow another crop. These feathers, needed for arrows and for decorations, were important commodities in the primitive channels of trade. Feathers were scarce and indispensable. A set of arrow feathers was equivalent in value to a flint arrow point of the best grade and in times of shortage one feather was exchanged for one point. Because they were easily handled and carried about they were favorite pawns in the Red man's gambling games. Punishment for unlawfully plundering the eagle's nest was most severe. Complaint was made to the chief by the rightful owner. The accused was cited to appear, the evidence heard and if the chief found a verdict of guilty, the owner of the feathers was given permission either to torture or to kill the thief. If by criminal carelessness an Indian caused the death of another, the dead man's family could demand the death of the guilty man or one of his relatives; but they must ,be satisfied with a weakling, a cripple or an aged person. But if the killing was deliberate murder, the dead man's family had the right to slay the criminal or one of his relatives of equal value, age and strength with the murdered man. The logic of the law lay in balancing the punishment with the crime. The settlers in Cedar City in January, 1870, were brought seriously face to face with this Indian law. The Navajoes had been making some disastrous raids upon the livestock of the settlement and it had become necessary to keep armed guards out on the range. The local Indian tribe had been warned to stay close to town so they would not be mistaken for Navajoes and killed. One day at Iron Springs the guard saw Indians up in the rocks and supposed them to be raiders. One of the Indians mounted a horse and came riding at full speed toward the men. Not knowing his purpose they called for him to stop, but if the Indian heard he did not heed and one of the guard shot him. He proved to be Buck, a local friendly Indian, who was coming over to explain the presence of his tribesmen. The Indians were


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furious about the killing and demanded the torture and death of the man who did the shooting. In vain .the whites tried to explain the situation as Buck's error. The Indians finally declared that they would be satisfied if the whites would turn over to them for torture and killing a young man named William Connell who was badly crippled from infantile paralysis. They argued that he was not able to work and would therefore be no loss to the people. It looked like war for days but the dead man was finally paid for in beef and horses and thus the incident closed. A wife was the property of her husband and if abducted or stolen the husband summoned all his family and friends and went out to fight to regain possession of his property. The man who had enticed the woman away also summoned his friends and the two factions fought it out. The battle might be as brutal and bloody as they wished but no life was to be taken. These sanguinary battles sometimes involved from fifty to a hundred men on a side and lasted several days. The combatants fought viciously with fists and sticks. Every thread of clothing was torn from the woman and she would be pulled almost to pieces in being dragged and wrested from one side to another. In the end she belonged to the victorious side and thus the case was settled and peace restored. Simple and primitive laws were these but they met the needs of a primitive people. Yet, despite this framework of government, the weak were often ridden down by the strong, and from the rule of might there could be no appeal. There were always renegades among the tribes as there are among us, but in the main the Indian is by nature peace loving and law abiding, and the tribal laws and customs were more faithfully kept than might be expected of an uncivilized people. Such of these laws and regulations as pertain to territory, and to game and foods, formed the basis of all inter-tribal treaties. They were, likewise, the basis of all our treaties with the natives.) "As long as water runs and grass grows" (the wording was ours) was the favorite covenant in our treaties with the Red men. The Indian kept his treaties, but we have broken all of ours. Indeed we have never deigned to take them seriously because they were made with a weak and lowly people. Is it not time for our so-called civilized public conscience to wake up and restore to the enfeebled Indian tribes the right to hunt and to gather their native foods which we solemnly guaranteed to them in perpetuity?


INDIAN REMINISCENCES By Israel Bennion The Language The Indian vocabulary is very limited, but very full of meaning. All names have a definite and significant meaning. They did not spell; consequently the pronunciation becomes of paramount importance. Otherwise we lose both the word and its significance. We who supply the spelling should sense the responsibility we owe to the Indian of the past and the cosmopolitan of the future. We should have an Indian ear, an Indian heart, to manufacture a commonsense spelling. We must not manufacture a key to pronunciation and then supply the pronunciation. What sins have already been committed in the process of Americanizing names! For instance, my own county, Tooele: pronunciation and meaning unknown. Evidently the word was Tu le, or Tu la, meaning rushes. There is the mountain range, On a qui, the school O ne qua, the forest reserve, On a qui (O nak we), called by the Indians On go pi (tilde n, long o, short i), meaning Pine Tree Mountain. The Indians themselves cannot be relied on to clear up these matters; for whatever their traditions, folklore or culture may have been, it is mostly merged into a more or less abject following of the lead of the aggressive whites. The only way to arrive at the truth is to approach the subject from the Indian point of view, and softly awaken in the Indian heart the question, and the answer. What does this mountain, this valley, this stream, this peculiar kind of weather signify to you? For example, you want a name for a certain time of day, sunset. By look, gesture or word you draw attention to the going down of the sun. The Indian is a marvel at sign reading. You may get the word and the symbolic significance direct, together with an unmistakable gesture of the lips: Tabby yike wa (long i, long a in wa)—Sun Dies! Indian Philosophy Chief Wash, of ample proportions, was riding a small pony. The ubiquitous white brother remarked: "Wash, why don't you walk and carry the horse?" " H u h ! Big man talk like little boy !" The white brother was getting the names of his Indian neighbors. One rather surly old fellow made reply: "No name. Me got no name." "All right; your name is No Name." " H u h ! What name you?" "Poor Old John" was the answer, half jesting. " H u h ! 'S aw-right! Your name Poor Old John!" Both names stuck. Chief Moody and his white brother were discussing a re-


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calcitrant Indian neighbor; and the suggestion was made to the Chief that the proper place for such a person was in jail. With a contemptuous grunt, Moody said: " H u h ! What's jail? If its good, let itta go! If its no good, kill it!" Riley Judd, Grantsville humorist, meeting a bedecked Indian horseman in the street, bowed very, very low, with a suitable sweep of hat and duster. The intense surprise of the desert mustang at such a demonstration produced immediate results. Suffice it to say the horse and rider were instantly separated. As the erstwile "noble red man" arose out of the dust where he had fallen from the pony's back, he expressed himself in fittingly dignified terms and manner: " H u h ! Too much howdyu do, Riley Judd!" Indian Friends In 1869 I herded sheep with Kanosh, in Rush Valley. My father, John Bennion, had traded two ponies for the Indian boy, Kanosh, ten years before, or about the time I was born. In our family Kanosh was treated the same as the rest. He went to school, bathed, dressed, ate and slept, and was mother's boy, just the same as the rest of us. He bore the family name, and at least on one occasion, when a neighbor boy said "John Bennion isn't your father," Kanosh catapulted into his traducer and proceeded to prove that he was John Bennion's son, or something just as good. My description of the Indian boy would not be complete were I to omit saying here that he was clean, sweet, loyal, brave and sensitive. He and I were .driving a bunch of sheep from the Rush (Valley ranch to Taylorsville, a two-day trip. W e were to have stayed over night at Camp Floyd, but a fearful thunderstorm came up just as we were nearing the town. Darkness and floods stopped us, and we spent the night huddled on a mound a remnant of earthworks thrown up by Johnston's soldiers. My hat and part of our food were carried away by the flood, so that one biscuit each was all the food we had left. (By the way, during that storm nearly every telegraph pole in Cedar Valley was split to the ground. The line was not rebuilt.) That morning we didn't like to show up in Camp Floyd so we went by on the west side, above the big spring. W e reached Taylorsville about midnight; and Kanosh's first thought revealed the whiteness of his unselfish soul. "Let's not disturb mother!" So we crawled into the hay until morning. By the way, I never saw my 'brother' Kanosh again; he died of pneumonia before I returned from Dixie, shortly after that. Now the scene changes to Panaca, Meadow Valley, Nevada; not so very promptly, but about such time as it took a small boy, me, to drive that same bunch of sheep nearly four hundred miles, with my father's protecting wagon hovering near. At


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Panaca father left me in charge of the sheep while he gathered sheep from every village from Toquerville to Panaca, "one of a city and two of a family," to make up the Dixie "Co-op" herd, a sort of literal gathering of the lost sheep of Israel. Herding my little flock on the slopes about Panaca, I missed my recent comrade, Kanosh. So I rounded up another Indian boy, Wallace; and we soon became great friends. I divided my lunches with him, and soon Mrs. Barron, with whom I was domiciled, acquired the praiseworthy habit of putting up two lunches. One day of happy memory Wallace and I guided our flock up the valley to the Indian village, where he introduced me to his mother, a lady of no mean proportions. I watched her bake beautiful, and I am free to say, palatable, "scones," bread cakes, in the hot ashes at the edge of the fire. Wallace kept the sniffling wolf dogs away from me, and the one hundred or more Indians of all ages were very kind, and gave me all the pine nuts I could eat. They treated me like a white man would have done. Greenjacket, Goshute Chief Soon there will be none to remember Greenjacket, friend of the whiteman. His presence in the neighborhood was an assurance of safety, a boon in very deed to the sometimes terrified women and children of the Rush Valley settlements. By those who have been accustomed to regard the Indian as a very inferior being, it may be considered a fairy tale to assert that Greenjacket was the equal of any white person in tact, integrity, and sensitive feeling. In passing, let it be said, much of the hatred, the murderings, and other depredations of frontier days, resulted from the ill-bred, unsympathetic, and decidedly unfair attitude of the invading whites. Greenjacket was only different from many other Indians in that he was unusually patient and long-suffering; and returning good for evil, he won the consideration and love of all who knew him. The great churchman, Francis M. Lyman, once said, in speaking of child training, "Never drive a child into a corner." Here is an incident showing a similar sense of child psychology on the part of the old Indian chief. A boy had stumbled onto Greenjacket's pinenut cache, and not being able to resist the temptation, had helped himself freely to the delicious brown "jewels of Hesperides." Later, the culprit undertook to establish the usual alibi, by saying, "Brother Greenjacket, I'm sorry someone stole your pinenuts." There was not a trace of guile on the countenance of that fine old Indian gentleman, as he said: "Mebbe so tsippimunk, he git 'um!" During the "hard winter" of '64-65 my father and family


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(including the writer) were located at our lonely ranch, eight miles south of Vernon in Tooele County. Chiefs Tabby and Greenjacket, with their band of some twenty-five or thirty Goshutes, had been camped near us all summer; but at the approach of winter they moved into winter quarters, in the sheltered country a mile or so to the eastward. Earnestly the two chiefs invited us to move with them, indicating with expressive gestures our wind-swept location and the gloom of coming storms. "Too much W H O O - O O - O O ! " they said. I know we should have been safe in their company, even in those Indian "scare" times—but the white man must have his house. That winter the snowdrifts were level with the top of our "story-and-a-half" log cabin. The "Tabby" referred to is the same Indian who seven years before, shot and killed Joe Vernon at the present site of Vernon town. He was altogether unlike Greenjacket, though my father got along with him all right.

FATHER ESCALANTE. AND THE UTAH INDIANS (Continuing:

"Some Useful Early Utah Indian References.") By J. Cecil Alter

(Concluded from "Diary and Travels of Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez and Fray Silvestre Valez De Escalante, to discover a route from the Presidio of Sante Fe, New Mexico, to Monterey in Southern California," in "The Catholic Church In Utah," by Dr. W. R. Harris.) "16th day of October." "We left the Arroyo (Near La Verkin, Utah) with the intention of going south towards the Colorado river; but having gone only a little way we heard some people calling to us, and turning to see where the sound came from, we saw eight Indians on the tops of the hills where we had halted, and which we had just left, which are in the middle of a plain full of chalk and a kind of mica." "We returned by these plains, giving directions that the interpreter should follow us, as he had gone on ahead. We came to the foot of the mountains, and we gave them to understand that they should come down without fear, because we came in peace and were friends. With this assurance they came down, showing us some strings of chalchihuite (A small shell brought inland from the coast by the Indians and worn as an ornament) each one with a colored shell, which set us thinking, because the strings of chalchihuite looked to us like rosaries, and the shells like medals of the saints. We remained with them a short time;


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they spoke the Yuta tongue so1 differently from the other Yutas, that neither the interpreter, nor the Laguna Joaquin, could make them understand, or could understand much of what they said. Nevertheless, by signs and because in some sentences they spoke Yuta more like the Lagunas, we understood that they were Parusis [see p. 43, April, 1928, this series] (except one who spoke more Arabic than Yuta, who we judged to be a Jamajaba [Mohave]). These were they who cultivated the land on the banks of the river Pillar, and lived below the river on large tracts. We took them to be Cosninas [Havasupai], but afterwards found they were not. They offered their chalchihuites in trade, but we told them that we had nothing, b u t if they wished to come with us to where our countrymen were, then we would give them what they asked, and would talk with them longer. They all came much pleased, but with fear. We now talked with them more than two hours and a half or three. They told us that we would arrive at the Rio Grande in two days; but that we could not go by the way we had wished, because it had no watering place, nor would we be able to cross the river, for the banks were very high, the river very deep, and the sides were rocky and dangerous, and finally that from here to the river the traveling was very bad. W e presented them with two knives, and to each one a string of beads. Then we proposed to them that if any one of them cared to guide us to the river, we would pay him. They replied that one of them would show us the way to the canon which was in the land to the east of the plain, and from that point we could go alone; because they were barefooted and could not well travel." "We did not want to leave the south road that led to the river, notwithstanding what they said, because we suspected that the Mosquis entertained hard feelings towards the Cosninas, on account of having guided Father Garces, and they were suspicious that they would direct other priests and Spaniards into the Moqui towns, which they had attempted, with threats to prevent, and having heard of this, these Indians now tried to turn us aside so that we might not reach the Cosninas nor their neighbors, the Jamajabas. Yet because of the urging on the part of all our companions, to whom we did not wish for the present to declare our suspicions, we consented to take the route of the canon." "We offered to these Indians soles made of trunk-leather to make sandals if they would give us a guide. They said they would accompany us until they had put us on a straight, good road. We entered with them into the canon I have mentioned, and traveled for a league and a half, the journey being made with great difficulty and with much slipping back of the horses, on account of the sharp, flinty stones and the many dangerous


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spots over which we were compelled to climb. W e came to one place where the passage was so narrow that it required more than half an hour to get the first three horses to enter the defile. Then we came to a lofty precipice, so steep that it would cost infinite trouble to climb it, even on foot. Seeing that it would be impossible for us to follow them, the Indians turned and fled, impelled to do so, probably, by their cowardice." * * * "October the 18th. (Near the Petrified Forest.) * * * "Five Indians were looking at u s from a short but lofty mesa. When we two, who followed in the rear of our companions, were passing by, they spoke to us. When we turned towards them, four of them hid themselves and only one remained in sight. We saw that he was in great fear. "We could not persuade him to descend the cliff, and we two climbed alone, with great difficulty. At each step that we took as we came nearer to him, he was disposed to flee from us. We gave him to understand that he should not be afraid, that we loved him as a son and desired to speak with him. With this, he waited for us, making many gestures to show that he was in great fear. "After we had climbed up to where he was, we embraced him gently, and sitting down by his side, we called up the interpreter and Laguna. When he had recovered a little from his fear, he told us that four others were hidden near there, and if we desired, he would call them, so that we might see them. On giving him an affirmative response, he laid his bow and arrows on the ground, took the interpreter by the hand, and led him to where the others were in order to bring them to us. They came, and we talked with them about an hour. "They told us that water was close by. We begged of them to show it to us, promising them a piece of woolen goods; and after a good deal of persuasion three of them promised to go with us. W e journeyed with them, very much fatigued and weakened from hunger and thirst, a league in a southeasterly direction, and another league to the south, over a rocky road, and reached a small mountain covered with cedar bushes, and then to a ravine, in whose cavities we found two large pools of good water. We took what we needed for ourselves, and then brought the horses near, and as they were very thirsty they drank all the water from the pools. We determined to pass the night here, calling the place San Samuel. Today, six leagues. "The three Indians who accompanied us were so filled with fear that they did not want to walk in front of us nor permit us to draw near to them, until they had talked with the Laguna, Joaquin; what he told them concerning us satisfied them, and they were reassured. Among other things, they asked him how it was that he has the courage to accompany us. As he desired


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to relieve their minds of all fear and to find some relief from the hunger and thirst we were suffering, he replied in the best way he could; and he succeeded in calming their fears and suspicions, and in this way, in all probability, he kept them with us until we reached the place where wa found water. "After we had made our camp, we gave them the piece of woolen cloth we had promised them, and they were greatly pleased with it. Knowing that we came without any provisions, they told us to send one of our party along with one of theirs, to visit their wigwams, which were at some distance away, and bring us something to eat, and that they would remain with us until they returned. W e sent one of the half-breeds with the Laguna Joaquin, giving them something with which to make purchases, and sending along several pack animals to bring the burden. They departed with the other Indian, and returned to us after night fall, bringing us a little dried meat, some prickly pears made in the form of a cake, and the seeds of some herbs. They brought us news also of one of the two men who had gone from us the night before to search for water, saying that he had been in their village ; the other arrived about ten o'clock at night. "October the 19th." "There came to our camp twenty of these Indians with dried prickly pears in cakes or chunks, and several leather bags filled with seeds of different kinds to sell to us. We paid them for what they had brought, and told them that if they had meat, pine nuts and more prickly pear, to bring them, and we would buy them, especially the meat. They said they had them, but that it would be necessary for us to wait for them until midday. We agreed to do so, and they went away; one of them offered to accompany us to the river if we would wait until the afternoon, and we agreed to that also. In the afternoon there came many more than had been with us before, and among them one who was called a Jacarilla-Apache, who said he had come with two others of his tribe from his territory to this, crossing the river only a few days before. He was of disagreeable countenance, and differed from the other Indians in the disgust that our presence here inspired in him, and in the more haughty mien that he purposely assumed, as we could easily see. They told us that these Apaches .were their friends." "They did not bring us any meat, but had several bags of seeds and some fresh prickly pears, somewhat sunburnt, and a quantity of them dried in cakes. We purchased about a bushel and a half of the seeds and all the prickly pears. We conversed with them for a long time concerning the distance to the river, and the road to it; their number and mode of life; the tribes that were upon their borders, and about the guide that we asked of them. They pointed out the way we should take to get to the river, and gave us a somewhat vague description of the crossing


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place, with the statement that we should arrive there within two or three days. They told us they were called Yubuincariri, and that they did not cultivate corn; that their means of sustenance were those seeds, the prickly pear, pine nuts, of which they gathered very few, depending upon their need, and that they hunted rabbits, hares, and wild sheep. They added that on this side of the river the Parusis cultivated corn and squashes; that on the other side, just after passing across, were the Ancamuchis (by whom we understand the Cosninas), and that these planted much corn. In addition to these, they spoke of others who were their neighbors on the south-southwest, on this western side of the river, and that these are the Pa-uches (PayUtahs). They also gave us some account of the Huascaris, whom we had already seen in the valley of San Jose. So far as concerned the Spaniards of Monterey, they gave us no token whatever that they had ever heard of them. One of those who spent the preceding night with 'us gave us to understand that he had heard of the journey made by Father P. Garces, which, taken with the fact that all the others had denied any acquintance with the Cosninas (if they do not know them by the name given above, Ancamuchis), seems to prove what we have already said, we suspected. The conversation being concluded, they all went away, without our being able to secure one of their number to accompany us to the river. * * * "October the 20th. * * * "We called this place Santa Gertrudis (near Pipe Springs). "October the 21st. * * * "We called the place Santa Barbara (near Fredonia). "October the 22d. * * * "From this point we could see many fires on the far side of a small plain. We concluded that the interpreter Andres and the Laguna Joaquin, who had gone forward in search of water for the night, had kindled the fires to let us know where they were. But after we had made the descent, and had left our trail some five leagues to the east-northeast, taking several turns through the defiles of the mountain, we arrived at the place where the fires were burning, and found three wigwams of Indians, and with them our interpreter and Joaquin. We concluded lo pass the night here, since we learned that to the east and west there was water and grass for the animals, which were entirely exhausted from fatigue. We called the place San Juan Capistrano." (The Valley of the Pahreah River; possibly at or near the old Adairsville settlement.) "As it was night when we reached these wigwams, and as the Indians were not able to distinguish the number of people who came, they were greatly frightened, so much so that when they saw us arrive, in spite of the protestations of the interpreter and the Laguna Joaquin, the most of them ran away, leaving


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only three men and two women, who said beseechingly to our Laguna: "Brother, you are of the same race as ourselves; do not permit those people with whom you live to kill us." We petted them as well as we could, and tried in every way that we thought of to calm their fears and suspicions. We succeeded to some extent, and they sought to please us by giving us two roasted hares and a few pine nuts. Two of them also went, although with great fear, to show the springs of water to our servants, in order that our animals might have something to drink. * * * "After we had retired for the night, several of our companions, among them Don Bernardo Miera, went over to the wigwams to talk with the Indians. They told the Indians that Don Bernardo Miera was ill, and one of the old Indians, either because our people requested it or because he himself desired to do so, set about curing him with songs and incantations, which, if they were not openly idolatrous were at least totally superstitious. All our people very willingly permitted this to occur, and the sick man was himself pleased with it, for they looked upon it as amusing clownishness, when they ought to have opposed it as being contrary to the evangelical and divine law which they profess to observe; at least, they could have withdrawn from the place. We heard the songs of the Indian, but did not know what their purport was." "When we were informed in the morning of what had taken place, we felt very much grieved in spirit because of so careless an observance of the laws of their Church, and we reproved them, and warned them against their being present voluntarily, or in any way condoning such faults. This is one of the reasons why the unbelievers, who are best acquainted with the Spaniards and Christians in these parts, resist Gospel truth, and their conversion daily being rendered more difficult. When we preached to the first Sabuaganas whom we saw, and announced to them the necessity of Christian baptism, the interpreter, either for the purpose of not offending them, or in order that he might not lose their good will which he had gained by traffic in pelts (even against the just prohibitions of the governors of this kingdom, by which on repeated occasions it had been proclaimed that no half-breed Indian or dweller should enter into the territory of the unbelievers without having obtained first a license from his Excellency), translated the words of the preacher in this way: "The Father says, that the Apaches, Navajos and Comanches who are not baptized cannot enter into heaven, and that they go to hell, where God will chastise them, and they will burn eternally like wood in the fire." At this the Sabuaganas snowed great glee, because they heard that their enemies were under the necessity of being baptized or of being lost and punished eternally. The interpreter was reproved, and seeing


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that his foolish unbelief was, discovered, made suitable apologies. We could add other instances, mentioned as occurring among the Yutas, taking place in connection with many idolatrous practices but the two mentioned, which came under our own observation, will suffice. For if within our own company, where idolatrous practices were frequently condemned, persons were found guilty of transgression, what might not take place when three or four months would elapse among the unbelieving Yutas and Navajos, if no one were present to reprove them or hold them in check? Besides this, we have had abundant reason to know from knowledge acquired on this expedition that some go to the Yutas and remain a great while among them because of their desire to purchase peltries; others there are who go for carnal reasons, to indulge in their animal instincts; and thus in every way the name of Christ is blasphemed, for these men prevent, and indeed oppose, the extension of the faith. Oh! with what severity such wickedness should be reproved! May God in His infinite mercy inspire the most suitable and efficacious method of correction! October the 23d. "We did not travel today, for we wished to give time to the people about here to calm down, and also that those who dwelt in the vicinity might visit us. The seeds and other things which we had purchased and eaten did us harm, and they weakened us instead of giving us strength. W e could not persuade the people to sell us any meat, and for that reason we ordered a horse killed, and the flesh cut up in such a way that we could carry it with us. * * * "All day long Indians kept arriving from villages in the neighborhood, and we received them kindly and made them such presents as we could afford. They gave us more particulars than we had had concerning the Cosninas and Moquines, calling them by these names. They also told us the trail we were to take in order to reach the river, which is about twelve leagues from here, at the most, and they described the crossing. We purchased of them about a bushel of pine nuts, and presented them with a half-bushel of herb seeds." "The following day, very early, twenty-six Indians came, a number of them the same as came yesterday, while others we had not before seen. We preached to them the Gospel, reproving them and explaining to them the evil and folly of their wrongdoing, especially with regard to.the superstitious cures of their sick people. We reminded them that it was to God only, the true and only God, that they should go in their time of trouble, because only He, the High and Holy One, had at His disposal health and sickness, life and death, and He can help everyone. And although our interpreter could not very well explain this


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to them, there was another listening who doubtless had considerable dealings with the Yuta-Payuchis and who well understood what we said; he explained to the others what he heard. Learning this they listened with evident satisfaction, and we proposed to them that if they desired to become Christians, priests and Spaniards would come to instruct them and live among them. They replied in the affirmative, and we inquired of them as to where we should find them when we came; they said: 'In this little mountain and on the mesas in the neighborhood.' "Then, in order to gain their friendship a little more, we distributed among them thirteen yards of red ribbon, giving to each of them a half-yard; which pleased them very much and for which they thanked us. One of them had already agreed to accompany us as far as the river, in order to show us the crossing, but after they had all gone, and he had accompanied us about half a league, he was seized with so much fear that we found it impossible to persuade him to go farther. Our companions, without much reflection, desired us to compel him to keep his word; but when we saw how disinclined he was to proceed, we let him go freely. "November the 7th. (The party crossed the Colorado river at the Indian ford, since then called 'The Crossing of the Fathers.') * * * * * "A Brief Notice of the People W i t h Whom W e Had Dealings Between The Valley of St. Joseph, Inclusive, to the Crossing of the Great River of Cosnina." "In this country, through which we traveled a hundred long leagues from the numerous turns we made, having a length from north to south of sixty leagues, and from east to west forty Spanish leagues, there dwell many people, all of them of agreeable aspect, very affable, and extremely timid. For this reason, and because all those whom we met spoke the Yuta language, the same as do the Payutes farther west, we called all the people I have spoken of Yutas Cobardes (Coward Utes). The particular names refer to the parts of the country they inhabit and divide them off into provinces or territories and riot into nations; as all the Yutas compose the same nation, or we might say it is a nation divided into five provinces, of which the whole is known solely as Yutas; the division being the Muhuachis Yutas, the Payuchis Yutas, the Tabehuachis Yutas and the Sabuaganas Yutas. And the Coward Utes are divided into Huascaris, who dwell in the valley of San Jose and its vicinity; the Parusis, who join them on the south and southwest, and inhabit the banks and vicinity of the little river of Our Lady of the Pillar, and are the only ones among all these people whom we found engaged in the cultivation of corn; the Yubuincariris


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dwell south of the Parusis, and are found in the region closest to the Great River; the Ytimpabichis occupy the table-lands and mountain heights, and are nearer the country of Santa Barbara on the north; and the Pagambachis (Pahvant), who likewise dwell on the hard soil of the mesas and in sterile ravines; for although they have a spacious valley, through which flows the Great River, they cannot, as we have already said, make use of its waters for the irrigation of their lands. According to what was told us by the Yubuincariris, to the south-southwest from them, down the river, there dwell others whom they call Payatammunis. On the west and west-northwest of the Huascaris, we learned that there dwelt other tribes who spoke their dialect. All the others, and they are numerous, who dwell upon the western or northern, bank of the river up-stream and along the ridge of mountains which start from the Lagunas, and in the country that lies between it and the farthest rivers on the north that we crossed before they united with each other, are according to the information we received, of this same nation of Indians, and belong, some to the Yutas Barbones (Bearded Yutas), some to the Huascaris and others to the Lagunas, depending upon the resemblance of their dialect to the language of the nearest tribe to them. "November the 9th. * * * "Near to this mesa we came close to several villages of Yutas-Payuchis, bordering upon the territory of the Cosninas, and friendly to them. We made several attempts through the influence of the Laguna and others of our party to induce those people to visit us. Either because they suspected that we were friends of the Mosquinas, with whom they were at enmity, or because they had never seen Spaniards, and were afraid of us, we could not prevail upon them to draw near. "November the 10th. "This morning the two of us went very early with the interpreter and the Laguna to their villages. It was impossible for us to reach them, even on foot. W e sent forward the two I have mentioned, remaining ourselves upon an elevation from which we could see them and be seen by them, so that when they saw how few we were they would come to us with less diffidence and fear. After the interpreter had urged them for more than two hours, five of them finally came, but when they drew near to us they turned and fled, without our being able to detain them. The interpreter again went to them, to find out if they would sell us something to eat, but they replied that they did not have anything. They told the interpreter that the Cosninas lived near by, but that at present they were off in the mountains gathering pine nuts. They said that at a short distance from this place we would come upon two roads, one leading to the Cosninas and the other to the town of the Oraybi, in Moqui land."


AMERICAN POSTS (Continued) By Edgar M. Ledyard Fork, Fort. On Peace River. Shown on "Mackenzie's Track" from Fort Chipewyan to the Pacific Ocean. Canada. Forty, Fort. (Forty Fort). ..The site of this noted early post is in a town of the same name, in Luzerne County. The post stood near the junction of River Street with Fort Street and on the southerly side of the line. It derived its name from forty pioneers who were sent from Connecticut in 1769 by the Susquehanna Company to take possession of the land. The fort was begun in 1770, and served as a refuge for some time, but later fell into poor repair. It was rebuilt in 1777, at which time it was strengthened and enlarged. The walls of the reconstructed fort were of logs set upright in a trench five feet deep and rose to a height of twelve feet above the ground. A double row of logs were used which were placed in alternate positions to offer protection. Barracks were built along the walls inside the fort; from the roofs of the barracks the occupants could defend the fort. The fort had two gateways, one on the north and one or the south. A sentry tower was built on each corner. A spring near the fort supplied water which was secured by means of a subterranean passage way. In the latter part of June, 1778, it became known that a combined force of British and Indians were approaching Wyoming Valley. The inhabitants gathered in some ten forts in the region; probably the largest number sought the protection of Forty Fort. Major John Butler of the British Army, with about 200 British Provincials, an equal number of Tories and about 700 Senecas and Cayaugas, descended the Susquehana River, having as their object the capture of the forts in the Valley. The surrender of Forty Fort was demanded, which was refused. The garrison of Forty Fort numbered less than 400 and was composed of six companies of militia, old men and boys. Colonel Zebulon Butler marched out to meet the enemy, whose force he underestimated. The garrison was signally defeated in this fight, called the Battle of Wyoming. Major Butler reported that 227 scalps were taken. Large numbers were tortured and made prisoners. Colonel Denison assumed command of the fort which was surrendered in accordance with terms signed on July 4, 1778. After the surrender of this fort and others in the locality, the Indians plundered the settlers and destroyed buildings and crops. Pennsylvania. Foster, Fort. Outskirts of Big Cypress Swamp. Temporary fort established in the Florida W a r on the left bank of Hillsboro River, about twenty miles north of Tampa. Florida. Foster, Fort. Six miles notheast of Portsmouth and a subpost of Fort Constitution. New Hampshire.


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Four, Camp. At Clifton, Quebec. Canada. Four, Camp. Marquette County. Michigan. Four, Camp Number. At Enterprise, Oneida County. Wisconsin. Fourteen, Camp. At Blaney, Schoolcraft County. Michigan. Fourteen, Camp. At White Bluff, Lawrence County. Mississippi. Fowle, Fort. Temporary fort established in Florida War, on the right bank of the Ocklawaha, twenty-one miles south of the mouth of Orange Lake Creek. Florida. France, American Forces in. Det. U. S. Army, 14 rue de Tilsitt, Paris, 17 eme. France. France Field (P. C. Dept). Coco Walk, Cristobal; Aeria Coast Defense. Canal Zone. Frances, Camp. Tula, Gogebic County. Michigan. Frances, Fort. Near mouth of Rainy River, Ontario, on Canadian Northern Railway. Canada. Francis, Fort (1820). Same site as Fort Tekamamionen (1717). Canada. Frank, Fort. On Carabao Island, entrance to Manila Bay. Philippine Islands. Frank Brooke, Fort. At Stevensville, Lafayette County. Florida. Frankford Arsenal. On right bank of Delaware River, about one-half mile above Frankford Creek, near the town of Frankford and one-quarter mile from Bridesburg, Pennsylvania. Franklin, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, D. C, north of the Potomac, later Fort Sumner. Maryland. Franklin, Fort. Right bank of Ohio River, built in 1791, and now obliterated. Ohio. Fraser, Fort. British Columbia. Canada. Fraser, Fort. Temporary fort on left bank of Pease Creek, near its source at Lake Hancock; established in Florida War. Florida. Frederic, Fort. At Crown Point, Lake Champlain. New York. Frederick, Fort. At Pemaquid. Maine. Frederik, Fort. Big Pool, Washington County. Maryland. Fremont, Camp. Palo Alto. California. Fremont, Fort. On St. Helena Island, four miles by boat from Port Royal, South Carolina, on Charleston and Western Carolina Railway. South Carolina. Frobisher, Fort. Canada. Fort Royal. Quartermaster Intermediate Depot, two miles southeast of Front Royal. Virginia. Frontenac, Fort. At the eastern end of Lake Ontario. In existence as early as 1673. An expedition was planned against


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this fort in August, 1755, which was assembled at Fort Oswego. Frontenac was a French stronghold at that time. Near Kingston, Ontario. Canada. Fulton, Camp. College Park. Georgia. Fulton, Camp. Eagle Bay. New York. Fulton, Fort. Temporary work, right bank of Pelicier Creek, on the road from Smyrna to St. Augustine; established in Florida War. Florida. Funston, Camp. East of Fort Riley, Kansas, midway between Manhattan and Junction City. Established during World War and named for General Frederick Funston. Kansas. Funston, Fort. Within city limits of San Francisco; subpost of Fort Miley. San Francisco, California. Furlong, Camp. Subpost of Fort Bliss, seventy-three miles west of El Paso, Texas. Columbus, New Mexico. Gadsden, Fort. Left bank of the Appalachicola River, fourteen miles north of Appalachicola, on the site of "Negro Fort" blown up in 1816. Florida. Gage, Fort. At junction of Kashaskia and Mississippi rivers in Randolph County. Illinois. Gage, Fort. Lake George, Warren County. New York. Gaillard, Camp. Subpost of Fort Morgan, thirty miles south of Mobile. Alabama. Gaines, Fort. "It was a brick fort. At the time of the Civil War it mounted three 10-inch columbiads, four 32-pound rifled guns and twenty smooth-bore guns, and had a garrison of 864 men." (Old Fort Tombigbee). On Dauphin Island, entrance to Mobile Bay. Alabama. Gaines, Fort. (Old Fort Tombigbee). On Dauphin Island, entrance to Mobile Bay. Alabama. Gaines, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, north of Potomac, Washington. District of Columbia. Gaines, Fort. Left bank of the Chattahoochee River in Early County, three miles above mouth of Kooloomookee Creek. Georgia. Gaines, Fort. Military (1851). On right bank of the Mississippi River, nearly opposite the mouth of the No Kay River. (Now Fort Ripley.) Minnesota. Galena, Fort. Near Galena. Established in Black Hawk War. Illinois. Galphin, Fort. On north bank of Savannah River southeast of Augusta. Georgia. Galpin, Fort (1862)., Wolf Point, Valley County. Montana. Gamble, Fort. Temporary post thirty miles southeast of Tallahassee, established in Florida War. Florida. Gansevoort, Fort. New York City, between the foot of West Twelfth and Gansevoort Streets, on the Hudson River. Now effaced. New York.


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Gardner, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, on the right bank of the Kissimmee River, near Cypress Lake. Florida. Garesche, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, D. C, south of Potomac. Virginia. Garey's Ferry, Ord. Dept. On Black Creek, Duval County. Broken up in 1840. Florida. Garland, Fort. "Right bank of the Sangre de Cristo River, eighty-five miles north of Taos." The present Fort Garland is on D. & R. G. W. R. R. and not on Sangre de Cristo River, but nearer Ute Creek, Costilla County, Colorado. Garrett, Fort. Versailles, Woodford County. Kentucky. Garry, Fort (1835). On east bank of Red River about ten miles south of Winnepeg, Manitoba, and in St. Andrews and Kildonan Election District on Red River about twenty miles north of Winnepeg. Canada. Gaspereaux, Fort. See Fort Beausejour, Nova Scotia. Canada. Gass, Fort. Harrison, Hamilton County. Ohio. Gaston, Fort. Left bank of Trinity River, near the mouth of the Klamath River in Hoopa Valley, Humbolt County. California. Gaston, Fort. At Newbern, Craven County. North Carolina. Gates, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, left bank of St. John's River, four miles south of the mouth of Ockawaha River. Fruitland, Putnam County. Florida. Gates, Fort. Left bank of Leon River, 10 miles above mouth of Coryell's Creek, Gatesville, Coryell County. Texas. Gatlin, Fort. Ten miles southeast from Lake Ahapopka; established in Florida War. Florida. Gatun, Camp. A subpost of Fort William. Seven miles from Colon, Republic of Panama. Canal Zone. Geary, Fort. Leesburg; built by the Confederates, by whom called Fort Johnston. Virginia. George, Fort. British Columbia. Canada. George, Fort. Pensacola Bay. Captured from English 1780, by Galvez. Florida. George, Fort. Near mouth of St. John's River, about fifteen miles from Jacksonville, Duval County. Florida. George, Fort. The stamps of the famous Stamp Act were sent to this fort for safe keeping. Cockspur Island. Georgia. George, Fort, Castine. Maine. George, Fort. In New York City, near the Harlem River, east of Fort Tryon. It was from Fort George, New York, that the salute was fired which ushered in the ceremonies connected with the inauguration of George Washington as first President of the United States. New York.


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George, Fort. This fort was built near the head of Lake Ontario on an eminence west of Fort Oswego. It was completed in 1856. (See Fort Oswego. This was a British post during the War of 1812, at the mouth of the Niagara River.) New York. George, Fort (1813-1818). Old Fort George stands on the site of old Fort Astoria which was in existence from 1811 to 1813. Fort George was built to command control of the mouth of the Columbia River; it also served as a trading post and was important in determining occupation of the territory. The site of Fort George has been preserved. Many other old buildings and relics were destroyed in the last Astoria fire. The site of Fort George is on an eminence above the business part of the town. A two-story wooden building, occupied by Pohl and Gillbaugh, Undertakers, Corner of 15th and Exchange Street, stands oh the old site. A flagpole has been raised in front of the building and a tablet placed on the building. Seaside, on the Pacific coast, 20 miles distant from Old Fort George, contains the Lewis and Clark Salt Cairn, where Lewis and Clark made salt for use on their return trip east. Fort Clatsop, wintering place of Lewis and Clark, is about five miles from old Fort George and accessible over a poor road. Old Fort George ranks with Fort Hall, Fort Vancouver and other early important western posts. Oregon. George, Fort, Warren County. At end of Lake George, 59 miles north of Albany. New York. George, Fort (1842-53). West bank of Missouri River, north of Fort Defiance. (See Fort Pierre. This may be old site of or near old site of Fort George. Fort Pierre is in Stanley County.) Lyman County. South Dakota. Gerstner Field, Lake Charles. Louisiana. Getty, Fort. Subpost of Fort Greble, Rhode Island; five miles from Newport. Saunderstown. Rhode Island. Gettysburg. (See Camp Colt.) Pennsylvania. Gibbon, Fort. Near Tanana, junction of Tanana and Yukon Rivers, Alaska. Gibraltar, Fort (1807-16). Northwest Fur Company. Canada. Gibson, Fort. Ellis Island, New York Harbor. New York. Gibson, Fort. Left bank of Neosho River, near its mouth; established in 1824. Famous post of old frontier days. About eight miles from Muscogee. Henry M. Stanley, Washington Irving, Zachary Taylor, Jefferson Davis and other famous men lived at Fort Gibson. Fort Gibson, Fort Scott, Fort Smith and Fort Leavenworth were four outstanding frontier posts on the western borders. Many of the old buildings of Fort Gibson have been destroyed and others altered. Easily reached directly by train car from Muscogee. Muscogee County. Oklahoma. Gilbert, Fort. West bank of Yellowstone River. Montana. Gilmer, Fort. Temporary post, right bank of Suwannee


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River, one mile below the mouth of Cypress Creek, Echols County. Established in Florida War. Georgia. Glass, Fort. Clarke County. Alabama. Glenn, Camp. Carteret County. North Carolina. Gloucester, Fort. An old work at "Fort Point," Gloucester. Massachusetts. Glover, Fort. West side of the head of Marble Head Harbor, Massachusetts. Godman Field (See Camp Knox). Kentucky. Goodwin, Camp. Military Post located on the left bank of the Rio San Domingo, 120 miles northeast of Tucson. Supplies were shipped in from Fort Yuma. Tucson was the headquarters of the Military District. Tucson. Arizona. Goodyear's Fort. Trapper home of Miles Goodyear, later Ogden City (See Brown's Fort.) Ogden, Weber County. Utah. Gordon, Camp. Atlanta, DeKalb County. Georgia. Gorges, Fort. On Hog Island Ledge in Portland Harbor. Maine. Governor's Island. An island situated in New York Harbor, at the junction of the Hudson and East Rivers. The Dutch had a fort on Manhattan Island as early as 1637, which they called Fort Amsterdam (Bowling Green). The English took possession of New York in 1674 and in 1698 the Jsland was set aside for an English fort. English troops were on the Island from 1765. The post was called :Fort Jay at first which was later called Fort Columbus. Fort Jay was completed in 1801; its name changed to Fort Columbus in 1806. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, changed the name again from Fort Columbus to Fort Jay on June 20, 1904. New York. Graham, Fort. Left bank of Brazos River at Jose Maria village. (Apparently below present Hill County if on Brazos River. Atlas shows mail for Fort Graham from Whitney.) Whitney, Hill County. Texas. Granby, Fort. Lexington County. South Carolina. Grand River Post (1870-73). On west bank of Missouri River. South Dakota. Grant, Camp. Military Post located near Tucson. Supplies were shipped in from Fort Yuma. Tucson was the headquarters of the Military District. Bonita, Pinal County. Arizona. Grant, Camp. Four and three-tenths miles south of Rockford, Illinois. Camp Grant. Illinois. Grant, Fort. (Mail from Bonita.) This post occupied a reservation of 42,341 acres. It was originally called Camp Grant. Camp Grant was twenty-six miles from Wilcox, Arizona. It was established about 1863 by California Volunteers as a protection against the Apaches who made attacks on travelers journeying to California on the southern route. Old Fort Grant was established in 1865 and New Fort Grant in 1872. In 1911 this post was


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turned over by the War Department to the Interior Department. Graham County. Arizona. Grant, Fort. Right bank of the San Pedro, near its mouth; site of Fort Breckinridge, Arizona. Grant, Fort. (See Fort Amador.) Three miles from Balboa. Canal Zone. Gratiot, Fort. Right bank of St. Clair near outlet of Lake Huron and near Port Huron. St. Clair County. Michigan. Gratiot's Grove, Fort. Black Hawk War. Wisconsin. Grattan, Fort. Established at Ash Hollow on the Platte River in September, 1855. According to one record the time of establishment was September 8th and according to another, it was September 27th. The Post was named in honor of Lieutenant John L. Grattan, of the Sixth United States Infantry, who was killed near Ash Hollow, August 19, 1854. The Post was abandoned in October, 1855; one report gives the date as of October 1st. Nebraska. Gray, Fort. Built -during the Rebellion. Right bank of Roanoke River, near Plymouth. North Carolina. Gray's Harbor. Reservation in the Coast Defenses of the Columbia. Washington. Great Lakes Naval Training Station. Near Chicago. Illinois. Greble, Fort. One of the defenses of Washington, D. C, near the left bank of the Potomac, two miles south of Giesboro Point. This post was named in honor of Lieutenant Greble, killed at the battle of Big Bethel, Virginia, 1861. ' T h e garrison in 1914 consisted of three companies of coast artillery. District of Columbia. Greble, Fort. One mile west of Jamestown and five miles from Newport. Saunderstown. Rhode Island. Green, Camp. Charlotte. North Carolina. Green, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, midway between Forts Chokkonikla and Myakka, De Sota County. Florida. Green, Fort. (Revolutionary War.) Long Island. New York. Green, Fort. Temporary work on the northeast end of Folly Island, near Charleston Harbor. (Built during the Rebellion.) South Carolina. Greene, Fort. Near mouth of St. Mary's River, built 1794 and destroyed 1804. Georgia. Greene, Fort. At Brooklyn, east end of Lafayette Street (Old Fort). New York. Greene, Fort. At Newport, opposite Rose Island, in Newport Harbor. Rhode Island. Green Lake, Fort. Located on Beaver River. Established prior to 1821. Northwest Territory. Canada. Greenleaf, Camp. Lytle. Georgia. Green Springs, Fort. De Soto County. Florida.


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Greenville, Fort. About 33 miles northwest of Dayton. Built by General Wagner in 1793 on site of present town of that name, in Darke County, on Greenville Creek. Ohio. Gregg Battery. On Cummings Point, Morris Island near Charleston; north end of Morris Island, Charleston Harbor. Built by Confederates. South Carolina. Gregg, Fort. Under events of 1863, Ellis's Library of American History, Volume IV, page 1090, reads: "On August 17th, Gillmore (Gen. Quincy A.) began firing over Fort Wagner at Fort Sumter, three miles distant. Forts Wagner, Gregg and Sumter were heavily bombarded," etc.—"Forts Wagner and Gregg had suffered little, and the inner line of defences extending across James Island towards Sullivan's Island seemed to be impregnable." South Carolina. Gregg, Fort. (See Fort Alexander, Virginia). Virginia. Grierson, Fort. About one-half miles west of Fort Cornwallis. Built during the Revolutionary War. Georgia. Griffin Fort. Temporary fort built -during the Florida War, midway between Forts Wool and Frank Brooke, and about four miles from the coast; nearly equidistant between the mouths of the Suwanee and Esteenhatchee. Florida. Griffin, Fort. Shackelford County. Texas. Griswold, Fort. (See !Fort Trumbull.) Left bank of the Thames on Groton Hill, directly opposite New London. The garrison was massacred by Arnold in 1781. Colonel William Ledyard, in command, was killed after the post surrendered. Connecticut. Groghan, Fort. Longitude 98%, Latitude 30%, east bank Colorado River. Texas. Guion, Fort. Lafourche County, Louisiana. Gunnybags, Fort. This facetious name was applied to a temporary fort built by Vigilantes in the lower business section of San Francisco. A tablet on a building on Sacramento Street makes the exact site. California. Hagerman, Camp. Lebanon, Warren County. Ohio. Hagerty, Fort. One of the defences of Washington, D. C, south of the Potomac. Virginia. Haines, Fort. Haines, Alaska. Hale, Fort. West bank of the Missouri River, near Chamberlain, Lyman County (Brule County), South Dakota. Halifax, Camp. Macon, North Carolina. Hall, Fort (1834). On Oregon Trail. Famous post of early days. Fort Hall was founded by Nathaniel J. Wyeth in 1834. Wyeth was descended from distinguished New England ancestors. On his mother's side he was related to John Hancock and on his father's side to George Wythe of Virginia, both signers of the Declaration of Independence. In 1832, at the age of thirty, Wyeth was a successful business man in Cambridge,


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Massachusetts. Fort Hall was named in honor of Henry Hall of Boston, senior member of the Boston firm that financed Captain Wyeth's expedition which passed through Idaho in the summer of 1832. In 1834, Captain Wyeth returned to Idaho and this time he brought out a stock of goods to fill an order which had been placed the previous year by Smith, Jackson and William Sublette of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. Just as Wyeth arrived, however, control was passing to three new owners, Fitzpatrick, Bridger and Milton Sublette. These partners refused to recognize the contract so Wyeth found himself in the western mountains with a quantity of merchandise on his hands. Captain Wyeth built Fort Hall to protect his goods until he could make other arrangements to dispose of them. Fort Hall was erected on the left bank of the Snake River, nine miles above the mouth of the Portneuf and northwest of the present city of Pocatello. Captain Wyeth erected a crude but substantial log structure. The outer log wall or stockade was eighty feet square and consisted of Cottonwood trees set on ends. The stockade was about fifteen feet high. At opposite angles were two bastions about eight feet square. On these were portholes large enough for guns only. The quarters for the men were simple structures made of hewn logs covered with mud and brick. Square holes served as windows. In the summer of 1836, a small garden patch near the fort contained turnips, peas and onions. When the Hudson's Bay Company assumed control of the fort about 1838, the original structure was strengthened and enlarged. Adobe walls were substituted for the original cottonwood walls. It was the custom of the Hudson's Bay Company to keep these walls whitewashed. In 1849 the main entrance faced in the direction of the Portneuf and rear walls extended back toward the Snake River. At that time the main building within the fort was occupied by the chief trader and the smaller ones were used as storehouses or by the employees. In 1852 a pioneer noted that over one hundred (army?) wagons were standing around the fort which was at that time in a dilapidated condition. In 1855 the fort was abandoned by the Hudson's Bay Company. During the Civil W a r it was used for a time as military quarters for government troops. In 1869 the United States agreed to reimburse the Hudson's Bay Company for its rights in Fort Hall, as well as its other holdings in the Oregon country. The first United States flag-raising celebration west of the Mississippi River took place at Fort Hall on August 6th, 1834. The flag was a home-made affair of unbleached sheeting, strips of red flannel with blue patches for stars. Captain Wyeth and his party conducted patriotic exercises. Fort Hall was one of the most important points on the Oregon Trail during the emigration period. It offered a hospitable resting place for many a travelstained pioneer. Here the emigrant made preparation for the


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last stage of his journey. In the early days of the trail, wagons were left here and pack horses substituted. Idaho. Halleck, Fort. This post was established to protect emigrants and settlers in this section against Indians who were very troublesome from; 1850-70. The site of the fort is about 12 miles south and a little east of the present town of Halleck, a railroad station on the Southern Pacific Railroad. The post was situated at the north end of the Ruby Range of mountains, between Lamoille Creek and Secret Creek, on an elevated plateau. It was hid from view from the north by a low range. The site of the fort may be easily reached by turning south off the main highway at a point 17 miles west of Wells. Elko County, Nevada. Hlalleck, Fort. v "At the foot of Elk Mountain, in the Medicine Bow Range (Carbon County, * *) named for MajorGeneral Henry W. Halleck; established in 1863. From here the stage route was directly west to Bridger's Pass and Bridger's Pass Station to Bitter Creek Station, where the grass was poor and the water bitter and the alkali unbearable; to Green River, and then along the route adopted by the Union Pacific Railroad to old Fort Bridger, where the Oregon Trail and the Overland Route united, and thence to Utah. * * * When the Overland Route for the mail was, in 1862, changed from the North Platte, the road came from Julesburg to Halleck by way of Latham, Collins, Lupton, etc. Fort Halleck was one of the centers of the Indian disturbances, being attacked from all the points of the compass. The red men came south from the Oregon Trail, north from the South Platte, east from the Camp Walbach road, and west from the Sweetwater. The soldiers guarding this fort and the route to the fort in 1865, were from the Eleventh .Ohio Cavalry. From Fort Halleck there ran an Indian trail, well-beaten, on the north side of the Laramie River, also used by the soldiers to go to Fort Laramie. Halleck was in operation from July 20th, 1862, to July 4, 1866. Colonel Preston B. /Plumb was in command of the fort in June, 1865, with five companies of soldiers, who were distributed on the road from Fort Collins to Green River, covering about four hundred miles of the Overland Route and the most dangerous part of the road. Over this road, at one time, and for two hundred miles, the Indians had driven off all the stage horses; Colonel Plumb having to use his cavalry horses to haul the coaches, and his soldiers being detailed as drivers. During this period on this section of the road the stages were only run at night, in order to better avoid the Indians." From "The Bozeman Trail," by Hebard and Brininstool, Volume I, pages 93-94. Lieutenant Caspar W. Collins narrated events at Fort Halleck while visiting his father, Colonel W. O. Collins, at Fort Halleck in 1862, doing this in letter to his mother. Wyoming.


UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vols. 1-6 incl. 1928-1933 By many authors

Utah State Historical SocietySalt Lake City 1934.


Utah State Historical Society B O A R D OF CONTROL (Terms Expiring April 1, 1933) J. CECIL ALTER, Salt Lake City WM. R. PALMER, Cedar City ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , Salt Lake City

,

J O E L E. RICKS, Logan PARLEY L. W I L L I A M S , Salt Lake City

I'lerms Expiring April 1, 1931) GEORGE E. FELLOWS, Salt Lake City W I L L I A M J. SNOW, Provo HUGH RYAN, Salt Lake City LEVI E. YOUNG, Salt Lake City FRANK K. SEEGMILLER, Salt Lake City E X E C U T I V E O F F I C E R S 1030-1031 ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , President J. CECIL ALTER, Secretary-Treasurer Librarian and Curator Editor in Chief WILLIAM J. SNOW, Vice President All Members, Board of Control, Associate Editors

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Utah Historical Quarterly State Capitol, Salt Lake City Volume 2

JULY, 1929

Number 3

UTAH INDIANS AND SPANISH SLAVE TRADE By Dr. Wm. J. Snow, Department of History, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah No history of the great American epic of westward migration frorn the Atlantic seaboard to the slopes of the Pacific border can fail to take into account the Indian. At every stage off advance the native redman has figured prominently in the transformation wrought in his primitive wilderness. This is true of early Utah history as of that of any other section of our country. Indeed Indian references furnish a key to many interesting episodes in the exploration and settlement of Utah Valleys. Hence careful and scholarly attention has been given to this subject in the previous issues of the Utah Historical Quarterly. It will be the purpose of the following article to give other Indian reference and to present in connection therewith certain incidents that furnish a basis for some rather important conclusions. Escalante, the first white man so far as known to enter Utah valleys was much concerned about the conversion of the Utah Indians. This was shown by certain extracts from his journal, given in the July Utah Historical Quarterly. Continuing the journal account we find him and his little band holding September 24 and 25 a two days' conference with the Indians at the mouth of the Provo River. Great interest was aroused and hope held out that the Padres would return and establish missions here. Leaving Utah Lake September 26, the Escalante company went southwest, and on the 30th recorded the following: "Very early there came to the camp twenty Indians, accompanied by those that came in the afternoon of yesterday, all wrapped in blankets. They conversed with us very pleasantly until nine o'clock in the morning, as gentle and as affable as the others had been." w

They are now on the banks of a river they call Santa Isabel. The journal continues: "From this river and place of Santa Isabel these Indians began to wear heavy beards which give them the appearance of Spaniards." On the 29th of September, Esca-


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lante described an old Indian whose "beard was long and so matted that he resembled one of the hermits of Europe." This reference to bearded Indians is the connecting link with some subsequent exploits in Utah valley, and a key to the geography of the region. After 1776, the year of these explorations, no definite account of future expeditions into the Basin came to light again before 1805. It would appear, however, that a route across the mountains is being established over which adventurous Spaniards, for one reason or another, wander into these valleys quite frequently. In 1805, one Jaoquim de Real Alencaster, then governor of New Mexico, enters into communication with the commandant general in regard to the exploits of one Manuel Mestas whom he praises for his virtues and courage. To him is accredited the feat of reducing the Yutas to peace and recovering horses stolen by the Comanches and retaken by the Yutas in subsequent battle between the two tribes. He, Mestas, is spoken of as a Yuta interpreter of fifty years' experience. From the account given it appears he had been in the vicinity of the Yutas Timpanogos which would be around the Utah Lake of today. Furthermore, the inference might be drawn that there existed a rather intimate connection between the Spaniards and the Yutas. 1 More to the point and more significant is the account of an expedition to Utah Lake and southward in 1813. In this year seven men under the command of Mauricio Arze and Lagos Garcia penetrated to the very heart of the Utah Basin. They were gone some four months, leaving Abiquin March 16, 1813, and returning on the 12th of July following. When the governor of New Mexico heard of their return, he ordered them to report to Manuel Garcia the alcalde of the Villa de Santa de la Canada. This report is contained in a recently discovered document in the archives of New Mexico.2 The facts as they related them were in substance as follows: They had gone to Timpanogos (Utah) Lake and remained three days among the Yutas there. They gave testimony under oath that the Indians insisted on selling them slaves, but that they refused to buy. At this the Indians began killing their horses. After eight horses and a mule had been killed the chief succeeded in quieting them. But the Spaniards, nevertheless, felt an impulse to get away. From this point they went south to the San Sebero (Sevier) River, the Santa Isabel River of Escalante. Here they met a Tor further inforrfction concerning this matter see article by J. J. Hill of Bancroft Library in Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. 24, No. 1, under the title Ewing Young and the Fur trade of the far Southwest 2 A photostat copy is now in the Bancroft Library. The original document is listed without number in Twitchell—Spanish Archives of New Mexico.


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Yuta of Sanpuchi (San Pete) nation, who guided five of them— the other two remaining with the pack train—to the bearded Indians of whom Escalante wrote. The Santa Isabel river now becomes the San Sebero (Sevier) of the Arze-Garcia expedition, and the bearded Indians become the means of identifying the region. The affidavits taken contain no reference to any difficulties in reaching the lake region from which it might be inferred that the way to Timpanogos, (Utah Lake) was now well known. A particular point of this narrative is the reference to Indian slaves. It would seem from facts to be presented later that almost continuously from Escalante's expedition on until after the Mormons came, wandering Spaniards entered these valleys, not only for furs, but to traffic in Indian slaves. Uncle Dick Wootton" an old wilderness man, who apparently was trapping in Utah in 1837-1838, makes the following comment : "It was no uncommon thing in those days (back in the 30's) to see a party of Mexicans in that country (the Great Basin) buying Indians, and while we were trapping there I sent a lot of peltries to Taos by a party of those same slave traders. 4 That this slave traffic was "no uncommon thing" is proved by various other authorities and accredited instances. Says the noted western traveler, Thomas J. Farnham, speaking of the region between the Little Snake River and the Great Salt Lake, "There is a stream called the 'Severe' (sic) River which rises in the high plateau to the S. E. of the Lake. * * * and terminates in its own lakes * * *. Here live the 'Piutes' and the 'Land Pitches' (Sanpitch) the most degraded and least intellectual Indians known to the trappers. * * * These poor creatures are hunted in the spring of the year, when weak and helpless, by a certain class of men, and when taken, are fattened, carried to Santa Fe and sold as slaves during their minority. A likely girl in her teens brings often times six pounds or eight pounds. The males are valued less."" Similar incidents are related by the noted Indian Scout and Southwestern traveler, Daniel W. Jones. Writing of New Mexico he says :' "Thus we find that the people of New Mexico, at the time I am writing of them in 1851, were making annual trips, commencing with a few goods, trading on their way with either Navajoes or Utes (generally with the Navajoes) for horses, which they sold very cheap, always retaining their best ones. These used up horses were "Conard, Howard Lewis—Uncle Dick Wootton the Pioneer Frontiersman of the Rocky Mountains, Chicago, 1890, pp. 75-80. "Bancroft, H. H. History of Utah, p. 473, CF. Whitney History of Utah, Vol. 1, pp. 510-511. "Farnham, Thomas J. Travels in the Great Western Prairies, May 21— October 16, :1839, in Thwaites Early Western Travels, Vol. 28, pp. 249 ff. "Jones, Daniel, W. "Forty Years Among the Indians," pp. 49-50.


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brought through and traded to the poorer Indians for children. * * This trading was continued into Lower California, where the children bought on the down trip would be traded to the Mexican Californians for other horses, goods or cash. All children bought on the return trip would be taken back to New Mexico and then sold, boys fetching on an average $100, girls from $100 to $200. * * * This slave trade gave rise to the civil wars between the native tribes of this country, from Salt Lake down to the tribes in Southern Utah. Walker and his band raided on the weak tribes, taking their children prisoners and selling them to the Mexicans. Many of the lower classes, inhabiting the southern deserts, would sell their own children for a horse and kill and eat the horse. The Mexicans were as fully established and systematic in this trade as ever were the slavers on the seas, and to them it was a very lucrative business." It would seem that this example of slave traffic on the part of Spaniards of New Mexico carried over to the different tribes of Indians themselves. According to Captain Simpson the Indians in the southern part of the territory bartered their children to one another. The Utes in particular bought slaves and sold them to more southern tribes or to Mexicans.' This was in 1859. Five years earlier than this James G. Bleak," historian of Southern Dixie records the following regarding a group of missionaries sent to labor among the Indians of that section: "The first day they camped on the present site of Toquerville, and had an interview with the Indian chief Toquer (sic) Indian word for black, they found the band very friendly. The following day the missionaries continued their journey south and camped on the Rio Virgin, opposite the present site of Washington. Here they found another camp of Indians. These were very timid. The women and children secreted themselves in the brush while the men approached the newcomers in a very cautious hesitating manner, trembling as they shook hands with the whites. * * * The cause of their fear it was found arose from the fact that! bands of Utes and Mexicans had repeatedly made raids upon them and had taken their children to California and Mexico and sold them for slaves." These various incidents evidence the fact that this nefarious practice was deepseated and widespread. The interest and devotion of Escalante and his little band in behalf of the souls of the Indians had been transformed into the cruel traffic in their bodies. The Mormons were brought face to face with this business 'Simpson, Captain, "Explorations Across the Great Basin of Utah, 1859," p. 35 "Bleak, James G., "Journal History of Dixie." Type copy in Brigham Young University, p. 20 f.


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soon after e n t e r i n g t h e valley. Bancroft records :* " D u r i n g the w i n t e r of 1847-8, s o m e I n d i a n Children w e r e b r o u g h t to the fort ( t h e old Salt L a k e F o r t ) to be sold. A t first t w o werei offered b u t t h e s e t t l e r s p e r e m p t o r i l y refused to b u y t h e m . T h e Indian in c h a r g e said t h a t t h e children w e r e c a p t u r e d in w a r and would be killed at s u n s e t if t h e w h i t e m e n did n o t b u y t h e m . T h e r e u p o n t h e y p u r c h a s e d one of t h e m , a n d t h e one n o t sold w a s shot. L a t e r , several I n d i a n s c a m e in w i t h t w o more, u s i n g the same t h r e a t ; t h e y w e r e b o u g h t and b r o u g h t up at the expense of the settlers." 1 0 T h i s s o u n d s v e r y m u c h like an incident related by P e t e r Gottfredson q u o t i n g from S o l o m o n F . K i m b a l l ' s J o u r nal pp. 15-16. H e relates t h a t soon after t h e M o r m o n s arrived in the valley it is recorded t h a t a n u m b e r of I n d i a n s w e r e e n c a m p e d near H o t S p r i n g s , n o r t h of Salt L a k e City. A little girl w h o m they had stolen from a n o t h e r t r i b e w a s offered for a rifle. T h e colonists at first refused t o b u y , w h e r e u p o n t h e I n d i a n s b e g a n to torture her, d e c l a r i n g t h e y w o u l d kill her unless t h e rifle w a s forthcoming. I n t h e face of this cruelty and t h r e a t one of the men p a r t e d w i t h his only gun." 1 1 T h e I n d i a n policy of P r e s i d e n t B r i g h a m Y o u n g and the Mormons w a s one of good will and friendship, and this business greatly shocked t h e m . April 23, 1853, P r e s i d e n t Y o u n g issued the following p r o c l a m a t i o n :12 " W h e r e a s it is k n o w n to m e by reliable information from affidavits a n d v a r i o u s o t h e r sources, that t h e r e is in t h i s t e r r i t o r y a h o r d e of M e x i c a n s or o u t l a n d i s h men, w h o are infesting t h e s e t t l e m e n t s , s t i r r i n g u p the I n d i a n s to make a g g r e s s i o n s u p o n t h e i n h a b i t a n t s , a n d w h o are furnishing the I n d i a n s w i t h g u n s , a m m u n i t i o n , etc., c o n t r a r y to t h e l a w s of this t e r r i t o r y a n d t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . " A n d w h e r e a s it is evident t h a t it is t h e i n t e n t i o n of t h e s e Mexicans or foreigners to b r e a k the laws of this t e r r i t o r y and t h e United S t a t e s , u t t e r l y r e g a r d l e s s of every restriction, furnishing the I n d i a n s w i t h g u n s a n d p o w d e r , w h e n e v e r a n d w h e r e v e r it suits their designs, convenience or p u r p o s e . " T h e r e f o r e , I, B r i g h a m Y o u n g , G o v e r n o r and S u p e r i n t e n d ent of I n d i a n Affairs for t h e t e r r i t o r y of U t a h , in order t o preserve peace, quell t h e I n d i a n s a n d secure t h e lives and p r o p e r t y of the t e r r i t o r y , h e r e b y order and direct as follows : T h e p u r p o r t "Bancroft, H. H , "History of Utah," p. 278. "Charles Decker bought one of the prisoners, a girl, who was afterwards brought up in President Young's family. She married Kanosh, an Indian chief. "Gottfredson, Peter, "Indian Depredations in Utah." "Bancroft, H. H. History /of Utah, pp. 475 ft. Cf. Whitney, Orson F., History of Utah, Vol. 1, p. 512. This proclamation first appeared in the Deseret News of April 30, 1853. A little later it ,'was copied by El Siglo Diez Y Nueve (Mexico) in its issue of July 16, 1853. On July 20, 1853, this same paper devoted the entire front page to the subject in opposition tto governor Young's action.


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of the iOrder was for a detachment of thirty men to go south through the settlements, warn the people, and apprehend all such strolling Mexicans and keep them in custody until further advised." A little more than a year before this proclamation, January 31, 1852, the Utah legislature passed a law prohibiting this whole business. The preamble read as follows:™ "From time immemorial, the practices of purchasing women and children of the Utah tribes of Indians by Mexican traders, has been indulged and carried on by these respective people, until the Indians consider it an allowable traffic and frequently offer their prisoners or children for sale." The immediate occasion for this law was no doubt the report in the Deseret News of November 15, 1851, that a party under Pedro Leon were in Manti, Sanpete valley, trying to trade horses for Indian children. Moreover, Leon held a license signed by Governor James S. Calhoun and dated Santa Fe, August 14, 1851. This identifies the Mexicans as Spaniards from New Mexico. The announcement of the presence of this party aroused considerable concern, and later eight of the group including Pedro Leon, were arrested and tried before the justice of the peace at Manti, in the winter of 1851-52. Still later the case came up before Zerubbabel Snow, Judge of the First District Court, and was decided against the defendants, and the Indian slaves in their possession were liberated and the Mexicans sent away." In summing up the evidence Judge Snow pointed out that the previous September (1851) twenty-eight Spaniards left New Mexico on a trading expedition with the Utah Indians in their various localities in New Mexico and Utah, that before leaving one Pedro Leon obtained from the governor of New Mexico a license to trade on his own account with these Indians, that upon exhibiting his license to governor Young he was told that the license did not cover or authorize trade with the Utah Indians and that he himself would never license traffic in women and children. The Spaniards then promised they would go immediately home. All but eight kept their promise. These were the defendants in the case described. It appears perfectly evident from all this that the region South of Utah Lake must have been well known and frequently visited during the first half of the nineteenth century. The settlements visualized by Escalante did not materialize. Instead, unscrupulous Spaniards devoid of the spirit and purpose exM Page 3, Utah Laws and Statutes, etc. Acts, Resolutions, and Memorials (Salt Lake City, 1855), p. 70. "Bancroft, H. H. op. cit. Cf. Whitney, History of Utah, Vol. 1, PP 510-511; also Jones, Daniel W. op. cit. pp. 50 f.


SOURCE DOCUMENTS ON U T A H INDIAN SLAVERY

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ploited the Indians in a most cruel and inhuman manner. The Mormon leaders with the same concern for the Indians the good Padres exhibited, put a stop to this disreputable business and sought to convert the Indians to their faith. SOME SOURCE DOCUMENTS ON UTAH INDIAN SLAVERY Indian Tribes Of The Interior Of Oregon, 1841* The Snakes, or Shoshones, are -widely scattered tribes, and some even assert that they are of the same race as the Camanches, whose separation is said to be remembered by the Snakes; it has been ascertained, in confirmation of this opinion, that they both speak the same language. The hunters report, that the proper country of the Snakes is to the east of the Youta Lake, and north of the Snake or Lewis river; but they are found in many detached places. The largest band is located near Fort Boise, on the Snake river, to the north of the Bonacks. The Snakes have horses and fire-arms, and derive their subsistence both from the chase and from fishing. There are other bands of them, to the north of the Bonacks, who have no horses, and live on acorns, and roots, their only arms being bows and arrows. In consequence of the mode of gaining their subsistence, they are called "Diggers," and are looked upon with great contempt. The Crows inhabit the country between the Wind River Mountains and the Platte; and are represented as not so hostile at present to the whites as the Blackfeet. The former are much the most shrewd and intelligent of the Indian tribes, and keep up a continual war with the Blackfeet and Snakes. The battle-ground of these three nations is about the headwaters oi the Platte, Green, and Snake rivers, or in the vicinity Fremont's South Pass. Their proper or Indian name, is "Upsaroke". The Bonacks resemble the Snakes in their character and habits. They inhabit the country between Fort Boise and Fort Hall, and are considered as a braver people than the Snakes, with whom they are occasionally at w a r ; but their particular enemy is the tribe of Cayuses. The Sampiches are a tribe wandering over the desert south of the Youta Lake. Their language is said to be allied to that of the Snakes, and their habits to those of the "Diggers" or poorer Snakes. The Youtas inhabit the country between the Snake and *Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition. During the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, by Charles Wilkes, U. S. N. Commander of the Expedition, member of the American Philosophical Society, etc. In five volumes, and an Atlas, Vol. IV, pages 471-474. Philadelphia 1845.


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Green rivers. These also resemble the "Diggers" in appearance and mode of life, although their language is by some thought to be peculiar. The barren country between the Youta Lake and the California range of mountains, is thinly inhabited by Indians, speaking the same language as the Bonacks. Mr. Newell of the Willamette, has known Indians of these tribes acquainted with individuals of the Bonacks. Southwest of the Youta Lake live a tribe who are known by the name of the Monkey Indians; a term which is not a mark of contempt, but is supposed to be a corruption of their name. They are said to differ remarkably from the other natives of this country; and the description of them has the air of romance, though it appears to be well substantiated by persons who have travelled in the direction of their country. But few have seen them, except the hunters of Mr. Walker's party who were with Captain Bonneville. They are reported to live in fastnesses among high mountains, to have good clothing and houses; to manufacture blankets, shoes and various other articles, which they sell to the neighboring tribes. Their color is as light as that of the Spaniards; and the women in particular are very beautiful, with delicate features and long flowing hair. They are said to be very neat in their persons, dignified and decorous in their manners, and exceedingly modest. The story goes that the hunters who saw them were so much pleased, that they determined to return and settle among them; but on their return to the Rocky Mountains, they were prevented by old associations. Some have attempted to connect these with an account of an ancient Welsh colony, which others had thought they discovered among the Mandans of the Missouri; while others were disposed to believe they might still exist among the Monkeys of the Western Mountains. There is another account, which speaks of the Monquoi Indians, who formerly inhabited Lower California, and were partially civilized by the Spanish missionaries; but who have left that country, and of whom all traces have long since been lost. Perhaps some future travelers may be able to discover them again, and give their true history; for that there exists a small tribe of different manners and habits from those who surround them, there appears to be but little doubt. Though not immediately allied with my subject, yet some information which I obtained in relation to the Indians, east of the Rocky Mountains, may be interesting. Between the Green and Arkansas, are the Navajoes, and south of them the Apaches. These hover about the Spanish settlements, which they frequently ravage, and whence they carry off the children as slaves. The trappers informed us that it was no uncommon circumstance to


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see among them, Spanish boys, still speaking their own language, serving as slaves; and handsome white girls, living as wives to the haughty Apache warriors. One thing seems well established, that the tribes are gradually extending themselves to the southward, or rather, the more northern are encroaching on those of the south. It is well known, that what is now called the Blackfeet country was formerly possessed by the Snakes; and that the older men of the nation are well acquainted with this fact. The country now in possession of the Snakes, belonged to the Bonacks, who have been driven to the Sandy Desert. The Kiniwas and Camanches are instances of the same occurrence. This movement is attributed to the desire of each tribe to possess a more fertile soil and more genial climate; and to the exhaustion of game or emigration of the buffalo to the east. There are none of these animals now found west of the Youta Lake; and several years ago, according to the hunters, they deserted that region to range nearer the Rocky Mountains; the space between which and the then Butes is now the great buffalo country; and frequented by the Nez Perces, Bonacks, Snakes, and Flatheads, where these latter have frequent contests with the Crows and Blackfeet. Those who have travelled the route from the United States to the Oregon Territory, seem to have but little dread for the war parties of the Indians, who seldom now venture to attack any party of whites, however small. The great difficulty experienced by them, is in procuring food for their animals, and themselves at the point where many other obstacles are to be overcome; but the way for the emigrant is far less toilsome, from the accounts of those who have gone through the hardships, than has been represented. It will not be many years before these difficulties will not be considered, and in all probability, the new routes that will be found will render the travel much less fatiguing to both man and beast. One great impediment to the traveler after this journey is performed has been already removed; for on his arrival in the Oregon, he now meets with his friends, and every thing that he can desire, to insure his comfort in a new country; instead of, as formerly, depending upon the precarious supply furnished by the Indians.


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INDIANS ON T H E OLD SPANISH TRAIL* My friend, Doctor Lyman, of Buffalo, who traveled from Santa Fe, in New Mexico, by the way of the Colorado of the West, (the old Spanish Trail, through what is now Utah) to Upper California, in the year 1841, has kindly furnished me with some of his observations, as well on that stream as the adjacent territories and the Indians inhabiting them, which I feel great pleasure in giving to the reader. * * * Yutas or Utaws.—The tribes of Indians called the Utaws or Youtas, and the Arrapahoes or Navajos, inhabit the country lying between the Lake Timpanigos and Santa Fe. The Utaws range between Latitudes 35° and 42° N., and the Meridians 29° and 37° W. Longitude of Washington. The legitimate country of the Arrapahoes lies between 36° and 42° N., and between Meridians 35° and 37° W. Longitude of Washington, the Jila being their southern and the Sheetskadee a part of their eastern boundary. "The great Yutas tribe," says my friend Doctor Lyman, "is divided into two families which are contradistinguished by the names of their respective head-quarters; the Taos Yutas, so called, because their principal camp is pitched in Taos mountains, seventy miles north of Santa F e ; and the Timpanigos Yutas, who hold their great camp near the Timpanigos lake." These two families speak the same language, have the same manners and customs, and indulge in the same bitter hatred towards each other. A few years ago they were one people; but lately an old feud between some of the principal chiefs resulted in a dismemberment. The Timpanigos Yutas are a noble race, very friendly to Americans; and brave and hospitable. They look upon their brethren of the Taos mountains with contempt on account of their thieving propensities, and their treachery in robbing and often murdering the solitary wanderer who may chance to come into their country. The river San Juan is the boundary between these two branches of the Yutas, across which they seldom pass. Each of these tribes numbers about ten thousand souls. They subsist chiefly by the chase; but cultivate a little maize." * * * "The Timpanigos Yutas are very friendly to the American, and are delighted to have him in their camp. Their first and constant greeting is, 'Kahche winay—marakah nay,' 'very good American.' They manifest the greatest contempt for the New Mexicans. I traveled through their country with one of their head chiefs, named Wah-cah-rah, who was on his return from •Pictorial Edition—Life, Adventures, and Travels in California, pages 312, 371, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379 and 380, by T. J. Farnham—New York, 1849..


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an unsuccessful expedition across the St. John's river, in pursuit of his faithless wife, who had left him and fled over the border with her paramour. He was quite sad during the early part of the journey, and was constantly muttering something of which I frequently distinguished the expression, 'Kah-che, kai-yah, mah-ru-kah,' which, from hearing so often repeated, I recollected, and afterwards, when he became more philosophic, which was the case towards the latter part of the journey, I asked him to interpret for me (he could speak a little Spanish), and he said it meant 'very bad girl.' He disclaimed all thought of invading the country of his successful rival, for he had, as he said, two other beauteous Helens, who would console him for his loss, and they certainly ought to do so, fofTie was the very beau-ideal of nature's nobility." Piutes.—The northern banks of the Colorado, the region of Severe river, and those portions of the Timpanigos desert where man can find a snail to eat, are inhabited by a race of Indians, which I have partially described in my former book of travels before mentioned, under the name of Piutes. Doctor Lyman gives the same name differently spelled, Paiuches. He introduces his observations in relation to them by some further remarks as to the desolate character of the country which they inhabit. "The only animal which I saw for many hundred miles through this country, was the hare (in one or two instances a stray antelope), but so wild, that we seldom could kill one of them. They were so densely covered with vermin, that nothing but utter starvation would induce one to eat them; they live upon the bark and tender branches of wild sage; and yet this immense tract of country is inhabited by a comparatively numerous tribe of Indians, generally known as the Paiuches, but by some called the Shoshonies, a name perhaps more properly applied to a tribe living a few degrees to the northward, and very much like the Paiuches in character. "The Paiuches speak the same language as the Yutas, and are a branch of that tribe, but considered by the latter as mere dogs, the refuse of the lowest order of humanity; and they certainly are; for living in a country where vegetation is so scarce, that nothing but the diminutive hare can exist; where the water is of the poorest character, and famine an everyday occurrence; thus being nearly deprived of even the plainest nourishment fit for the support of the body, and almost entirely destitute of clothing to protect them from the inclemency of Winter, what more could be expected of them than an equality with the brute creation? They are superior to them only in possession of a soul; but of this they seem to be totally unconscious. They have an idea of some superior being, whose presence they appear to recognize only in the raging elements. As to a future state they


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are utterly ignorant: their life being one of brutal sensuality, and death a supposed annihilation. They do not even manifest the mutual affection of parents and children, so universally observed in the brute. There are instances to the contrary, but these are very rare. "The food of these Indians is in conformity with the character of the country they inhabit. They collect the seeds of grasses, growing on the margins of the springs and salt ponds, roast and pulverize them between two stones, and then boil them into a thick mush. Upon this they subsist tolerably well while the gathering season continues ; but being too stupid and improvident to make provision for the remainder of the year, they are often in the most wretched condition of want. Sometimes they succeed in ensnaring a hare, the flesh of which they eat, and the skin of which they cut into cords with the fur adhering; and braid them together so as to form a sort of cloak with a hole in the middle, through which they thrust their heads. The bark of pine trees growing on some of the trap mountains, is also a general article of food; so are roots! Ants, grasshoppers, and lizards, are classed among their choicest dainties. There are no relentings in favor of these little unfortunates; for no sooner are they grasped by the hand, than the teeth consign them to the tomb. "It seems impossible that human beings can exist as these miserably destitute Indians do, without degenerating into the brutes they are, and therefore if they were not originally an inferior order of the human family, they have become so in all that appertains to the distinguishing and ennobling features of the race. In stature they are diminutive; in personal appearance disgusting in the extreme; their long untrimmed hair, instead of hanging in flowing masses over the shoulders, like that of other American Indians, is thickly matted with dirt, stands out on the head in hard knots, alive with vermin; which latter are eagerly sought after by them, as an article of food. I have seen other Indians engaged in this species of foraging, and even some of the women of New Mexico, but with much less zest and enjoyment of the appetite. Ablution, a custom universal among other Indians, these never practice. I might, but will not say more of this matter; enough has probably been said to give a pretty good idea of the exceeding disgust I felt at seeing and knowing that such wretched existences attached to our race. Without knowledge, without shelter, without raiment, food, water, fit for man, they are born and live and die among those terrible deserts, the most miserable of men, yet contented with their lot. But every man's hand is against them. The New Mexicans capture them for slaves; the neighboring Indians do the same; and even the bold and usually high-minded old beaver-hunter sometimes


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descends from his legitimate labor among the mountain streams, to this mean traffic. The price of these slaves in the markets of New Mexico varies with the age and other qualities of person. Those from ten to fifteen years old sell from $50 to $100, which is by no means an extravagant price, if we take into consideration the herculean task of cleansing them fit for market. Their filth in their native state can indeed scarcely be conceived by one who has not beheld it; and to him it seems that nothing less potent than the waters of Peneus can wash it away. "Notwithstanding their horrible deficiency in all the comforts and decencies of life, these Indians are so ardently attached to their country, that when carried into the lands of their captors and surrounded with abundance, they pine away and often die in grief for the loss of their native deserts. In one instance, I saw one of these Paiuches die from no other apparent cause than this home-sickness. From the time it was brought into the settlements of California it was sad, moaned, and continually refused to eat till it died. "The Paiuches are very cowardly. They, however, make some weapons of defense, as bows and arrows. The bows are about six feet long; made of the savine (Juniperus sabina). This wood being very tough and elastic, the bows are both powerful and durable. Their arrows are made of a species of cane-bamboo, and are from three to four feet long, pointed with a bit of fire-hardened wood. When these canes are young they chew them for the juice, which contains considerable saccharine matter. Their habitations, if such they may be called, are of the rudest character. Some of them are mere holes dug in the sand-hills; others consist of sticks and branches of brush and trees piled up conically, and covered with dirt. This latter kind is usually found where they attempt villages of greater or less size, and stand huddled closely together. The interior of these huts is filthy beyond description. "These Indians, although destitute of that daring which characterizes many other tribes in the mountain regions of which we are speaking, are occasionally a source of great annoyance to those who traverse these deserts, by gathering around their camps in the darkness of the night, and letting fly a volley of arrows at the travelers' horses and mules, mortally wounding or disabling more or less of them, so that they must be left behind when the caravan moves on; and when danger of chastisement has passed, they surfeit themselves on their carcasses. "In this description of the Paiuches I have been governed by my own personal observations," says Doctor Lyman, "made during the three months I was occupied in traversing their country. I have been rather minute, because I am not aware of any other correct account having been given of them. And


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although one is disgusted with their personal filth and mental degradation, yet his strongest sympathies must be excited by this shocking degradation, which the character of the country that they inhabit promises to perpetuate. They were the innocent cause of a great deal of suffering to myself and two companions. Four New Mexicans attached to our party captured on the banks of the Colorado an adult male and female with one child, whom myself and two friends tried to induce them to liberate. But as the other Americans of our company would not aid our effort, the majority was found against the movement and it failed. Our humanity raised such prejudices against us, that dissensions arose which resulted in a determination on the part of three of us to have no more connection with the party, and to prosecute our journey "on our own hook.' The other Americans, as desirous as ourselves for liberation of the captives, but, as it proved, more discreet, remained with the Mexicans. So off we started by ourselves, three lone men, and traveled thirty-five or forty days, and endured the most excessive fatigue, and deprivations of food and water, much of which would have been avoided if we had smothered our objections to our companions' conduct in this affair, and been guided by their greater experience over those dreadful wastes. As it was, however, we traveled many successive days along the Colorado, over sandy deserts, subsisting on a daily allowance of a few mouthsful of thin mush, and a little nauseous and bitter water wherewith to wet our mouths once in twenty-four or forty-eight hours. No druggist ever compounded a draught more disgusting than the green, slimy or brackish waters which we were compelled to drink. Finally our little stock of provisions was consumed to the last grain; and starvation was staring us in the face; but relief was not denied us; the sight of the wooded mountains of Upper California inspired us with new strength and courage, and soon after we fell in with a river of pure waters coming down from them; more delicious than the streams of olden fable; and our thankfulness and delight—who can measure it? It was ecstasy—such feelings I believe have no words. In those beautiful mountains we surfeited ourselves on the rich meats and fruits there abounding; prudence was cast to the winds; we could eat, and therefore did so; but ere long we suffered bitterly for our imprudence. "We were not a little gratified, however, on arriving at the settlements on the sea-shore to learn than after we left the camp of these New Mexicans, our countrymen who remained with them, secretly in the night loosed the Paiuche captives and sent them to their desert homes."


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BRIGHAM YOUNG OPPOSES INDIAN SLAVERY* Thus we find that the people of New Mexico, at the time I am writing of them, in 1851, were making annual trips, commencing with a few goods, trading on their way with either Navajos or Utes (generally with the Navajos) for horses, which they sold very cheap, always retaining their best ones. These used-up horses were brought through and traded to the poorer Indians for children. The horses were often used for food. This trading was continued into Lower California, where the children bought on the down trip would be traded to the Mexican-Californians for other horses, goods or cash. Many times a small outfit on the start would return with large herds of California Stock. All children bought on the return trip would be taken back to New Mexico and then sold, boys fetching on an average $100, girls from $150 to $200. The girls were in demand to bring up for house servants, having the reputation of making better servants than any others. This slave trade gave rise to the cruel wars between the native tribes of this country, from Salt Lake down to the tribes in southern Utah. Walker and his band raided on the weak tribes, taking their children prisoners and selling them to the Mexicans. Many of the lower classes, inhabiting the southern deserts, would sell their own children for a horse and kill and eat the horse. The Mexicans were as fully established and systematic in this trade as ever were the slavers on the seas and to them it was a very lucrative business. At this time Brigham Young was governor of Utah and had the oversight of Indian affairs. Some little business in the slave trade had been done on the trip the summer before by our old guide, who was a regular trader. Governor Young asked me something about this business, telling me to look out, and if any of these traders came in, to let him know, as the laws of the United States, which then extended over this territory, prohibited this business, and that it would be his duty to put a stop to the same. He hoped to do this by advising these traders in regard to the present conditions. When this party of traders spoken of arrived, Governor Young was notified and came to Provo. The leaders of this company came to see the Governor, I acting as interpreter. Mr. Young had the law read and explained to them, showing them that from this on they were under obligations to observe the laws of United States instead of Mexico; that the treaty of Guadalupe de Hidalgo, had changed the conditions, and that from this on they were under the control of the United States. He further showed that it was a cruel practice to enslave human beings, and explained that the results of such a business caused war and bloodshed among the Indian tribes. *Forty Years Among the Indians, pages 49 to 53, by Daniel W. Jones. Salt Lake City, 11890.


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The Mexicans listened with respect, admitting that the traffic would have to cease. It was plainly shown to them that it was a cruel business which could not be tolerated any longer; but as it had been an old established practice, they were not so much to blame for following the traffic heretofore. Now it was expected that this business would be discontinued. All seemed satisfied and pledged their words that they would return to their homes without trading for children. Most of them kept their promise, but one small party, under Pedro Leon, violated their obligations and were arrested and brought before the United States court, Judge Snow presiding. This was quite a noted case. I was employed as interpreter. George A. Smith defended the prisoners, and Colonel Blair prosecuted with great wisdom, and tact, he knowing all about the Mexican character, having been in the Texan war. A great deal of prejudice and bitter feeling was manifested toward the Mexicans. Governor Young seeing this, used all his influence that they might have a fair and impartial trial, and the law be vindicated in a spirit of justice and not in the spirit of persecution. The defense made by the Mexicans was that the Indians had stolen a lot of horses from them and that they had followed and overtaken them. On coming to their camp they found the Indians had killed and eaten the horses. The only remuneration they could get was to take some children which the Indians offered in payment, saying they did not mean to break their promise. This defense had some weight, whether true or not. Still they were found guilty and fined. The trial lasted several days; the fines were afterwards remitted, and the Mexicans allowed to return home. They had been delayed some time, and made nothing on their trip. No doubt they felt sour, but considering the law, they were dealt leniently with. This broke up the Indian slave trade. Stopping this slave business helped to sour some of Walker's band. They were in the habit of raiding on the Pahutes and low tribes, taking their children prisoners and selling them. Next year when they came up and camped on the Provo bench, they had some Indian children for sale. They offered them to the Mormons who* declined buying. Arapine, Walker's brother, became enraged, saying that the Mormons had stopped the Mexicans from buying these children; they had no right to do so, unless they bought them themselves. Several of us were present when he took one of these children by the heels and dashed its brains out on the hard ground, after which he threw the body towards us, telling us we had no hearts, or we would have bought it and saved its life. This was a strange argument, but it was the argument of an enraged savage. I never heard of any successful attempts to buy children afterwards by the Mexicans. If done at all it was done secretly.


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LEGAL PROSECUTION OF SLAVE TRADERS* Pedro Leon and some of his associates were arrested and tried (as Mexican slave traders) before a Justice of the Peace at Manti (Utah) during the winter of 1851-52, and subsequently their case came up before Judge Zerubbabel Snow in the First District Court. His Honor in summing up the case stated the following as the material facts: "In September last, twenty-eight Spaniards left New Mexico on a trading expedition with the Utah Indians, in their various localities in New Mexico and Utah. Twenty-one of the twentyeight were severally interested in the expedition. The residue were servants. Among this company were the Spaniards against whom these suits were brought. Before they left, Pedro Leon obtained a license from the Governor of New Mexico to trade on his own account with the Utah Indians, in all their various localities. Another member of the company also had a license given to blank persons by the Governor of New Mexico. The residue were without license. They proceeded on their route until they arrived near the Rio Grande, where they exchanged with the Indians some goods for horses and mules. With these horses and mules, being something more than one hundred, they proceeded to Green River, in this Territory, where they sent some rive or six of their leading men to see Governor Young, and exhibit to him their license; and as the Spanish witness said, if that was not good here, then to get from him another license. Governor Young not being at home, but gone south, they proceeded after and found him November 3rd at San Pete Valley. Here they exhibited to the Governor their license, and informed him they wished to sell their horses and mules to the Utah Indians, and buy Indian children to be taken to New Mexico. Governor Young then informed them that their license did not authorize them to trade with the Indians in Utah. They then sought one from him, but he refused it, for the reason that they wanted to buy Indian children for slaves. The Spaniards then promised him they would not trade with the Indians but go immediately home. Twenty of the number, with about three-fourths of the horses and mules, left pursuant to this promise and have not been heard from since. The eight who were left behind, are the men who were parties to these proceedings." Judge Snow decided against the eight defendants, who were shown to have violated the law, and the Indian slaves in their possession, a squaw and eight children, were liberated, and the Mexicans sent away. *History of Utah, Volume 1, pages 510 and 511, by Orson F. Whitney.


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UTAH LAWS AGAINST INDIAN SLAVERY* Chapter 24 A Preamble and An Act for the further relief of Indian Slaves and Prisoners. -Whereas, by reason of the acquisition of Upper California and New Mexico, and the subsequent organization of the Territorial Governments of New Mexico and Utah by the acts of the Congress of the United States, these Territories have organized Governments within and upon what would otherwise be considered Indian territory, and which really is Indian territory so far as the right of soil is involved, thereby presenting the novel feature of a white legalized government on Indian lands; and Whereas, The laws of the United States in relation to intercourse with Indians are designed for and applicable to territories and countries under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United States; and Whereas, From time immemorial, the practice of purchasing Indian women and children of the Utah tribe of Indians by Mexican traders has been indulged in and carried on by those respective peoples, until the Indians consider it an allowable traffic, and frequently offer their prisoners or children for sale, and Whereas, It is common practice among these Indians to gamble away their qwn children and women; and it is a well established fact that women and children thus obtained, or obtained by war, or theft, or in any other manner, are by them frequently carried from place to place packed upon horses or mules; larietted out to subsist upon grass, roots, or starve; and are frequently bound with thongs made of rawhide, until their hands and feet become swollen, mutilated, inflamed with pain and wounded, and, when with suffering, cold, hunger and abuse they fall sick so as to become troublesome, are frequently slain by their masters to get rid of them; and Whereas, They do frequently kill their women and children taken prisoners, either for revenge, or for amusement, or through the influence of tradition, unless they are tempted to exchange them for trade, which they usually do if they have an opportunity ; and Whereas, One family frequently steals the children and women of another family, and such robberies and murders are continually committed, in times of their greatest peace and amity, thus dragging free Indian women and children into Mexican *Acts, Resolutions and Memorials, passed at the several annual sessions of the Legislative assembly of the Territory of Utah. Published by virtue of an act approved Jan. 19, 1855.


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servitude and slavery, or death, to the almost entire extirpation of the whole Indian race; and Whereas, These inhuman practices are being daily enacted before our eyes in the midst of the white settlements and within the organized counties of the Territory; and when the inhabitants do not purchase or trade for those so offered for sale, they are generally doomed to the most miserable existence, suffering the tortures of every species of cruelty, until death kindly relieves them and closes the revolting scenery, Whereas, When all these facts are taken into consideration, it becomes the duty of all humane and christian people to extend unto this degraded and downtrodden race such relief as can be awarded to them, according to their situation and circumstances; it therefore becomes necessary to consider; First, The circumstances of our location among these savage tribes under the authority of Congress, while yet the; Indian title to the soil is left unextinguished not even a treatyhaving been held by which a partition of territory or country has been made, thereby bringing them into our dooryards, our houses and in contact with our every avocatoin; Second, Their situation and our duty towards them, upon the common principles of humanity; Third, The remedy, or what will be the most conducive to ameliorate their condition, preserve their lives and their liberties, and redeem them from a worse than African bondage. It suggests itself to your committee that to memorialize Congress to provide by Some act of national legislation for the new and unparalleled situation of the inhabitants of this territory, in relation to their intercourse with these Indians, would be one resource prolific in its results for our mutual benefit; and further, that we ask their concurrence in the following enactment, pased by the Legislature of the Territory of Utah, Jan. 31, A. D. 1852, entitled An Act for the relief of Indian Slaves and Prisoners. Sec. 1.—Be it enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of the territory of U t a h ; That whenever any white person within any organized county of this territory shall have any Indian prisoner, child, or woman in his possession, whether by purchase or otherwise, such person shall immediately go, together with such Indian prisoner, child or woman, before the Selectman or Probate Judge of the county. If in the opinion of the Selectman or Probate Judge the person having such Indian prisoner, child or woman, is a suitable person, and properly qualified to raise, or retain and educate said Indian prisoner, child or woman, it shall be his or their duty to bind out the same by indenture for the term of not exceeding twenty years, at the discretion of the Judge or Selectman.


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Sec. 2.—The Probate Judge or Selectman shall cause to be written in the indenture the name and age, place where born, name of parents, if known, tribe to which said Indian person belonged, name of the person having him in possession, name of Indian from whom said person was obtained and date of the indenture, a copy of which shall be filed in the Probate clerk's office. Sec. 3.—The Selectmen in their respective counties are hereby authorized to obtain such Indian prisoners, children, or women, and bind them to some useful avocation. Sec. 4.—The master to whom the indenture is made is hereby required to send said apprentice to school, if there be a school in the district or vicinity, for the term of three months in each year, at a time when said Indian child shall be between the ages of seven and sixteen. The master shall clothe his apprentice in a comfortable and becoming manner, according to his, said master's condition in life. Approved March 7, .1852. Chapter 25 An Act in relation to the assembling of Indians. Sec. L—-Be it enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of the Territory of U t a h ; That if any Indian trader or traders shall, by any notice or previous arrangement, assemble or cause to be assembled any number of Indians within the neighborhood or immediate vicinity of any white settlement in this territory, for the purpose of trading with them, to the annoyance of the citizens, or any neighborhood in this Territory, he shall be considered as breaking the peace, and may be proceeded against by any citizen of this Territory in a suit at law, and may be fined in any sum not less than twentyfive dollars nor exceeding one thousand dollars, at the discretion of the Court having jurisdiction. Approved March 3, 1852. INDIAN AGENTS REPORT ON SLAVERY* Between the Utahs proper and the Py-eeds there is a species of traffic which I believe is not known among any other tribes upon the continent. I allude to the bartering of children. So abject and degraded are the Py-eeds that they will sell their children to the Utahs for a few trinkets or bits of clothings •(Appendix O—pages 461 and 462—Indians of Utah, by Dr. Garland Hurt, (May 2, 1860) in report of exploration across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utah for a direct wagon-route from Camp Floyd to Genoa, in Carson Valley, in 1859, by Captain J. H. Simpson—Washington, 1876.)


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T h e U t a h s c a r r y t h e s e children t o N e w Mexico, w h e r e t h e y find a profitable m a r k e t for t h e m a m o n g t h e N a v a j o s ; a n d so i m p o r t a n t is it in e n a b l i n g t h e m to s u p p l y t h e m s e l v e s w i t h blankets from t h e N a v a j o s , w h o m a n u f a c t u r e a superior article of Indian b l a n k e t s , t h a t t h e t r a d e has b e c o m e q u i t e i n d i s p e n s a b l e ; and so v i g o r o u s l y is it p r o s e c u t e d t h a t scarcely one-half of the Py-eed children a r e p e r m i t t e d to g r o w u p in t h e b a n d ; and, a large m a j o r i t y of t h o s e b e i n g m a l e s , this a n d o t h e r causes are tending t o d e p o p u l a t e t h e i r b a n d s v e r y rapidly. GOVERNMENT INQUIRY INTO CONDITION OF INDIANS* Chief J u s t i c e K i r b y B e n e d i c t s w o r n , and u p o n inquiries deposeth as f o l l o w s : In A u g u s t n e x t I will h a v e resided t w e l v e y e a r s in N e w Mexico. I c a m e h e r e w i t h t h e c o m m i s s i o n of j u d g e , a n d have been a m e m b e r of t h e s u p r e m e c o u r t a n d j u d g e of a district up to the p r e s e n t t i m e ; since in t h e s u m m e r of 1858 I have been chief justice. * * * T h e N a v a j o s w'ere in t h e h a b i t of m a k i n g forays u p o n the ranches and s e t t l e m e n t s , stealing, r o b b i n g a n d killing and carrying away c a p t i v e s ; t h e finding of h e r d s a n d d r i v i n g off sheep and other animals w a s carried on to' a v e r y r u i n o u s e x t e n t ; the killing of persons did n o t s e e m so m u c h t h e object of their w a r f a r e as an incidental m e a n s of s u c c e e d i n g in o t h e r d e p r e d a t i o n s . S o m e times, however, b a r b a r o u s v e n g e a n c e w a s exhibited and a t h i r s t for blood. T h e y carried a w a y captives, b u t I c a n n o t n o w give any accurate idea of t h e n u m b e r . T h e r e are in t h e T e r r i t o r y a large n u m b e r of I n d i a n s , principally females, ( w o m e n a n d children), w h o h a v e been t a k e n by force, or stealth, or p u r c h a s e d , who have been a m o n g t h e v a r i o u s wild t r i b e s of New* Mexico or those adjoining. Of t h e s e a large p r o p o r t i o n are N a v a j o s . I t is notorious t h a t n a t i v e s of this c o u n t r y h a v e s o m e t i m e s m a d e captives of N a v a j o w o m e n and children w h e n o p p o r t u n i t i e s p r e sented t h e m s e l v e s ; t h e c u s t o m has l o n g existed here of b u y i n g Indian p e r s o n s , especially w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n ; t h e t r i b e s t h e m selves h a v e carried on this k i n d of traffic. D e s t i t u t e o r p h a n s are s o m e t i m e s sold b y t h e i r r e m o t e r e l a t i o n s ; poor p a r e n t s also make traffic of t h e i r children. T h e I n d i a n p e r s o n s o b t a i n e d in any of the m o d e s m e n t i o n e d are t r e a t e d b y t h o s e w h o claim to own t h e m as t h e i r s e r v a n t s a n d slaves. T h e y are b o u g h t and sold by and b e t w e e n t h e i n h a b i t a n t s at a price as m u c h as is a •Condition of the Indian Tribes. Report of the Joint Special Committee, appointed under Joint Resolution of March 3. 1865. With an Appendix, pages 325, 337, 355, 356, 357. The Doolittle Report. Washington, 1867.


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horse or an ox. Those who buy, detain and use them seem to confide in the long-established custom and practice which prevails, and did prevail before this country was a portion of the United States. Those who hold them are exceedingly sensitive of their supposed interest in them, and easily alarmed at any movements in the civil courts or otherwise to dispossess them of their imagined property. The rich, and those who have some quantities of property, are those chiefly who possess the persons I have mentioned; those usually have much popular influence in the country, and the exertion of this influence is one of the means by which they hope to retain their grasp upon their Indian slaves. The prices have lately ranged very high. A likely girl of not more than eight years old, healthy and intelligent, would be held at a value of four hundred dollars, or more. When they grow to womanhood they sometimes become mothers from the' natives of the land, with or without marriage. Their children, however, by the custom of the country, are not regarded as property which may be bought and sold as has been their mothers. They grow up and are treated as having the rights of citizens. They marry and blend with the general population. From my own observations I am not able to form an opinion satisfactory to my own mind of the number of Indians held as slaves or fixed domestic servants without their being the recipients of wages. Persons of high respectability for intelligence, who have made some calculations on the subject, estimate the number at various figures, from fifteen hundred to three thousand, and even exceeding the last number. The more prevalent opinion seems to be they considerably exceed two thousand. As to federal officers holding this description of persons or trafficking in them, I can only say I see them attending the family of Governor Connelly, but whether claimed by his wife, himself, or both, I know not. I am informed the superintendent of Indian affairs has one in his family, but I cannot state by what claim she is retained. From the social position occupied by the Indian agents, I presume all of them, except one, have the presence and assistance of the kind of persons mentioned; I cannot, however, state positively. In the spring of 1862, when Associate Justice Hubbell and myself conveyed our families to the States, he informed me at Las Vegas that he sold one Indian woman to a resident of that place preparatory to crossing the plains. I know of no law in this Territory by which property in a Navajo or other Indian can be recognized in any person whatever, any more than property can be recognized in the freest white man or black man. In 1855, while holding district court in the county of Valencia, a proceeding in habeas corpus was had before me on the part of a w/ealthy woman as petitioner, who claimed the possession and services of a Navajo girl then twelve years old,


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and who had been held by the petitioner near seven years. On the trial I held the girl to be a free person, and adjudged accordingly. In 1862 a proceeding in habeas corpus was instituted before me 'by an aged man who had held in service many years an Indian woman who had been, when a small child, bought from the Payweha Indians. The right of the master to the possession and services of the woman on the one side, and the right of the woman to her personal freedom, were put distinctly at issue. Upon the hearing I adjudged the woman to be a free woman; 1 held the claim of the master to be without foundation in law and against natural rights. In each of the cases the party adjudged against acquiesced in the decision, and no appeal was ever taken. In the examination of the cases it appeared that before the United States obtained New Mexico captive and purchased Indians were held here by custom in the same manner as they have been since held. The courts are open to them, but they are so influenced by the circumstances which surround them they do not seem to think of seeking the aid of the law to establish the enjoyment of their right to freedom. James Conklin sworn: I was born in Canada; raised in St. Louis ; am sixty-five years of age; and have resided in this Territory since 1825. I think about half the time there has been war, and the other half peace, between the Navajos and Mexicans, ever since I have been here, both under the Mexican republic and the United States. The occasion of hostilities has been, the Navajos have been inclined to steal from the Mexicans, and when they do not, the Mexicans steal from them. During their forays, on both sides, they kill and rob, taking flocks and herds, mules and horses, and cattle and prisoners, and keep them as servants. They take Mexicans for servants, and the Mexicans take Navajos and make servants of them. This has been a hereditary thing from generation to generation. Apache Chiefs and Headmen: Before the war with the Utahs and Mexicans, had everything we wanted; but now have lost everything. Herrero was quite young when the war commenced with the Mexicans. In the war everything was stolen on both sides—women and children, flocks. When children were takven we kept them, sold them, or gave them back. The Mexicans got the most children; we have only two, and they don't want to go back; have not been in the habit of selling our own children; don't know of an instance. Juan Baptiste Laney: He is a Roman Catholic bishop of New Mexico, Arizona and Colorado. He has resided here fourteen years; has become


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acquainted with the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico; has visited them all once, and some of them many times. * * * There are a good many Navajo captives among the Mexican families; they make the best of servants. Some families abuse them, while others treat them like their own children. Most of the Mexican families have them; there are more than a thousand of them, perhaps two or three thousand. Part of these captives have been taken in war by the Mexicans, and part have been purchased from the Indians, such as the Utes, who are constantly at war with the Navajos. These slaves have been bought and sold in this manner for years, but of late the traffic has been greatly diminished through the agency of General Carleton, and also in a certain degree through that of other persons. AMERICAN POSTS (Continued) By Edgar M. Ledyard Halifax, Fort. F o r t Halifax was built at the mouth of Armstrong Creek, about one-half mile above the town of Halifax by Colonel William Clapham, in 1756. This was one of a series of fortifications, erected by the Provincial Government, from 1752 to 1763, located between the Delaware and Potomac Rivers. Plans for Fort Halleck called for two hundred squared logs, each about 30 feet in length. Work on the fort was pushed as rapidly as possible on account of impending Indian hostilities. The site was first called Camp Armstrong and renamed Fort Halifax by Governor Morris on June 25, 1756. It appears from imperfect historical data that the garrison formerly stationed at Fort Hunter, Pennsylvania, was removed to Fort Halifax soon after it was built. Simon Girty, father of the famous outlaw, lived at Fort Halifax, or near it, at one time, while engaged in trading with the Indians. When completed, the fort was a quadrangle w|ith four bastions, these being surrounded by a ditch about ten feet deep. Pennsylvania. Halleck Battery, on Tybee Island. Georgia. Halleck Battery, at Fort Hancock. New Jersey. Halleck, Fort, at Columbus. Kentucky. Halleck, Fort, at Suffolk. Virginia. Hallet, Camp, at Cranston. Rhode Island. Halletts Point, Fort, at Fort Stevens. New York. Halliman, Fort. Latitude 29°, longitude 82°45". Florida. Halsey, Camp, Kashequa, McKean County. Pennsylvania. Halt Mond, Fort. New York. Hamer, Fort, temporary post, left bank of the Manatee River, about four miles east of Braden Creek; established in 1849. Florida.


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Hamilton Battery, on Bird Island, Savannah River. Georgia. Hamilton, Camp, at Buckeyestown. Florida. Hamilton, Camp, at Lexington. Kentucky. Hamilton, Camp, at Columbia. Tennessee. Hamilton, Camp, near Fort Brown. Texas. Hamilton, Camp, near Fort Monroe. Virginia. Hamilton, Fort, north of Fort Standoff. Canada. Hamilton, Fort, temporary fort in Florida War, 3 mileis! southwest from Fort R. Jones and east of Fort Vose, on the Ocilla River. Florida. Hamilton, Fort, near Galena. Illinois. Hamilton, Fort, southwestern extremity of Long Island at the "Narrows" and on the east side of the entrance to New1 York Harbor. One of the principal defenses of New York City. This post was established in 1831. In 1914 the garrison consisted of five companies of Coast Artillery. Post located about seven and one-half miles from New York City. New York. Hamilton, Fort, at Hamilton, at the crossing of the Great Miami; built in 1791, by General Arthur St. Clair. Fort Washington and Fort Jefferson were nearby contemporary posts. Butler County. Ohio. Hamilton, Fort. Depredations by the Indians were committed on Big Creek, near which Fort Hamilton was founded in December, 1755, to avoid further attacks. James Hamilton and Benjamin Franklin were appointed as Commissioners by Governor Morris to provide defenses for this section of Pennsylvania. After looking over the ground, they decided to establish Fort Hamilton which was completed by the 20th of January, 1856. It was named for James Hamilton, one of the commissioners, above mentioned. Fort Hamilton was not so important a post as some of the other early forts of Pennsylvania since it stood in a sparsely settled country. Pennsylvania. Hamilton, Fort, Rhode Island, Narragansett Bay, opposite Newport. Rhode Island. Hamilton, Fort. Also called Hamilton's Fort. Southern part of Iron County, near Kanarraville, Utah. Hamilton, Fort, (now Wiota). Established during the Black Hawk War. On site of William S. Hamilton's Smelting Works. Wisconsin. Hamlin, Fort. Fort Hamlin, now abandoned, was located on the left bank of the Yukon River, about 90 miles northeast of Fairbanks and on the opposite side of the river from Shamans Village. Alaska. Hammond, Fort, at Allatoona Pass. Georgia. Hammond's Fort, on Arrowsic Island, mouth of Kennebec River. Maine. Hampton, Fort. Temporary work on the left bank of the


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Elk River, east of Athens, in the vicinity of the Muscle Shoals of the Tennessee River. Alabama. Hampton, Fort, on present site of Fort Macon. North Carolina. Hancock Barracks, one mile north of Houlton, near the eastern boundary line of the State. Maine. Hancock, Camp, at Augusta. Georgia. Hancock, Camp, at Edwinton. North Dakota. Hancock, Camp, at Brandy Station. Virginia. Hancock, Camp, near Harper's Ferry. Virginia. Hancock, Fort. This post is situated on Sandy Hook, four miles from Highland Beach, New Jersey. The first use of Sandy Hook for military purposes was in 1807. Purchases, for military use, were made in 1817 and in 1892 the whole peninsula became the property of the Government. This post was named after Major General Winfield Scott Hancock. The present post was established in 1892. In 1914 six companies of Coast Artillery were stationed at Fort Hancock. New Jersey. Hancock, Fort. On west bank of Missouri River south of Fort Lincoln. North Dakota. Hancock, Fort. Fifty-three miles east of El Paso, now a town of that name. The site was first called Camp Rice. Texas. Hancock, Fort, at mouth of Columbia River. Washington. Hand, Fort, at Kittaning. Pennsylvania. Hanover, Fort at, in Luzerne County. Listed in Heitman's "Historical Register" but not, at least under "Fort Hanover", in "Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania." Pennsylvania. Hanson, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, a little east of the St. John's River, thirteen miles southwest from St. Augustine. Florida. Hanson, Camp, at Grayling, Crawford County. Michigan. Hardee, Camp, at Pitman's Ferry. Missouri. Hardin, Camp, at Sand Lake. New York. Hardy, Fort, on Hudson River, at Schuylerville. New York. Hareniger, Fort. Same as Fort Herkimer. New York. Harker, Fort. Formerly Fort Ellsworth. Left bank of Smoky Hill River, forty-five miles from Fort Zarah and one hundred miles above Fort Ripley, at Kanopolis, Ellsworth County. Kansas. Harlam, Camp, at Seventh Street Road. Washington, D. C. Harlee, Fort. Temporary fort on the right bank of the Santa Fe River, on the road from Newmansville to Fort Heilman, established in Florida War. Florida. Harmer, Fort. Built in 1785. West side of the mouth of the Muskingum, on the Ohio River and opposite Marietta. Ohio. Harney, Camp, at Belleville on Rio Grande. Texas. Harney, Fort, on Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain


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Military Road. First called Camp Steele. Present town of Harney lies north of Malheur Lake in Harney Valley, Harney County. Oregon. Harper's Ferry Armory. Harper's Ferry was named after Robert Harper, an English millwright who obtained a grant of land from the owner, Lord Fairfax, in 1748. Harper was not the founder, but he is buried at Harper's Ferry. George Washington, a friend of Lord Fairfax, surveyed it and personally selected it as a site of a National Armory in 1794. This was designated by Congress as the Southern National Armory. Springville, Massachusetts, was selected during the same year as the site of a Northern National Armory. All the Government records of Harper's Ferry were destroyed when the Arsenal was burned on April 18, 1861. Jefferson Davis complained of and charged the Federal Army with destroying their own property in the face of the fact that it was their avowed purpose to possess and occupy property belonging to the United States. There are no records in the way of guns or notes which show that any arms were manufactured at Harper's Ferry prior to 1801, and Harper's Ferry first attracted attention as an armory when John M. Hall established himself there in 1816. John M. Hall was the inventor of Hall's Breech-Loading Flintlock Rifle, patented by William Thornton and John M. Hall on May 21, 1811. Hall's Rifle was the first breech-loading arm ever paten.ed in the United States, and the first breech-loader adopted and used by any army. Three of Hall's Breech-Loading Rifles, in the possession of the writer, show careful workmanship and unusual ingenuity. The Harper's Ferry Armory turned out from 1500 to 2000 guns a month under normal conditions and the rifles made there were considered the best in the world. No unusual event occurred at Harper's Ferry until the Arsenal was seized by John Brown on October 16, 1859. BroWn and his party fortified themselves in an engine house; with the exception of ten men, who were killed, Brown and the surviving members surrendered to Captain, afterwards General, Robert E. Lee, and were tried and executed at Charles Town, Virginia. Harper's Ferry was captured by the Confederates on April 18th, 1861, and the Arsenal destroyed. Some 16 or 17 thousand rifles and muskets and the carpenter shop were burned. A large part of the gun-making machinery and some unfinished material were saved and later sent to Winchester, from which point it was distributed to the Confederate Arsenals in Richmond, Virginia, and Fayetteville, North Carolina. These arsenals served to construct, alter and repair many of the arms used by the Southern Confederacy. In March, 1865, the machinery was removed from the Fayetteville Arsenal and secreted in Egypt, Chatam County, Virginia, at the site of large coal mines owned and operated before the war by Philadelphia capitalists.


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In May, 1865, the United States Government, learning of the whereabouts of this machinery, sent ninety-six 6-mule teams there, who captured the machinery and removed it to Raleigh, from which point it was shipped on cars to Washington. Among other things recovered was the die with which the letters "U. S." and the "eagle" were stamped on the lock plate; the "U. S." had been cut out and "C. S. A." put in its place. Harper's Ferry is at the confluence of the Potomac and Shenandoah Rivers; three states, Maryland, Virginia and West Virginia "join" here, forming a scene of unsurpassed beauty of which Thomas Jefferson wrote as follows: "You stand on a very high point of land; on your right comes up the Shenandoah, having ranged along the foot of-the mountain a hundred miles to find a vent; on your left approaches the Potomac, in quest of a passage also. In the moment of their junction they rush together against the mountain, rend it asunder, and pass off to the sea. The scene is worth a voyage across the Atlantic." In addition to Fairfax and Washington and Jefferson and Lee and Brown and Hall, named above, the names of J. E. B. Stuart and Franz Sigel and Joe Johnston and "Stonewall" Jackson, and many other leaders of the Civil W a r are associated with its history. Lewis W. Washington, a great grand-nephew of George Washington, was held as a hostage by John Brown during his short siege. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad has marked the site of many historical spots of this small town with its great and almost universally known history. West Virginia. Harrell, Fort, at head of Alcotopah River; temporary fort in Florida War. Florida. Harriett, Fort. Temporary fort established during the Florida War, at the source of the eastern tributary of the Sockohoppe River, seventeen miles northwest from St. Marks. Florida. Harriloliz, Fort, in Leon County. Florida. Harris, Fort. About the year 1705, John Harris, Senior, built a log house on the present site of Harrisburg. This building was later altered somewhat and became Fort Harris. His son, John Harris, founded the City of Harrisburg, formerly called Harris' Ferry. Early Pennsylvania records state that Indians were hostile around this post in 1755-56. Fort Harris was further strengthened at that time and provisions were laid in, anticipating a siege. The fort stood on the lower banks of the Susquehanna River. Pennsylvania. Harris, Fort. Confederate work; left bank of the Mississippi River, seven miles above Memphis. Tennessee.


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Harrison, Camp. Six miles from Cincinnati. Ohio. Harrison, Fort. Temporary fort at Clear Water harbor, west of the head of Tampa Bay; established in Florida War. Florida. Harrison, Fort. Left bank of the Wabash River, three miles above Terre Haute. Indiana. Harrison, Fort Benjamin; ten miles northeast of Indianapolis. A United States Military Post named for Ex-President Benjamin Harrison. Lawrence. Indiana. Harrison, Fort William Henry. Six miles west of Helena. Montana. Harrison, Fort. North of Mohawk River, near Stone Arabia. New York. Harrison, Fort. On Narragansett Bay. Rhode Island. Harrison, Fort, on left bank of James River, near Richmond. Built by Confederates. Virginia. Harrod's Fort, at Harrodsburg. Kentucky. Hartford, Fort, at present site of Hartford. Connecticut. Hartsuff, Fort, on Pease Creek. Florida. Hartsuff, Fort, on Loup River, 76 miles from Grand Island. Nebraska. Harvie, Fort. Identical with Fort Myers. Temporary fort on Caloosahatchee Bay; established in the Florida War. Florida. Harvey, Camp. Present site of Milwaukee. Wisconsin. Haskell, Camp. Present site of Athens. Georgia. Haskell, Camp. Present site of Macon. Georgia. Haskell, Camp; about 30 miles from Warsaw. Missouri. Haskell, Fort. One of the Rebel defenses before Petersburg. Virginia. Haskin's Fort. In Benton County. Oregon. Hasting's, Camp, at Mount Gretna. Pennsylvania. Hatch, Camp. Later called Fort Concho. Texas. Hatch's Ranch. A post was maintained at the ranch for some time. Hatch's Ranch is about 65 miles from Fort Union. New Mexico. Hatteras, Fort, on Pambico Sound—Hatteras Inlet. Built by Confederates and captured by Federals in 1861. North Carolina. Haven, Camp, at Niantic. Connecticut. Haven, Fort. Said to have been located in Carson Valley, Utah. Probably a frontier post of Utah when Nevada was in : eluded in its boundaries. Nevada. Hawk's Fort, at Charlemont. Massachusetts. Hawkins, Fort, on left bank of the Ocmulgee in Jones County, above the mouth of Walnut Creek and opposite Macon. Now effaced. Georgia. Hawley, Fort, (1866-67). On right bank of Missouri River,


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in eastern part of Chouteau County. Mail was dispatched from Malta, Valley County. Montana. Hawley, Camp, on present site of Galveston. Texas. Hawn, Fort, on Tombigbee River. Alabama. Hay, Camp John, at Baguio, Mountain Providence, Luzon, 171 miles from Manila. Summer camp of the Philippines, reached over Benguet Road built by Ex-President W. H. Taft. Philippine Islands. Hayes, Fort. Within corporate limits of Columbus. Ohio. Hays, Fort. First called Camp Fletcher. Forks of Big Creek, about four miles from its mouth on Smoky Hill River, 52 miles west of Fort Ellsworth. This post was in western Kansas on the Union Pacific, formerly Kansas Pacific Railroad; an important army post in early days. Many noted officers including Sheridan and Custer were stationed at the post or visited it officially. Now called Hays. Kansas. Hays, Fort Alexander. One of the defenses before Petersburg. Virginia. Hazelhurst Field, Mineola. New York. Head, Fort. Site of present Fort Sewall, Marblehead. Massachusetts. Head's Fort. North of Rocheport. Missouri. Heard, Fort. Also called Heard's Fort. On site of present town of Washington, Wilkes County. Built primarily as a defense for Augusta and was for a short time, during the Revolution, the temporary capital of Georgia. Georgia. Hearn, Camp Lawrence J. Fourteen miles south of San Diego, California, Palm City. California. Heath, Camp, at Morganton. North Carolina. Heath, Fort. Subpost of Fort Banks, four and one-half miles northeast of Boston. Massachusetts. Hedges, Fort, at Martinsburg. West Virginia. Heiman, Fort. On the Tennessee River, about 75 miles from Paducah. Kentucky. Heights of Quebec, The. The Citadel, Castle St. Louis. Canada. Heilman, Fort. Junction of the north and south forks of Black Creek, tributary to St. John's River, near Whitesville. Florida. Helen, Fort, on Tshugatshian Bay. Alaska. Hell, Fort. A facetious name for Fort Sedgwick which was located at Petersburg. Virginia. Hell Gate. Defenses of New York City 6n East River. New York. Helsinburg, Fort. Also called Elsinburg. On the Delaware River. New Jersey. • Hempstead, Fort, in Howard County. Missouri.


UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vols. 1-6 incl. 1928-1933 By many authors

Utah State Historical SocietySalt Lake City 1934.


Utah State Historical Society B O A R D OF CONTROL (Terms Expiring April 1, 1933) J. CECIL ALTER, Salt Lake City WM. R. PALMER, Cedar City ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , Salt Lake City

JOiEL E. RICKS, Logan PARLEY L. W I L L I A M S , S a l r L a k e City

( t e r m s Expiring April 1, 1931) GEORGE E. FELLOWS, Salt Lake City W I L L I A M J. SNOW, Provo HUGH RYAN, Salt Lake City LEVI E. YOUNG, Salt Lake City FRANK K. SEEGMILLER, Salt Lake City E X E C U T I V E ! O F F I C E R S 1930-1931 ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , President J. CECIL ALTER, Secretary-Treasurer Librarian and Curator Editor in Chief WILLIAM ] . SNOW, Vice President All Members, Board of Control, Associate Editors

MEMBERSHIP Paid memberships at the required fee of $2 a year, will include current subscriptions to the Utah Historical Quarterly. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $1 a year or 35 cents per copy; but it is preferred that residents of the State become active members, and thus participate in the deliberations and achievements of the Society. Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Secretary-Treasurer, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.

CONTRIBUTIONS The Society Was organized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the State. To effect this end, contributions of writings are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters and other writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present day writers on any phase of early Utah history. Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanently removing them from their possessors. Contributions and correspondence should be addressed to the Editor. Utah Historical Quarterly, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.


SCALE

1: I0O00OO

GREAT SALT LAKE, MAPPED BY CAPT. JOHN C. FREMONT IN SEPTEMBER, 1843 (See page 111)


Utah Historical Quarterly State Capitol, Salt Lake City Volume 2

OCTOBER, 1929

Number 4

T H E JOURNAL OF JOHN BOARDMAN 1 An Overland Journey From Kansas to Oregon in 18432

,

"Left The Shawnee Mission 3 for California, Monday, May 29th, 1843, 3 p. m. First day five miles. Good luck. "Tuesday, wagons* mired. My mule laid down and got his load off and in a short time ran away and broke his crupper. Soon got loose a^ain, but no damage; did not appear to like packing. "Arrived at Caw River, b Saturday, June 3d, without other occurrence of importance. Passed Caw on a raft, half canoe and half raft. This night it rained in torrents, and covered some of us with driftwood and leaves. Monday, 5th, fell in with four wagons and 90 head loose cattle,6 bound for Oregon!. • Tuesday, 6th, got on well. In p. m. met about 100 Caw Indians who had been hunting buffalo, and had, a battle also with the Sous and Shians. Had numerous banners, and we halted and gave them some flour and tobacco. Rained hard alhnight; all wet. Wednesday, 7th, a late start; traveled six miles to a creek which was too high to ford. Rain all night; no sleep. l John Boardman was born October 1, 1824, at Casnovia, New York, and was thus about 19 years of age when this journal was writterl. He established himself on a farm near Makawao, Island of Maui, and shipped hay and grain to San Francisco in 1849, and for' some years thereafter. He died in 1883, and this journal went to his grand daughter, Mrs. W.' B. Dods, now of Salt Lake City, who has kindly authorized its publication in the Utah Historical Quarterly. 2 To gain a little perspective: The first Oregon missionaries, Jason and Daniel Lee, with severity men, journeyed to the Northwest in 1834; and the Rey. Samuel Parker and party went in 183S, accompanied part way by Dr. Marcus Whitman. In 1836 Dr. Whitman, Dr. H. H. Spaulding, and their wives," made the overland journey with a wagon. D o Wm. H. Gray and


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Thursday, 8th, laying by for high water. Rain all night; wet as usual; little sleep. Friday, 9th, laying by, still; a canoe built to go and see where the Oregon Company is. Saturday, 10th, still laying by for high water; this day pleasant. Now we are drying out our clothing. ' Sunday, 11th, water still high, but falling. Pleasant. Monday, 12th, made a raft of logs, and crossed; got over at 11 at night. Tuesday 13th, traveled 12 miles to a creek too high to ford. Rain all night. Wednesday, 14th, rain; built 2 canoes to cross, and part got over. Rain all night. Thursday, 15th, all got across Blue without accident. Yesterday 3 of Chiles' 7 mules ran away. Some wagons here loaded with buffalo robes from,Laramie Fort. Friday, 16th, rain and cloudy; road very heavy; teams stalled. Saturday, 17th, rain and cloudy; road very bad; teams stalling often; made a fair travel. Sunday, 18th, road very bad; cloudy; many sloughs; built one bridge. Monday, 19th, Pleasant; road better; some bad sloughs; teams stalled. Tuesday, 20th. Made an early start and traveled fast over a good road. Crossed'one creek where the" Oregon Company camped. Pleasant. P. M. Crossed a large plain which appeared like an ocean; no timber as far as the eye could reach. Came on the fresh track of the Oregon Company after the rain; saw 3 antelope and camped on Big Blue. 25 miles. Wednesday, 21st. Pleasant. Up Blue on a first rate road, and at a rapid rate; 25 or 28 miles; rain at night. party went in 1838, Thomas J. Farnum in 1839, Dr. Elijah White and Medorem Crawford in 1842, and other parties at other dates, making the average annual emigration to both Oregon and California probably less than a hundred persons. In the winter of 1842-3, Dr. Whitman made his celebrated trip, largely on horseback, from Oregon to Washington, D. C, via northeastern Utah; and is credited with stimulating Oregon emigration considerably, the emigrants that year (of 1843) numbering about a thousand, mostly families. Thereafter the yearly cavalcade increased steadily to about 4,500 in 1847, according to historians. John Boardman, the journalist under consideration, was thus caught in the vanguard of this great exodus, though he was not a part of the Oregon missionary group. A note about the Oregon emigration is given on page 121 of Volume XX, Publications of the Nebraska State Historical Society, as follows: "The St. Louis Daily Missouri Republican, May 77, 1843. The Liberty, Clay County Banner, says: We are informed that the expedition to Oregon now rendezvoused at Westport, in Jackson county, will take up its line of. march on


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T h u r s d a y , 22d. Cloudy a n d P l e a s a n t . U p Blue, rapidly, it being cold e n o u g h for an overcoat. C a m p e d on Blue. F r i d a y , 23d, left t h e head of B l u e for t h e P l a t t e River. Passed over a fine, level c o u n t r y ; soil s a n d y and d e s t i t u t e of timber. T h i s m o r n i n g six P a w n e e I n d i a n s visited o u r c a m p . T r a d e d . T r a d e d a little buffalo m e a t a n d left for h o m e . N o o h e d without w o o d or w a t e r . A r r i v e d at P l a t t e at dark. T h e w a t e r so high w e could g e t n o t i m b e r ; t h e n s t a r t e d u p t h e river and camped at 10 a t n i g h t , w i t h o u t w o o d or w a t e r ; c o u n t r y perfectly level. Soil sandy a n d no t i m b e r this side of t h e river. S a t u r d a y , 24th, s t a r t e d at light a n d traveled 4 h o u r s t o get timber e n o u g h to cook breakfast. P l e a s a n t . C o u n t r y d e s t i t u t e of. timber. R a t h e r s a n d y ; sorrie s a l t ; good g r a s s ; l e v e l ; some swamps and s l o u g h s . S u n d a y , 25th, still on P l a t t e ; c o u n t r y m u c h t h e s a m e ; c a m p ed at sun set. M o n d a y , 26th, P l e a s a n t . Chiles s h o t an antelope. Came on the fresh t r a c k of t h e O r e g o n C o m p a n y , 4 d a y s ahead. T h i s night the first c o o k i n g done w i t h buffalo m a n u r e . T u e s d a y , 27th, s a w t h e first b u f f a l o ; one killed by C h i l e s ; very poor and t o u g h . Cloudy. W e d n e s d a y , 28th. R o a d s a n d y a n d dry. P l e a s a n t . Fine camp at n i g h t ; b u t oh, t h e m o s q u i t o e s ! T h u r s d a y , 29th. P l e a s a n t . R o a d good. T r a v e l e d n e a r the bluffs. Gained one day on t h e O r e g o n C o m p a n y , a n d camped at the forks of t h e P l a t t e . Received a n o t e from D o c t o r W h i t man. 9 , F r i d a y , 30th. P l e a s a n t . E x p e c t e d to reach t h e crossing this morning, and every one looking from each bluff tliey came to expecting to see t h e desired place, b u t n i g h t c a m e a n d no crossing. Rain at n i g h t . the 20th of this month. The company consists of some four or five hundred emigrants—some with their families. They will probably have out one hundred and fifty wagons, drawn by oxen, together with horses for nearly every individual, and some milch cows. They will, we suppose, take as much provision with them as they can conveniently carry, together with a few* of the necessary implements of husbandry. There are in the expedition a number of citizens of inestimable value to any community—men of fine intelligence and vigorous and intrepid character; admirably calculated to lay the firm foundation of a future Empire." 3 S. N. Carvalho, in his Incidents Of Travel and Adventure In The Far West with Col. Fremont's Last Expedition, etc., mentions the Shawnee Mission, in the following connection: "As soon as our luggage was landed (at Kansas City, Sept. 14, 1853,) it, together with the rest of the material was transported by wagons to camp near Westport, a few miles in the interior. * A trial start was made, and the cavalcade started in excellent order and spirits, and we camped at the Methodist Mission, about six miles from Westport. We remained at the Methodist


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Saturday, July 1st. Pleasant. Road good. Cool. Camped within 3 miles of the hind Oregon Company. Sunday, July 2d. Traveled 15 miles to the foremost com-pany; they were crossing the river in skin boats. Monday, July 3d. Pleasant. Most of the Company across. Tuesday, July 4th. Pleasant. Waded and swam the river and joined Houk to go on by wagon. * Wednesday, 5th. Pleasant. Very hot; 98 in the shade. Laid by, making preparations for a start. Thursday, 6th. Pleasant. Made a start and traveled about 3 miles from the South Fork; rain at night. Friday, 7th. Cloudy. Arrived at the North Fork of Platte and camped about 5 miles above where we came to the river. Sandy country. Rain at night. Saturday, 8th. Made a'good day's travel up the river, and left all the Oregon Company behind, that did not join us. Cloudy. Sunday, 9th. Cloudy and cold. Crossed the first creek of good water that has been seen since we came to the Platte. At half-past ten came in sight of the Chimney. Many picturesque bluffs. Crossed a small creek this p. m. ' Monday, 10th. Cloudy. Went to the Chimney. 10 A splendid sight; 150 feet, say, to where the .chimney commences from the base. Saw some mountain sheep. Traveled through a long valley and camped at 10 at night. Some of the teams gave out. Killed 2 buffalo. Rain storm at dark. Tuesday, 11th. Clear and cold. After getting some of the buffalo meat, made a late start. Crossed three small creeks. A little timber/ Wednesday, 12th, Pleasant. Passed an old trading fort.11 Thursday, 13th. A hailstorm that drove our mules away. Mission until the next day, when we proceeded to the Shawnee Mission, a few miles farther, and camped for the night." W. J. Ghent, in The Road to Oregon, gleans from a pamphlet by Mrs. Edith Connelley Ross entitled The Old Shawnee Mission, 1928, the following: The Shawnee Mission was established near the present town of Turner, by the Rev. Thomas Johnson, a Methodist, in 1830, but was moved to its present location, near Westport, Mo., in 1838, and was housed in a massive two-and-one-half story brick and wood dormitory and hostelry. It continued to be known as the Shawnee Mission, though technically designated The Shawnee Indian Manual Labor School, where Indian ,boys were taught to .become farmers, blacksmiths, brick and stone masons and carpenters and Indian girlsto become spinners, weavers, cooks and seamstresses. 4 In 1830 several wagons were used by trappers between St. Louis; and the South Pass country, and in 1832 Captain B. L. E. Bonneville forced a train of wagons over the mountains to the Green River country; Dr. Whitman got to Boise with the first wagon in 1835, though not on all four wheels. Other wagons were used on the Oregon Trail later, three reaching Walla Walla in 1840; but the greatest wheeled train came in 1843, when no less


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Arrived at Laramie Fort 12 at 10 a. m., and part crossed at night. Sunk one wagon sind then stopped for the night. Friday, 14th. All crossed. At night, went to Fort Platte (sic) to a dance, where some of the company got gay. Pleasant. Saturday, 15th. Pleasant, and warm. Still laying by. The Oregon (company) of Captain Martin 13 crossed the river last night. A dance at the Fort. Sunday, July 16th. ' Pleasant. A few of the Company stop here to return to the States, and some to go to Taos (N. M.). After trying for one week in vain to catch my mule, we drove him into a pen here and caught him with a rope. Left the fort and camped at a spring. 10 miles. Monday, 17th. Pleasant. Saw a few Indians at the fort; well dressed; some of them just returned from a fight with the Caws. Traveling along the Black Hills. Nooned at Sand Creek. Camped on-the North Fork of The Platte. Country very broken and sandy. Grass good on the river. Tuesday, 18th. Pleasant. Nporied on the Platte. Went through hills and camped on the Platte. Plenty of wood for fuel, and have had, most of the time to cook with since we left the South Fork. Wednesday, 19th. Pleasant. W e are now past all the dog ; towns. W e saw plenty on the South Platte. The road bad; most rough and broken we have had since we started. Some of the hills have a little yellow pine, and in the streams a little cottonwood. Good grass OTI most of the bottoms. Nooned on a creek of clear water. Camped on a creek red butte. Thursday, 20th. Pleasant. Road very bad; rocky, &c. Crossed 3 creeks, and nooned on a creek where Applegate's Company had buried a boy that got killed by a wagon. W e met Vasquez's 14 men going to Laramie for goods. Left the main than 150 wagfins set out for Oregon, and many of them reached that destination after great hardship. 5 The Caw, or Kaw, or Kansas River. e Dr. Whitman writes that there were "694 oxen and 773 loose cattle'' in the caravan, but that he regretted there were no sheep, which were most needed for permanent settlers in Oregon, as, quoted in Myron Eels' Marcus Whitman. 'Captain Fremont mentions Chiles (Childs.) in his Report of The Exploring Expedition to The Rocky Mountains in the year 1842, and to Oregon and North California in the years 1843-44, page 106: "Resuming our journey on the 31st (of May, 1843,) after the delay of a day to complete our equipment and furnish ourselves with some of the comforts of civilized life, we encamped'-in the evening at Elm Grove (on the Santa Fe Trail, 30 miles west of Westport), in company with several emigrant Wagons, constituting a party which was proceeding to Upper California, x under the direction of Mr. J., B. Childs, of Missouri (Joseph B. Chiles). The wagons were variously freighted with goods, furniture, and farming


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Company and traveled 5 miles to a creek, and camped. Friday, July 21st. Pleasant. Road more sandy. Plenty of water. Came to Platte at 11 a. m. Camped' on the Platte near Applegate's Company, and sent 6 men ahead to secure a boat to cross the river in. Saturday, (22d). Pleasant. Passed the Oregon company, going to cross below us. Camped where Sublette crossed, and found no boat. Sunday, 23d. Pleasant. Crossed the river by boating. One wagon upset. Camped as soon as across. ' Monday, July 24th. Cloudy and some rain. Nooned at a small creek after a long half-day's travel. Camped after dark, with no wood. Killed one buffalo. Road very bad. Commenced packing. Tuesday, 25th. Pleasant. Road some better. A fine landscape. Nooned at Willow Spring, where Stewart's Company15 made meat; fine water. After dinner started on a buffalo hunt. Killed two at evening, and struck our camp after dark at a small run., Came across three men who had been hunting. Wednesday, 26th. Eat a little roasted meat; (no wood), and started for the buffalo that we had heard about camp all night. Killed 15; all cows but 2, and very fat; packed what we could on our animals, say half of what was killed, and started for camp over the roughest of all countries. After dark we came to Martin's Company, and camped. Pleasant. Thursday, July 27th. Pleasant. Started for our Company at night, and reached them at Independence Rock 16 on Sweetwater. After partaking of a pot of glorious buffalo soup, cut our meat to dry and then started out to take a view of the scenery, and climbed Independence Rock. It is long and oval, and appears as if cemented together with cast iron. From this rock is one of the widlest views of nature. On one side is an extended utensils, containing among other things an entire set of machinery for'a mill, which Mr. Childs designed erecting on the waters of the Sacramento emptying into the Bay of San Francisco." 9 Dr. Marcus Whitman, Oregon Missionary though not acting as guide, rendered valuable service as guide and advisor, and especially as physician for the two main trains bound for Oregon. His generalship was- of incalculable value in crossing streams, passing canyons, and keeping the .trains moving. He seemed to realize, as did few others, that Oregon could not be settled by emigrants via the overland route until wagons began making the entire journey without great hindrances. Wagons had reached Walla Walla, but this was the first general train, and it had become a passion with him to see it on to Oregon. Hence he is found in constant communication with all parts of the train, either in person or by letters; and in the case herein mentioned, keeping in touch with others not directly of the Oregon companies. 10 Chimney Rock was a landmark for emigrants. Captain Howard Stansbury, in his Report of the Exploration and. Survey of the Valley of The Great Salt Lake, in 1849-50, says in part: "It is the opinion of Mr. Bridger


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plain with a small stream meandering through it; while in view, at 3 encampments, consisting of 120 wagons, with their 700 or 800 animals feeding, and in the distance the wild buffalo feeding at their leisure.' On the other hand, some of the wildest, rugged rocky mountains, thrown into all shapes and forms that the imagination can picture. All barren, except a few small pines scattered here and there to vary the scene. Friday, July 28th. Rain till near night. Traveled 6 miles and camped. Owens 17 went hunting: Dried 'our meat by fire. Saturday 29th. Pleasant. Most of the camp gone hunting, and I am drying meat and sunning my clothes. Both the Companies have split and formed three or four out of the two. Chiles, Owens and (party) came in from a 2-day hunt without any meat. Sunday, July 30th. Pleasant. Stood guard all day. Laying by to hunt.' Houk and others went hunting. Monday, 31st. Pleasant." 8 miles and camped. Some of the hunters came in; no buffalo. Mountains on each side of us. 13 miles from Willow Spring to Independence Rock, on Sweetwater. Tuesday, August 1st. Pleasant till evening, when a shower. 12 miles this day. First saw the snow capped mountains. Vasquez' Company came up.- Chiles' men killed some buffalo. Wednesday, 2d. Pleasant. Houk came in this morning with some buffalo meat after 3 days' hunt, and killed one grizzly bear; but the meat spoiled before he got in. Left Sweetwater to go through a gap for buffalo; camped near the mountains. Thursday, 3d. Pleasant. Started hunting with Seminoe, without coat or blanket. Killed two cows (poor). Camped on a creek, and had a cold night of sleep. (James Bridger, Trapper, Frontiersman, Scout and Guide) that it (the ' Chimney) was reduced to its present height (35 to 40 feet) by lightningv or some other sSidden catastrophe, as he found it broken on his return from one of his trips to St. Louis, though he had passed it uninjured on his way down." u This was evidently Robidoux' Fort mentioned by Richard F. Burton, page 93, City Of- The Saints, and established by Antoine Robidoux, who also operated Fort Uinta,* northeastern Utah, in pre-Mormon days. 12 Fort Laramie was an Indian .trading post, and an important emigrant way station, established^ in 1834 by William L. Sublette and Robert Campbell, fur traders, and part owners of The American Fur Company. Captain Fremont writes in part as follows: (July 15, 1842). "Issuing from; the river hills (in sight of Laramie's fork), we •came first in view of Fort Platte, a post belonging to Messrs. Sybille, Adams & Co., situated immediately in the point of land at the junction of Laramie with the Platte. Like 'the post we had visited on the south fork, it was built of earth, and still unfinished, being enclosed with walls (or other houses) on three of the sides, and open on the fourth to the river. A few hundred yards brought us in view of the post of the American Fur Company, called Fort John, or Laramie. This was a large post, having more the air of military construction than the fort at the mouth


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Friday, August 4th. Pleasant. Started again, and our Company divided; traveled over all kinds of mountains, stones, and rocks. Killed one cow and hit two others; took the meat on our animals, and after a hard ride of 15 or 20 miles, camped on Sweetwater. Heard one clap of thunder (the day clear) that sounded like a cannon. Some of the Company came around to See if we were not Indians. Saturday, August 5th. Pleasant. The Company came up and camped for the day. Sunday, August 6th. Pleasant till evening when a hailstorm. Camped on Sweetwater for the last time. , Monday 7th. Cloudy. Came up with all the Oregon Company. Foster and {Little came u p ; supposed to have been lost or killed by the Indians; been gone 7 days, and lost horse and mule. Nooned on the summit. 18 Among the Rocky Mountains, where the waters to the Pacific (sic). (See August 22d). Tuesday,_ 8th. Cold, cloudy and rainy. Made a long day's travel to Little Sandy. (Stream). Wednesday, 9th. Pleasant. Nooned on a creek with no grass, after a-long drive. Went 8 miles and camped on good grass. Applegate's Company came up. On sandy road, good and level. ' Thursday, 10th. Pleasant. 10 miles. W e ' crossed Green River. Country sand and sage, a n d ' has been since we left Laramie. i• Friday, August 11th. Cloudy and cold. Road hilly and sandy. Made 20 miles and camped .on Ham's Fork. , Saturday, August 12th. Pleasant this morning. Ice halfinch thick. Crossed Black's Fork, and passed Solomon's "Temple; 19 a singular mound of clay and stone of the shape of a of the river. It is on the left bank, on a rising ground some twenty-five feet above the water; and its lofty walls, whitewashed and picketed, with the large bastions at the angles, gave it quite an imposing appearance in the uncertain light of evening." ' I walked up to visit our friends at the fort, which is a quadrangular structure, built of clay, after the fashion of the Mexicans, who are generally employed in building them. The walls are about fifteen feet high, surmounted with a wooden palisade, and form a portion of ranges of houses, which entirely surround a yard of about one hundred and thirty feet square. Every apartment has. its door and window, all, of course, opening on the inside." * * * , It is hardly necessary to say, that the object of the establishment is trade with the neighboring tribes, who, in the course of the year, generally make two or three visits to the fort. In addition to this, traders with a small outfit are constantly kept amortgst them. The articles of trade consist, on the one side, almost entirely of buffalo robes; and, on the other, of blankets, calicoes, guns, powder, and lead, with such cheap ornaments as glass beads, looking glasses, rings, vermillion for painting, tobacco, and principally of spirits, brought into the country'in the form of alcohol, and diluted with water before sold. * * *"


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large t e m p l e , a n d d e c o r a t e d w i t h all k i n d s of i m a g e s ; g o d s a n d goddesses, e v e r y t h i n g t h a t h a s ever b e e n t h e s u b j e c t of t h e sculptor; all k i n d s of a n i m a l s a n d c r e e p i n g t h i n g s , a n d everything t h a t a r t h a s m a n u f a c t u r e d or b r o u g h t i n t o notice. A m a g nificent a n d s t r i k i n g sight. C a m p e d on Blacks F o r k . , S u n d a y , A u g u s t 13th. P l e a s a n t A r r i v e d a t B r i d g e r and Vasquez's fort, 2 0 e x p e c t i n g t o s t a y 10 or 15 d a y s to m a k e m e a t , but w h a t o u r d i s a p p o i n t m e n t t o l e a r n t h a t t h e S i o u x a n d Cheyennes had b e e n h e r e , r u n . off all t h e buffalo, killed 3 S n a k e I n dians, a n d stolen 60 h o r s e s . M o n d a y , A u g u s t 14th. P l e a s a n t . L y i n g b y a t t h e fort. All ,the companies c a m e u p . . M a n y do riot k n o w w h e r e t o g o . T u e s d a y , 1 5 t h . L y i n g by. P l e a s a n t . W a l k e r 2 1 is t o pilot Chiles to t h e P o i n t of t h e M o u n t a i n s , in California. Hughes has gone 'on. W e d n e s d a y , A u g u s t 16t-h. L y i n g by. D e n n e t s t a r t e d on. T h u r s d a y , A u g u s t 17th. P l e a s a n t . I h a v e been sick for 3 or 4 days, and eat n o t h i n g . S t a r t e d for Be'ar R i v e r t o g e t m e a t . Road bad. Friday, 18th. P l e a s a n t . R o a d good. N o t as m u c h s a g e . •Camped at s u n s e t o n B e a r R i v e r . S a t u r d a y , 19th. P l e a s a n t . L o o k i n g for a n o t h e r place t o camp, as t h e I n d i a n h o r s e s h a d e a t e n all t h e g r a s s . W e n t to t h e other branch, 2 miles, a n d c a m p e d . S u n d a y 20th. P l e a s a n t . A l l g o n e h u n t i n g . T h i s m o r n i n g I ate the first b e a r m e a t ; g o o d a n d fat. I h a v e b e e n w a s h i n g arid d r y i n g m y clothes. A l s o cleaning, m y g u n . I shall t r y to catch a t r o u t before n i g h t , a n d eat it for m y friend C. M o n d a y , A u g u s t 21st. P l e a s a n t . T h e h u n t e r s c a m e in with Jittle or no g a m e . S t a r t e d o u t a g a i n on a 4 or 5 d a y ' s h u n t . "Captain, William Martin was at the head of the emigrants having no loose cattle and who had separated from the others because they objected to doing guard duty over the'cattle. Captain Jesse Applegate was leader of the emigrants, with loose cattle, popularly referred to as the Cow Column. 14 Louis Vasquez was associated with James Bridger in the establishment of Fort Bridger; some building was done on the trading post early in 1842, but the first merchandise stock was taken out in the summer of 1843. 16 "P. G. Stewart was one of the immigration of 1843, a jeweler, of fair education, a calm, dispassionate and thoughtful man, deliberate, and careful of the interests of the independent and energetic pioneers who made broad the road to Oregon with laden wagons and lowing herds."—Bancroft, History of Oregon. . It appears that Stewart was captain of a third contingent, possibly to effect an equal division of responsibility. See Boardman's entry for Thursday, July 27th, also Saturday, July 29th. le" * w e * encamped one mile below Rock Independence." Writes Captain Fremont in his report of 1842, under date of August 1st. He continues: "This is an isolated granite rock, about six hundred and fifty yards long and forty in height Except in a depression of the summit, where a little_ soil supports a scanty growth of shrubs, with a solitary dwarf pine, it is entirely


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Sbme are fearful we shall not get meat to take us through this winter. Tuesday, 22d. Pleasant. Camp nearly deserted. All (the few left) are anxious to have the hunters come in loaded that we may soon leave these snow-covered mountains. Our hunters are after elk and deer, there being no buffalo west of the Rocky Mountains, having been killed or driven off, as 6 years since they were plenty, to which these skull and bones bear-witness. 22 On the very height of the pass of-the Rocky Mountains one would imagine himself on an extended plain, with mountains on either side and a level country in front of him, and in view of some days' journey, and no mountains pne does not know when he crosses the mountains. Tis a wide valley, 10 to 20 miles., quite level. No climbing steep mountains as is supposed. No such Rocky Mountains since we crossed the divide as we had before. Wednesday, August 23d. Pleasant. Lying by for meat. An Indian came to camp and says plenty of Indians will soon come to trade. Thursday, 24th. Still lying by; no hunters yet returned. .Friday 25th. Pleasant, after a very cold night. Some Indians came to camp to trade off horses for guns. A few bought. Williams came in after a 3 days' hunt with one antelope, and at night the dogs stole it. All are tired of staying, here, and many are dissatisfied with their style of living: (dry meat and coffee) and talk of trying some other way of going to Fort Hall. < - Saturday, 26th. Pleasant. The hunters came in with. 300 (lbs.) dried elk meat. W e took a good supper from it and tied the balance in a blanket and covered it up with our packs, but what was our surprise when awaking in the morning to find bare. Everywhere within six or eight feet of the ground, where the surface is sufficiently smooth, and in some places sixty or eighty feet above, the rock is inscribed with the names of travelers. Many a name famous in the history of this country, and some well known to science, are to be found mixed among those of the traders and of travelers for pleasure and, curiosity, and of missionaries among the savages. Some of these have been washed away by the rain, but the greater number are still very legible." "The Great Record of the Desert" as Father De Smet called it, located on the Sweet Water rivef, in south-central Wyoming ; is to be preserved by T h e Historical'Landmark Commission of Wyoming. , " " T h o m a s Owens died January 23, 1873, at Piety Hill in California. He was born in Tazewell county, Virginia, January 12, 1808. H e settled first in Oregon near Astoria, where he remained ten years when he removed to Roseburg. His age was 65."â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Bancroft, History of Oregon. " S o u t h Pass, though the crest of the continent, between seven and eight thousand feet above sea level, is at the top of a gradual ascent and descent from the Sweet Water to Pacific Springs whose waters flow in opposite directions. 10 Church Butte has inspired many a traveler to try his skill at description,


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that the Indian dogs, dâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; them, had eaten nearly the whole of it. Sunday, 27th. Cloudy. Preparing for a start tomorrow. Rice and Williams killed two deers. Ayers has gone to the Indian village to hunt his horse that ran away. â&#x20AC;˘ Monday, 28th. Cold and rainy. This day big with events. Mr. (M.?) Ayers' daughter left him for beating her and is going to California with Mr. Martin. Ayers also put Foster out of his wagon, as he says, for trading away his ammunition to the Indians. Made a start down Bear River at 10 a. m. After going 5 miles one of Chiles' wagons broke 'a hound and we camped for the night to repair it. Tuesday, 29th. Cold and rainy. This day completes three months since we started on our journey. A good day's travel. No game, but two geese; some treat. Wednesday, August 30th. Cold and rainy. % day's travel. Thursday, 31st. Cloudy. Met a trapper with horses who went back and camped with us. Walker, Houk and others went ahead to trade with the Indians, and Houk and Williams will then go to Fort Hall. Rain all night. Friday, September 1st. 'Rain. At a short distance the mountains covered with snow. Started at 11 a. m. Cold and cloudy, l/2 day, good travel, and came into the Oregon Company's trail. - Camped on Bear River. Saturday, September 2d. After a severe frost, a pleasant day. Made a good days' travel down Bear River. Sunday, 3d. Clear; cold night. The valley of Bear River appears good land but destitute of timber; from 1 to 3 miles wide. Saw some blackbirds today, which appears like home. Plenty of trout in the river, also ducks and geese, and many antelope on the hills, but hard to get a shot at. even to this day, since the automobile highway is ^against its westerly end affording an excellent general view. 20 This is the second earliest known reference to Fort Bridger. The first is as. follows, from Joseph Williams' "Narrative of a Tour From The State Of Indiana To The Oregon Territory in The Years 1841-2:" (1842) "July 3d (?) Reached Bridger's Fort. Company had left for the United States about thirty days before, and we saw nothing there but three little, starved dogs. We saw the grave of an Indian woman, who had been killed by the Shiennes. From here we could see the mountain tops spotted with snow." Bridger had gone to St. Louis for blacksmithing and other supplies for his newly established trading post, which was formally opened sometime in the summer of 1843. zl This was Joseph R. Walker. Captain Fremont, on pages 154-5 of his report, under date of September 9th, 1843, mentions "Mr. Joseph Walker, an old hunter. * * * Ijt may be well to Yecall to your mind that Mr. Walker was associated with Captain Bonneville in his expedition to the Rocky Mountains; and has since that time remained in the country, generally residing in some one of the Snake villages when not engaged in one of his numerous


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Monday, 4th. Pleasant. Crossed a high mountain and nooned on Bear River. Camped hear the mountains on a cold stream of water. Tuesday, 5th. Rain and cold. Laid by this day to make tar. Smith caught plenty of fish. Martin killed two bears. Wednesday, 6th. Started" at 10. Made a good travel, and camped near Bear River. Cold! Cold! Rain and hail in abundance. After we started, met many Indians with banners, shields, &c. Thursday, 7th. Pleasant. At noon in a cedar grove, came to theifamous Soda Spring. "The water boils up in numerous places, and has no visible outlet. The water much superior to that manufactured in the States; it is very pleasant and I took my fill. The stones show volcanic action has taken place; resemble pumice stones, except heavier. The country for miles is full of fissures, very deep, where the rock are rent and thrown into many shapes. Forty rods from the soda Spring, immediately on Bear River, is a hot spring; it rumbles, roars, and gushes up water, much like in appearance, the puff of a high pressure steamboat. 23 The water tastes much of copper. Traveled till 10 at night to find water, and made a poor camp. Friday, September 8th. Made a late start, and at noon came to a creek where many Indians were camped, but could trade but little with them. Some got good ropes for 2 fish hooks; a ,poor day's travel. Saturday, September 9th. Pleasant. Expect Walker to come up today. Made a poor half-day's travel, and camped for fear we could not get water if we went on. ' Sunday, 10th. Pleasant. Started over the hills and at noon came in sight of a large valley or plain which was Snake River trapping expeditions, in which he is celebrated as one of the best and, bravest leaders who* have ever been in the country." 22 August 30, 1843, when on Bear River near Cache Valley, .Captain Fremont writes: "A number of Indians came immediately over to visit us, and several men were sent to the village with goods, tobacco, knives, cloth, vermilion and the usual trinkets, to exchange for provisions. But they had no game of any kind; and it was difficult to obtain any roots from them, as they were miserably poor, and had but little to spare from their winter stock of provisions. Several of the Indians drew aside their blankets, showing me their lean and bony figures; and I would not any longer tempt them with a display of our merchandise to part with their wretched subsistence, when they gave as a reason that it would expose them to temporary starvation. A great portion of the region inhabited by this nation formerly abounded in game; the buffalo ranging about in herds, as we had found them on the eastern waters, and the plains dotted with scattered bands of antelope; but so rapidly have they disappeared >within a few years, that now, as we journeyed along, an occasional buffalo skull and a few wild antelope were all that remained of the abundance which had covered the country with animal life." * * *


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Valley. Nooned at a Spring. At the distance of 70 miles 3 mountains can be seen, appearing to rise out of the plain like sugar loafs. Made 8 miles. 'Monday, 11th. Cold;, rain, hail, &c. Left the Company, started for Fort Hall where we arrived 1 hour by sun. 24 Fort Hall is situated in a large plain on Snake River; & built of squaw cakes of mud baked in the sun; it is inferior to Fort Laramie. Plenty of timber, water and grass. Tuesday, September 12th. Chiles' team came up, and few can imagine the disappointment when they learned there was neither meat, flour nor rice to be had. Nothing but sugar and coffee at 50 cents per pint; rice worth 35 cents per pound where they have it, flour 25 cents per pint, though dry goods are cheaper than at any other of the posts, Laratnie; calico worth $1.00 yard; shirting $1.00, tobacco,$1.00 to $2.00; liquor $32 per gallon. They have cattle here but will not sell, and Walker will not start with the. wagons till he has meat. Fremont has sent in from the Salt Lake for provisions; is eating horse meat. 25 Chiles talks of leaving his wagons, and packing through to California. Others talk of taking the cattle by force and driving them o|ff{, rather than start from here and.eat horse meat. Cloudy. Wednesday, September 13th. Pleasant. Fitzpatrick 26 is to be here today. All are in a quandary to know how they are going to California. No arrangements yet made to get meat. Thursday, September 14th. Pleasant. Chiles bought 4 beef cattle at a high price, and will start tomorrow. Houk and Mr. Ayers left yesterday for Oregon. Friday 15th. After waiting till near night, expecting every moment to move, we left, and made 3 miles and camped. Saturday 16th. Pleasant. Chiles appears to prefer having those go through with (him?) to California, who have not trav23 Steamboat Spring, so called by numerous travelers, without knowing it had already been'so named, was gushing about three feet high at that time, emitting a sickening gas at the same time; but in recent times it has not been so energetic; and only a few years ago was submerged by the Soda Reservoir. "Fort Hall, an Indian trading post, was established by Nathaniel J. Wyeth in 1834, but was later taken over by the Hudson's Bay Company. It stood northwest of Pocatellb, and according to Edgar M. Ledyard, editor of Loomis' Journal of 1840, the site may be reached from Blackfoot via the new Tilden bridge, keeping along the left bank of the American River. This is not the present Fort Hall Indian Reservation. 25 Under date of September 3, 1843, Captain Fremont, who was then at the mouth of Bear River, near Great Salt Lake, writes: "The next morning, while we were preparing to start, Carson rode into the'camp with flour and a few other articles of light provision, sufficient for two or three daysâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a scanty but very acceptable supply. Mr. Fitzpatrick had not yet arrived and provisions were very scarce, and difficult to be had at Fort Hall, which had been entirely exhausted by the necessities of the emigrants."


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eled with him, than to have Smith and myself, thinking we could go with the wagons, so that we would pay some of the pilotage, in consequence of which we parted with and bade farewell to our companions, those who had encountered with us, all the troubles, trials and difficulties of the route, and started for Oregon, not having sufficient provisions to go the long way with the wagons. 9 of us in Company, expecting to overtake Houk in two or three days. Traveled down Snake River, and crossed Portneuf. Little grass, bottoms narrow; plenty sage, poor soil, Camped on a small creek. Wind high. 25 miles. Sunday, September 17th. Pleasant. Met Houk and Ayers hunting cows. Chiles started this morning, and overtook us. Road hilly. Sage and dust. Nooned on the cage (?). Made a late start and traveled over a country of sand and rocks to a spring, 16 miles,, and arrived at camp 9 p. m. ' Good grass at the spring; also good at the Cage. 30 miles. Monday, 18th. Pleasant. Made a late start, and camped on the river, 10 miles from spring. Little grass. Tuesday, 19th September. Snow. Started this morning expecting to make 22 miles to Goose Creek before we could get a place to camp. Soon it began to snow and continued all day, and rained all night. We were agreeably disappointed to find ourselves on the river in 10 miles travel, and found plenty of willow for fire. Little grass. Wednesday, 20th. Cold, cloudy and some rain; left at 12 for Goose Creek. Good camp. Little water. Country sand, rock and sage. 20 miles. Thursday, September 21st. Cloudy. A good (saw) (sic) to camp on Rock Creek. MisSed our way by following Chiles, and traveled 8 miles through the sage. Nooned with no grass. 3 miles farther and camped in a little rocky cranny, or Rock Creek. 23 miles. , Friday, 22d. Rain. Lying by. Houk and Mr. Ayres came in nearly starved, having eaten only twice in six days. Saturday 23d. Cloudy. Traveled to fall river, 20 miles, and nooned, and then to the head of Salmon falls, and camped without grass. Bought some dried salmon of the Indians, and I eat part //of one for C. Passed many beautiful springs on the river, railing from the rocks. 24 miles. Sunday, 24th September. Pleasant. Made good headway and camped at dark. Sage. 30 miles. How seldom as this 26

It was on July 23rd that Fremont had divided his party near St. Vrain's Fort (northern Colorado), and while personally seeking a passage of the canyons of the Cache' a la Poudre river, with a small party, sent Thomas Fitzpatrick with the pack train by way of the Laramie Plains (Wyoming) fwith directions to meet the exploring party at Fort Hall some weeks later, which was done. >


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eVening comes around do I think of the happy hours I have (had?) on this day with those I love, and whose memory I hold most dear. And why—, the only, and good reason is—a person is thinking of the tedious and tiresofne journey—of his animals (as all depends on them), whether they may not be stolen or get away, perhaps turn their packs and lose part of the things, or break something; and when near camping time, he is all anxiety to get good grass, wood and water. As soon as camp is struck, then get wood, make fire, cook and eat, then mend pants, moccasins, pack-saddles, cruppers, lash-rope, girths, &c, or alter his packs, as one too heavy and hurts the mule's back. Then comes making bed, and by that time, one only thinks of enjoying repose, and so sweet and undisturbed that he cannot even dream of his native land or those he loves. Monday, September 25th. Pleasant. Rain at night. Smith has gone back to hunt his mule that he left or lost. We attempted to cross Snake River, and after crossing 2 branches, found the last one so deep that our packs would get wet. So returned and go down on the south side. Bad road. Sage and sand. Plenty of dirty Indians (Snakes). 18 miles. Tuesday, 26th. Cold &c. Traveled w,ell. Nooned on a creek. Camped on-the river. Poor" Prigg attempted to ride a mule down the mountain for some water; the saddle slipped over (the) mule's head and down the mountain at a furious rate rolled poor Prigg. A runaway. 28 miles. \ Wednesday, September 27th. Cloudy. Smith c a m e / Founvd his mule. Country very poor and rough. Nooned with little grass. Williams had a horse give out and left him. Traveled over rocks &c till 2Tiours after dark, and camped without water. A fall in a mudhole. Mules ran off with packs; too dark to find them. Rain at night. Thursday, 28th. Rainy. Nooned with little grass. Made, say 20 miles,' and camped at a small river. Grass so, so. Indians eating mule. Sage and poor land. Friday, 29th. Pleasant. Made a good day's travel. A run after mules. Crossed a creek near night. Country not quite as hilly. A little more grass. Camped on river. 25 miles. Saturday, September 30th. Warm and Pleasant. Land poor; little grass. Crossed a small river and arrived opposite Fort Boise at 12 (13 miles), which is on the right of the river going down. AH felt elated when they came in sight of the Fort, supposing they would get plenty of provisions; but how soon were all hopes dampened when we learned the Oregon company had bought all that could be spared, and many of the company almost starved or suffering for want of provisions. No flour,' meat, rice or sugar; but one beef to sell, and that for a horse.


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Fort Boise is' built of mud and situated in a valley near the mouth of 2 rivers. Has a little timber 1 or 2 miles off, and good grass up â&#x20AC;˘Boise River. Sunday, October 1st. Pleasant and warm. Lying by. at the Fort in hopes of getting beef. Some have talked of little 'else than getting something to eat, and getting where it was plenty, declaring they would be satisfied to live at" homeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Missouri, Illionis, or almost any place, so they could get enough to eat. So far we have got nothing. Tallow 33c per pound, none. Salt 50c; coffee 50c; sugar 50c per pint; none of either. Monday, October 2d. Warm and Pleasant. The Company got a beef at 7c, and divided equally to those going to California, and half rations to Rice, Winter & Johnson going to Oregon. Smith and me wanted none. Chiles was very anxious for us to go through with him now J after ascertaining that we would not go with the wagons; but as none of them knew the route, arid there being no game on the route, we thought it advisable to go through to Oregon. Tuesday, October 3d. Pleasant. Parted with our friends going to California,27 and started on our journey. Camped on Malheur River. Sage; broken country; bottom 1 mile wide. Redding of N. O. One of the California Company. , Wednesday, 4th. Cloudy (north). Nooned at a spring and camped on Snake River. Plenty grass. Less, sage, and more bunch grass; country quite broken and poor. Thursday, October 5th. Cloudy. Route up Burnt River (N. W.). Ve,ry rough and mountainous. Plenty grass. Little sage. Camped at the forks. Some quaking aspens in the distance. Some cedar. Friday, October 6th. Cloudy (N. W . ) . Road much better than yesterday, but still hilly. A poor day's journey. Camped at the head of Burnt. Last night Rice lost a horse; supposed the Indians stole it. Saturday, 7th. Pleasant. Road good. A fine view of the rocky peaks of the riiountainous country. Some very good soil; some gravel and sand; plenty of grass; noon at a spring, head of Powder River, and camped on Powder. Saw two elk in the bottom, the first game since we left Fort Hall. Bottom 2 to 4 miles wide. Timber on hills j pine. (N. W . ly 20) Sunday, October 8th. Warm and pleasant. Most of the road good. Somej rock arid bad hills, going into Grand Round (Ronde). A fine view from the mountains of Grand Ronde 2T Captain Walker thus guides the J. B. Chiles party toward California diagonally across southeastern Oregon, and through the Klamath country, instead of the more direct route by way of the Humboldt basin across Nevada, from Bear River or Fort Hall as the subsequent emigration traveled.


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prairie, 6 miles across. Surrounded by mountains. Soil rich. 23 miles. N. W . â&#x20AC;˘ Monday, 9th. Pleasant. After leaving camp, took the wrong .trail, and followed awhile, and after quarreling a long time about the route, returned to the wagon road. Climbed a mountain and camped on a creek. Made 8 miles. Road bad and stony. Plenty of pine timber to cook with, the first since leaving Fort Hall. Found an Indian here whose wife was sick. Gave her some medicine. West. Tuesday, 10th. Pleasant. Climbed a large mountain and traveled over hills, 20 miles to Grande Ronde river (he spells it round). Road through pine timber and very stony. Passed 3 wagons who had camped 2 nights without water; no water for 20 miles. W. 'by,.N. Wednesday, October 11th. Pleasant. Made an early start; soon emerged from, the timber, and a splendid view burst upon -our sight. At our feet was a beautiful, fertile valley of great extent and hundreds and thousands of Indian horses grazing, and in*tlje distance 2 or 3 snow-capped mountains, one of them, Mount Hood. After a descent of 2l/2 or 3 miles we came to the creek and camped to wait for Winter, who had gone back to hunt a mule. 13 mi. N. W. Thursday, 12th. Pleasant. Traveling on the fine land of the Walla Walla valley. Good grass. A little quaking aspen on the creeks, and pine on the mountains. 8 miles, came to a dry creek, then down 6 miles. Up hill and to the valley 10 miles and camped 5 miles from Doct. Whitman's. Enjoyed the luxury of eating some potatoes, bought of the Indians, for the first time since leaving the States. N : E. Friday, October 13th. Pleasant. 'Arrived at Doct. Whitman's after crossing 4 creeks, at 10 a. m.28 Many of the emigrants here, and a few gone on. Most of them are about exchanging their cattle at the fort for cattle at Vancouver, and building canoes to go down the river (Columbia) to Wilammette. Some have already built canoes; others have gone down to Perkins Mission, and intend leaving their cattle till spring, and go down themselves this winter. Little provisions at Whitmans. Some corn at $1.00; potatoes 40c, beef 6c. Left Mr. Dwight here, who had traveled with us from Fort Boise. Struck 28

This was Fort Walla Walla, later the Walilatpu Indian Mission. Captain Fremont, arrived there on October 23, 1843. "In six miles we crossed a principal fork, below which the scattered water of the river was gathered Into one channel; and passing on the way several unfinished houses, and some .cleared patches, where corn and potatoes were cultivated, we reached, in about eight miles farther, the missionary establishment of Dr. Whitman, which consisted at this time, of one adobe houseâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;i. e. built of unburnt bricks, as in Mexico."


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our camp on a creek 4 miles from the Doctor's. Some of the packers had robbed the Doctor's house while away. Saturday, October 14th. Pleasant. Down the Walla Walia Valley. Very rough. All sand; no grass. Camped near the Fort on a Creek 2 miles from the Columbia River. Sunday, October 15th. Pleasant. Intended to start down the river and cross the Cascade Mountains, though we had heard there was no .grass in the mountains and'little on the prairies, and no wood but green willow; (and in fact there is little grass in the mountains and the pack trail badâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;full of logs and spring holes). W e drove up the animals and found 2 missing; the Indians had taken them, and by offering them a shirt they found them, and next night they took another, which could always be found by giving a shirt. We then determined to sell our ariimals at the Fort and go down the river in canoes. 120 miles to Perkins Mission, and grass so, so. Monday, October 16th. Pleasant. Went to the Fort situated at the junction of Walla Walla with the Columbia, on a bank of land. It depends for wood upon catching drift in the river. Sold our mules for $12 each, and horses for $10. Many of the emigrants came in to go down the river in canoes, intending: to exchange their cattle for others at Vancouver. Tuesday, 17th. Pleasant. Lying-by at the Fort. Bought a canoe (small) for 1 blanket and 2 shirts; traded it for a larger one and gave a blanket &c to boot, and got things ready to go. Applegate's company sawing boards to build a boat. Some Indians here, the Walla Wallas. Some,of them look well; others squalid. The Indians at Doct. Whitman's look very well and part of them dress well. Named Kiuse. Wednesday, 18th. Cloudy. Still at the Fort. Wind high. Thursday, October 19th. Pleasant. About 12 started; 4 canoes of us, with an Indian pilot. Banks of the river very high, rocky; country sandy. At the falls near the mouth of John's River, one of the canoes struck a rock and upset, the lady and 2 men clinging to the rocks, and were taken off by the Indian pilot pushing a canoe to them. Some attempted to wade to them but the current too strong; lost some of the things. Friday, October 20th. Pleasant. Drying up their bedding. Left at 12. Passed some rapids and camped at Sunset. Most of the country rises gently frofn the river after getting 30 miles below the Fort, but is quite sandy, and little bunch grass; no timber. Saturday, 21st October. Pleasant. Passed some rapids and rocky places. A little of the country level; balance of the day all mountains. Sandy and some bunch grass. Sunday, 22d October. Pleasant. Passed 5 or 6 rapids this day that were dangerous to navigation without a pilot. Called


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at a jolly old Chief's about 10 a, m., who had a beautiful little daughter. H e appeared to be the head of a thriving party, and we suppose had intentions of robbing us at night. W e bought some nuts, berries and fish and left him and camped at the falls where some wagons had just arrived, 13 days from Walla Walla. All mountain and sandy. Monday, 23d. Pleasant. This morning our old pilot left us and we employed another to take us to Perkins Mission 12 miles. 3 or 4 miles brought us to the first portage. Took our canoes out and carried them 1 mile; then 3 miles farther we camped among plenty of Indians, and among them a Chief. They appeared religious, praying and singing "hymns at night. , Tuesday, October 24th. Pleasant. Another portage (a chute) of, ]/4 mile to make this morning. Took leave of the Chief, and in 3 or 4 miles rapids; then a chute, about a stone's throw in width, where all the waters of the Columbia' pass with a fearful rush and rapidity. The sides of this chute are perpendicular walls of stone from 50 to 60 feet in height. Carried our packs 1 mile and hired Indians to run the canoes through empty ; one shirt for each canoe. Camped on the rocks; got a fresh salmon. Wednesday, Ocfbber 25th. Pleasant. Hired the Indians this morning to run our canoes one mile through the rapids and we went on foot. Saw hundreds of stacks of dry salmon here. The Indians catch great quantities here. Arrived at Mr. Perkins Mission at 11 and found the wagons here. 29 Many of the people just ready to go down the river in canoes, some going on rafts. Stopped the balance of the day to get some beef, 6c per lb; potatoes 50c per bushel. The Mission buildings are good wooden edifices; meeting house, barn, &c. Timber pine and oak. Singular Indian medicine for the sick. Thursday, October 26th. Pleasant. Lying by for -wind. Mr. Dwight came in today; his canoe up at the Dalles. Friday 27th. Cloudy. Made a start, and got say, 4 miles, and laid by for wind. Saturday, 28th October. Pleasant. Made a good day's travel. River wide and little current. Country all rocks and mountains. Many pretty scenes. Some of the Company crossing cattle; swimming them. Sunday, October 29th. Cloudy. Just five months this day since I left the States, and here I am on the banks of the Columbia wind bound, and perhaps occupied just as I would be at home, by cracking nuts, but not spending my time as agreeably as I often have done on this day, 'visiting my friends and talking of future prospects. Here I can scarcely think of them; 20

A Methodist Mission at The Dalles, Oregon.


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No, cannot get time to even dream of them. All of course for the best, as Pope says, as such might awaken melancholy feelings, past scenes to regret. Near night the wind laid a little, so we made 8 miles and camped. Emigrants swimming cattle. Twenty miles to the falls. Timber, pine, ash, &c. Monday, 30th October. Clear. ,Oh! the pleasure of lying by on this river for wind, to feast our eyes on the high peaks and cliffs that adorn the banks of this river on either side. Sublime landscape, views that a Raphael or Correggio would have given thousands and endured any fatigue to have seen, and then the pleasure and gratification of being wind bound, and obliged to see themâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;'tis enchanting indeed! Tuesday, 31st October. Clear. Laid by for wind till near night then made a run of 6 miles. Wednesday, November 1st. Pleasant till noon. Came to the falls (Cascade) this morning and found Dwight and all of our company 1 day ahead of us. Abandoned our canoes arid taking our packs on our back carried them 3 miles down the falls where a boat was lying to take emigrants to Fort Vancouver. The falls are a little worse than the falls of the Ohio. By packing canoes l/z mile they can be run the balance 6f the rapid water (3 miles) with a light load. A great fishing here. Country, mountains, rocks, &c. Fine views of singular rocks. Indian burying ground. Rain all night. Thursday, 2d November. Rain. Traveled all day. Mountains till near night; then some bottom land. "Friday, 3d November. Rain all day. Landed at Fort Vancouver at 12; were well received by Doct. McLauglin, 30 who charged nothing for the use of his boat sent up for us, nor for the provisions, but not satisfied with that sent us plenty of salmon and potatoes,, furnished us house room, and wood free of charge, and was very anxious that all should get through safe. Many wood buildings here, and much trade in lumber, flour &c. They have 200,000 head of sheep, and cattle and horses in abundance. Two ships in port. Bottom land commences 20 miles above the fort and extends down. 120 miles from Walla Walla to Perkins Mission; 100 from Mission to Fort Vancouver; 7 miles from Fort to mouth of Wilammette; 90*from Fort to mouth of Columbia. Saturday, November 4th. Rainy. Left Fort in a skiff for Wilammette. Much of the bottom land low; the high land heavily timbered. No current. S0 Dr. John McLaughlin, "the excutive officer of the Hudson's Bay company in the territory west of the Rocky Mountains." Fort Vancouver is on the north bank of the Columbia near Portland, Oregon.


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Sunday, 5th November. So, So. Made almost to the falls and at the invitation of an acquaintance, stopped all night at the house. Some high land and all claimed." Monday^ 6th November. Cloudy. Arrived at Oregon City at 10; much larger than I expected to find it. About forty frame buildings; nearly all new; two saw mills; one flour mill and another soon to be erected by Doct. McLaughlin. Labor in good demand. Common laborers, $1.25 per day; carpenters $2.50 to $3.00. Great water power here. Abundance of water, and a fall of 20 feet. Four stores here but few goods. Tuesday, 7th. Rain, cloudy; camped at town. Wednesday, 8th. Rainy. Oberman and some of the emigrants came in. Thursday, 9th November. Cloudy; nothing doing. Friday, 10th November. Rainy. Went with Clark to run out a claim. Saturday, 11th-. Foggy and cold. Fixing to go to the mouth of the Columbia; heard 5 persons were drowned at the Dalles. Sunday, 12th November. Some river fog &c. Some of the men came in who had been out making claims. The Twalitine Plains are 17 miles from the falls, and not very extensive (Tualitin) ; they lie in patches of timber and prairie. One or two "and perhaps 3 miles of prairie, and then a strip of timber. Most of the la^id dry, though occasionally a good duck pond- Timber: fir, oak, and'a little cedar and soft maple. The best wheat raised here I ever saw; crop from 20 to 25 bushels. â&#x20AC;˘ The Yamhill country, 30 miles above this, is very good land and generally preferred to any other section, being prairie interspread with timber which is mostly fir; a little Cedar and oak, the oak rather short; does not grow of great height like the fir. The country up the Wilammette is much of the same description, but many parts on the river too heavy timbered to be ever cleared for a farm. The timber very thick and the tallest I ever saw. A considerable wheat raised near Lees (?) Mission 30 miles up the river and shipped down in battleax (sic) to the Hudson's Bay Company. The Mission here (at the falls) is making money by selling goods, grinding wheat, sawing lumber &c; but all for the sake of the poor, degraded Indians, to civilize them; what charitable beings! and how they weep over the ignorance of the poor Indians when they take their beaver skins to the Fort and sell them, iristead of trading with those who take so much interest in'their welfare and condition. The tide-water comes within 5 miles of this place, and of course there is little or no current, which with the rain and


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\

eternal foga that hang over this place must make it, as it is, a fever and ague country.The bottom is narrow here for a town, say J4 mile. .. There being no opportunity of going to California till spring I concluded to go to the mouth of the Columbia, and if no vessel going, "to winter there. So went to Fort Vancouver, and after camping in the rain 2 or 3 days got a canoe, and Foster and myself started and after some days of rain, hard paddjing and wet sleeping, arrived at Fort George, and found 3 vessels there, just getting ready to leave, 2 of them for the Sandwich Islands and one for the N. W. Coast. The river is wide, with many low islands that the tide floods; 'tis full of swans, ducks and geese. The banks for great part of the way, are hilly, rocky and rough; occasionally a low place, good for raising ducks and geese. Quantities of timber, and little that looks like civilization till you reach Fort George, and then not much, though 'tis said a few miles from there the country is level, and they raise many vegetables. Fort George is a good frame building; would make a good farm house,. Little.can be seen of the Astoria Fort,-but some old posts &c that show 5 'where it once was. The day I arrived I went on board the Brig Pallas, and she ran over to Barkers Bay. Next day went to sea; and after a passage of 22 days arrived at Oahu, Sandwich Islands, December 22, 1843. From Fort Hall to Salmon Falls Falls to Cedar River Crossing , First water on Hills Warm Spring xCreek Another Creek Deep hole, water in it A creek River Boise Down to Fort Boise

,

:

146 miles 10 10 5 14 6 8 8 17 35 259 miles

40 miles farther not to cross the river. From Boise down River Malheur 12 miles 2 springs near grass ' 9 Creek above trail (water may be had by cleaning out spring; grass) 10 Snake River ).. 4 Burnt River,-good camps all the way of B 5 Hill on Burnt 8 Fork of Burnt 15


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Spring on Burnt, Right side of divide A lone tree, Powder River Powder River Second Fork '. Third Fork '. Spring, south of divide Over hill, leave trail, 2 or to the left and go round head 4and (?) Mount Grande Ronde (round) _.. :. Across Grande round (Ronde) keep on left of river to a spring at foot of mountain "Creek; bad hill; Blue Mountain Grand (sic) river '. Spring streafn Marsh over hill Over Divide (Creek dry) Follow down Up hill Doct. Whitman's

8 10 8 2 miles 2 5 4 7 6 6 20 7 6 8 6 10 6 184 miles

United States to Laramie Laramie to Fort Hall Fort Hall to Boise Fort Boise to Whitman's Whitman's to Vancouver

:.

.â&#x20AC;&#x201D; .-

680 miles 650 259 184 ' 220 1993 miles

Fort Hall: Captain Grant. Fort Boise: Captain Piatt. Walla Walla: McKinley.


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NEGRO SLAVES IN UTAH By Jack Beller, B. S., University of Washington In Salt Lake City, at the intersection of Main and South Temple streets stands a monument to Brigham Young and the pioneers of 1847. At the end of the list of original pioneers on the bronze tablet on the north side of the monument are the names of "Qreen Flake, Hark Lay, and Oscar Crosby, Colored Servants." Hark Lay and Oscar Crosby were brought to Utah by John Brown, a native of Tennessee, who was sent on a mission for the L. D. S. Church to the Southern States in 1843. He labored in Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, where he baptized a large number of persons and organized several branches of the Church. In April, 1846, he assisted in fitting out a company of fourteen families in Mississippi and started for the Rocky Mountains where they expected to meet the Saints from Nauvoo. They sojourned at Pueblo for the winter. Brown and seven others returned to Monroe County, Mississippi, for their families upon learning that President Brigham Young had not yet left Winter Quarters, and that the exodus was not yet complete. They were instructed to leave their families in Mississippi another year. John Brown continues the narrative in his journal: 1 "After a few days rest we began making preparations to move our families early in the spring, to Council' Bluffs, and thus be ready to go westward with the Church. About this time Elders Bryant Nowlin and Charles Crismon came to our settlement directly from Council Bluffs. They carried an epistle from the council of the twelve apostles, instructing us to remain another year with our families, but to fit out and send all the men we could spare ( to go west with the pioneers." "We held meetings to consider the matter, at which we concluded to send some four colored servants as pioneers, one of us going along to take charge of them. William Crosby, John. H. Bankhead, William Lay, and I each furnished a servant, and John Powell arranged for his brother David to go along. It fell to my lot to go and take charge of the company." "In order for us to reach Council Bluffs in time, it was necessary to make this journey of a thousand miles during the winter months. All arrangements being made, we left Mississippi on January 10, 1847. D. M. Thomas joined with his family, arid Brother Charles Crismon also accompanied us. W e were well Extracts from the private journal of the late John Brown, who for a period of twenty-nine years was Bishop of Pleasant Grove. Arranged by his son, Dr. John Zimmerman Brown. Improvement Era, July, '1910.


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fitted out with two good wagons and supplies, but as we traveled northward the weather became extremely cold." "At St. Louis, where we were joined by Joseph Stratton and his family, we purchased more teams and wagons. A few days later Bryant Nowlin and Matthew Ivory overtook us, and we now had six wagons. But the mud was so heavy that we had to lay over several days. Finally it turned cold, giving us the severest kind of weather, which was extremely hard on the negroes. My servant, whose name was Henry, caught cold and took the winter fever, which caused his death. I buried him in Andrew county, Missouri, at the lower end of the Round Prairie, just eight miles north of Savannah." "In this neighborhood we purchased some more cattle, and resuming our journey, we reached the Bluffs a few days before President Brigham Young and the pioneers started for the West. 'While we were waiting here, John Bankhead's colored man also died with the winter fever. 'This journey from Mississippi was the hard6st and severest trip I had ever undertaken." "I left one wagon and its load here with Brother Crismon, to bring;along with the families that were to follow, and took the other two wagons and the two colored t men, Oscar Crosby and Hark Lay, who had surviyed the journey, and .joined the Pioneer Camp. Brothers David Powell arid Matthew Ivory also enlisted as pioneers and on April 11, when the pioneer company was organized, and I was chosen captain of the Thirteerith Ten, these four men were assigned to my ten." According to records in the Historian's Office of the L. D. S. Church: Green Flake was born January, 1825, as a slave in Anson County, North Carolina, on the plantation of James M. Flake's father, and spent all of his early life in that family; he went with the Flake family to Nauvoo, 111., and thence west during the 'Mormon' exodus of 1846. Green Flake's permanent home was Union, Salt Lake County, U t a h ; but he lived temporarily in Salt Lake City after the fall of 1893; later he moved . to Idaho and died at Idaho Falls, Oct. 20, 1903. Hark Lay, or Hark Wales was born about 1825 in Mississippi; he died about 1890 in Union, Salt Lake County, Utah. Oscar Crosby was born about 1815 in Virginia; he died in 1870 in Los Angeles, California. "June 16, 1856. President Brigham Young returned to Feramorz Little's where he had an interview with Bros. Jesse Little and Robert Burton about Bro. Kamp taking away his negroes." (H. B. Y. 359)â&#x20AC;&#x201D;From the Church Journal of History. Some of the Utah slave-holders and their negro slaves, says Mr. Amasa M. Lyman, Jr., of Teasdale, Utah, son of Amasa M. Lyman, original pioneer of 1847, were:


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SLAVE-OWNERS Daniel M. Thomas '. William Mathews William Lay William Crosby James M. Flake William Smith

QUARTERLY

NEGRO SLAVES Toby. Uncle Phil. Hark, Henderson, and Knelt. Oscar and Grief. Green and his wife ''Liz;" later known as Mrs. Martha Green Flake. Aunt "....—„" Hanna, and Lawrence.

John H. Bankhead John Brown It was customary for slaves to assume the surname of their masters. Where a surname is not given, it is to be understood that it was the same as that of the master. D. M. Thomas came from Tennessee and arrived in Utah 1849. William Lay, William Crosby, John H. Bankhead and their families came from Monroe County, Miss., to Utah in 1847 or '48. James M. Flake and family came from North Carolina and arrived in Utah 1848. John,Brown returned to Winter Quarters in the fall of 1847; came to Utah with his family in 1848. ' According to Dr. John, Z. Brown, his father obtained Betsy Brown, a 16 year old mulatto girl from St. Louis and brought her to Lehi, Utah, in 1848. At the time of the emancipation she married a colored barber, Flewellen. "John H. Bankhead and family came from the 'South' and brought a number of slaves who remained [after their emancipation] with the family [at Wellsville, Cache Co.] as free persons of color until the death of Mr. Bankhead in 1884."—Accord-,' ing to records in the L. D. S. Church Historian's Office. John H. Bankhead resided at Draper, Salt Lake County. According to Mrs. Sina Bankhead (colored), of the Mill Creek Ward, Salt Lake County; her father-in-law was one of the negroes that John H. Bankhead brought with him to Draper. His name was Nathan Bankhead and Was married twice; the name of his first wife was Mary, and that of his second wife Susan. N The following information was obtained from Mr. Jasper N. Perkins of Salt Lake City, grandson of Reuben Perkins and nephew of Monroe Perkins; and from Mrs. Esther Jane Leg, groan (colored) of Mill Creek, Salt Lake County, daughter of Mary Perkins, one of the Perkins slaves (see articles on James Sylvester, in Esshom's Pioneers and Prominent Men of Utah, p. 958):


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Reuben Perkins came to Utah Oct. 18, 1848, with the Andrew H. Perkins Company, from North Carolina and settled at Bountiful, Davis County. H e brought several negro slaves with him, Frank, his wife Esther, and most of their eleven children. Their oldest son named Ben went snow blind while working on a ranch. "Perkins, Franklin. Born 1823 in North.Carolina ; Came to Utah 1848, A. Perkins Company. Married Esther â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1835, in Grundy county, Mo., who was born 1833; Their children: Sarah, m. Peter Livingston; [Ben] ; Mary, m. Sylvester James; Downey, m. Sylas Sptouse; Ephraim, d. aged 2 1 ; Wesley,, d. aged 8; Albert, d. aged 3 ; Manissa and Thomas B., d. 'infants; Sylvester, m. Martha A. J. Ste'vens; Charlotte, m. Charles Gamble. Farmer. Died 1878, at Salt Lake City" 2 Monroe Perkins owned another negro slave named Ben, whom he sold in Utah to, Sprouse, a southerner. While returning to his south home, Ben escaped into the mountains, near Denver and returned to Utah. Many descendants of the negroes once belonging to the Bankhead and Perkins families are re^ siding in Salt Lake County, Utah. In an interview with Mr. Samuel Davison Chambers and his son Mr. Peter Chambers (colored) of Mill Creek, Salt Lake County, both of whom came to Utah in 1870, they related as follows: Martha, who later became the wife of Gfeen Flake, was brought to Utah by Heber C. Kimball. [Kimball was a native of Vermont and came to Utah as an original pioneer in 1847. He returned to Winter Quarters and then came with his family to Utah in 1848.] Daniel Sprouse, a negro slave, was brought to Utah by his master Sprouse from Texas in the 'fifties.' I have been informed by Atty. Benjamin L. Rich of Salt Lake City that his grandfather Charles C. Rich, in .whose honor Rich County, Utah, was named, owned three pairs of slaves that were later liberated in California when Rich went there in 1851. Charles C. Rich was a native of Kentucky and arrived in the Great Salt Lake valley Oct. 3, 1847. The following is copied from the "Millennial Star" of Feb. 15, 1851: "We feel it to be our duty to define our position in relation ,to the subject of Slavery. There are several-men in the Valley of the Salt Lake from the Southern States,' who have their slaves with them. There is no law in Utah to authorize slavery, neither any to prohibit it. If the slave is disposed to leave his master, no power exists there, either legal or moral, that will prevent him, but if the slave choose to remain with his master, none are allowed to interfere between, the master and slave. All ^Pioneers and Prominent Men of Utah, by Frank Esshom, 1913, p. 1096.


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the slaves that are there appear to be peprfectly contented and satisfied." (Mill. Star, Vol. 13:63). Was Utah slave or free territory? "By the compromise of 1850, California was acknowledged free, and New Mexico and Utah were practically left as fighting ground for slave power."8 Utah was free territory by Mexican law. The "Compromise Measures" of 1850 opened Utah and New Mexico to slavery when they should be admitted as states. The Dred Scott decision of 1857 opened Utah and New Mexico unconditionally to slavery. Congress prohibited slavery in the Territories June 19, 1862. According to the U. S. census of 1850 there were 24 free persons of color in Utah, and 26 negro slaves, 12 males and 14 females. Twelve of the slaves were under 15 years of age. The 26 slaves were reported to be on their way to California.* It is evident from the'U. S.' census of i860 that all of the slaves did not go to California But that some remained in Utah. A few of the slave-owners went with Amasa M. Lyman to San Bernardino, California, in 1851, to establish an L. D. S. colony; among these were Charles C. Rich, William Mathews, Daniel M. Thomas, William Crosby and William Smith. Their slaves were liberated in California as that state was then free soil. Mr. Lyman, Jr., relates that when William Smith realized that his slaves would become free in California, he tried to take them to Texas, but his slaves desiring freedom, refused to go with him. When the Buchanan war broke out in 1857, the rancho of San Bernardino was sold and the Saints returned to Utah. According to the U. S. census of 1850, Utah was the only western state or territory having 'slaves. The U. S. census for 1860 gives the number of colored persons in the Territory of Utah as 59, 30 free colored and 29 slaves. Of the slaves, Davis County had 10 and Salt Lake County 19. Of these 29 negro slaves, 18 were males and 11 were females.5 'Slavery in the U. S., The Encyclopedia Americana, Vol. 27, p. 396." 4

Statistical View of the U. S. and Compendium of the Seventh Census 1850, pages 83, 88-89. v The Seventh Census: Report of the Superintendent of the Census for Dec. 1, 1852, to which is appended the Report for Dec. 1, 1851, p. 160. s The U. S. Census for 1860, pages 574-6. A Century of Population Growth in the U. S. 1790-1900, p. 140.


AMERICAN POSTS

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AMERICAN POSTS (Continued) By Edgar M, Ledyard Hempstead, Camp. On same site as Camp Blacky located on Long Island. New York. Hendershott, Camp, at Davenport. Iowa. Henderson, Fort, in Lee County. Alabama. Henderson, Fort, east of Pueblo on Arkansas River. Colorado. >, 'Henderson, Fort, temporary fort in Florida War, left bank of the St. Mary's River, about two and one-half miles west of Coleraine. Georgia. Henderson, Fort, at New Orleans. - Louisiana. Hendrel, Fort. North Carolina. Hendrick, Fort. On the Mohawk River, 30 miles below Herkimer. New York. Hendripks, Fort. This fort or block house was erected about the year 1770, in Middlecreek Township, Snyder County, and stood very close to the public road leading from Selinsgrove to Lewistown. The block house was built over a fine spring of water; it was preserved for over 100 years. This post was very strongly built with the usual loop holes from which rifles could be fired. About the year 1781, many depredations were committed by Indians in the vicinity of the fort and a number of white people killed and scalped there. Pennsylvania. Henrietta, Fort. Western part of Umatilla County, near Pilotrock. Oregon. Henrik, Fort William, also known as William Hendrik Fort and Henrik, Fort Willem. About 1674 the Dutch recaptured Fort James (New York) and changed the name to "Willem Henrik" but for only a short time since under a treaty New York was returned to the British and the name, "Fort James",,resumed. Later it was again changed to Fort George. New York. Henry,' Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, on a small island in the "Everglades", east of the northern end of Long Key. Florida. Henry, Fort (1810-11). Idaho's second fur trading post. The first post was called Kullyspell House; it was located on the present site of Hope, Kootenai County. Fort Henry was built to protect trappers against Blackfeet Indians of Montana. The post was located in southeastern Idaho near the present town of St. Anthony. Established by Major Andrew Heury of the Missouri Fur Company on Henry's Fork of SnaKe River, in Pierre's Hole. Idaho. Henry, Fort, in Randolph County. Missouri. Henry, Fort, on Lake George. New York.


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Henry, Fort, in Schuylkill County. Pennsylvania. Henry, Fort. Right bank of Tennessee River, near State line. Built by the Confederates. Fort Henry and Fort Donelson were 12 miles apart and usually associated. These forts were built in 1861 and strongly garrisoned by the Confederates and were the two most important works on the first line of defense in the West. The Federal troops met with obstinate resistance while taking these forts from the Confederates. General Grant came to be known as "Unconditional Surrender Grant" on account of demands he made here. Stewart County. Tennessee. Henry, Fort (See Fort Fincastle.) Named in 1776 after Patrick Henry, the Governor of Virginia. Virginia. Henry, Fort. The site of this famous post is in the main business district of the present City of Wheeling. The site is marked with a tablet which stands on the curb.. The exploit of Elizabeth "Betty'" Zane brought this post into prominence. Elizabeth Zane is buried in an old and neglected cemetery across the Ohio River, at Martin's Ferry, Ohio. McCullough's "Leap" was made in the north part of Wheeling while pursued by Indians, in an attempt to reach Fort Henry. West Virginia. Henry House. This was known as "The House of William Henry". According to "David Thompson", Henry's House was evidently situated some distance above Jasper House. These were both distant outposts of which there were several in the vicinity. Canada. Henry, Patrick, Camp, at Jackson. Mississippi. Herkimer, Fort, at Herkimer. New York. Herriman, Fort, about 14 miles southwest of Salt Lake City. Now a small village called Herriman. Built by Mormons in 1849 as a protection against Indians, Salt Lake County. Utah. Henshaw, Fort. See Hyndshaw, Fort. Pennsylvania. Hibernia, Fort (1803). X. Y. Company. Canada. Higley, Fort. One of tlje defenses of Knoxville, south of the Holston River. Tenessee. Hill, Camp, Tallapoosa County. Alabama. Hill, Camp, Cumberland County. Pennsylvania. Hill, Fort, at Round Lake, Lake County. Illinois. Hill, Fort, near Boston. Massachusetts. Hill, Fort, in Hinsdale County. New Hampshire. Hill, Fort, in Genesee County. New York. Hill, Fort, in Hillsboro, Highland County. Ohio. Hill, Fort, in North Bend, Hamilton County. Ohio. Hill, Fort, near Fort Washington, Montgomery County. Pennsylvania. Hill, Fort, one of the defenses of Knoxville, east of that city and north of the Holston River. Tennessee. (To be Continued)

Profile for Utah State History

Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 2, Number 1-4, 1929