Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 67, Number 4, 1999

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAX J EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

KRISTEN S ROGERS, Associate Editor

ALLAN KENT POWELL, Book Review Editor

ADVISORY BOARD O F EDITORS

AUDREY M GODFREY, Logan, 2000

LEE ANN KREUTZER, Torrey, 2000

ROBERT S MCPHERSON, Blanding, 2001

MIRIAM B MURPHY, Murray, 2000

ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE, Cora, WY, 1999

RICHARD C ROBERTS, Ogden, 2001

JANET BURTON SEEGMILLER, Cedar City, 1999

GARY TOPPING, Salt Lake City, 1999

RICHARD S VAN WAGONER, Lehi,2001

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101 Phone (801)533-3500 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, Utah Preservation, and thebimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $20.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $15.00; contributing, $25.00; sustaining, $35.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate, typed double-space, with footnotes at the end Authors are encouraged to submit material in a computer-readable form, on VA inch MSDOS or PC-DOS diskettes, standard ASCII text file For additional information on requirements contact the managing editor Articles and book reviews represent the views of the authors and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society

Periodicals postage ispaid at Salt Lake City, Utah

POSTMASTER: Send address change to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.

THE COVER: The nine-story, 144-unit Belvedere Apartment Hotel, built by the LDS church in 1919, was the tallest of the city's early 20th-century apartments.

MONROE LEE BILLINGTON and ROGER D HARDAWAY, eds African Americans on the Western Frontier ... . FRANCE A. DAVIS 367

K. DOUGLAS BRACKENRIDGE Westminster College of Salt Lake City: From Presbyterian Mission School to Independent College RICHARD C ROBERTS 368

JAMES E SHEROW, ed A Sense of the American West: An Anthology of Environmental History DANIEL C MCCOO L 369

MICHAEL ALLEN Rodeo Cowboys in the North American Imagination . .LYMAN HAFEN 370

VALEEN TIPPETS AVERY. From Mission to Madness: Last Son of the Mormon Prophet DANNY L. JORGENSEN 372

S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH, ed. The History of Louisa Barnes Pratt, Being the Autobiography of a Mormon Missionary Widow and Pioneer VTVIAN LINFORD TALBOT 373

BRYAN WATERMAN and BRIAN KAGEL. The Lord's University: Freedom and Authority at BYU LINDA SILLTOE 375

LYMAN D. PLATT and L. KAREN PLATT. Grafton: Ghost Town on the Rio Virgin ME L BASHORE 376

DAVID L. BIGLER. Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847-1896 PETER H DELAFOSSE 377

FREDERICK LUEBKE, ed European Immigrants in the American West: Community Histories MICHAEL HOMER 378

In this issue

A recent article in the Salt Lake Tribune relating to the process of education offered the thesis that an educated person must have knowledge beyond a catalog of facts, since "facts change so fast." With only slight reservation, the historian would nod in agreement. Actually, in our profession, and perhaps in the others as well, facts once established do not change. Rather, it is the discovery of new facts, or new ways of looking at old ones, that leads to a refinement of knowledge. Let us delight in the realization that history is constantly being rewritten

Our first article is an excellent example of that process. Although historians have "known" for some time that the Battle of Bear River was really a massacre, not until now, with the discovery of a long-secluded document, can that point of view be fully accepted as fact. As Sgt. Beach's narrative succinctly states, the soldiers heard the cry for quarters, "but their was no quarters that day." His casualty figures, as a soldier who walked the battlefield that cold January afternoon, also pins down the number of Shoshoni dead better than any other source known heretofore. This long-awaited contribution to our knowledge of Utah history is a fitting capstone to the illustrious career of the late Harold Schindler No one valued the bare-boned facts of history more than he

The second article, also relating to Utah's native people in the midnineteenth century, is another case study in historical method Here we see a scholar address a topic in which the facts are elusive but where he nevertheless succeeds in reinterpreting the historical record to create a revised work The reader will understand Waccara's success as a Ute leader just a little better now.

Dealing with twentieth-century topics, the final two selections proceed from a more traditional and resource-rich research base. Yet, the challenge to the historian is no less keen. This same care in organization, analysis, and interpretation of facts must still be applied.

All four articles illustrate the commitment this journal has made to scholarship since its inception in 1928. As its editorial staff prepares to turn the calendar from one century to another, it pledges to continue that tradition long into the indefinite future. And that's a fact.

The sword of Col. Patrick E. Connor; USHS collections.

The Bear River Massacre: New Historical Evidence

BY HAROLD SCHINDLER

CONTROVERSY HAS DOGGED the Bear River Massacre from the first

The event in question occurred when, on January 29, 1863, volunteer soldiers unde r Col. Patrick Edward Connor attacked a Shoshoni camp on the Bear River, killing nearly three hundre d men, women, and children. The bloody encounter culminated years of increasing tension between whites and the Shoshonis, who, faced with dwindling lands and food sources, had resorted to theft in order to survive. By the time of the battle, confrontations between the once-friendly Indians and the settlers and emigrants were common.

So it was that "in deep snow and bitter cold"

Connor set forth from Fort Douglas with nearly three hundred men, mostly cavalry, late in January 1863. Intelligence reports had correctly located Bear Hunter's village on Bear River about 140 miles north of Salt Lake City, near present Preston, Idaho. Mustering three hundred warriors by Connor's esti-

Above: Gen. Patrick E. Connor in later years, decorated with his military medals. Right: Unidentified Shoshoni, location and date unknown.

The late Harold Schindler was a former member of the Advisory Board of Editors for UHQand an award-winning historian of Utah and the West

The Bear River Massacre 301

mate, the camp lay in a dry ravine about forty feet wide and was shielded by twelve-foot embankments in which the Indians had cut firing steps. . ..

When the soldiers appeared shortly after daybreak on January 27 [sic], the Shoshonis were waiting in their defenses

About two-thirds of the command succeeded in fording ice-choked Bear River While Connor tarried to hasten the crossing, Major [Edward] McGarry dismounted his troops and launched a frontal attack It was repulsed with heavy loss. Connor assumed control and shifted tactics, sending flanking parties to where the ravine issued from some hills While detachments sealed off the head and mouth of the ravine, others swept down both rims, pouring a murderous enfilading fire into the lodges below Escape blocked, the Shoshonis fought desperately in their positions until slain, often in hand-to-hand combat Of those who broke free, many were shot while swimming the icy river. By mid-morning the fighting had ended

On the battlefield the troops counted 224 bodies, including that of Bear Hunter, and knew that the toll was actually higher They destroyed 70 lodges and quantities of provisions, seized 175 Indian horses, and captured 160 women and children, who were left in the wrecked village with a store of food The Californians had been hurt, too: 14 dead, 4 officers and 49 men wounded (of whom 1 officer and 6 men died later), and 75 men with frostbitten feet. Even so, it had been a signal victory, winning Connor the fulsome praise of the War Department and prompt promotion to brigadier general.1

Controversies over the battle have tainted it ever since For one thing, Chief Justice John F. Kinney of the Utah Supreme Court had issued warrants for the arrest of several Shoshoni chiefs for the murder of a miner. But critics have questioned whether the warrants could legally be served, since the chiefs were no longer within the court's jurisdiction.2 The legality of the federal writs was irrelevant, however, to Colonel Connor, commande r of the California Volunteers at Camp Douglas At the onset of his expedition against the Bear River band, he announced that he was satisfied that these Indians were among those who had been murdering emigrants on the Overland Mail Route for the previous fifteen years. Because of their apparent role as "principal actors and leaders in the horrid massacres of the past summer, I determined to chastise them if possible." He told U.S. Marshal Isaac L. Gibbs that Gibbs could accompany the troops with his federal warrants if he wanted, but "it

1 Robert M Utley, Frontiersmen in Blue: The United States Army and the Indian, 1848-1865 (New York: Macmillan Co., 1967), 223-24 Other accounts tell of soldiers ransacking the Indian stores for food and souvenirs and killing and raping women See Brigham D Madsen, The Shoshoni Frontier and the Bear River Massacre (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985), 192-93 Madsen's study is the best account of the expedition and of the circumstances surrounding it

2 The Bear River Indian camp, located twelve miles north of the Franklin settlement, was in Washington Territory.

was not intende d to have any prisoners." 3 However—and this is another controversy—there have been many who have questioned whether Connor's soldiers actually tangled with the guilty Indians. Recently discovered new evidence, while it resolves neither of those debates, does address a more fundamental aspect of the encounter that ultimately claimed the lives of twenty-three soldiers and nearly 300 American Indians: that is, Bear River began as a battle, but it most certainly degenerated into a massacre. We have that from a participant, Sgt. William L. Beach of Company K, 2nd Cavalry Regiment, California Volunteers, who wrote an account and sketched a map just sixteen days after the engagement, while he was recuperating from the effects of frozen feet

The sergeant is specific in describing a crucial moment in the four-hour struggle: that point at which the soldiers broke through the Shoshoni fortifications and rushed "into their very midst when the work of death commenced in real earnest." Having seen a dozen or so of his comrades shot down in the initial attack, Beach watched as the tide of battle fluctuated until finally a desperate enemy sought to surrender

Midst the roar of guns and sharp report of Pistols could be herd [sic] the cry for quarters but their was no quarters that day. . . . The fight lasted more than four hours and appeared more like a frollick than a fight the wounded cracking jokes with the frozen some frozen so bad that they could not load their guns used them as clubs[.]

Looking from Battle Creek toward west side of valley where some of the Shoshoni escaped. Charles Kelly photo, USHS collections.

3 "Report of Col P Edward Connor, Third California Infantry, commanding District of Utah," The War of Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington D.C: Government Printing Office, 1897), 185

The "cry for quarters" fell upon deaf ears as the bloody work continued.

In his account, the cavalry sergeant also provided valuable insights concerning the movement of troops as the attack took shape; he carefully recorded the position of each unit and located the Indian camp and its defenders on a map of the battlefield He also charted the course of the river at the time of the engagement and pinpointed the soldiers' ford across the Bear From his map, historians learn for the first time that some of the Shoshonis broke from the fortified ravine on horseback.4 Beach traced the warriors' retreat on the map with a series of lowercase "i" symbols.

The manuscript and map came to light in February 1997 after Jack Irvine of Eureka, California, read an Associated Press story in the San Francisco Chronicle about Brigham D. Madsen, University of Utah emeritus professor of history, and learned that Madsen had written The Shoshoni Frontier and the Bear River Massacre? Irvine, a collector of Northwest documents and photographs, telephoned Madsen that night and told him that he had collected Sergeant Beach's narrative and map. He sent the historian a photocopy and so opened a sporadic correspondence and telephone dialogue that would continue over the span of some eighteen months.

The manuscript has an interesting, if sketchy, pedigree. According to Irvine, he obtained the four pages from the estate of Richard Harville, a prominent Californian and a descendant ofJoseph Russ, an

Battle area as it appeared when CharlesKelly took this photo (possibly 1930s): looking east toward slope that Connor and troops came down. USHS collections.

4 In the past it was believed that the warriors had been cut off from their herd of ponies

5 "Historian Delights in Debunking Myths of Old West," San Francisco Chronicle, February 8, 1997.

early 1850s overland pioneer to Humboldt County who became fabulously wealthy as a landowner and rancher. Harville had an abiding interest in local history and was a founding member of the Humboldt County Historical Society. He also owned a large collection of California memorabilia, which was put up for sale after his death in 1996.

Irvine found the narrative and map folded in an envelope and was intrigued because the documents referred to Bear River, which he at first took to be the Bear of Humboldt County When he found that it was not the northern California stream, he briefly researched the Connor expedition. Although he determined that Joseph Russ had been alive when the regiment was organized in 1861, he could find no connection between the pioneer and the soldier to indicate how the manuscript had come into Russ's possession After his research, Irvine put the document away and thought no more of it until he saw the Chronicle article a year later

Both Irvine and Madsen agreed that the documen t should be made available to scholars and researchers, preferably in Utah The only obstacle was in determining a fair exchange for the four-page manuscript.6 When the Californian suggested a trade for Northwest

Left: Map drawn bySergeant Beach shortly after the Bear River Massacre in 1863, used courtesyofHarold Schindlerfamily. Above: Map of battle site drawn by Brigham Madsen from aerialphotographs shows thepresent course of the Bear River, which may well have changed since 1863. Map isfrom Brigham D. Madsen, The Shoshoni Frontier, courtesy of University of Utah Press.

5 The manuscript was written in ink on a large sheet of letter paper folded in half to provide four pages measuring 19.3 cm by 30.6 cm Beach's map covers the fourth page There are two large tears in the paper, one in the upper right corner of the first page and another across the bottom of the same leaf Evidently, the paper was ripped before Beach began his narrative, for he wrote around the ragged edges, thus preserving the integrity of the account His penmanship is quite legible though flavored by misspellings

documents or photos, Madsen contacted Gregory C. Thompson of the University of Utah's Marriott Library Special Collections. He also contacted me. Special Collections had nothing that fell within Irvine's sphere of interest, but after some months of dickering, Irvine and I were able to reach a mutually acceptable agreement.7 Beach's narrative and map would return to Utah.

Madsen feels that the Beach papers are very important in resolving some of the issues surrounding the encounter Also, he says, the papers can "emphasize and strengthen the efforts of the National Park Service to bring recognition, at last, to the site of this tragic event, which was the bloodiest killing of a group of Native Americans in the history of the American Far West."

Madsen's comment points to the fact that, although Bear River long has been considered by those familiar with its details as the largest Indian massacre in the Far West, scholars and writers continue to deny the encounter its rightful place in frontier history. Yet Beach confirms the magnitude of the massacre when he cites the enemy loss at "two hundred and eighty Kiled." This number would not include those shot attempting to escape across the river whose bodies were swept away and could not be counted.8 While the fight itself has been occasionally treated in books and periodicals, Sergeant Beach's narrative and map are singularly important for what they add to the known record. Here is his account as he penned it:

This View Represents the Battlefield on Bear River fought Jan 29th /'63 Between four companies of the Second Cavelry and one company third Infantry California Volenteers under Colonel Conner And three hundred and fifty Indians under Bear hunter, Sagwich and Lehigh [Lehi] three very noted Indian chiefs. The Newspapers give a very grafic account of the Battle all of which is very true with the exception of the

7 Schindler owned a California-related manuscript that Irvine was willing to trade for the Beach papers. The batde narrative and map are presendy in the possession of the Schindler family.

8 Most histories of the American West mention the massacres at Sand Creek, Colorado, in 1864; Washita, Indian Territory, in 1868; Marias River, in 1870; Camp Grant, Arizona, in 1871; and Wounded Knee, South Dakota, in 1890; yet Bear River is generally ignored Body counts vary widely in these histories, but typical numbers of Indian fatalities listed in traditional sources are Sand Creek, 150; Washita, 103; Marias River, 173; Camp Grant, 100-128; and Wounded Knee, 150-200

Sgt Beach's first-person assertion of at least 280 Shoshoni deaths lends additional support to Madsen's claim that the Bear River massacre was the largest in the Far West The toll would almost certainly have been even higher had Connor been able to press his two howitzers into action, but deep snow prevented them from reaching the battlefield in time.

Madsen's book conservatively places the number of Shoshoni dead at 250 It also addresses the question of why Bear River has been generally neglected and advances three reasons: (1) At the time, the massacre site was in Washington Territory, some 800 miles from the territorial capital, so residents of that territory paid little attention; (2) the event occurred during the Civil War, when the nation was occupied with other matters; and (3) Mormons in Cache Valley welcomed and approved of Connor's actions, and some historians may have been reluctant to highlight the slaughter because of the sanction it received from Mormons (See The Shoshoni Frontier, 8, 20-24.) Currently, Madsen says, some traditional military historians are still opposed to using the term "massacre" relative to Bear River

positions assigned the Officers which Cos K and M cavelry were first on the ground

When they had arrived at the position they occupy on the drawing Major McGeary [Edward McGarry] gave the commands to dismount and prepare to fight on foot which was instantly obayed Lieutenant [Darwin] Chase and Capt [George E] Price then gave the command forward to their respective companies after which no officer was heeded or needed The Boyswere fighting Indians and intended to whip them. It was a free fight every man on his own hook. Companies H and A came up in about three minutes and pitched in in like manner. Cavelry Horses were sent back to bring the Infantry across the River as soon as they arrived. When across they took a double quick until they arrived at the place they ocupy on the drawing they pitched in California style every man for himself and the Devil for the Indians The Colonels Voice was occasionally herd encourageing the men teling them to take good aim and save their amunition Majs McGeary and Galiger [Paul A Gallagher] were also loud in their encouragement to the men.

The Indians were soon routted from the head of the ravine and apparently antisipated a general stampede but were frustrated in thair attempt Maj McGeary sent a detachment of mounted cavelry down the River and cut of their retreat in that direction Seing that death was their doom they made a desparate stand in the lower end of the Ravine where it appeared like rushing on to death to apprach them But the victory was not yet won. With a deafening yell the infuriated Volenteers with one impulse made a rush down the steep banks into their very midst when the work of death commenced in real earnest Midst the roar of guns and sharp report of Pistols could be herd the cry for quarters but their was no quarters that day Somejumped into the river and were shot attempting to cross some mounted their ponies and attempted to run the gauntlet in different directions but were shot on the wing while others ran down the River (on a narrow strip of ice that gifted the shores) to a small island and a thicket of willows below where they foung [found] a very unwelcome reception by a few of the boys who were waiting the approach of straglers. It was hardly daylight when the fight commence and freezing cold the valley was covered with Snow-one foot deep which made it very uncomfortable to the wounded who had to lay until the fight was over The fight lasted four hours and appeared more like a frollick than a fight the wounded cracking jokes with the frozen some frozen so bad that they could not load their guns used them as clubs No distinction was made betwen Officers and Privates each fought where he thought he was most needed. Xhe report is currant that their was three hundred of the Volunteers engaged Xhat is in correct one fourth of the Cavelry present had to hold Horses part of the Infantry were on guard with the waggons While others were left behind some sickwith frozen hands and feet. Only three hundred started on the expedition

Our loss—fourteen killed and forty two wounded Indian Loss two hundred and eighty Kiled

Xhe Indians had a very strong natural fortification as you will percieve by the sketch within it is a deep ravine {with thick willows and vines so thick that it was difficult to see an Indian from the banks} runing across a smooth flat about half a mile in width. Had the Volunteers been

boon in their position all h-1 could not have whiped them The hills around the Valley are about six hundred feet high with two feet of snow on them. . ..

In the language of an old Sport I weaken Trail in the snow

AAAAAAAAA Lodges or Wickeups in Ravine

hi iii iii Retreating Indians

::: ::: ::: Co K, 3rd Infantry

!!!!!!! Cavelry four companies afterwards scattered over the field

Sergeant W. L. Beach. Co. K, 2nd c. C.V. Camp Douglas. Feb. 14th /63

I recieved six very severe wounds in my coat. W. L. Beach

Beach had enlisted in the California Volunteers on December 8, 1861, in San Francisco. After his hitch was up, he was mustered out at San Francisco on December 18, 1864.9 After that, Sgt. William L. Beach may have faded away as old soldiers do, but his recollections of that frigid and terrible day in 1863 at Bear River will now live forever in Utah annals.

9 Fortunately, none of Beach's "wounds" seems to have penetrated beyond the coat; officially the sergeant was listed among the men hospitalized with frostbitten feet. See Brig. Gen. Richard H. Orton (comp.), Records of California Men in the War of the Rebellion, 1861 to 1867 (Sacramento: State Printing Office, 1890), 178-79, 275

Waccara's Utes: Native American Equestrian Adaptations in the Eastern Great Basin, 1776-1876

BY STEPHEN P VAN HOAK

WACCARA WATCHED with pride as members of the Mexican posse on the far bank of the Mojave River turned and started back for their homes beyond the snow-capped mountains to the west. With his pursuers defeated, Waccara knew that his puwa, or power, would now be unquestioned. He and his people had good reason to be pleased with the results of their winter sojourn to California. Though it would be several days before the remainder of the Ute warriors returned from their scattered horse raids, the hundreds of Mexican-branded cattle and horses already in the Ute camp ensured that the new year would be a good one After a spring of fishing at Utah Lake, the Ute warriors, riding their strong and healthy horses, were likely to have a successful summer hunt on the Great Plains and would return to Utah with an abundance of jerked meat and skins. During the fall months, Waccara's Utes would feast on the buffalo meat but also hunt antelope, deer, rabbits, and other game, and they would harvest seeds, nuts, and berries Their exhausted herd would rest and recover on the grasses of the Sevier Valley, growing strong in preparation for the winter return across the desert to California, where another successful season of equestrian raiding and trading might follow.1

Stephen P. Van Hoak is currently pursuing a Ph.D. in American history at the University of Oklahoma. The author would like to thank Dr. Willard Rollings and Dr. Hal Rothman, University of Nevada- Las Vegas, for their valuable comments, suggestions, and critiques.

1 This description of the yearly cycle of Waccara's band was composed through the use of scattered references from the sources cited in this essay The account features events that were known to have occurred in different years and is intended only to be representative of a typical year for Waccara and his band Sufficient sources do not exist to create a narrative of an entire actual year in the life of Waccara's

Waccara and his brother Arapeen, by Solomon Carvalho.

The Western Utes were distinct among mounted Native American peoples in both their diversification of food resource exploitation and in the geographic scope of their migrations.2 Although their range and mobility were increased by their acquisition of horses, the Western Utes did not abandon their diversified subsistence pattern to specialize in buffalo hunting, as many Plains equestrian groups did. Waccara's mounted band represented the most conspicuous stage of Western Ute equestrianism, and the success of their annual migratory cycle resulted in their becoming in the mid-nineteenth century one of the most prosperous and powerful mounte d bands west of the Rockies. Waccara's Utes ranged from the Pacific Coast to the Platte River, east of the Continental Divide, following a migratory pattern that circumvented many of the ecological and geographic limitations on successful equestrianism in the eastern Great Basin. Despite their eventual success, however, the Western Utes had not been quick to embrace equestrianism and had not begun to acquire horses until the late eighteenth century, a scant forty years prior to the rise of Waccara. The eastern Great Basin of the eighteenth century was a diverse region that ranged from arid and bleak desert landscapes in the west, to beautiful spring-fed meadows further east in the foothills, to timber- and snow-covered mountains at the basin's eastern extremity. In the higher elevations in the east, numerous mountain streams fed several lakes, the most significant being the freshwater Utah Lake and the briny Great Salt Lake. Beaver were abundant in the streams, and fish and geese abounded in and around the freshwater lakes The dense vegetation in the foothills and mountains supported a large number of small and large game, including deer, antelope, and rabbits.3 These eastern environs were in stark contrast to the arid portions of the Great Basin, and it was around these well-watered hills and mountain slopes, particularly Utah Lake Valley and the Sevier Valley, that the Western Utes made their home.

The Western Utes or Nuciu, as they refer to themselves, had Utes. This essay is based on a master's thesis; for more details and citations, see Stephen P. Van Hoak, "Waccara's Utes: Native American Equestrian Adaptations in the Eastern Great Basin, 1776-1876" (M A thesis, University of Nevada-Las Vegas, 1998)

2 For a brief discussion of differing Native American adaptations to equestrianism, see James F Downs, "Comments on Plains Indian Cultural Development," American Anthropologist 66:2 (April 1964): 421-22

3 For the geography and ecology of the eastern Great Basin, see Ivar Tidestrom, Flora of Utah and Nevada, Contributions from the United States National Herbarium, vol. 25 (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1925), passim; John Wesley Powell, Report on the Lands of the Arid Region of the United States, with a More Detailed Account of the Lands of Utah, ed Wallace Stegner (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1962), 110-11, 120-21

inhabited the eastern Great Basin for centuries prior to EuroAmerican contact. The Ute creation story alleges that the Utes, along with many other tribes of Native Americans and whites, were released by Coyote, the trickster, from the bag of Wolf, the creator. Each tribe settled in a different region, but Sinawaf (Wolf) proclaimed that the Utes "will be very brave and able to defeat the rest."4 Linguists say that the Utes are a Numic-speaking people whose arrival in the eastern Great Basin is thought to have occurred around 1300 A.D. Though alternative theories exist, one theory posits that the Utes were able to displace the region's previous inhabitants, the agriculturalist Anasazi and Fremont peoples, through superior hunting and gathering adaptations Dividing into numerous groups, the Utes concentrated in areas of high resource density. The group that would come to be known as the Western Utes settled in the eastern Great Basin.5

Specific divisions of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Western Utes are difficult to distinguish, but five distinct historical divisions of Utah Utes, based largely on geography, are commonly recognized by moder n historians and anthropologists. These are the Pahvant, Sanpits, Moanunts, Timpanogots, and, beginning in the 1830s, the Uintahs. Although each division had its own "territory," many Western Utes frequently hunted, gathered, and fished in the territories of other groups, especially at Utah Lake.6

Prior to Euro-American contact, the Western Utes survived in the eastern Great Basin through the exploitation of the varied, though limited, food sources in the region and through the use of seasonal migrations that maximized these resources. In the spring, most Western Utes converged at Utah Lake as trout left the depths of the lake and began their spawning runs into the many feeder streams. The bands feasted throughout the spring on these easily obtained, nearly inexhaustible numbers of fish and on the plentiful waterfowl attracted to the fish. In

4 David Rich Lewis, Neither Wolf nor Dog: American Indians, Environment, and Agrarian Change (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 22-23

5 David B Madsen, "Dating Paiute-Shoshoni Expansion in the Great Basin," American Antiquity 40:1 (1975): 82-85; Joseph G Jorgensen, "The Ethnohistory and Acculturation of the Northern Ute" (M.A thesis, Indiana University, 1964), 5-15; Anne M Smith, Ethnography of the Northern Utes, Papers in Anthropology no 17 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974), 10-17; Joel Clifford Janetski, The Ute of Utah Lake, University of Utah Anthropological Papers no 116 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991), 58

6 Donald Callaway, Joel Janetski, and Omer C. Stewart, "Ute," in Handbook of the North American Indians vol 11, Great Basin, ed Warren D'Azevedo (Washington D.C: Smithsonian Institution, 1986), 338-40; Julian Haynes Steward, Aboriginal and Historical Groups of the Ute Indians of Utah: An Analysis with Supplement, in Ute Indians 1, Garland Series, American Indian Ethnohistory: California and Basin-Plateau Indians, ed. David Agee Horr (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1974), passim; Smith, Ethnography, 17-27 Only when the Mormons began to settle in Utah in the late 1840s did observers of Western Utes begin to note the primary residence or divisional membership of particular groups of Utes

the summer, resources were far less abundant, and the Utes divided into smaller groups and spread out in search of food Seeds, edible plants, berries, and, to a lesser extent, fish, fowl, and an occasional buffalo formed the basis of their diet throughou t the warm summe r months. The Western Utes continued to live in these small groups throughout the fall. In late autumn they began to hun t the mature large game that was leaving higher elevations in anticipation of winter. They also harvested pinon nuts every few years, whenever a good crop became available, and often cached them as a reserve food source. For most Western Utes, the onset of winter signaled a return to Utah Lake, where fish, cached food, and game wintering in the sheltered river valleys provided them sustenance and where firewood was at hand to give them warmth through the often bitterly cold winter months.7 Mobility and diversity were the keys to Ute survival in the eastern Great Basin. The sociopolitical organization and religion of the Western Utes supported their diversified subsistence cycle. Bilateral, predominantly matrilocal extended families formed the basic social unit in Western Ute culture,8 and in the summer and fall these families usually operated independently in search of resources. Most socioeconomic tasks were gender-specific, with men primarily responsible for hunting and warfare and women generally accountable for food-gathering activities and the skinning and cleaning of animals. Large gatherings were limited to the winter and spring months when many of the Western Utes converged at Utah Lake, but even then families did not surrender their autonomy to the group. Leaders in Western Ute culture were selected to direct only certain specific group activities, such as communal rabbit drives or coordinated raiding or defensive efforts, and these leaders relinquished their authority when the activity was completed.9 Ute religion centered around puwa, or power, a spiritual force that could be harnessed and used by specially trained persons; it was thought to aid the Utes in hunting, raiding, and battle.10 But in the

7 For the yearly subsistence cycle of the pre-horse Western Utes, see Tanetski, Ute of Utah Lake, 31, 36,40

8 In a matrilocal system, husbands leave their families of birth and join their wives' families A bilateral family traces its lineage on both the father's and mother's sides.

9 Because of the overall dearth of primary sources available, descriptions of Western Ute political and social structure are varied and controversial; see Steward, Groups of the Ute, 5-9, 18-20, 63-65, 68-70; Jorgensen, "The Ethnohistory and Acculturation of the Northern Ute," 17-20, 25-33; Smith, Ethnography, 121-27; Janetski, Ute of Utah Lake, 50-51 For an excellent overview of Western Ute culture, see Lewis, Neither Wolf nor Dog.

10 Jay Miller, "Numic Religion: An Overview of Power in the Great Basin of Native North America," Anthropos 78 (1983): 337-54; Gottfried O Lang, A Study in Culture Contact and Culture Change: The Whiterock Utes in Transition, University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 15 (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1971), 11-12

eighteenth century the Western Utes found their puwa insufficient to prevent the intrusion of their enemies, the Shoshoni, into valuable Ute hunting grounds in the Uinta Basin of northeastern Utah.

The military dominance of the Shoshoni over the Western Utes in the eighteenth century was an outgrowth of Shoshoni acquisition of horses.11 The horse was originally introduced into New Mexico by the Spanish in 1598, and for nearly a century the Spanish managed to preserve their monopoly on these animals. But after the Pueblo revolt of 1680, the vast Spanish herds fell into Indian hands, and in the next few decades the horse quickly diffused to the plains north and east of New Mexico. By 1700, the horse "frontier" extended beyond the Great Plains and into the Intermountain region to the west, where the Shoshoni began to acquire their first animals Yet the Western Utes, though much closer to New Mexico, the original source of horses, were unable to acquire horses until nearly a century later.12 The explanation for the slow spread of horses to the Western Utes centers aroun d the environmental and geographic setting of the eastern Great Basin. These factors imposed severe limitations upon the acquisition and useful employment of horses

The most important uses of horses involved combat and hunting. In battle, the power and speed of horses dramatically increased the deadliness of shock weapons. Horses also enhanced pursuit and evasion capabilities, allowing a rider to avoid more numerous unmounted foes and to apprehend slower unmounted enemies.13 The speed of horses was also invaluable in hunting and pursuing large game, particularly the slow-moving buffalo on open plains. Unmounted buffalo hunting required large numbers of warriors to surround the buffalo herd in order to harvest a few animals, but mounted warriors could operate independently, with each pursuing and killing multiple buffalo As a beast of burden, the horse further enhanced buffalo hunting

11 Silvestre Velez de Escalante, The Dominguez-EscalanteJournal, trans Fray Angelico Chavez, ed Ted J Warner (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1976), 50, 60; Steward, Groups of the Ute, 12-13 Guns were not a significant factor in the Shoshoni dominance over the Utes, as neither tribe was able to obtain guns in large numbers until the 1820s, after the introduction of the fur trade west of the Rockies and after Mexican independence, following which the enforcement of the New Mexican ban on trading guns to the Indians was eased; see Frank Raymond Secoy, Changing Military Patterns of the Great Plains Indians, 17h Century through Early 19h Century (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 4-5, 20, 60, 84-85.

12 Francis Haines, "Horses for Western Indians," American West 3:2 (Spring 1966): 5-15, 92; Secoy, Changing Military Patterns, 20-22, 27-29, 33 Haines's dating of Western Ute acquisition of horses is inconsistent with the historical record; see Van Hoak, 'Waccara's Utes," 18-20

13 Secoy, Changing Military Patterns, passim; John C Ewers, The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from other Western Tribes, Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin no 159 (Washington D.C: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969), 309-10

by allowing transportation of larger quantities of meat and in providing the means for wider geographical migrations in search of buffalo. Equestrianism also had significant liabilities, as horses were not merely objects or tools and required sustenance and care in order to survive The constant need to provide water and feed forced equestrian peoples not only to spend the vast majority of their time in locales with abundant water and forage but also to move frequently as forage became exhausted.14 Care of horses and the manufacturing of saddles, saddle bags, and other equipment for horses diverted considerable time from traditional activities and subsistence efforts. Possession of horses also increased the likelihood of enemy raids, necessitating protective and defensive efforts. Even if the horses were well-fed and guarded, herds inevitably sustained losses as a result of disease, aging, and, most significantly, severe winter conditions.15

Winter aggravated many of the difficulties of equestrianism and presented new problems Thick layers of snow or ice blanketing grass needed to be cleared so that horses could feed. Much of the nutritional value of grasses retreated underground in winter, so winter forage provided less energy at precisely the time of year that the horses needed more energy in order to survive the elements. The low nutrient density of winter grasses and the increased danger of disease in crowded and stationary conditions necessitated frequent moves by equestrian peoples. But snow made shifting camp more problematic, and it drained precious energy from both people and animals. Even when horses survived the winter, they often did so malnourished and weakened by disease, which caused serious long-term effects on their health and reproduction—and on that of their potential offspring. Severity of winter was the predominant limiting factor in the size of most Native American herds, and increased winter severity in a region decreased the value of horses in that area. 16

The replenishment of herds depleted by raids, disease, or winter required breeding, raiding, or trading, all of which posed difficulties.

14 For the specific nutritional requirement s of horses, see Jame s E. Sherow, "Workings of the Geodialectic: High Plains Indian s an d Thei r Horses in the Region of th e Arkansas River Valley, 1800-1870," Environmental History Review 16:2 (Summer 1992): 69-70; Alan J Osborn, "Ecological Aspects of Equestrian Adaptations in Aboriginal North America," American Anthropologist 85:3 (September 1983): 576; Ewers, The Horse, 40-41

15 For the limitations and liabilities of equestrianism, see Ewers, The Horse, 37-42, 50-52; Osborne, "Equestrian Adaptations," 584-85 ; Elliot West, The Way to the West: Essays on the Central Plains (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 20-27

16 Ewers, The Horse, 42-46 , 124-26; Sherow, "Geodialectic," 70-76 ; Osborne , "Equestrian Adaptations," 566-85; West, Way to the West, 23-26 Branches and bark were often used as emergency winter forage

Breeding was often an ineffective and troublesome method for increasing herd size, not only because of the damaging impact of winter on reproductive ability but also because of the extensive time required to break horses for riding. Raiding for horses eliminated the need to break horses and was therefore a less time-consuming technique of herd enlargement, but horse raiding also risked failure and possible battle casualties The most obvious drawback of trading for horses was the necessity and difficulty of obtaining a desirable product to exchange, the most coveted such commodity being slaves. Despite these difficulties, eventually many equestrian Native Americans developed a system of obtaining horses by raiding other tribes and Euro-Americans for horses and captives, then bartering the captives to Euro-Americans for more horses.17

The inability of the Western Utes to adopt equestrianism in the eighteenth century rested upon many of the limitations outlined above Although there was an abundance of water and forage in the lush foothills and valleys of the eastern Great Basin, winters there were characterized by high winds, heavy snowfall, and temperatures as low as thirty degrees below zero. Further, opportunities to use the horse for hunting buffalo were severely restricted by the Shoshoni occupation of the Uinta Basin and Salt Lake Valley, the only adjoining regions frequented by buffalo.18 And, unlike their Eastern Ute kinsmen in the Rocky Mountains, the Western Utes had few occasions to trade for horses, surrounded as they were with bleak and arid landscapes adjoining their lands to the southeast, southwest, and west, and their enemies, the Shoshoni, on the other sides of the compass. 19

The potential risk and cost for the unmounted Western Utes to raid the mounted Shoshoni for horses was prohibitively high In effect, for eighteenth-century Western Utes, the cost of acquiring and maintaining horses throughout the harsh winter in the eastern Great Basin was greater than the potential benefits of equestrianism. Thus,

17 Useful studies of raiding and trading adaptations to equestrianism include Frank McNitt, Navajo Wars: Military Campaigns, Slave Raids, and Reprisals (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972); Anthony McGinnis, Counting Coup and Cutting Horses: Intertribal Warfare on the Northern Plains, 1738—1889 (Evergreen, CO: Cordillera Press, Inc., 1992); Secoy, Changing Military Patterns. Native Americans preferred smaller "ponies" that were characterized by greater speed, endurance, foraging ability, and surefootedness than "American" horses had; see Ewers, The Horse, 34; Herbert S. Auerbach, "Old Trails, Old Forts, Old Trappers and Traders," Utah Historical Quarterly 9 (January-April 1941): 16

18 Stephen P Van Hoak, "The Other Buffalo: Native Americans, Fur Trappers, and the Western Bison, 1600-1860," unpublished manuscript in the author's possession; Karen D Lupo, "The Historical Occurrence and Demise of Bison in Northern Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 64 (Spring 1996): 168—80.

19 Janetski, Ute of Utah Lake, 23; Smith, Ethnography, 30-31; Powell, Arid Region, 119-20; Steward, Groups of the Ute, 21, 58 A few scattered Navajos and Eastern Utes likely traded periodically with the Western Utes, but these tribes also sought to increase the size of their herds and were therefore loath to trade away their horses.

the few horses they acquired at that time were either consumed as food or traded away. 20

The excessive cost of acquiring horses in the eastern Great Basin was remedied after 1776, when Spanish missionary Francisco Atanasio Dominguez led the first recorded Euro-American expedition into the Great Basin. At Utah Lake, Dominguez found the Western Utes unmounted and eager to procure Spanish trade and assistance against their Shoshoni enemies.21 Although Dominguez's promise to return to build settlements and a mission there did not come to fruition, the expedition was instrumental in opening a trade corridor from New Mexico into the eastern Great Basin. In the decades that followed, trade flourished despite Spanish bandos prohibiting such activity.22 The Western Utes bartered beaver pelts and captives procured from neighboring tribes to New Mexican traders seeking the enormous profits these commodities, especially the captives, brought in New Mexico.23 The Utes were thus able to bypass Indian middlemen and purchase horses and guns directly from their source. At the end of the eighteenth century, when the cost of horses was no longer prohibitive, the Western Utes began to acquire these animals in increasing numbers. They were soon able to dislodge the Shoshoni from their hunting grounds in the Uinta Basin.24

Horses provided a variety of benefits to equestrian peoples The acquisition of horses, or kavwds as they were known to Western Utes, allowed the Utes to significantly expand the range, efficiency, and diversity of their resource exploitation. In addition to providing them with a greater capacity to search for and hunt buffalo, the horse also enabled the Utes to more effectively raid for horses and captives. Unmounted tribes such as the Southern Paiute became exceedingly

20 Haines, "Horses for Western Indians," 12-13

21 Velez de Escalante, Dominguez-EscalanteJournal, 54—56 Speaking to Dominguez, the Utes referred to their enemies to the nort h and east as "Kommanche," but the Comanche had already moved onto the Great Plains by the eighteenth century, and the people the Utes spoke of were almost certainly Shoshoni "Komantcia" was a Numic term that mean t "my adversary."

22 Joseph P Sanchez, Explorers, Traders, and Slavers: Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 1678—1850 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1997), 91-102; Joh n R Alley, Jr., "Prelude to Dispossession: Th e Fur Trader's Significance for the Norther n Utes and Southern Paiutes," Utah Historical Quarterly 50 (Spring 1982): 107-13; Joseph J Hill, "Spanish and Mexican Exploration and Trade Northwest from New Mexico into the Great Basin, 1765-1853," Utah Historical Quarterly 3 (January 1930): 16-19

23 For the extensive slave market in New Mexico, see Lynn Robinson Bailey, Indian Slave Trade in the Southwest (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1966), and McNitt, Navajo Wars.

24 By the 1820s and 1830s, the Western Utes had plentiful guns as well as horses; see Jedediah S Smith, The Southwest Expedition ofJedediah Strong Smith: His Personal Account of theJourney to California, 1826-1827, ed George R Brooks (Glendale, CA: Arthu r H Clark Co., 1977), 42-43 ; Warre n Angus Ferris, Life in the Rocky Mountains, 1830-1835, ed J Cecil Alter and Herbert S Auerbach (Salt Lake City: Rocky Mountain Book Shop, 1940), 216-19 For die expulsion of the Shoshoni from the Uinta Basin, see Janetski, Ute of Utah Lake, 20; Steward, Groups of the Ute, 14, 24, 66

vulnerable to Ute raids for captives, while mounted tribes such as the Shoshoni became new potential targets of Ute raids for both horses and captives The horse increased the mobility and range of the Western Utes, aiding their traditional migratory hunting and gathering activities in the summer and fall, and the mounted Utes could more easily transport the food and animal skins they obtained. Trade opportunities were also significantly improved by the range and carrying capacity of the horse, allowing Western Utes to more easily acquire Euro-American tools and weapons such as muskets These weapons enhanced Ute hunting and combat efficiency.

Even as equestrianism began to thrive in the eastern Great Basin in the 1820s and 1830s, the massive expansion of the fur trade west of the Rockies, the abundance of fish at Utah Lake, and the northeastward retreat of the buffalo discouraged the Western Utes from specializing in bison hunting. The fur trade was extremely lucrative to the Utes, who traded readily obtained beaver pelts and other animal skins for horses, guns, and other Euro-American goods. Bison hides were of comparatively little value in trade, so in the fall Western Utes primarily hunted deer and beaver rather than buffalo.25 The vast amounts of easily obtained fish available during the spring spawning season at Utah Lake discouraged the Utes from hunting buffalo during that time. Furthermore, the depletion of bison in the Uinta Basin and Salt Lake Valley by the late 1820s limited Western Ute opportunistic buffalo hunting, forcing Utes seeking bison to travel ever greater distances on "big hunts."26 Thus, the buffalo did not become the dominant food source of the equestrian Western Utes as it did for many Plains tribes. The contrast in the degree of bison specialization between the Western Utes and Plains Indians was evident in the term the Utes used to describe Plains Indians: kwucutika, or "buffalo-eating Indians."27 But continued resource diversification by the Western Utes did serve to minimize the adverse impact of the retreat of the bison, and in the 1820s and 1830s this diversity and the burgeoning of exploitable food resources available to the equestrian Utes led to a significant upsurge in Western Ute population.28

25 Alley, "Prelude to Dispossession," 105-17, 122-23 The equestrian Western Utes had excellent access to Euro-American trade, as they were astride both the north-south trapper trade route and the east-west Spanish Trail, both of which were established by 1830, and they were also near numerous trading posts in Utah; see Alley, "Prelude to Dispossession," 116; and Jorgensen, "Ethnohistory," 68-69

25 Van Hoak, "Other Buffalo," passim; Lupo, "Bison in Northern Utah," 168-80; Van Hoak, "Waccara's Utes," 42-51, 82-84

27 Smith, Ethnography, 275

28Jorgensen, "Ethnohistory," 20

"SnakeJohn " at Ute camp in Whiterocks, Utah, 1899. Ofcourse, nophotos exist of Waccara's camp and horses. Photo courtesy of the Manuscripts Division, Marriott Library, University of Utah.

The advent of equestrianism in the eastern Great Basin also deeply imprinted Western Ute social and political organization as the Western Utes began to organize into mounted bands. Larger than the Ute family unit but smaller than "tribal" gatherings, these bands typically included from ten to one hundred families, with usually four to five horses per family.29 Western Ute trading, raiding, and buffalo hunting were all enhanced by formation of bands, which were flexible, mobile, and usually strong enough in numbers to ward off enemy attack. Ute leaders directed the activities of these bands with more authority and for longer periods than did earlier traditional Western Ute leaders, and leadership positions increasingly became hereditary. Yet in the early nineteenth century most Western Utes continued to live outside these band structures, and most of those that did coalesce into bands did not do so on a permanent basis After a hunt or raid was over, most of the men returned to more traditional activities and subsistence efforts.30

One equestrian band leader who rose to prominence during these changes in Ute culture was Waccara Born in Utah Lake Valley in the early nineteenth century, Waccara was a witness to the first

29 For examples of early Western Ute bands, see Smith, Jedediah Strong Smith, 41-46; Ferris, Rocky Mountains, 216-20 By comparison, though studies vary, tribes of the Great Plains who specialized in buffalo hunting typically included hundreds of warriors and their families in each band with from three to thirteen horses per person; see Ewers, The Horse, 24-28, 138-39; West, Way to the West, 21; Sherow, "Geodialectic," 68; Osborne, "Equestrian Adaptations," 584

30 For the sociopolitical effect of band formation, see Jorgensen, "Ethnohistory," 25-33; Smith, Ethnography, 121-27; Steward, Groups of the Ute, passim; Ewers, The Horse, 247-49

acquisition of horses by his tribe. According to him, his father purchased the tribe's first horse from Spanish traders but, knowing little about the care of horses, kept the animal tied u p for several weeks until it died of starvation Horses acquired thereafter fared better, however, and Waccara began to see his people form into equestrian band s for hunt s an d raids. His father was the leader of a ban d of Western Utes until a tragic dispute with other Western Utes resulted in his death around 1840, whereupon Waccara immediately assumed leadership of the band and moved them south to the Sevier Valley Shortly thereafter, according to Waccara, he had a spirit visitation, an event often associated in Ute culture with the securing of puwa by an individual.31 In the years to come, Waccara would use this puwa to aid his people as they embarked on a new system of equestrianism.

By the 1840s a host of internal and external pressures compelled the Western Utes to expand and intensify their system of equestrianism As increasing populatio n approache d the limit of available resources, they began to experience food shortages.32 The fur trade began a gradual and lasting decline when buffalo robes became the preferred items of exchange to Euro-American traders.33 At the same time, the continued retreat of the buffalo "frontier" was expedited by Euro-American traffic along the Oregon Trail; in addition to killing buffalo directly, travelers also reduced buffalo populations indirectly by disrupting ecosystems and importing new diseases.34 As the distance to the buffalo increased, the Western Utes needed ever-greater numbers of horses for pursuit and transportation. Further influencing the need for larger horse herds was the effect that decades of equestrianism had had in transforming horses into highly desired symbols of status and wealth in Western Ute society.35 The response of many Western Utes to these pressures was to implement a new yearly migratory cycle that provided greater access to traders, to potential targets of raids,

31 Dimick B Huntington, Vocabulary of the Utah and Sho-sho-ne or Snake Dialects, with Indian Legends and Traditions, including a Brief Account of the Life and Death ofWah-ker, the Indian Land Pirate (Salt Lake City: Salt Lake Herald Office, 1872), 27-28; Fawn M Brody, ed., Route from Liverpool to Great Salt Lake Valley (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1962), 277-78. Sources alternatively date the year of Waccara's birth as 1808 or 1815 The most common variations of the spelling of Waccara include Walker, Walkara, and Wakara Waccara's name meant "brass" or "yellow" in Ute After his alleged spirit visitation in the 1840s, Waccara claimed he was given a new name—Pannacarra-quinker, or Iron Twister For the granting of puwa through dreams and the use of such puwa, see Miller, "Numic Religion," 339, and Lewis, Neither Wolf nor Dog, 31.

32 Jorgensen, "Ethnohistory," 21

33 Alley, "Prelude to Dispossession," 113

34 West, Way to the West, 72-78

35 For an excellent study of status and wealth in Native American equestrian societies, see Bernard Mishkin, Rank and Warfare among the Plains Indians (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992); also see Ewers, The Horse, 28-30, 249, 314-16; Smith, Ethnography, 33; Ferris, Rocky Mountains, 239-40.

and to buffalo, and that allowed enlargement of their horse herds in defiance of environmental constraints. The leader who directed these Western Ute pioneers was Waccara.

The new seasonal migration of Waccara's Utes began with a winter journey to California, which served to mitigate the detrimental effects of the severe Utah weather on the size and health of the Ute herd. With its mild climate and abundant pasture lands, California was a virtual paradise for the Utes' horses, which grew healthy and strong during the winter months. Initially, these trips were primarily trading expeditions, but eventually the Utes were enticed by the abundance of Californian horses into raiding for horses as well.36 The thinly populated and dispersed Mexican ranches and settlements could muster little defense against Waccara's well-armed warriors.

A typical expedition to California by Waccara's band began in the late fall with a long journey southwest over the Spanish Trail. The Western Ute horses, robust from months of grazing in the Sevier Valley grasslands, were laden with a multitude of fine pelts and skins obtained earlier that fall. As Waccara's Utes journeyed along the trail, their passage through the broken and arid lands was eased by the cool winter temperatures and the few sites along the trail that afforded good pasturage and water. Pausing at these sites, Waccara's Utes rested and recruited their horses, and they often pressured the unmounted and bow-armed Southern Paiute inhabitants of these sites to trade away some of their women and children.37 Continuing along the trail, the Utes eventually emerged through the San Bernardino Mountains and proceeded to visit friendly ranchers and traders met on previous expeditions or through the fur trade. In addition to bartering their pelts, skins, and captives to these traders for horses and EuroAmerican goods, the Utes also procured the use of the traders' land

36 Huntington, Vocabulary of the Utah, 27; George William Beattie and Helen Pruitt Beattie, Heritage of the Valley: San Bernardino's First Century (Pasadena, CA: San Pasqual Press, 1939), 65-66 ; Georg e Washington Bean, Autobiography of George Washington Bean: A Utah Pioneer of 1847 and his Family Records, ed Flora Diana Bean Hom e (Salt Lake City: Utah Printing Co., 1945), 55 Horses bred so well in the mild climate and abundan t pasture lands of California that Euro-Americans slaughtered thousands of them every year to prevent overpopulation; see Clifford J Walker, Back Door to California: The Story of the Mojave River Trail, ed Patricia Jernigan Keeling (Barstow, CA: Mojave River Valley Museum Association, 1986), 122-23 Tales of this abundance of horses probably reached the Western Utes through fur traders and Mexican traders traveling along the Spanish Trail Western Utes may have first journeyed to California in the 1830s, but n o significant migrations or raids by Utes likely occurred until those directed by Waccara in the 1840s, when Californian sources first began to specifically mentio n Ute raids; see Ferris, Rocky Mountains, 251; Eleanor Lawrence, "The Old Spanish Trail from Santa Fe to California" (master's thesis, Berkeley, 1930), 66-100.

37 Stephe n P Van Hoak , "And Wh o Shall Have the Children: Th e India n Slave Trad e in the Southern Great Basin," Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 41 (Spring 1998): 1-25; also see Huntington , Vocabulary of the Utah, 27; Daniel W.Jones, Forty Years among the Indians: A True yet Thrilling Narrative of the Author's Experiences among the Indians (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1960), 48

as a safe haven for their women and children, a grazing area for their animals, and a base of operations for the warriors. They then began a long series of increasingly large-scale horse and cattle raids. As Mexican resistance organized and stiffened, these raids culminated in scattered flight by the Western Utes with their prizes through the myriad of mountain canyons and into the desert Pausing on the eastern side of the mountains, Waccara's people reassembled and slaughtered their cattle, jerking the meat for sustenance during the long journey back to Utah.38 Returning through the desert, Waccara usually again demanded women and children from the Paiutes, occasionally offering in exchange horses that were unlikely to survive the remainder of the journey. Within a few weeks, Waccara's Utes reached the extensive pasture lands of southwestern Utah, where they rested and recruited their expanded herd.39 In this new equestrian system, winter served to increase, rather than decrease, the size and quality of the Western Ute herd

Waccara's Utes usually remained with their herd in southwestern Utah for several weeks. Many of the Utes' horses were weakened and undernourishe d from their journe y through the desert, and the Western Utes arrived in Utah just as luxuriant grasses began to emerge from melting snow. Increasingly dependen t on their horses, the Western Utes were, in effect, "chasing grass"—migrating seasonally to areas with abundant forage. From California in December and early January, to southwestern Utah in late January and February, to the Sevier Valley in central Utah in March and early April, the Western Utes responded to the needs of their horses by providing them with access to grass during the months when deep snow covered the grass further north at Utah Lake. By April or May, the grass was green at Utah Lake, and Waccara's Utes converged there with most other Western Utes for their traditional spring gathering.

The spring gathering at Utah Lake remained an integral part of

38 For Waccara's expeditions to California, see Gustive O Larson, "Walkara, Ute Chief," in LeRoy R Hafen, ed., The Mountain Men and theFur Trade oftheFar West: Bibliographical Sketches of the Participants by Scholars of the Subject and with Introductions by the Editor, vol 2 (Glendale, CA: Arthur H Clark Co., 1965), 341-44; Juan Caballeria, History of San Bernardino Valley from the Padres to the Pioneers (San Bernardino: Times-Index Press, 1902), 103-104; Beattie, Heritage of the Valley, 65-66, 84; Robert Glass Cleland, The Cattle on a Thousand Hills: Southern California, 1850-1880 (San Marino, CA: Huntington Library, 1964), 65-66; Huntington, Vocabulary of the Utah, 27-28; Lawrence, "Spanish Trail," 86-100; Jones, Among the Indians, 39; Kate B. Carter, ed., "The Indian and the Pioneer," Daughters of Utah Pioneers Lesson for October 1964 (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1964), 92; Journal History of the Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, microfilm copy available in Marriott Library, University of Utah, entry dated March 4, 1851.

39 Beattie, Heritage of the Valley, 66; George Douglas Brewerton, Overland with Kit Carson, A Narrative of the Old Spanish Trail in 48 (New York: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1930), 100; John C Fremont, Narratives of Exploration and Adventure, ed Allan Nevins (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1956), 417

the modified annual migratory cycle of Waccara's Utes. As they had done in the past, Waccara's people feasted on trout as a variety of visitors arrived in the valley to trade.40 Seeking Waccara's Paiute captives came Navajos offering their well-crafted blankets and New Mexican slave traders bartering guns, ammunition, knives, and other EuroAmerican products.41 The large annual New Mexican caravans returning from California coveted Waccara's strong and healthy horses as well as his captives, and they offered similar items.42 Many Western Utes who had remained in Utah during the previous winter also desired Waccara's robust horses as replacements for their dilapidated herds. In addition to trading, the spring gathering also provided time for dances, festivals, horse races, and other cultural activities that were essential in preserving Western Ute cohesion and identity.43 With the coming of summer, however, the Western Utes again scattered, with Waccara's Utes "chasing grass" eastward to the Great Plains and the buffalo.

Annual summer buffalo hunts on the Plains provided Waccara's Utes with an alternative to the more limited food sources available in Utah during that time. Summer on the Great Plains—typified by mild temperatures, plentiful forage, and the gathering of buffalo to mate— was an ideal time for buffalo hunting Waccara's Utes brought their swiftest horses for the hunt as well as numerous sturdy pack animals and some cattle as an emergency food source in case of a delay in finding buffalo Once they found a large herd, the Ute warriors with their bows and arrows quickly dispatched enough buffalo to fully load their pack horses. In the summer, unlike other seasons, buffalo bull meat was quite palatable, and the Western Utes feasted on whatever meat they could not jerk and transport back to Utah. They cleaned and tanned the buffalo hides and used them to manufacture bags, parfleches, clothing, horseshoes, and lodgings. Though the shorthaired summer hides were little valued by fur traders, Waccara's Utes still likely stopped at fur-trading posts on their return journey, bartering some of their skins, jerked meat, and horses for guns, ammuni-

40 Bean, Autobiography, 51; Journal History, May 22, 1850; Fremont, Narratives, 419; Annual Report of the Commissioner ofIndian Affairs for the Year 1855 (Washina;ton, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1855) 522-23. ° &

41 James Harvey Simpson, Report ofExplorations across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utahfor a Direct Wagon Routefrom Camp Floyd to Genoa, in Carson Valley, in 1859, Vintage Nevada Series (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1983), 35; Smith, Ethnography, 252; Journal History, May 2, 1853; Lawrence, "Spanish Trail," 100-16; Jones, Among the Indians, 48.

42 Lawrence, "Spanish Trail," 46-65

48 Janetski, Ute of Utah Lake, 40 Social fission and tribal fragmentation were a common byproduct of equestrianism; see West, Way to the West, 20, 68

tion, and liquor.44 By September, Waccara and his band were back in Utah.

In the fall, Waccara's warriors rested their weary horses and set down their bows in favor of guns. 45 As they had don e for centuries, the men spread out into the woods in search of game; the women gathered nuts, berries, and wild plants. After a few weeks of hunting, Waccara's people often visited the Navajos or New Mexicans to the south or the fur-trading posts to the east to barter some of their pelts and skins for guns, ammunition, and blankets.46 Later, as the cold winter weather began to descend upon Utah, Waccara's Utes loaded their remaining pelts and skins onto their fresh and rested horses and once again set out for California to replenish their herd While en route, the Utes burned the grass at choice locations in order to induce earlier and more prolific growth the following spring when they returned from California.47

Bag of dried chokecherries (perhaps pemmican, madefrom meat and chokecherries pounded together). Used courtesy ofManuscripts Division, Marriott Library, UofU.

By the early 1840s Waccara began to have a continuous, if somewhat variable, following of Western Utes. As was the case with all large Western Ute gatherings, membership in Waccara's "band" constantly fluctuated, as many families or individual warriors joined him only for

44 The Western Utes apparently ranged as far as the Platte River in search of buffalo; see Bean, Autobiography, 105; also see William L Manly, Death Valley in '49, Lakeside Classics, ed Milo Milton Quaife (Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1927), 102-11, and Carter, Indian and the Pioneer, 94 These buffalo hunts occasionally brought the Utes into conflict with tribes of the Intermountain and Plains regions; see Bean, Autobiography, 98; Garland Hurt, "Indians of Utah," in Simpson, Report, 461; Carter, "Indian and the Pioneer," 74-75; Steward, Groups of the Ute, 208; Smith, Ethnography, 247-52. For Plains forage and weather, see West, Way to the West, 22, and Secoy, Changing Military Patterns, 24-25 For buffalo hunting, see Ewers, The Horse, and Van Hoak, "Other Buffalo." Bows were the Utes' preferred weapon in hunting buffalo; guns were more difficult to aim, fire, and reload while the hunter was mounted

45 Guns, likely as a result of their superior range and penetrative power, were preferred by Western Utes over bows for hunting game other than buffalo; see Carter, "Indian and the Pioneer," 121, and Secoy, Changing Military Patterns, 19

46 These trips to New Mexico occasionally took the form of raids, although the relative dearth of horses in New Mexico as opposed to California discouraged the Utes from raiding the former; see Hurt, "Indians of Utah," 461; "Reminiscences of the Early Days of Manti," Utah Historical Quarterly 6 (October 1933): 123

47 Charles Preuss, Exploring with Fremont: The Private Diaries of Charles Preuss, CartographerforJohn C. Fremont on His First, Second, and Fourth Expeditions to the Far West, ed and trans Erwin G Gudde and Elisabeth K Gudde (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 87

a few hunts or raids and then returned home to more traditional activities The band was usually small, limited by the relatively few food sources for both people and animals west of the Rockies. Waccara was never accompanied by more than forty to fifty families, with about seven horses per family. In contrast, Great Plains Indian bands could number in the thousands, with five to thirteen horses per person. 48

The numerous benefits of Waccara's yearly equestrian cycle gradually became apparent to the Western Utes. By migrating to regions with abundant pasture lands in both winter and summer, Waccara's band could maintain healthier and more numerous horses.49 The increased access to large game and trade enjoyed by Waccara's Utes was evidenced by the large number of high-quality blankets, guns, knives, rawhide bags, and skin lodges in their camp, distinguishing their material culture from that of other Western Utes.50 By leaving the eastern Great Basin during winter and summer, when food sources were most limited, and by obtaining lavish supplies of cattle and storable jerked buffalo meat, Waccara's Utes significantly augmented their yearly food supply

Waccara's success in obtaining horses and trade and in directing successful hunts and raids was, to other Western Utes and Native Americans, evidence of his puwa. 51 Western Ute warriors found that joining Waccara on his yearly cycle of hunting, raiding, and trading could be very lucrative, and many of these warriors and their families began to remain with him throughout the year. Native Americans and Euro-American explorers, trappers, and travelers began to fear and respect the power and influence of Waccara and his band. But Waccara's puwa and the continued practice of his yearly cycle of equestrianism were soon tested by the intrusion of a new people into Western Ute lands.

The arrival of the Mormons in the Salt Lake Valley in 1847 initially complemented the yearly cycle of Waccara's Utes by providing them with an improved outlet for the proceeds of their raids and an

48 West, Way to the West, 21.

49 On one raid alone, 150 Utes led by Waccara purportedly captured more than one thousand horses Though both these figures are likely exaggerated, the netting of about seven horses per warrior is probably accurate and is indicative of the high numbers of horses often possessed by Waccara's Utes; see Lawrence, "Spanish Trail," 87-90; Jones, Among the Indians, 39-41; Huntington, Vocabulary of the Utah, 27-28

50 Brewerton, Overland with Kit Carson, 101; Manly, Death Valley, 103, 104, 107; Fremont, Narratives, 417

51 For Waccara's leadership skills, see Lawrence, "Spanish Trail," 87-90; Jones, Among the Indians, 39-41; "Early Days in Manti," 123 Some Euro-Americans referred to him as "Napoleon of the Desert" or "Hawk of the Mountains"; see Jones, Among the Indians, 39, and Journal History, January 15, 1851.

enhanced source of Euro-American products. Horses fetched high prices in Salt Lake City as overland travelers on the Oregon Trail detoured there seeking replacements for their exhausted, diseased, or malnourished horses.52 The Mormons sought both the meat of the buffalo to supplement their diet and bison hides for their clothing.53 Buckskin suits became quite fashionable among the Mormons, who repeatedly paid the Utes higher prices for their skins than did the fur traders.54 The Mormons also bartered with the Utes for many of their Paiute child captives, whom they hoped to raise in their homes to become "white and delightsome" according to church doctrine.55 In exchange for these commodities, Waccara's Utes received not only such familiar items as guns, ammunition, knives, and blankets but also cattle, oxen, and other livestock, which served the Utes as a year-round secondary food source. Ute trade with the Mormons was more profitable, convenient, and diversified than it had been with any other trading partners.

Although the Mormons and Western Utes found commo n ground through their mutually beneficial trading relationship, they were diametrically opposed in their views and usage of land and resources. The Mormons arrived in Utah with a belief that nature was imperfect and that, rather than adapt to nature, one should strive to change and improve it. Unlike the Western Utes, who adapted to limited resources through dispersal and migration, the Mormons reacted to the limitations of their environment by concentrating their popu-

52 Journal History, June 13, 1849, March 4, 1851; Juanita Brooks, "Indian Relations on the Mormon Frontier," Utah Historical Quarterly 12:1-2 (January-April 1944): 6 In 1850 a good "Indian" pony could sell for up to $50.

53 Solomon F. Kimball, "Our Pioneer Boys," Improvement Era 11 (September 1908): 837; Bean, Autobiography, 55 Early Mormon settlers hunted for buffalo on the Plains in addition to trading for buffalo products

54 Journal History, June 2, 1849, June 13, 1849, April 21, 1850; Brooks, "Mormon Frontier," 6

55 Van Hoak, "Who Shall Have the Children?"

Two Utes: taken by Savage and Ottinger studio, n.d. Used courtesy of Manuscripts Division, Marriott Library, UofU

lation for support and by altering their ecosystem through the creation of new resources. The Mormons brought their own domestic plants and animals to Utah and required comparatively little from nature—specifically, they needed areas for settlement that had abundant water, timber, good soil, and forage for their livestock. Unfortunately, the only such areas in Utah were already used by the Western Utes This placed the Mormons at odds with the Western Utes, whose seasonal migratory use of land was not considered by the Mormons to be "valid" usage. To the Mormons, only those who "improved" the land should be able to use it, and within a few years after their arrival in Utah, Mormon fences, corrals, roads, and settlements cut through most of the best Western Ute lands Waccara's band and others returning from seasonal migrations became "intruders" on their own land.56

By 1851, environmental changes wrought by the Mormons combined with other external pressures to threaten the continuation of the yearly cycle of Waccara's Utes The netting offish by Mormons at Utah Lake dramatically reduced fish populations, resulting in food shortages during the Western Ute spring gathering.57 The summer portion of Waccara's cycle was threatened by the continued eastward retreat of buffalo along the Platte River, which not only forced the Utes to travel increasing distances in search of buffalo but also heightened the risk of such hunts, as Plains tribes were converging on the remaining bison.58 The alteration of the eastern Great Basin ecosystem as Mormons imported domestic plants, diverted waterways, hunted game, and cut trees for firewood reduced the fall resources available to Waccara's Utes.59 The Mexican-American War and the consequent permanent movement of American troops into California significantly stiffened Californians' resistance to Ute winter horse raids and increased the risk of such raids.60 Euro-American diseases such as measles began to ravage the Western Utes, reducing the numbers of

56 Beverly P. Smaby, "The Mormons and the Indians: Conflicting Ecological Systems in the Great Basin," American Studies 16:1 (Spring 1975): 38-42

57 Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary of the Interior for the Year 1849 (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1849), 1003. Hereafter cited as ARCIA.

58 West, Way to the West, 61-65 Mormons pressured Waccara to give up his annual buffalo hunts and "settle down"; see Bean, Autobiography, 105

69 Journal History, December 15, 1849, November 20, 1850; Bean, Autobiography, 105; Smaby, "Conflicting Ecological Systems," 40-42

50 The Mormons encouraged Waccara to give up his horse raids to California apparently in an effort to gain Californian support on issues of Utah statehood; see Lawrence, "Spanish Trail," 98 There is no evidence to support the contention of some that these raids continued until the death of Waccara; his last documented raid into California was in the winter of 1850-51; see Journal History, March 4, 1851, and Beattie, Heritage of the Valley, 84.

6

warriors available for hunting and raiding throughout the year

Without large numbers of healthy warriors and horses, Waccara's yearly cycle became impractical, and the Western Utes were once again compelled to modify their system of equestrianism

Although Waccara's Utes changed their system of equestrianism in response to the new pressures of the 1850s, they were less successful than previously at adapting to these environmental changes. Waccara initially countered the increased danger of horse raiding into California by leaving the women and children of his band in Utah during the winter while he and his warriors proceeded with their annual raid But Waccara and his warriors soon found that their families were not safe even at home; Euro-American gold-seekers began to cut through the eastern Great Basin, leaving a trail of pillage and murder in their wake.62 Waccara eventually gave up his raids entirely and began to winter with the Navajos when the group was healthy enough to travel and rich in trade goods But when he and his people were sick or "poor," they wintered in Utah.63 Because the group sometimes had to endure Utah's cold winters, and because they were unable to replenish their herds by raids, the quantity and quality of the Western Utes' horses began to suffer. Diminished buffalo-hunting opportunities and decreasing resources available in Utah—as a result of Mormon settlement—induced Waccara's people to increasingly rely on the slave trade to obtain guns, ammunition, and food However, the Mormons were simultaneously becoming less willing to trade for captives or to furnish the Utes with guns or ammunition, and they further attempted to restrict trade in Utah between the Western Utes and New Mexicans.64 By 1853, Waccara and his people, frustrated over declining food sources and Mormon trade restrictions, decided to obtain resources through one of the few remaining methods available to them: raids on Mormon settlements.

The Waccara War of 1853-54 was more a struggle by the Western Utes to regain their access to trade and food resources than an effort

61 Journal History, December 8, 1849, February 14, 1850, February 20, 1850

62 Solomon Nunes Carvalho, Incidents of Travel and Adventure in the Far West with Colonel Fremont's Last Expedition across the Rocky Mountains: Including Three Months' Residence in Utah, and a Perilous Trip across the Great American Desert, to the Pacific (New York: Derby and Jackson, 1859), 192-93; Journal History, October 26, 1853; William L Knecht and Peter L Crawley, ed., History of Brigham Young, 1847-1867 (Berkeley: MassCal Associates, 1966), 140; ARCIA 185 7, 599

63 For wintering with the Navajos, see Bean, Autobiography, 105; Gustive O. Larson, 'Walkara's Half Century," Utah Humanities Review 6 (Summer 1952): 251; ARCIA 1852, 438; DeseretNews, November 29, 1851, March 19, 1853; Journal History, March 17, 1852, November 13, 1854 For wintering in Utah, see Journal History, December 8, 1849

64 Brody, Routefrom Liverpool, 282; Deseret News, April 30, 1853

Utes trading horses in the Uinta Basin, 1909.

Opposite page: Uncompaghre Ute on horseback, 1909. Photo used courtesy of Manuscripts Division, Marriott Library, UofU.

to dislodge the Mormons from Utah. Waccara and his people, though originally willing to grant the Mormons use of their land in exchange for trade, were angered by Mormon attempts to change the land, restrict Ute access to the land, and limit Ute trade. Waccara's limited goals in the series of raids he directed in the summer of 1853 were simply to obtain Mormon cattle to feed his people and to force the Mormons into perpetually purchasing his Paiute captives.

Although the raids were initially successful, the Mormons soon began to "fort up" and station armed guards with their cattle They also outlawed trade between Euro-Americans and Waccara's Utes, effectively cutting the flow of guns and ammunition to the Western Ute warriors. The greater numbers, tight organization, central control, and communal support of the Mormons provided them with a significant military edge over the dispersed Western Utes, whose loose, task-oriented social organization was ill-suited for military operations. Brigham Young declared that Waccara's Utes must "bow down to the gospel or be slain," and within four months Waccara, his people hungry and their ammunition exhausted, began to make peace overtures.65 With his puwa at its lowest point, Waccara died within a year, after a protracted struggle with "lung fever. "66

65 For the Waccara War, see H. Bartley Heiner, "Mormon-Indian Relations as Viewed through the Walker War" (M.A thesis, Brigham Young University, 1955), and Howard A Christy, "The Walker War: Defense and Conciliation as Strategy," Utah Historical Quarterly 47 (Fall 1979): 395-420 Also see Smaby, "Conflicting Ecological Systems," 38-42 By 1852, Mormons in Utah, with their higher reproductivity, lower death rates, and immigration, greatly outnumbered Western Utes Such a scenario was a consistent theme in Anglo western expansion; see West, Way to the West, 91.

66 Deseret News, February 8, 1855

In the 1850s and 1860s, Western Ute equestrianism in the eastern Great Basin became untenable; everincreasing Mormon settlement was threatening the very survival of the Utes Following the death of Waccara, the Western Utes began to fragment as disease, emigration, and starvation took their toll. Most of those Utes who remained in western Utah depended upon raiding or Mormon assistance for their survival as the slave markets in Utah, California, and New Mexico closed, the buffalo disappeared, and wild game became scarce. By the 1870s most surviving Western Utes had moved to a reservation established in the Uinta Basin.67 Waccara's life and death proved to be a mirror to Western Ute equestrianism, since his generation became not only the first but also the last to practice equestrianism in the eastern Great Basin

Despite its rapidly declining functional value, equestrianism among the Western Utes persisted for decades outside the Great Basin, on the Uinta Reservation Winters in the Uinta Basin were extremely harsh, and the Utes were no longer able to migrate elsewhere to mitigate the effects of winter on their herd Agents consistently and aggressively pressured the Utes to abandon equestrianism and to pursue agriculture or livestock raising, even to the point of disbanding the tribal herd in the 1880s. Yet by 1922, the Utes had again increased their herd to 3,700 animals. Horses remained symbols of status and prestige among the Utes, and those without horses were often considered "stupid" by the more "wealthy" Utes. Mounted Ute bands continued to hunt buffalo and other game in Utah, Colorado, and Wyoming into the twentieth century. But times were changing, and stock-raising, mineral lease income, and federal assistance became the key components of the Ute economy, eventually replacing the equestrian way of life.68

68 Ibid

67 Lewis, Neither Wolf nor Dog, 38-39, 51; Van Hoak, "Waccara's Utes," 89-91; also see ARCIA, 1855-70.

Nearly a century after the demise of Western Ute equestrianism in the eastern Great Basin, historian Charles Kelly followed his Ute guide, Joe Pickyavit, up a steep mountain slope in search of the grave of the great equestrian Western Ute leader, Waccara Climbing past a loose rock slide, Pickyavit directed Kelly to the white stone that marked the gravesite. Although an initial search of the area by Kelly did not locate any evidence that the grave was Waccara's, a further examination revealed a large number of bones of horses, which Kelly knew would have been buried with the Ute leader. Ironically, the scattered horse bones were all that remained to mark the passing of Waccara and the age of eastern Great Basin equestrianism that he personified. Although this incident was a poignant reminder of the death of Western Ute equestrianism, the continued persistence of Western Ute culture was evidenced by a remark from Pickyavit to Kelly on the climb back down the mountain. Pickyavit, once a Western Ute leader himself, claimed that he had never before been to the gravesite. He had known of it only through oral tradition, he said, and had been guided there by unseen forces—the puwa of Ute religion.69

Statement of Ownership, Management, and Circulation

The Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042-143X) is published quarterly by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101-1182 The editor is MaxJ. Evans and the managing editor is Stanford J. Layton with offices at the same address as the publisher. The magazine is owned by the Utah State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds, mortgages, or other securities of the Society or its magazine

The following figures are the average number of copies of each issue during the preceding twelve months: 3,287 copies printed; 90 dealer and counter sales; 2,852 mail subscriptions; 27 other classes mailed; 2,969 total paid circulation; 37 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 3,006 total distribution; 281 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total, 3,287.

The following figures are the actual number of copies of the single issue published nearest to filing date: 3,431 copies printed; 15 dealer and counter sales; 2,944 mail subscriptions; 24 other classes mailed; 2,983 total paid circulation; 19 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 3,002 total distribution; 429 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,431

69 Charles Kelly, 'We Found the Grave of the Utah Chief," Desert Magazine 9 (October 1946): 17-19

Walter K. Granger: "A Friend to Labor, Industry, and the Unfortunate and Aged"

BY JANET BURTON SEEGMILLER

FRO M 1941 THROUGH 1952, Utah's First Congressional District was represented in the U.S. House by a farmer and stockman, Democrat Walter K Granger of Cedar City Granger's inauspicious roots would not have suggested that he would rise to a position of influence and respect in Congress or that he would enjoy the friendships of presidents and other national leaders His path to Washington, D.C, began

Walter K. Granger; photo courtesy ofAda Dalley Carpenter, Granger's niece.

Janet Burton Seegmiller is Special Collections Librarian at the Gerald R Sherratt Library, Southern Utah University

when the Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) called him as a missionary to the southern states, where he came under the influence of the energetic and persuasive Charles A. Callis. Under Callis's tutelage, Granger hone d his skills as a leader and public speaker while, against constant opposition, he stood up for his beliefs. The impressionable young man adopted Callis's character traits and ideals, especially his love for mankind and desire to help them have better lives. As Callis would remind him many years later, "Every objective should be to this end: God, Country, Patriotism, and Truth."1 Granger began running for public office soon after his mission ended, serving as a mayor and state legislator before his run for Congress. At points along the way, he benefited from the timing of world events such as World War I, the Great Depression, and the rise of Franklin D. Roosevelt and his New Deal. Factors contributing to his success were his intelligence and integrity, the support of his talented wife Hazel Dalley Granger, and his early commitment to the Democratic party. On the other hand, the reckless anti-Communist movement of the 1950s brought about his political demise.2

Walter Keil Granger was born in St. George on October 11, 1888, into the polygamous household of Walter Granger's third wife, Anna Keil.3 At the time of his birth, his father was in the state penitentiary for "unlawful cohabitation." After serving his sentence, Walter Sr. could live with only one wife; rather than returning to St George, where he and Anna had two small daughters and baby Walter, he moved to the tiny farming community of Enoch in Iron County, where his first wife, Catharine, was being cared for by their married daughter. Catharine died on September 23, 1894.4

Walter K. hardly knew his father until he was almost five years old; at that tender age, his mother decided to send him to live with his father.5 A fruit farmer from St. George who peddled produce in Iron County agreed to take him to Enoch, which he did, but he dropped the child off on the side of the road, pointed the way to the house,

1 Charles A Callis to Walter K Granger, January 22, 1943, Walter K Granger collection, Special Collections, Gerald R Sherratt Library, Southern Utah University, Cedar City, Utah

2 Thomas G. Alexander, Utah: The Right Place (Salt Lake City: Gibbs Smith, 1996), 458.

3 Anna's full name was Anna Christiana Ernestine Keil (sometimes Kiel), born November 10, 1861, in Oberboegandorf, Prussia (Ancestral File, Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints)

4 Walter Granger married Catharine Guthrie in Paisley, Scotland, on February 21, 1841 They had twelve children; most died in infancy Only daughter Catherine (born 1848) married and had children Granger's second marriage was to Jane t Clark on October 31, 1877, and his third to Anna Keil on October 19, 1883 (LDS Ancestral File)

5 Apparently, Anna divorced Granger in the fall of 1893; she married George Albert Dodge in St George on December 23, 1893 (LDS Ancestral File)

Walter K. Granger 333

and drove away. A small hill blocked the view, and the boy could not see where he was to go, so he stood in the road and cried. He was found by a man on horseback, who led him to his father.6

For the next ten years Walter K was raised by his father and his much older half-sister, Catherine Granger Bell, whom he called Aunt Kate He got along well enough until his father died when he was fifteen; after this he felt he had been left alone in the world From the age of fourteen, he had been herding sheep for wages so that he could pay his tuition and attend the Southern Branch of the State Normal School (BNS) in Cedar City, which offered a high school education. Unfortunately, the herding season began before school was out in the spring and ended after school started in the fall, so he could not complete all his classes each year and fell two years behind his age group. But when Granger was on campus he was active in athletics and debate, and he enjoyed English, literature, and history. In a first attempt at campaigning, he ran in and lost an election for mayor on the BNS campus. 7

During the summer of 1909, when Granger was almost twentyone years old and a year away from his BNS graduation, he left the sheep herd with his partner, Dick Tweedie, and rode down the mountain to get the mail and to check on his Aunt Kate's home because she was away. On the table he found a letter addressed to him from Box B in Salt Lake City. He knew it was an LDS mission call, but it came as a surprise, as he had not anticipated filling a mission In fact, he and Dick had been offered scholarships at a Michigan university where they had planned to train as physical education teachers Walter's first thought was not of his unfinished education but of his own inadequacy for missionary work. Still, he readily accepted the call and was soon on his way to Atlanta, Georgia, headquarters of the Southern States LDS Mission.

Charles A. Callis was only in the second year of his twenty-five-year assignment as mission president, but previous service as a missionary in England in the 1890s and in Florida and South Carolina from 1906 to 1908 had prepared him for strong leadership in this region where the church and its missionaries were frequently persecuted. As a selfeducated lawyer, Callis passed the bar exams in South Carolina and Florida so he could defend the missionaries when they were arrested on trumped-up charges. It is said that Callis influenced the lives of

6 Information and incidents about Granger's parents and his early life are found in Hazel Dalley Granger, The Grangers, Walter K. andHazelD., Their Life and Times (Cedar City: privately published, [1981]), 3-5

7 Granger, The Grangers, 5-7

more than 4,000 missionaries, but perhaps he influenced few so forcefully as he did Walter K. Granger. Like Granger, Callis had come from a background of poverty after his father died in his youth. He worked in the mines of Coalville until his mission to England and afterward had a political career as a Democratic state legislator and as Summit County Attorney from 1896 to 1906. He was known to champion the rights of the working man and to fight for justice. His daughter wrote:

Papa was exacting Nothing halfway suited him Everything he attempted had to be done well He asked this of his missionaries But he was patient The early part of his life and the struggles he faced to overcome his handicaps gave him this quality. Also his close contact with the working man enabled him to understand the problems most people have to face. He loved mankind and had a desire to help upgrade their lives so that they might have more enjoyment.8

As he served under Callis, Granger's mission became a defining experience and the training field for his political career Years later, when he had been re-elected to Congress in 1943, Granger responded to Callis's congratulatory letter with this summation:

I am absolutely positive if it had not been for that [missionary] experience, I would not be in Congress today, and in fact, would not have enjoyed many of the opportunities that have come to me My experience in public life, as a soldier in the last war, and as a member of Congress have all been fine, but the greatest service and the most consolation comes to me, not because of these but because of my missionary experience in what you refer to as the good old South.9

The girl he left behind and later married also wrote about his growth in the mission field. Hazel D. Granger described 'Walter K, the missionary," as a young man who learned to present and defend the views of his church in a very satisfactory manner and in fact had his mission time extended two months so that he could go to Florida and counter the attacks of an outspoken anti-Mormon minister. Hazel concluded that he rendere d a great service to the LDS church but received in return greater rewards and development than he could ever have expected.10

Upon his return to Cedar City in late 1911, he became president of the LDS Parowan Stake Young Men's Mutual Improvement Association and helped to develop athletic programs for the young men of the area Six months later he married Hazel Dalley, who was a schoolteacher and

8 Kathleen Callis Larsen, "A Biography of Charles Albert Callis and Grace Elizabeth Pack Callis," 1974, Special Collections, Harold B Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 14-16

9 Walter K Granger to President Charles A Callis, January 26, 1943, Granger collection

10 Granger, The Grangers, 8

a gifted musician. Granger also embraced Callis's Democratic party and a year and a half later became the Democratic candidate for mayor of Cedar City. He was twenty-five years old. He got seventy-three votes in an election where 207 votes were cast for the victorious Republican candidate and 136 for the Socialist candidate. About a year later, Democratic senator William H. King appointed him Cedar City postmaster, so his early commitment to the party paid off. He kept the postmaster's position for ten years When World War I erupted, his office exempted him from military service, but he wanted to serve and volunteered for the U.S. Marine Corps. Initially, he was turned down, but he finally convinced the board to let him go because Hazel agreed to keep the post office until his return. Arriving in France just as the war was winding down, he helped in the transition to peace. H e was still there when President Woodrow Wilson inspected the troops after the war's end, and he came home solidly in favor of Wilson and the League of Nations.11

Granger returned to his postmaster's position but had to give it up in early 1921 after the Republicans came to power under President Warren G. Harding. By this time, he had purchased eighty acres of land that he was farming and had begun acquiring his own livestock. Yet he kept his interest in public service

In November 1923 he ran again for Cedar City mayor on the Democratic ticket and thought for several weeks that he had lost the race by a single vote, but a recount on January 7, 1924, proved him victorious by four votes. He served in 1924 and 1925 for the grand salary of six dollars per month.12

In the years between 1925 and 1933 he ran for mayor four more times, losing twice and winning twice.13 Iron County generally voted

11 Ibid., 12-16

12 Evelyn K Jones and York Jones, Mayors of Cedar City (Cedar City: Cedar City, Utah, Historical Preservation Commission, 1986), 246-49

13 He lost to Eugene Christensen in 1925 by 21 votes; did not ru n in 1927; defeated Christensen in 1929 by 195 votes; won again in 1931 over Joh n S Woodbury by 224 votes; and finally lost in 1933 to Charles R Hunter, 575 votes to 826 The issue of building a municipal power plant controlled the 1933 election Democrats were for it; Republicans were against it, and the entire Republican ticket was swept into office by a majority that opposed a municipal power system. Jones and Jones, Mayors of Cedar City,

Hazel Dalley Granger.

Republican in state and national races, but mayors' races depended on the candidates and the issues. In 1926, when he was not the mayor, Granger was called to be the LDS bishop of the new Cedar City Third Ward. He won the mayor's seat again in 1929 and 1931 and therefore was both mayor and bishop when the dark days of the depression reached southern Utah. In 1932 the mayor was supposed to earn $28 per month, but the city was reduced to spending only what it collected each month. As mayor, Granger suggested that the city pay its out-oftown bills first then pay as much as possible on the local bills. That left next to nothing for the mayor. 14

As bishop and mayor, Granger knew firsthand how desperate the people were becoming as the depression deepened Layoffs, reduced wages, and the inability to sell farm products hurt everyone Hazel recalled a night when a prominent member of the church came to their door at dinner time Tears were running down his cheeks as he described his efforts to get a job, any job, but no one could pay him wages. He said, "I haven't a crust of bread in my house for my children. If I can't get help one way, I will have to get it another." Walter asked the man to follow him to his corral, where he released his cow and drove it to the neighbor's house so the children would have milk. He also had a sack of flour and a sack of potatoes from his farm delivered to every widow in the ward. Travelers who were stranded in Cedar City came to Mayor Granger, and none were turned away without some food and gas to help them on their way. 15

Granger's response to watching the struggles of his neighbors and community members was to put his name on the ballot for state representative in 1932, the year of Franklin D Roosevelt's first presidential campaign Hazel worried about Walter taking on another political position when he was still mayor and deeply involved in the fight over building a municipal power plant. Yet she knew that he felt something had to be done, and he thought he could do it best by being in the Utah legislature. Granger won election to the House and became an advocate for involving the state in Roosevelt's New Deal programs. But his viewpoint ran counter to that of LDS president Heber J. Grant, who spoke out against accepting federal relief. Grant's most oftenrepeated quote was "Wanted: Not a red cent of federal dole for Mormon Utah, Idaho, Arizona or California."16 Although LDS church

14 Ibid., 280

15 Granger, The Grangers, 24

16 New York Daily News, June 20, 1938.

authorities personally lobbied Granger and asked him not to present legislation to bring federal economic relief to Utah,17 he remained true to his personal conviction that extraordinary measures, including government programs, were necessary to recovery from the economic depression.

During his second term, Granger was elected Speaker of the House, and in that position he wrote an emergency bonding bill that allowed Utah cities to issue revenue bonds to build municipal projects with federal relief funds. The bill came to be known as the Granger Revenue Bond Act. In his hom e county, community water systems were built or vastly improved and sewers installed with these funds.

Due to the success of the New Deal programs, Roosevelt won the majority vote in twenty-eight of Utah's twenty-nine counties in 1936; only Kane County stuck to its Republican bias. Granger won his third state term that year. After the 1937 legislature created the Utah Public Service Commission to oversee utilities, Granger did not run again but instead accepted one of the first appointments to the commission in 1938.

In 1940 First District congressman Abe Murdock opted to run for a U.S. Senate seat, creating a vacancy in the U.S. House. When people began urging Granger to enter the contest, Hazel again expressed disapproval, but to no avail, as many prominent Democrats were on her

Herbert B. Maw, president of the Utah state senate (later he served as governor of Utah), Governor Henry H. Blood, and Speaker of the House Walter K. Granger during the 1935 legislative session. Salt Lake Tribune photo, USHS collections.

17 Frank H.Jonas, "Utah: the Different State," in Frank H.Jonas, ed., Politics in the American West (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969), 333

husband's side. Hazel realized that his leadership, honesty, and hard work as the Speaker of the Utah House had positioned him for this opportunity and that, if elected, he would serve successfully. His campaign slogan was "The ideal candidate: Ask anyone who knows him." Granger's simple ads described him and his allegiances to the voters: A native-born son of Utah, educated in Utah institutions of learning, and trained in the school of experience. Farmer and stockman, soldier, church man, mayor, legislator, Public Service Commissioner A Friend to Labor, Industry, and the unfortunate and aged Enthusiastic supporter of President Roosevelt and the NEW DEAL.18

Granger won the election by 14,000 votes, but of course it was a big year for Democratic candidates as FDR won his third election. The other members of the Utah delegation in the 77th Congress— Senators Elbert Thomas and Abe Murdock an d Congressman J. Will Robinson, who was in his fifth term—were also Democrats.

As the Grangers anticipated their move to Washington, D.C , Walter K. was fifty-two years old and in the prim e of life. He might have been considered a "high school dropout" because he had never finished the BNS, but he was confidently self-educated. Six years as a mayor and six years as a state legislator, plus th e two-year mission and nine years as a bishop, constituted his congressional prep course. He had never earned much of a salary, excep t as Public Service Commissioner, and the Grangers often relie d on Hazel's teaching salary to keep the farm going The couple ha d had no children; Hazel's only pregnancy ended when the fetus died at seven months To compensate, she had immersed herself in he r teaching career and studied music. Her beautiful contralto voic e was recognized by Professor William H. Manning, who brought gran d opera and oratorio to Cedar City's Branch Agricultural College. Hazel sang the roles of Azucena in 77 Trovatore and Carmen in Carmen, and she sang the contralto solos in mor e than fifteen performance s of Handel's Messiah.19

It was with some anxiety that the Grangers sold their Cedar City home, stored their furniture, and drove east before New Year's Day 1941. They did not dare move all their household goods, for there was no promise of re-election for another term . In Washington they rented a three-room furnished apartment in th e Carrol Arms Hotel, across the street from the Senate Office Building; they could walk out

18 Campaign brochures and copies of ads, Granger collection

19 Granger, The Grangers, 25-29

Walter K. Granger 339

the hotel's front door and see the majestic Capitol straight ahead On January 3, from the House gallery, Hazel watched in awe as Walter was sworn in as a member of the 77th Congress.20

The Grangers cautiously entered the Washington social scene. Their first formal event was Roosevelt's third inaugural reception on January 20, a white tie and tails event Walter rented a full tuxedo, but when it was time to dress, he realized that the white tie was missing. Rather than stay home, he put on his own black bow tie and went to the White House. Hazel noted that he was the only one there with a black tie, but it did not seem to bother Walter at all. It was the couple's first opportunity to meet Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt Hazel had heard that once Mrs. Roosevelt met a person, she did not forget his or her name. A short while later she was invited to the White House for an elegant luncheon with a few other wives of Congressmen and Cabinet members, and sure enough, Eleanor remembered her name. After the nation became involved in World War II, however, there were no more such luncheons, and even the next inauguration was celebrated with a simple lunch of items not rationed: chicken salad, hot rolls with no butter, coffee with no sugar, a green salad, and cake with no frosting.

The Grangers became members of the local LDS ward upon their arrival in Washington. Walter K. was sometimes called upon to speak in Sunday services, and Hazel was quickly put to use in the musical programs. She directed a women's chorus and sang in the choir in the stately new Washington Chapel on 16th Street and Columbia Road. Dr. Sterling Wheelwright, a noted organist, led the choir and gave public recitals at the chapel three nights a week, recitals that were a "tonic and respite for tired defense workers" during the war years. 21 Wheelwright also scheduled the Washington Ward choir to give public performances of a shortened Messiah at Christmastime. Hazel declined the opportunity to sing the contralto solos because she would not drive alone to the chapel for weekday evening practices, but she rehearsed as a chorus member on Sundays. However, on the evening of the first performance the contralto soloist failed to appear, and Hazel was called on the spot to sing the solos, which she handled beautifully for all three concerts.

A second Washington institution touched by the talents of Hazel

20 Ibid., 37.

72-73

21 Lee H. Burke, History of the Washington D.C. IDS Ward (Salt Lake City: privately published, 1990),

Granger was the Congressional Club, which was organized in 1908 by wives, mothers, and older daughters of members of Congress The club built its own building as a center for educational, cultural, and social events. In order to pay for the building, the club held bazaars, printed cookbooks, and presented entertainments. Hazel and a guest from Utah, Mrs. Will Hoyt of Nephi, came to the club one day just as members were planning a fundraising musical program to pay off the club's mortgage When someone asked for a volunteer to lead a chorus, Mrs. Hoyt spoke up and said Hazel was an experienced director. Hazel could not get off the hook, so she located the members who could sing, gathered up some music, and put together a few comedy numbers for the program. Apparently, the "Congressional Club Follies" were the hit of the show. In this way, she endeared herself to the women behind the men in Congress.22

Granger was pleased when his first House assignment in 1941 was on the Agricultural Committee, where he felt he could make the greatest contribution His first piece of legislation committed the federal government to share in the cost of reseeding vast grazing tracts in the western states still suffering from the drought of the 1930s. With Abe Murdock co-sponsoring it in the Senate, the bill passed both houses and became law. Granger also successfully lobbied for an Army Air Corps unit to be stationed at the Branch Agricultural College (former BNS), which probably saved the school from extinction during the war years, and he obtained ROTC units for both BAC and BYU. Granger may have come to Washington on Roosevelt's coattails, but as he had done in the state legislature, he quickly established his own reputation for fair-mindedness and integrity. He developed strong working relationships with other congressmen as he conducted hearings for agriculture subcommittees He was asked to escort Senator Harry Truman across Utah as the senator investigated the quality of construction in war plants. Later, when Truman unexpectedly became president, Granger felt he had a close colleague in the White House.

Walter's legislative contributions often benefited the Indian tribes, the stockmen, the farmers, and other agricultural interests He worked to regulate mining in favor of U.S. mines, to provide disaster loans, and to support the work of the U.S. Forest Service. His most productive session was the 81st Congress, in which he submitted some

22 Granger, The Grangers, 64

Walter K. Granger 341

thirty-four bills or concurren t resolutions and saw at least fifteen become law. The most important of these was the Granger-Thye Bill, a complicated bill that he wrote at the urging of the Forest Service; it provided for the restoration of forests through collection of grazing fees, authorized the election of local advisory boards for each national forest or administrative subdivision, and established ten-year grazing permits. Granger herded the bill through the house while Senator Thye of Minnesota took it through the Senate. It was unusual at that time for a bill to carry the sponsors' names, but the Forest Service insisted upon it this time.23 Thus, both Utah and federal legislation carried Granger's name

Granger was ahead of the times in what he saw as the government's role in protecting its citizens. Twice he submitted bills proposing investigation of "the tobacco and cigarette problem." He was fifty years too early to generate widespread public support, but he was not far from the mark as he suggested that there might be a "connection between receipts from cigarette advertising by certain newspapers and magazines and the suppression by the m of unfavorable publicity regarding the effects of tobacco addictions " and that there were occupational diseases connected with the manufacture of cigarettes. He also proposed studies on whether the use of tobacco affected the moral, mental, and physical health and longevity of its users; whether nonsmokers were directly or indirectly affected by tobacco use of others; the effects of tobacco use on the efficiency of government employees; the prenatal and postnatal effects on children of smoking mothers; and related issues of deaths, property losses, and economic waste.24

Granger's judgment and integrity were recognized by his peers when in 1951 he was elected to the powerful House Ways and Means Committee with the second highest numbe r of votes in the Democratic caucus. This assignment placed him in a favorable position to influence legislation and committee assignments. He was able to secure passage of a bill that would allow the livestock men to treat their breeding stock as capital gains on their income taxes, a change that saved the stockmen millions of dollars The stockmen had been trying to get this consideration for years. 25

During his last campaign, in order to re-emphasize that he was

23 Congress and theNation, Vol 1, 1945-64 (Washington, D.C: Congressional Quarterly, 1965), 1054

24 U.S 80th Congress, H.R 6867, June 10, 1948; U.S 81st Congress, H.R 273, June 29, 1949

25 Walter K. Granger to Conrad Frischknecht, September 13, 1954, Granger collection.

running on his own record in Congress, Granger summarized his legislative career to a party worker:

Of course you know I was on the Agriculture Committee for most of the twelve years I was in Washington and in that position was able to influence much of the legislation that had to do with the problems of the farmers For years I sponsored the legislation that would have kept the tax on margarine and was successful for a number of those years For my work in that connection, I was endorsed by the National Dairy Association each campaign year after that

I sponsored all the legislation for the sheep men and as a result was always endorsed by the National Wool Growers Association, Byron Wilson a former president and their representative in Washington, a Republican, taking care of the letters of endorsement. Before I got on the Agriculture Committee the problem of the sheep growers had not been considered by the Agriculture Committee and as a result there was no one looking out for them. . . . The sheep men wrote their own bills while I was there and I got them passed for them

Granger then noted that he had authored the Granger-Thye forest bill, "one of the finest bills" dealing with conservation, and went on to say,

The last year I was in the House I saved the sugar bill for the growers of sugar beets and the manufacturers of them Carbon County, Cache County and Weber County have reclamation projects through my efforts I did all the work on the Weber Basin Project then Watkins stole the publicity But there never would have been a Weber Basin at that time if I had not gone to the President and convinced him of the need. . ..

After the war it looked as if Geneva Steel would be scrapped. Abe Murdock and I went to Tom Clark, the Attorney General at that time, and convinced him it would be wise to sell the plant to Columbia Steel. Clark had an order on his desk prohibiting Columbia Steel from buying the plant but we were able to change his mind 26

While Granger made friends and alliances in Washington, D.C, his campaigns at home every other year became more heated as the political mood was shifting in favor of the GOP In Granger's second congressional campaign in 1942, he did not even carry his home county in the race against then-Republican J. Bracken Lee, mayor of Price. However, Granger retained his seat by 269 votes by carrying Washington, San Juan, Wayne, Millard, and Weber counties. That year there were no major races in Utah, and voter turnout was low Two years later, during Roosevelt's fourth campaign, Granger was reelected by 16,000 votes.

In 1946 there was another close race as the Republican party rebounded following Roosevelt's death. Two Utah Republicans won

Walter K. Granger 343

their first seats in Congress—Arthur V. Watkins in the Senate and William A. Dawson in the House for the Second District. However, Granger defeated David J. Wilson by 104 votes. Wilson, who was chairman of the Republican State Committee, contested the election on the grounds that some local election judges had improperly registered voters and mishandled ballots He implied that voter fraud was present and asked to have the ballots in specific districts thrown out. Not coincidentally, those districts had been heavily won by Granger.

The Utah election board refused Wilson's request, but he went to Washington and convinced the House election subcommittee to hear his challenge. After the 1946 election brought a Republican majority to the House, the case finally came up in June 1948 in a Republicancontrolled committee Wilson expected the GOP majority to be sympathetic to him and vote to override the state canvassing board that had certified Granger's election. However, except for a single Republican member, the committee voted in favor of Congressman Granger, saying they found no evidence of fraud and no reason to unseat the incumbent However, they did agree that there may have been "numerous and wide-spread errors and irregularities in many parts of the district, which reveal a lack of the knowledge of the law and a failure to enforce properly the registration and election statutes" in the rural voting districts.27 The committee report was accepted by the House of Representatives with a unanimous vote for Granger, a victory he found satisfying since it came from his peers in both parties Granger served through the controversy, never doubting his right to the seat.

In November 1948 he faced Wilson again and defeated him by a margin of 21,000 votes as President Truman carried Utah by 25,000 votes Granger had been at Truman's side again as he made a whistlestop tour through Utah in September 1948

During the 1950 campaign, fallout from McCarthyism and strident anti-Communism began to take its toll on Utah's Democratic candidates. Subtle advertisements placed the Democrats and the American Communist Party on the same side of some issues, making it appear as though candidates Elbert Thomas, Reva Beck Bosone, and Walter Granger were Communist sympathizers Wallace F Bennett defeated Thomas, but Granger won his fifth term by defeating Preston L. Jones, and Bosone defeated Ivy Baker Priest.

On the strength of his successes in the 82nd Congress (1951-52), Granger decided to challenge Arthur V Watkins for his Senate seat in 1952 He announced his candidacy before General Dwight D Eisenhower threw his hat into the Republican presidential race, however, and he would later regret this move when the Republican party swept Utah, riding on the coattails of the popular army general. Once again, the in-state campaign was affected by the national climate of McCarthyism Both Bosone and Granger were called "dupes of 'the Kremlin-controlled American Communist Party'" as former congressman William A. Dawson challenged Bosone to regain his House seat.28 The campaign against Granger was further muddied by charges of personal gain from taxpayer dollars. The charges, originally made in an American Fork newspaper column, were reprinted in a GOP ad prominently published in Utah newspapers the Friday before election day. The advertisement, which Granger denounced as an "infamous lie" and "the lowest example of dirty politics I have ever seen," said that Granger was building a $60,000 home on his ranch near Cedar City ("Rancho Granger") and that government funds had been used to drill a well, build the fence on the property, and reseed forty-five acres of his grassland Weekend editions of the major newspapers carried Granger's denial and demands for full retraction from the man who had taken a picture of the home for Watkins's press secretary, from those who had prepared and inserted the ad, and from the publishers of the papers. 29 All the papers printed some kind of retraction like the following, which was buried deep in Section A in the Ogden Standard-Examiner on November 2, 1952:

This newspaper is now reliably informed that the Production Marketing Association did not drill a well upon the Granger farm

We have also read and considered Mr Granger's denial of the matter set forth in the article, that price of the house is $28,000 and not $60,000, that the PMA did not drill a well upon his property and that the Soil Conservation Service did not reseed 45 acres of his ranch, and that the government did not build a fence around this property.

The Standard-Examiner, therefore desires to retract statements which were set forth in the advertisement and denied by Mr Granger, and we regret having published the statements.30

29 See "Granger Denies Claims in Ad as 'Infamous Lies,'" Deseret News, November 1, 1952

30 Ogden Standard-Examiner, November 2, 1952.

The damage had been done, however, and it was small consolation to

28 Alexander, Utah: The Right Place, 376-77, 458; "More Straight Talk to Walter K Granger and Reva Beck Bosone about Socialized Medicine," paid political advertisement, Salt Lake Tribune, November 3, 1952

Granger that Watkins received 30,000 fewer votes than Eisenhower did in Utah; Watkins still won by 28,000 votes

Walter and Hazel retired to their new home in Cedar City, but as the 1954 election drew near, a grassroots effort to get Granger to run again for his House seat began within the membership of the Weber County Democratic Party and culminated when he agreed to let the state Democratic party place his name on the ballot.31

Weber was the home county of Republican Douglas R. Stringfellow, who had won the First District seat in 1952 largely through his stirring tales of heroism during World War II. Stringfellow had become paralyzed while serving with the U.S. Army Air Corps in France, but he began embellishing his war story as he retold it to Scout groups and young people's gatherings until he had invented his participation in a dangerous Office of Strategic Services (OSS) mission behind enemy lines, an officer's commission, and several faithpromoting incidents in which his life was saved Not only did Stringfellow share his story at dozens of meetings but the stories were also repeated by Mormon church leaders and written into church lessons for young people, and he was honore d by the U.S. Junior

Lyndon B. Johnson, Michael]. Kirwan, and Walter Granger in 1954. Salt Lake Tribune photo, USHS collections.

31 Frank H.Jonas, The Story of a Political Hoax (Salt Lake City: Institute of Government, University of Utah, 1966), 43-44

Chamber of Commerce as one of the top ten young men in America

His election to Congress in 1952 showed the strength of his popularity, but during the 1954 campaign his fabrication unraveled, and under pressure from the leadership of the LDS church and the state Republican party, he confessed and withdrew from the campaign.32 Before withdrawing, however, he had attempted to discredit Granger by implying that Granger had Communist sympathies and had failed to meet him in scheduled public debates. Granger resented Stringfellow's false accusations and wrote him on October 4, 1954:

In as much as I have never engaged in mud-slinging in my campaigns, your appeal to keep the campaign clean was unnecessary Also, in your letter as reported in the paper, but not in the copy I received, you make the statement that I had failed on two occasions to meet you in public debate. That statement is absolutely untrue. In view of this charge by you, are you really sincere in your appeal to keep the campaign clean. . . ? Along with our determination to keep the campaign on a high plane and not resort to mud-slinging and personalities, let us also resolve to be truthful in all things.33

Perhaps Granger was indirectly asking Stringfellow to be truthful about his war record. Granger had known for some time—perhaps as long as a year—that the war story was a fabrication, but he had no plans to expose Stringfellow.34 An expose was not his style, but it also could have backfired. In reviewing Stringfellow's career, political scientist Frank Jonas wrote, "If anyone had dared to attack Stringfellow either on his war story or his veteran status, the anger of the electorate would have turned on the accuser and not on the accused " The congressman had evoked considerable sympathy not only in Utah but also wherever he spoke across the nation.35

Recognizing the situation, the Democratic party had been gathering evidence of Stringfellow's hoax for many months; members of labor unions and veterans' organizations and a few newspapermen were also heavily involved The party and Granger did not want to take the initiative to expose the congressman but were willing to assist others. Granger wrote to a Gunnison party member on September 13, 1954, "We have definite proof that Stringfellow's heroic story is a fabrication of his own mind and he did not do the things he has taken credit for. .. . I am giving you this information in order that you may

32 See ibid, for further details about Stringfellow's story and the campaign to uncover the truth and expose it before the November 1954 election

33 Walter K. Granger to Douglas R. Stringfellow, October 4, 1954, copy in Granger collection.

34 Jonas, The Story of a Political Hoax, 43

35 Ibid., 93

Walter K. Granger 347

be able to meet some of the arguments in his favor that you may run into."36

Granger's insistence on campaigning on his own record brought him admiration from William W Owens of Logan In early October, Granger refused the opportunity to discuss Stringfellow's war record in a public meeting. Owens wrote Granger:

You no doubt knew this complete situation when you declined to have it discussed at the Logan meeting I congratulate you on being a man of such high principles. You have charity. You did not stoop to smear your opponent although a recital of facts is not a smear, but it would be intrepreted [sic] as such by the opposition. Your high sense of honor in this case should be additional proof that you are the best man to represent Utah in Congress.37

Evidence of the hoax was finally printed in the Army Times on Thursday, October 14, and the Democratic party had 10,000 copies sent to Utah for distribution. However, Senators Watkins and Bennett and President David O McKay of the LDS church intervened, and Stringfellow confessed on KSL-TV before the Times story could become the propaganda bomb the party desired.38

It was less than three weeks before the election, and it would appear that Granger could easily win. However, the public did not realize that Stringfellow's lies included those he had made against Granger, and his followers were sure that somehow the Democrats were responsible for Stringfellow's fall. Dr. Henry Aldous Dixon, president of the Utah State Agricultural College, replaced Stringfellow on the GOP ticket. Granger had just sixteen days to campaign against Dixon. His strategy was described in a letter he wrote to Lloyd Ivie of Salina:

Your very interesting letter served to further convince me that we must hold the Republicans responsible for the Stringfellow blunder Of course they knew the war story was a hoax but were willing to go along and carry him on their ticket so long as he could win

However, now we are faced with another candidate and a contrast to the other. Dixon is well known around these parts and he is highly respected I am sure your approach—his qualifications as an educator as contrasted with my experience as a legislator—is the onlyweapon we can use. 39

Public sympathy was with Dixon and the Republicans, however, and Dixon won. Hazel's memoir claims that she and her husband had

6 Walter K Granger to Conrad Frischknecht, September 13, 1954, Granger collection

7 William W Owens to Walter K Granger, October 15, 1954, Granger collection

3 Jonas, The Story of a Political Hoax, 39

3 Walter K Granger to Lloyd Ivie, Granger collection

no regrets about losing the election, because they had no desire to return to Washington.40 Walter himself left no personal record of his feelings, but it would be hard to imagine that he was not disappointed to have his fine record as a congressman soiled and to have been rejected by the Utah citizens whom he had served so well.

The Grangers retired to Phoenix in 1962 In 1966 the U.S Forest Service appointed Granger to serve on its Federal Appeals Board, which settled disputes between the agency and individuals with grazing or timber permits. He served honorably for three years—from his 78th to his 81st year. In 1975 Walter K. and Hazel returned to the peace and quiet of Cedar City.

In 1976 Granger was awarded an honorary doctorate degree from his alma mater, then Southern Utah State College. Although in 1909 he left without a diploma, he had become one of the school's finest alumni.41 Two years later, on April 21, 1978, Walter Keil Granger passed away in Cedar City at the age of eighty-nine.

When the twenty-three-year-old Granger chose to pursue a life of public service, it is unlikely he ever dreamed it would lead him to the halls of Congress and to socials and councils in the White House Throughou t his career, he remained true to his own self image described during his 1940 and 1952 campaigns: "Farmer and stockman, soldier, church man, legislator, Public Service Commissioner," and "a conscientious and responsible public servant." Although he rose from sheepherder to congressman, he never forgot his roots or his friends—"labor, industry, the unfortunate and aged."42

40 Granger, The Grangers, 60 41 Approximately forty-five years after the end of Granger's Congressional career, the Grangers were honored posthumously at a Washington, D.C, conference The author presented a paper and was prepared to claim that Granger's career had been "forgotten" in his home state; however, a number of conference attendees came forward to discuss his career and share personal memories of "Walter K." Utahns and former Utahns from Richfield, Delta, and Salt Lake City spoke of his positive campaigning across the state and his great service He had not been forgotten after all 42 Political brochures from 1940 and 1952, Granger collection.

Homemakers in Transition: Women in Salt Lake City Apartments, 1910-1940

BY ROGER ROPER

I N 1935 LEONORA CANNON STEWART reached a crossroads in her life. Recently widowed and faced with the economic hardships of the Great Depression, she decided that she could no longer afford to live in the family's large home on Salt Lake City's east bench. The house was impractical for her own needs anyway, now that her children were grown and gone. Still, she hated to leave behind the beautiful family

LaFrance Apartments (originally Covey Flats, 1907photo, built 1905), at 238-258 W 300 South; USHS collections. Etna Ivie (next page) lived here with friends in the late 1920s after she moved to Salt Lake City from Salina to teach school. As was typicalfor many small-town young women, she lived in the city only afew years before she returned to rural Utah and assumed the traditional role of wife and mother. Photo courtesy of Steven Wood.

Photo:

Roger Roper is the preservation section coordinator for the Utah State Historical Society

home and the security and status of home ownership. If she had to settle for something smaller and more economical, it could at least be safe, convenient, and comfortable. She found just such a place.

In 1936 Faye Clark moved to Salt Lake City from the farming village of Alpine to work while her fiance served a two-year mission for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS church) She joined her sister in the city, working with her at the Lion House Social Center and sharing her nearby accommodations

In the late 1920s, Elna Ivie was also looking for a place to live in Salt Lake City after obtaining her first job as a schoolteacher. Raised in the central Utah town of Salina, she had no close relatives in Salt Lake City with whom she could live, so she made arrangements with friends to share living quarters. The place they found was centrally located to their jobs and was not too expensive.

The housing solution for each of these three women was the same: a downtown apartment Apartment buildings accommodated an ever-increasing number of Utah women in the early twentieth century Between 1910 and 1940 the percentage of apartment households headed by women more than doubled, rising from 15.4 percent to 33.8 percent.1 Apartments were conveniently located near the central business district, were usually equipped with modern interior features, and were affordable. And, unlike houses, they did not require a commitment to permanence. This "impermanent" nature made them ideally suited for people in transitional phases of their lives.2 For women, those phases were usually the young-adult years prior to marriage and the post-family years of widowhood. Each of the apartment-dwelling women described above was in one of those transitional periods. Faye

1 In compiling data, the author drew random samples from apartment building occupant lists in the 1910 manuscript census for Salt Lake City and from the 1925 and 1940 city directories Two different sources were used because at the time of research later censuses were not yet available to the public (the 1920 manuscript census has since been made public), and it was not until 1924 that lists of apartment building occupants were provided in the city directories Statistics generated from an analysis of these data are hereafter referred to as "Statistics."

2 One indicator of the transitory nature of apartments is the "persistence rates" of apartment dwellers in comparison with those of suburban homeowners Subdivisions, especially those located south and east of the city core, were rapidly expanding during the early decades of the twentieth century. A related study by the author of all apartment dwellers (not just women) offers the following statistical insights from 1925: 37 percent of apartment occupants had lived in their apartments for one year or less, compared with 8 percent of suburban homeowners; the average length of apartment residency was 5.4 years versus 15.7 years for homeowners; and 32 percent of apartment residents were "new arrivals" to the city (in other words, they were listed in the city directory for the first time), versus 25 percent of homeowners

Etna Ivie

Hideaway bed in the Smith Apartments, 226 S. 300 East (1908 photo, built 1908). Apartment designers sought efficiency whereverpossible, including the use of "disappearing" beds, fold-out ironing boards, built-in bookcases, and compact kitchens. These efficiencies were more practical in apartments than in homes because apartments rarely accommodated families and thefull range ofhomemaking duties that accompany them. Apartments also featured many modern conveniences,including central heat, telephones, central vacuum systems, and electric ranges and refrigerators.

Clark and Elna Ivie were on their way to becoming wives and mothers, while Leonora Stewart was moving beyond the homemaker role

Women filling the traditional and expected roles of wife and mother were homemakers in houses, while women outside the homemaker role increasingly tended to live in apartments, either by choice or necessity The shift of women into and out of apartments usually came as a result of life-course transitions that affected their homemaker role. Life-course transitions can be caused by personal events such as career choices, marriage, parenthood, and widowhood, or by broader social events such as technological advances, economic conditions, legislative action, and changing social attitudes.3

The influence of both levels of life course transition is evident in the lives of the three women discussed above. Both Elna Ivie and Faye Clark moved to Salt Lake City as unmarried women seeking employment The expanding urban job market for women had created wageearning opportunities that were virtually nonexistent for white

3 Tamara K Haraven, "Cycles, Courses and Cohorts: Reflections on Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to the Historical Study of Family Development, "Journal of Social History 12:1 (Fall 1978): 100-102

middle-class women a generation earlier. Both young women left the city and their apartments when they married and assumed the expected roles of wife and mother. Leonora Stewart moved into an apartment when personal factors diminished her homemaker role. Yet the economic hardship she faced as a widow was exacerbated by the depression, which made the financial demands of home ownership more burdensome. Also, her experience as a homemaker, which was focused on interior activities, left her ill-prepared to assume the exterior tasks of home ownership—repairs, maintenance, yard work, and so forth— which her husband had overseen So it was a combination of personal and social factors that pushed her out of the stable role of homemaker

Her transition to the post-homemaker role was eased, however, by other social factors. Urbanization and the concurrent development of apartment buildings offered her the option of living independently in her own residence. A generation earlier, in pre-apartment times, a widow probably would have moved in with one of her children, giving up some of her autonomy in the process. It was only after the turn of the century that multi-story "urban" apartment buildings were constructed in Salt Lake City; Utah women looking for housing before then would have had fewer options.4 Apartments quickly replaced boardinghouses and hotels as the most common and popular form of multi-unit housing They provided some of the advantages of a home—individual kitchen and bath facilities, for example—but none of the disadvantages—mortgage payments, property taxes, repairs, and yard work.

Between 1902, when the first urban apartment building in the city was constructed, and 1931, when construction stopped because of the depression, more than 180 apartment buildings of three or more stories were built in Salt Lake City.5 The emergence of this new building type was spurred by the city's rapid growth; the population grew from 53,351 to 140,267 in the 1900-1930 period, with the biggest increase (39,246) coming between 1900 and 1910. Apartments became the obvi-

4 Urban apartments are defined here as multi-family residential buildings of three or more stories, with six or more self-contained units, and with shared, rather than individual, exterior entrances. Variations of two basic apartment building plans persisted in Salt Lake City from their inception in 1902 until 1931: the "walk-up" type, built primarily before World War I, and the double-loaded-corridor type, built after that war Other types of multi-family housing were also being built, including duplexes, rowhouses (often referred to as "terraces"), and various two-story apartments These were usually more house-like in scale and were often built as secondary structures behind other buildings or on secondary, mid-block streets Urban apartments, however, were always (with one exception) built along major streets and were of masonry, as opposed to frame, construction

5 The number of urban apartment buildings constructed in Salt Lake City during that period was calculated from data in Salt Lake City building permits, Sanborn fire insurance maps, Polk directories, and field observations by the author

ous solution to the growing demand for housing. They were concentrated in central-city neighborhoods where high land values, increased congestion, and downtown proximity made them practical for both investors and city dwellers. Writing of the popularity of one- and twostory apartments in 1902, the Salt Lake Tribunenoted that "the constant demand of renters for apartments close in has resulted in stimulating the erection of terraces or flats. There is scarcely a doubt that the popularity of this form of residence will continue to increase ."6 Only the depression brought an end to this building phenomenon.

The dramatic rise in the numbe r of women living in apartments between 1910 and 1940 can be attributed to several factors. Perhaps chief amon g them is the increase in the numbe r of wage-working women during that period. Both in the nation and in Utah, women entered the work force in increasing numbers. In Utah, the percentage of women who worked for wages rose from 11 percent in 1910 to about 18 percent in 1940.7 Most of the new jobs for women were in urban areas, and as cities grew, they attracted increasing numbers of women seeking wage-work.8 Many of the new jobs for women were occupations formerly dominated by men. For example, the numbe r of women office assistants, clerks, stenographers, and saleswomen in Utah increased dramatically during the early decades of the twentieth century. O n the other hand, the numbers of women in more traditional female occupations, such as dressmaker, servant, and laundress, declined.9

Since most of the new jobs were in downtown commercial and office buildings, unprecedented numbers of women began moving into central-city neighborhoods to be near their workplaces The new multi-story apartment buildings near downtown were a logical choice of residence for them. The concentration of wage-working women in apartment buildings is evidenced by the fact that in 1940 at least 60 percent of the women living in Salt Lake City apartments held jobs.10 Most of these, like Faye Clark and Elna Ivie, were young women. Older women also found apartments attractive. Between 1910 and 1940 the percentage of widows in women-occupied apartments

6 Salt Lake Tribune, July 27, 1902

7 Miriam B. Murphy, "Women in the Utah Work Force," Utah Historical Quarterly 50:2 (Spring 1982), 158

8 Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1986)

9 Murphy, 'Women in the Work Force," 147

10 "Statistics."

ranged from 40 to 50 percent.11 Unlike their younger counterparts, most of the widows in apartments did not hold jobs, so proximity to the workplace was not usually an issue in their selection of housing For them, a more likely attraction of apartments was their proximity to the city center with its shops, churches, and cultural activities. Another attraction of apartment buildings was cost Even though women were moving into occupations formerly dominated by men, they were paid less for their services,12 so it was important for them to economize on living expenses. An apartment required a smaller financial commitment than a home, but it was probably more expensive than a room at a boardinghouse However, women often lived together to share the costs, so the per-person cost of renting an apartment was quite reasonable. For instance, the apartment that Faye Clark shared with her sister and another woman in the late 1930s cost $30 per month. Her monthly earnings were $47.50 plus two meals per day, so her share of the housing cost—ten dollars—was hardly exorbitant The unit included a large living room, a bedroom, a bathroom, and a small kitchen.13 On the other hand, boardinghouses were probably cheaper, but they lacked the privacy and quality of accommodations found in apartments, especially since many boardinghouses were older homes that had been converted. Cost was also a factor for widows, and many found apartments to be less expensive than houses. Before the late 1930s Social Security did not exist, and widows were entirely dependent on their own savings and investments and what assistance their children could provide. In order to reduce costs and perhaps to gain companionship, widows also shared their apartments. Leonora Stewart shared her apartment with her unmarried sister, Ann M. Cannon, and with her former maid.14 Elna Ivie and Faye Clark also shared their apartments with friends or relatives. At least four women lived together in Ivie's apartment, and, as mentioned above, three lived in Clark's apartment.

11 Exact percentages of widows are impossible to calculate from the data in the city directories In both the 1925 and 1940 directories, some 35 percent of the apartment women were listed as widows, 20 percent were listed simply as "Mrs.," and approximately 45 percent had no marital designation. The latter two categories could possibly contain additional widows, since directories were not a census-type accounting Women in the "Mrs." category are especially likely to have been widows or divorcees; otherwise, they probably would not have been listed as the principal occupants of their apartments

12 Murphy, "Women in the Work Force,"

144 One example of the disparity in the salaries of men and women was the teaching profession See Jessie Embry, "Separate and Unequal: Schoolmarms of Utah, 1900-1950," in John R Sillito, ed., From Cottage to Market: The Professionalization of Women's Sphere (Salt Lake City: Utah Women's History Association, 1983), 65-66, 71

13 Faye Clark Whitby, interview by author, May 16, 1988, Alpine, Utah

14 Nora Stewart Snow, interview by author, April 21, 1988, Salt Lake City, Utah Mrs Snow is the daughter of Leonora Cannon Stewart

Homemakers in Transition 355

Sharing the cost of an apartment was often important because, even though apartments were economical, they were not housing for the poor Virtually all the urban apartment buildings constructed in Salt Lake City were built for a middle- and upper-class clientele. The Covey Investment Company, which was involved in the construction and management of more than a dozen apartment buildings in the city, targeted those groups. 15 The La France Apartments, where Elna Ivie lived, were built and managed by Covey. Other apartment developers apparently shared Covey's philosophy, because the buildings throughout the city were fairly uniform in quality and the occupant profiles did not vary dramatically. There were no palatial apartments, such as those built in New York City or Chicago for the very rich,16 nor were there subsidized apartments for low-income families; the tenement slums of eastern cities did not exist in Salt Lake City.

Most apartments in the city were "efficiency apartments."17 These are well-built, multi-story units designed more for utilitarian rather than aesthetic purposes, though most were attractive as well. The quality of apartments varied, of course, according to address; buildings in more prestigious areas were generally of better quality than those in less desirable neighborhoods. 1 8 Elna Ivie wrote in a letter that her apartment was located in a "disreputable" neighborhood near the railroad and warehouse district, and she commented on the more fashionable accommodations of some of her friends in the Belvedere Apartments and the Newhouse Hotel.19 Overall, however, the actual range in apartment quality was relatively narrow.

Nationally as well as locally, apartment buildings often carried distinguished names meant to convey an urbane or respectable character.20 Particularly popular were British and European names—

16 Kent Covey, interview by author, April 6, 1988, Salt Lake City Mr Covey was involved with the management of apartments owned by the Covey Investment Company until the company sold them in 1985 He is the grandson of Almon A Covey, one of the three Covey brothers who founded the company

16 The Bransford (later Eagle Gate) apartment building, constructed in 1902 at the corner of Main and South Temple streets, was clearly the most prestigious in Salt Lake City, though it was not comparable with elaborate apartments in major eastern cities The Bransford was also the first apartment building in the city

17 The apartments in Salt Lake City best fit the description of "efficiency apartments" as defined by Joh n Hancock in his article "The Apartment House in Urban America," in Anthony D King, ed., Building and Society: Essays on the SocialDevelopment of the Built Environment (London and Boston: Routledge andKegan Paul, 1980), 160, 171-76

18 The prestigious South Temple and Avenues areas tended to have the most expensive and fashionable apartments such as the Bransford, Covey, and Caithness

19 Elna Ivie letter to Harold Wood, October 1, 1928, in possession of Steven Wood, a grandson The Newhouse Hotel was at 400 S Main The Belvedere is at 29 S State

20 Elizabeth Hawes, New York, New York: How the Apartment House Transformed the Life of the City (1869-1930) (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993), 180. See also Elizabeth Collins Cromley, Alone Together: A History of New York's Early Apartments (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1990), 143

Blackstone, Broadmoor, Ivanhoe, La France, Lorna Doone, Los Gables, Palace, and Piccadilly, to name a few Salt Lake City examples. Owners' names were also used frequently and were especially effective in conveying an upscale image if the owner was well-known. Examples include the Bransford, Covey, Kearns, McCullough, and Moyle apartments.

Profiles of the women living in Salt Lake City apartments verify the middle- and upper-class character of the buildings. Working-class women (maids, laundresses, etc.) and students rarely occupied apartments; both these groups tended to live in boardinghouses or in lesssubstantial rentals. A significant percentage of women apartment occupants, more than 35 percent, were retired or held no jobs at all; most of these were probably widows. The fact that these unemployed women were not forced to work to support themselves is evidence that they enjoyed a degree of financial security But the largest group of women apartment dwellers throughout the 1910-1940 period held middle-income jobs. More than 50 percent worked as office assistants, retail sales clerks, beauticians, teachers, and so forth. A very small percentage, usually less than 2 percent, had careers that could be classified as "professional"—college professor, lawyer, or physician, for example.21 Apparently, some of the local literati also established themselves in apartments, giving apartment life something of a Bohemian reputation.22

Growing female independence was another possible cause of the increasing proportion of women choosing to live in apartment buildings. Such freedom is difficult to gauge but would have followed the general social trend. With the passage of the female suffrage amendment in 1920 and the broadening of the female job market, unprecedented opportunities were being made available to women in the early twentieth century. Young women perhaps became less content than their mothers had been to remain in the homes of their parents or other relatives and pursue more traditional domestic activities. Apartments offered them a place of their own as they pursued careers prior to marriage. Both Elna Ivie and Faye Clark are evidence of that trend.

The migration of young women to the city and apartment life was a cause of some concern to parents and local religious leaders.

21 "Statistics."

22 Snow interview Though Mrs Snow did not provide specific names of artists and writers, her distinct impression was that at least some of the apartments in the city were homes and gathering places for them This was true nationally as well

Safe accommodationsfor girls new to the big citywereprovided at the YWCA boardinghouse (306 E. 300 South, at left) and at theMethodist church's Esther Hall (347 S. 400East, below).

Detractors linked apartments to such social ills as sexual promiscuity, female rebelliousness, communism, and juvenile delinquency.23 Suburban real estate developers also took part in the effort to discredit apartment living. During the late 1920s and early 1930s, several anti-apartment articles appeared in the Sunday real estate page of the Salt Lake Tribune, which was generally a promotional sheet for home developers. These articles reported that homeowners were healthier than apartment dwellers, that apartments spawned juvenile delinquents, and that, despite a certain degree of popularity enjoyed by apartments, Americans still preferred "the conveniences and inducements" of a home.24

Parents' concerns for the moral and physical well-being of their daughters living and working in the city could be tempered by the presence of a relative or good friend who could share the apartment with a young woman. Faye Clark's parents were not overly concerned when she moved to Salt Lake City, because she was going to be with her older sister.25 Girls without a protective relative, however, caused their parents considerable anxiety Parental attitudes of the time are perhaps typified by those expressed in Wallace Stegner's novel Recapitulation, which takes place in Salt Lake City during the late 1920s One of the main characters in the book is a young woman who has come from a small southern Utah farming community to work in Salt Lake City. She describes her father's concerns about her urban lifestyle: "My father's always after me to marry some nice boy and settle

23 Gwendolyn Wright, Building a Dream: A Social History ofHousing in America (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1983), 151

24 Salt Lake Tribune, September 9, 1928, April 6, 1930, October 5, 1930

25 Whitby interview

down and quit living in apartments. H e thinks it's dangerous, or immoral, or something." She had lived for a time in the Hotel Temple Square, which was owned by the Mormon church, but she found its curfews and regulations too confining. According to her boyfriend, "That place was full of snoops."26

Local women's organizations took it upon themselves to help look after young women who came to Salt Lake City to work. In 1908 the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) established in the old Gordon Academy (306 E. 300 South) a 30-bed residence that offered safe haven, reasonable rent, low-cost meals, and companionship to young women new to the city.27 In the 1930s, the Methodist church converted its Davis Deaconess Home (347 S 400 East) to a residence hall in order to provide a "Christian home atmosphere" for girls who came to the city to work or go to school.28 Mormon church officials also felt strongly that supervision was needed to protect young women from worldly attractions of the city. In December 1913 the church's Relief Society opened a "home for Women and Girls" in downtown Salt Lake City for girls "who insist on coming to this city to get big wages." It was noted that these girls were "too often allowed to drift about with no secure quarters" and without the "security, friendship and association with our people." The home also served women who came to the city to work in the temple and attend conferences.29 In 1920 a new and larger facility was established in Brigham Young's Beehive House. The women students and wage-workers who lived there were unde r strict supervision. Like the young woman in Stegner's novel, some undoubtedly found such restrictions overly confining Others, like Faye Clark, felt that the rules were reasonable Faye lived and worked at the Beehive House for several months in between periods of sharing her sister's nearby apartment.30

The concerns of Mormon church officials about the well-being of young women did not lead them to oppose apartments altogether. Mormon contractors were actively involved in the development of apartments, and the church itself sponsored the construction of the Belvedere Apartment Hotel downtown. Several church general

26 Wallace Stegner, Recapitulation (New York: Fawcett Crest, 1979), 172, 183

27 "History of the Salt Lake City YWCA, 1906-1981," included in the YWCA Diamond Jubilee/1980 Annual Report. Copy available at Utah State Historical Society (USHS) archives, Salt Lake City.

28 TheFirst Century of the Methodist Church in Utah (Salt Lake City: United Methodist Church, 1970), 63. See also the National Register of Historic Places nomination form for the Davis Deaconess Home, USHS preservation office

29 Relief Society Bulletin 1:2 (February 1914): 16-17

30 Whitby interview.

Alpine residentFaye Clark (left) joined hersisterAlice in Salt Lake City in 1936, sharing an apartment and working at theBeehive House, which theIDS church had converted to a social center. The Beehive House also served as a chaperoned dormitoryfor young women who came to the cityto work orgo to school. Inset photo courtesy ofFaye Clark Whitby.

authorities and church leaders themselves lived in apartments, apparently preferring the convenience of apartment living when their family and other circumstances allowed for it.31

The shift of women into the job market and apartment buildings apparently was not a major concern to Mormon church officials. There were very few articles written or sermons given on those topics during the 1910-1940 period. Instead, leaders focused their advice on advocating the traditional role of women as homemakers, mothers, and nurturers. Their position was flexible, however. They recognized that circumstances sometimes required a woman to work for wages, but they discouraged women from entering the work force when there was no real need.32

The Relief Society Bulletin (later the Relief Society Magazine) was the Mormon church's most active voice in reaffirming women's roles as wives, mothers, and homemakers, though this voice was rarely strident. However, the very choice of subject matter in this women's publication reveals an expectation of what women's roles should be. There were numerous articles about home production and the temporal and spiritual benefits that women gained from gardening;

31 A few examples include apostle David O McKay (Miller Apartments, 48 W North Temple, 1925-39), Quoru m of the Seventies president Antoine R Ivins (Hillcrest Apartments, 87 A Street, 1937-41), apostle Charles A. Callis (Belvedere Apartments, 29 S. State, 1934-c. 1946), and church official Bryant S Hinckley (Belvedere Apartments, 1938-41) Some LDS church leaders, including Reed Smoot and Charles W Nibley, chose to maintain rooms in the church-owned Hotel Utah

32 Marjorie Draper Condor, "Constants and Changes: Role Prescriptions for Mormon Women as Seen through Selected Mormon Periodicals, 1883-1984" (MA thesis, University of Utah, 1985), 59-60, 70

these articles were based on the assumption that women lived in homes and had access to garden plots. Women who might prefer the refinements and culture of urban life were advised, "Associate with plants and flowers, with babies and home folks if you would be truly cultured."33

Plants, babies, and home folks, however, were not central to the lives of apartment-dwelling women Their world revolved more around careers, entertainment, shopping, and socializing In the physical sense, and probably in the psychological sense as well, these women dwelt outside the homemaker realm, at least temporarily. It was undoubtedly exhilarating for the young rural women who came to work and live in Salt Lake City to have access to urban entertainments and activities. Elna Ivie, the young schoolteacher from Salina, indulged in urban pleasures on occasion. When her friend from Salina came to visit one weekend, they did "nothing but eat and see shows." On numerous other occasions she and her friends went out to eat and visited at each other's apartments.34

Even without the lure of urban distractions, apartment-dwelling women were able to ignore certain homemaking duties simply because the apartment lifestyle was less demanding. "Light housekeeping" was one of the advertised attractions of apartments; this benefit was achieved in part by compact, efficient floor plans. More important, though, was the introduction of new technologies such as central heat and gas and electric appliances. The economies of scale inherent in apartments made the introduction of these moder n amenities more feasible than they would be for a single-family house. One boiler could provide heat and hot water for all of the apartments, and gas and electric hook-ups for an entire building required only one incoming line, the same required by a single-family house Technological advances, however, were not the only reason women enjoyed reduced household chores in apartments. With no vegetable garden to tend, no eggs to gather, and no cows to milk, home production of food was hardly possible. Besides, the small kitchenettes in most apartments were not well-suited for canning fruits and vegetables, and there was little room for food storage. The women could even ignore meal preparation by going to restaurants to eat. That was an indulgence Faye Clark and her sister permitted themselves; they often enjoyed Sunday dinner at a small cafe on Main Street

33 Relief Society Bulletin 1:1 (January 1914): 10

34 Ivie correspondence, May 23, 1929, January 20, 1929

Homemakers in Transition 361

that offered a complete dinner for twenty-five cents.35 There was nothing like that in their hometown of Alpine, where a nice Sunday dinner meant considerable work for the women of the family

Cleaning and maintenance burdens were also eased in apartments. Most apartment buildings had their own managers or janitors who lived on the premises, usually in a basement apartment near the boiler, electrical equipment, and plumbing. The managers were responsible for making repairs and for cleaning public areas such as entrances, hallways, and grounds A few apartments even offered a direct, in-house telephone link with the janitor to make requests for repairs easy and effective.36

The use of maids to assist with interior household chores was rare Occupants of some of the more prestigious apartments, such as the Bransford (later known as the Eagle Gate), no doubt employed maids, but this was very much the exception in Salt Lake City's middleclass apartments.37 In part, maids were expendable because technical advances made many household chores easier. A number of buildings had built-in vacuum systems to aid the tenants in cleaning. Many apartments also provided regular cleaning and repainting services. Covey Investment Company, one of the major developers and owners of apartments in the city, sent crews around annually to wash walls and refurbish the wood floors.38 The La France Apartments, where Ivie lived, were owned by the Covey Investment Company. In the spring of 1929 she noted in a letter that "the cleaners are beginning to clean the apartment. . . ,"39 She no doubt enjoyed being relieved of the spring cleaning duties that faced most homemakers

Another household chore de-emphasized in apartments was clothes washing. Many of the apartments did not have laundry facilities for the tenants to use, the idea apparentiy being that tenants could patronize commercial laundries The Keith Annex Apartments (122 E South Temple), where Faye Clark lived, was one such building However, many apartments, especially those built after World War I, did provide laundry facilities in the basement for those who wished to

35 Whitby interview

36 References to in-house telephones in apartments are found in numerous newspaper articles in the Salt Lake Tribune. See, for example, May 22, 1910, December 20, 1908, July 27, 1930

37 Only one building, the Prescott Apartments at 569 E 200 South (demolished) is known to have had clearly designated servants' quarters. Those were located in a clerestory-like top floor. See Salt Lake Tribune, April 11, 1909 The practice of housing maids on the upper floors—which were less desirable spaces when a building lacked an elevator—and janitors in the basement was typical of apartments in New York City and other parts of the country See Cromley, Alone Together, 118

38 Covey interview

39 Ivie correspondence, March 23, 1929

Hillcrest Apartments, 155-189 E. 1st Avenue (c. 1920s photo, built 1916).

Leonora Cannon Stewart lived here afterthe death ofher husband, a prominent attorney. The Hillcrest, built by Covey Investment Company, wasone of the largest apartment complexes in the city. The U-shaped building consists of "walk-up"type units.

do their own wash. And these were usually state-of-the art facilities. The Hillcrest Apartments, for example, had steam-heated closets for drying clothes, a system so effective that it was used for several decades

Other household chores rendered obsolete in apartments were the hauling of cooking and heating fuel and the starting and maintaining of fires. All the apartments constructed in Salt Lake City after the turn of the century had gas or electric stoves in the kitchens and central heating plants maintained by the manager. Many also had modern refrigerators. New homes of the period also boasted those conveniences, but most older homes did not. In these homes, heating and cooking needs required the attentions of a homemaker.

Women of course enjoyed the "light housekeeping" that apartments offered. For many, it was their first exposure to the new devices that made household duties easier. The effect of this experience on young women was especially profound. As they left apartment life and moved into their homemaker roles in homes, they wanted those same conveniences.40 Thus, apartments not only alleviated many household chores for their tenants but also accelerated the widespread acceptance and demand for many of the labor-saving devices. Whether this modern equipment actually reduced the burden of household duties is debatable. Some historians contend that new standards for cleanliness and efficiency accompanied the new technology, so homemakers—with no servants to assist them—were kept just as busy as before.41

Though this study focuses on single women and widows in apart-

40 Cromley, Alone Together, 199 See also Hawes, New York, 185-86

41 See Ruth Schwartz Cowan, More Workfor Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1983); also Susan Strasser, Never Done: A History of American Housework (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982)

ments, a significant number of married women lived in apartments as well. Young couples were specifically targeted as tenants by apartment owners. In fact, they were the only potential tenants specifically mentioned in newspaper advertisements and real estate articles.42 Most of those married couples were newlyweds with few, if any, children.43 Like the single women and the widows, they were also in a transitional phase of their lives—no longer single but not yet settled into careers and the responsibilities of family life. Children were not allowed in some of the apartment buildings, so couples often moved to houses when children came. One such couple was Collins T. and Ida Mae Cannon. Immediately after their marriage, they moved into the Hills Apartments in the Avenues district, but they remained there only nine months, until the birth of their first child. They then moved in with Collins's grandmother.44 Similarly, in 1942 Leonora Stewart had to move from the Hillcrest Apartments when her daughter and young grandchild moved in with her while her son-in-law was at war. After the war, Mrs Stewart moved back into an apartment.45

There was a prevailing opinion that apartments were not a desirable setting for homemakers carrying out child-rearing and household duties At times various religious leaders and other social commentators expressed this view. In 1931 a nationally syndicated newpaper article condemning apartment-style urban life appeared in the Salt Lake Tribune:

Marriage has to run enough risks without the added great city ones of cramped quarters, sunless rooms, high maximum expenses, excessive amusement and extravagance and competition with rich folk. ... I wouldn't want any young persons I loved to start into matrimony here. . . . The gold of marriage is honest love, work, planning, flowers, children, family, friends, sacrifice, sharing. These things can be achieved in two rooms, with a foyer and kitchenette.

But it is simpler to find an opener place, a quieter atmosphere, a less competitive neighborhood, in which to cultivate them.46

Similar concerns were voiced periodically in Mormon church publications. A 1937 article in the Improvement Era magazine made the following observations:

42 Salt Lake Tribune, May 23, 1908, March 21, 1909

43 "Statistics."

44 Laurie Cannon Smith, life sketch of Ida Mae Burton Cannon (typescript, 1978), 6 Copy in USHS archives

45 Snow interview

46 Salt Lake Tribune, March 1, 1931, magazine section.

And now; how fares the modern home? Great hotels and apartment buildings, which are models of beauty in design, the acme of perfection in convenience and lighting, luxurious in furnishings and appointment, are subdivided into tiny cells or clusters of cells which myriads of people call home. There are no fires to build or keep, no water to carry, no lamps to fill, no chores to do. They are places to come back to, but not places to live in. They do not grip or hold the affection of the family. . .. At night, the movies, the theatre, the automobile, and other amusements are beckoning fingers, enticing the family away from home.47

Clearly, apartments and the urban life they fostered were viewed as unsuitable for the homemaker; for many in Salt Lake City and throughout Utah traditional homes seemed to be the only viable option. Certainly, experimental housing arrangements, such as the kitchenless houses and feminist apartment hotels promoted by New York domestic revolutionary Charlotte Perkins Gilman in the latenineteenth and early twentieth centuries,48 were not part of Salt Lake City's experience As early as 1902, Gilman was advocating that "The domestic period is long outgrown" and that "A man, woman, and child all should demand something more than 'home life.'"49 None of the local newspaper articles of the period discussed apartments in the socialist-feminist terms that Gilman and other likeminded reformers used. Apartments in Salt Lake City were simply a new and profitable option for real estate investment They were privately funded, with no government subsidy and no social agenda they were attempting to fulfill.

The de-emphasis on household chores, child-rearing, and other homemaking activities in apartments is consistent with the increasing "unhomelike" nature of apartments The basic "walk-up" plan of most apartment buildings constructed in Salt Lake City between 1902 and World War I resembled homes of the period, with front porches, rear service porches, and the orientation of each apartment to the front of the building. Most were built in a "stacked duplex" arrangement, with pairs of apartments on each floor having only one common wall In some instances, several basic walk-ups were attached to one another to form a long row of apartments or were combined in a U-shape to create a central courtyard.

After World War I, the most common apartment building plan

47 George A Baker, "Houses or Homes," Improvement Era, May 1937, 284

48 For a thorough discussion of Gilman's ideas and influence see Dolores Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History ofFeminist Designsfor American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981), 183-205, 229-65

49 Quoted from a Cosmopolitan article in Hawes, New York, 175-76.

The Clarendon Apartments, 53 S. 300 East (1935 photo, built 1927), is typicalofthe "double-loaded corridor" type that dominated the Salt Lake market after WWII. These large rectangular buildings often had garages behind, since automobiles were becoming common.

was the "double-loaded corridor." These are long rectangular buildings oriented with the narrow end to the street and extending deep into the lot—a good use of the underused backyards of Salt Lake City's large square blocks Under this arrangement, rows of apartments face a central interior hallway rather than the street, eliminating the familiar front and back porches common both to houses and the earlier walk-up apartments. This shift away from a homelike appearance occurred at the same time that increasing numbers of non-homemaker women were moving into apartments. Clearly, the concepts of "home" and "homemaking" were giving way to the new arrangements and lifestyles that apartments offered

The emergence of apartment buildings in Salt Lake City during the early twentieth century reflects, certainly, the general urbanization of the city, but it also represents a significant development in domestic arrangements for women. For the first time, large numbers of women who were not homemakers were able to maintain private residences without the assistance or support of a male wage-earner. Homes demanded the traditional arrangement of a wage-earner and a homemaker to sustain them; apartments did not. But apartments were a non-traditional type of housing that accommodated non-traditional lifestyles. When a woman was in the traditional homemaker phase of her life, her residence, too, was usually traditional—a home. When she was outside that phase, she often chose the non-traditional apartment as her dwelling because it fit her non-homemaker needs.

Such was the case with Leonora Cannon Stewart, Elna Ivie and Faye Clark, who, along with thousands of other women, lived in apartments during transitional phases of their lives. Those phases were sometimes very temporary, especially for young women. Faye Clark lived in Salt Lake City only eighteen months before returning to Alpine and marrying Merlin Whitby in the spring of 1938. They raised five children and continue to live in Alpine Elna Ivie worked as a teacher for about five years, two of which she spent in an apartment.

She married Harold Wood in 1929 and moved to his farm in Lewiston, where she raised four children and lived until her death in 1972. Widows, however, tended to remain in apartments for longer periods, often living out their lives there Leonora Stewart spent most of her twenty-six years of widowhood in apartments The post-homemaker phase was usually a final stage of life with virtually no transitional events to change its direction. Women who never married were also long-term apartment residents.

Apartment buildings represent transition in a variety of ways. Their physical presence documents the urban transformation of the city during the early twentieth century. Apartments were built in neighborhoods that were shifting from single-family homes to denser, increasingly commercial use. Architecturally, they are a blend of residential use and commercial form (multi-story, flat-roofed buildings set close to the street) Their floor plans and modern accoutrements document a shift away from older modes of homemaking and traditional concepts of home And finally, their occupants tended to be people in transitional phases of their lives.

The experiences of women, in particular, demonstrate the transitional nature of apartments. Women's principal role as homemakers was so closely tied to homes that their time in apartments stands out as a distinct period of transition into and out of that role. Women's occupancy of apartments also reflects the expanding opportunities for women to achieve independence during the early twentieth century. Though Salt Lake apartments were neither intended nor perceived as feminist housing, they provided non-traditional or non-homemaker women unprecedented residential independence

Book Reviews

This book is a collection of fourteen essays/articles written byvarious scholars and authors over the past twentyfive years, with an emphasis on the period between 1850 and 1912. The book makes a significant contribution to the study of African American experiences on the western frontier While this book has some interest to historians and scholars, it has particular value for the general reader. It accomplishes its primary objective to "document and validate the African American frontier experience" as well as "to tell the complete story of the presence of African Americans on the western frontier"

(2)

The goal of this book is to detail the contributions of African Americans toward the settlement and development of life in the western frontier of the United States. Essays such as "Slavery in the West," "Oklahoma's AllBlack Towns," and "American Daughters: Black Women In the West" add specific information on topics seldom addressed Each article deals with ofttimes-ignored and sometimes completely forgotten aspects of African American life. The editors have made the collection most valuable by tying the variety of subjects together through a focused introduction, a statement of intent, and the closing bibliographic essay

For those who live in Utah, "The Mormons and Slavery: A Closer Look," by Newell G. Bringhurst, and Michael

Clark's "Improbable Ambassadors: Black Soldiers at Fort Douglas, Utah, 1896-1899" bring understanding of topics seldom known or studied The reader gets a much better sense of the challenges of slavery, of military cavalry and infantry, and of occupational roles

The photographs and figures provide the reader with a view of the rugged individuals and their living arrangements as they accepted the challenge to move westward. They permit the reader to put faces on such important personalities as Biddy Mason, Nat Love, Bill Pickett, and Allen Allensworth. The editors provide "American Daughters: Black Women in the West" and "Still in Chains: Black Women in Western Prisons, 1865-1910," two excellent pieces on the roles and participation of women on the western frontier Still, many of the more creative roles of women in community-building require much more research

Unfortunately, this work leaves for further research two primary yet vital areas First, although the book contains "The Development of African American Newspapers in the American West, 1880-1914," this essay has little or nothing to say about many papers, such as the Broad-Ax and the Plain Dealer, and it has absolutely nothing about the Western Light. Many readers would want to know more about the important role newspapers played in black communi-

African Americans on the Western Frontier. Edited and with an introduction by MONROE LEE BILLINGTON and ROGER D. HARDAWAY (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1998. x + 275 pp. $24.95.)

cations networks and in the encouragement of literacy.

Second, the African American churches, which are the premier institutions beyond the family, get only the attention provided in William L Lang's "Helena, Montana's Black Community, 1900-1910." The church's monumental role relates to all other facets of African American life, and it carried a significant burden in the developing western frontier. For example, the Zion Baptist Church of Denver, the Trinity African Methodist Church of Salt Lake City, the Saint Paul Baptist Church of Boise, and the Calvary Baptist Church of Salt Lake City have rich and long his-

tories but are left for later study This is also true of other western areas with African American communities. This book whets the reader's appetite for more recent works like Quintard Taylor's In Search of the Racial Frontier: African Americans in the American West, 1528-1990. It will have important use to those teachers and students of American history wanting to gain a better understanding of blacks in the West. It is enjoyable and informative.

FRANCE A DAVIS University of Utah/ Calvary Baptist Church

Westminster College ofSalt Lake City:From Presbyterian Mission School to Independent College.

By K. DOUGLAS BRACKENRIDGE (Logan:

Utah State University Press, 1998.

x +

262 pp. $24.95.)

K. Douglas Brackenridge has written an excellent institutional account of one of Utah's important educational gems—Westminster College of Salt Lake City Anyone who visits or attends functions on the campus today, or who talks with students about their educational pursuits, is likely to be impressed with the small campus facilities and atmosphere, and the students seem to be favorably impressed with their college experience It is quite evident, after a reading of the early history of this institution, that, as President Charles H. Dick has said, what transpired "was just short of a miracle."

Professor Brackenridge has portrayed that story well, from the early antiMormon Presbyterian mission days to the present secular community college status. The author has done an excellentjob of putting the story into its historical context in the Mormon Utah setting, and he has accurately stated the relationship between the early struggling Presbyterian school and the dominant Mormon community

The history is well-researched and well-written The author has used a great many in-house, local, and national non-Presbyterian documents to see the overall and detailed picture

In a short book of 250 pages of text, divided into nine evenly spaced chapters, he moves the reader through the many episodes of the school's history. What seems to stand out is that in each era there was some individual or small group that brought the institution from the brink of disaster or closure and by devoted effort kept things going and moving along to the point of the apparent stability of today. This is in many ways a story about college heroes

The book recounts that, although today Westminster College of Salt Lake City is a private independent college, its roots were in Presbyterianism. This faith had come out of the early American period as one of the strong religions that emphasized the intellectual and its ties to religion By the time of the Civil War, the Presbyterian church had established forty-nine

church-related colleges in the eastern United States. The developing West was an open field for expansion of Christian education, and although it contained only a small population, the region was a prime area of interest in which Native Americans, Hispanics, and Mormons needed conversion and cultural assimilation—and in Utah the Mormon polygamous culture needed special attention.

It was under these assumptions that the Presbyterian educational movement in Utah began and moved through its history The first three chapters recount the 1875 establishment of the Salt Lake Collegiate Institute by the Presbyterian church, which tried to draw Mormon children to Presbyterian elementary and high school programs and wean them away from their faith. Overall, this tactic did not work; the studentbody remained small, and the institute lacked funding Chapters 4 through 6 cover the establishment of the Sheldon Jackson College in 1895 and its successor, Westminster College, the 1902 naming of which still showed its Presbyterian relationship. These chapters tell of the move from a two-year college to a fouryear baccalaureate program and the establishment of a permanent campus in the southeast sector of the city Chapter 5, "A Campus Without Students," shows how close the college

came to closure when it had dropped to two full-time students and two faculty members. The depression years and competition from the state schools did much to keep student enrollment and funding low through these years, but the college hung on

The final chapters describe hard times to the point where officials again considered closure and there were some resignations of administrators and faculty due to poor budgetary conditions, but there was a major turnaround in 1974, when the college ended its affiliation with the Presbyterian church In 1984 the college closed its doors for one day to make a break with the old institution and open as the new "Westminster College of Salt Lake City." All of this portended a new era, when endowments of considerable amounts solved the financial crises and put the college on an independent basis, which allowed it to appeal to the entire community, even the Mormon community In the epilogue, hopes and directions into the future are outlined.

Overall, Brackenridge has given us an excellent account of the history of this important educational institution in Utah. I find little to criticize in his work.

RICHARD C ROBERTS Weber State University, Emeritus

A Sense of the American West: An Anthology

Edited byJAMES E SHEROW (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998 x + 310 pp Cloth, $60.00; paper, $19.95.)

This book is a collection of previously published articles from the late 1980s or early 1990s, so they are somewhat dated (one article states that it is drawn from a book that is "forthcoming" in 1987.) Following an introductory section on the writing of environmental history, the book is

ofEnvironmental History.

organized into three chronological sections: the period before "AngloAmerican culture dominated the region" (viii); the late nineteenth and early twentieth century; and post-World War II.

There is no overarching theme or conceptual framework for this book. It

consists of disparate chapters that roam widely across environmental history, which is broadly defined. The chapter topics range from the challenges that Indians faced in feeding their horses on the short-grass prairie to how Latinas in East Los Angeles developed their political identity This provides the reader with a great variety of topics and illustrates the breadth of thinking and research in environmental history. What the book lacks in cohesiveness it makes up in diversity of thought, approach, and time periods

At the most basic level, this book is about adaptation: how people change the land, and vice-versa The most upto-date chapter in the book, and the most sophisticated conceptually, is the introductory chapter written by the editor. After a rather florid beginning ("The sun had slowly begun its descent to the west, nearly touching the line between earth and sky, and it lighted the northward-drifting dust in the air above in blazing streaks of yellows, oranges, purple, reds, and blues"), Sherow succinctly explains the relationship between western history and environmental history and then tackles the most pressing questions in ecology: the dualism of man and nature; the dialectic of nature, culture, and adaptation; and the nearly constant struggle between present needs and long-term sustainability. He also describes the unique qualities of western environmental history and how it reflects both the culture and the geography of the region

The chapter that is most relevant to

current environmental issues is undoubtedly Mark Harvey's discussion of the demise of the proposed Echo Park Dam He explains how the nascent environmental movement learned how to win political battles, and he shows how changing American values and a new generation provided the impetus for major revisions in both land and water policy

It is fitting that the final section of the book contains two articles that deal with issues of environmental justice (although that term is not used in either). In chapter twelve, Brown and Ingram show how different cultures conceptualize water use in fundamentally different terms And chapter thirteen, by Mary Pardo, demonstrates how a group of "powerless" women— poor, minority, alienated, and ignored—discovered their political voice. The last subtitle in that chapter is "Transformation as a Dominant Theme"—a description that could be applied to all of the research in this book

This book will be quite useful to those who want to begin to familiarize themselves with the amorphous field of environmental history It does not offer a compelling conceptual framework or represent new theory, but it provides an excellent introduction to the thinking of an inspired set of writers who help us understand how humankind has changed the West, and how the West has molded a unique culture

DANIEL C MCCOO L University of Utah

I grew up believing that the rodeo lifestyle I adopted as a teenager was part of an isolated culture that had registered as little more than a blip on the

American imagination. In those days there was a vicious rift between cowboys, whose code did not allow them to grow their hair out, and the main-

Rodeo Cowboys in the North American Imagination. By MICHAEL ALLEN (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1998. xvi + 270 pp. $29.95.)

Book Reviews and Notices 371

stream of pop culture, which was busy copying the look of the Beatles and every subsequent rock group that arrived on the scene with louder guitars and even longer hair It would still be a couple of years before Kieth Merrill's Oscar-winning Great American Cowboy was released in theaters nationwide and a full decade before John Travolta did the Texas-two-step across the silver screen in Urban Cowboy, when suddenly everything western became chic. It was not until I read Michael Allen's book Rodeo Cowboys in the North American Imagination that I discovered what an important role the image of the rodeo cowboy has played in popular culture during the past century

Allen's work is unique in that it is a book-length monograph on the history of the rodeo cowboy in popular culture, a topic even the author himself admits is not something the world has necessarily been clamoring for. Yet his study is extremely valuable—and should be so to more than just a select audience of academicians and a wider group of rodeo buffs—in providing us with a clue to the complex American mind As Allen puts it, "I believe that the fundamental problem of North American civilization is that of an agrarian people enduring the agony and the joy of industrialization and modernization. If a book about rodeo can somehow shed a little light on that paradox, then it is certainly worth the effort to write it."

For this reader it certainly was worth the effort. Michael Allen, who is associate professor of History and American Studies at the University of Washington, Tacoma, has looked at every imaginable facet of the connection between rodeo cowboys and popular culture He begins with an excellent brief history of rodeo In subsequent chapters he delves deeply into an analysis of how rodeo cowboys have been depicted in movies, television, folklore, literature, art, and country

music He also examines the impact of commercialization and professionalization on rodeo, as well as the arrival on the rodeo scene of performers from outside the white, male, western, rural origins of the traditional cowboy. The result is an amazing overview explaining how rodeo cowboys have earned the place of "contemporary ancestor" and popular culture hero in America

Though rodeo has never found its Mark Twain, Allen successfully shows us that the cowboy sport has been immortalized in such classic motion pictures as The Lusty Men, starring Robert Mitchum; Larry McMurtry's novel Moving On; Ian and Sylvia's song "Someday Soon"; Copland and deMille's ballet Rodeo; Michael Dorris's novel A YellowRaft in Blue Water; and John Avildsen's movie 8 Seconds. These are only a handful of examples Allen examines And what he concludes from it all is that in the second half of the twentieth century, the rodeo man has come to represent the most vibrant remaining form of traditional cowboy culture, painstakingly preserving and honoring cowboy traditions Allen writes, 'Whatever the form, the rodeocowboy hero will always be there He may not be the most important contemporary popular culture hero, but he is most certainly persistent."

Few writers have ventured into the incongruent realm of intellectualizing about rodeo. The author seems to have taken on this project as a labor of love, and his heartfelt commitment to the topic rears off every page like a bronc out of the chute His scholarship is superior; the book includes twentythree pages of detailed endnotes, a glossary of rodeo cowboy lingo, and an insightful bibliographical essay. I find next to nothing to quibble about in this book, which is why I hesitate to even mention just one thing. Allen refers to Chris LeDoux, the retired rodeo star turned country-rock music star, as a retired world saddle bronc

champ In the broad context of this excellent book it seems trivial to point out that LeDoux did not ride saddle broncs. He rode bareback broncs. Yet, in the very esoteric world of the rodeo cowboy, this isjust the kind of subtle detail that might separate the "hand" from the "dude." In this case, however, Allen has long since established the fact that he is no dude when it comes to knowledge of rodeo. By his own admission, he is not a cowboy, but there is no question that he is a top "hand" in his field.

In 1974, Chris LeDoux came to St. George, Utah, to ride in the Dixie Roundup He drew the same Bar-T bareback bronc I had drawn the year before. In one of those rare encounters with greatness, I got tojoin him behind the chutes and pull his riggin' while I clued him in on his draw. He finished out of the money that night, but he headed on down the road and ended up placing third in the world that year with winnings of $25,740 Two years later he finally won the elusive buckle he'd been chasing for years. Chris

LeDoux was crowned World Champion Bareback Bronc Rider in 1976, though he won less money that entire year than bareback bronc riders win in one go-round at the National Finals Rodeo in Las Vegas today

These days at any professional rodeo you'll see kids thrusting trading cards at their rodeo heroes for an autograph. Had there been cowboy trading cards a quarter century ago, I would likely still have a Chris LeDoux, aJoe Alexander, a Don Gay, or aJoe Marvel at the top of my stack For me, they endure as compelling heroes But I would have been hard-pressed to explain why until I read Michael Allen's book. He has aptly demonstrated that rodeo cowboys, more than any other popular culture hero, evoke a kind of rugged independence and solitary courage found nowhere else They are the modern embodiment of the spirit of the vanished frontier and of the hardy pioneers who conquered it.

David Hyrum Smith (1844-1904) is especially significant to Latter-day Saints for complexly intermingled and profoundly intriguing reasons He was born about five months after his famous progenitor's June 27, 1844, murder He therefore was the last son in the biblically consequential patriarchal lineage of the founding Mormon prophet,Joseph Smith,Jr., and his wife Emma Hale Smith. David Hyrum was the only child born after their marriage covenant was solemnized in the Nauvoo Temple, which symbolically bestowed a unique status of enormous prominence upon him Many of the

Saints, furthermore, believed that he had been prophetically blessed by his father for leadership, perhaps as a prophet

The mythically Old Testament aristocracy into which he was born subsequently became divided, sometimes bitterly, between the two largest, rather contentious, factions of post-martyrdom Mormonism: the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS); and the Reorganized Church ofJesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (RLDS) David was intimately connected by sacred kinship to the hierarchies of both organizations; and, on differing familial and

LYMAN HAFEN Santa Clara, Utah

From Mission to Madness: Last Son of the Mormon Prophet. By VALEEN TIPPETTS AVERY (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998. xiv + 357 pp. Cloth, $49.95; paper, $19.95.)

theological grounds, he was exceptionally important to both of them. After his eldest brother, Joseph Smith III, accepted prophetic leadership of the Reorganization in 1860, David embodied the last and most prestigious hope for the LDS to attract a son of Joseph and Emma Smith to Utah Yet, out of both loyalty to his immediate family and sincere conviction, he joined the RLDS. David thereafter became an effective missionary in his brother's efforts to gather up the midwestern remnants of his father's religion, and he played a strategic role in the RLDS effort to wrest converts from Utah Mormonism. He eventually was called to the RLDS First Presidency (although he never served); ordinarily, David might have been expected to succeed Joseph Smith III as the RLDS prophet Valeen Tippetts Avery's engaging biography of David Hyrum Smith is skillfully researched, and it competently overcomes manifold difficulties with the pertinent sources. David's life was preserved selectively in his letters, poetry, and other writings, in various records of contemporaries, and in assorted histories A great deal of what is known about him is widely scattered and intertwined with observations, stories, and histories of other people and Latter-day Saint groups, much of which is only indirectly about him In spite of his mythic significance, there is (maybe surprisingly) little detailed information about David's early life, perhaps since he was sheltered from outsiders by his mother at Nauvoo. The surviving evidence, moreover, reveals only the main

contours of his mental illness and last twenty-seven years, spent at the Northern Illinois Hospital and Asylum for the Insane.

Avery's scholarly narration masterfully pieces together these disparate elements, weaving them into a coherent story of this fascinating but mostly neglected Saint Her gentle interpretation more than adequately sustains the central thesis. David Hyrum's mental instability, she explains, substantially derived from the tremendous existential difficulties of reconciling his mother's personal understanding of early Mormonism, particularly her denial that the founding prophet originated and participated in plural marriage, with what David learned to the contrary from the Utah Saints. Avery's sensitive exploration of homosexuality (in her analysis, she rejects the likelihood of homosexualityin David's relationship with Charles Jensen), and her illuminating discussion of the LDS views of David and his conflictive relations with the RLDS are original and impressive. She might have fleshed out the end of David's life somewhat more, perhaps with amore detailed account of the story of his son and descendants as well as their continued RLDS participation Even so, Valeen Tippetts Avery's immensely insightful, scholarly biography of David Hyrum Smith greatly enhances our understanding of this tormented son of the founding prophet of the Latter-day Saints

DANNY L JORGENSEN University of South Florida Tampa, Florida

The History ofLouisa Barnes Pratt, Being theAutobiography ofa Mormon Missionary Widow and Pioneer. Edited by S GEORGE ELLSWORTH (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1998 xxviii + 420 pp $29.95.)

Seldom can history buffs learn of important events and the day-to-day happenings in the lives of husband and

wife written from both of their perspectives. Such dual records convey a richer contextual understanding of cir-

cumstances as they transpired. The Journals of Addison Pratt, edited by S George Ellsworth, appeared in 1990 Prior to his death, Ellsworth also completed editing the memoirs and journals of Pratt's wife, Louisa Barnes Pratt. This work is Volume 3 in a series, Life Writings of Frontier Women, edited by Maureen Ursenbach Beecher But it also must be welcomed as a companion to Ellsworth's earlier work Although the Pratts spent much of their married life apart, they shared some lifechanging experiences in their conversion to the LDS faith, missionary work in the Society Islands, and pioneering in California

Through much of her complex life, Louisa Barnes Pratt kept a journal relating her experiences, musings, and reflections. These writings contain her inner conflicts and interpersonal disappointments and the private triumphs of her abiding faith During the 1870s she revised her writings into an autobiography and made intermittent additions to it until her death in 1880.

Born in Massachusetts, Louisa grew up there and in Canada. During the War of 1812 her father was pressed into the British services in spite of his instinctive loyalty to the United States Once grown, she lived the life of an independent young woman as a teacher and seamstress in New England. After marrying a Boston seaman, Addison Pratt, and having four daughters, she with her husband joined the LDS church in New York and followed the Saints to Nauvoo, Illinois AsAddison left for a mission to the Society Islands, Louisa and her daughters endured alone the usual trying experiences and deprivations of early church members until they arrived in the Salt Lake Valley in 1848

When Addison Pratt was called on a second mission to the islands, Louisa and family followed him She again had to drive her wagon alone, to San Francisco in the midst of the 1850 gold

rush After an arduous voyage across the Pacific, including chronic seasickness, Louisa reached the island of Tubuai, where she taught the women and children for nineteen months while her husband was gone for extended periods preaching to the inhabitants of the surrounding islands

Arriving back in San Francisco without funds following their mission, the Pratts engaged in various economic enterprises spawned by the influx of miners and soon left to settle in the Mormon colony of San Bernardino Addison filled two additional missions while Louisa again became sole support of the family. In 1858 she returned to Utah, without Addison, when an invasion of the territory by federal troops seemed imminent She settled in Beaver for the remainder of her life Except for one short visit by her husband, the couple never lived together again. She finished raising her daughters and an adopted son, provided for them by teaching school and raising stock and produce, served her neighbors, campaigned for women's rights, wrote articles published in the Woman's Exponent, and vehemently defended her church and its doctrines whenever the opportunity arose.

Ellsworth allows the reader to experience Louisa Pratt's life without undue intrusions. He skillfully incorporates original passages from herjournal into her revised memoir to add depth to her record His notes and excellent introduction offer additional pertinent information Although Louisa's laments often become tedious, one is compelled to wade through them all for fear that a special gem of her wisdom and insight might be missed

This reviewer notes one omission by the series editor It would have been most helpful to the reader if maps had been provided. Louisa refers frequently to several New England and Eastern Canadian areas in her narrative. One also becomes confused by the mention

Book Reviews and Notices 375

of several locales in the Society Islands where the Pratts served In addition, Note #11 on page 376 is misplaced It should be inserted at the end of the succeeding paragraph But this aside, a series devoted to the writings of such

remarkable women as Louisa Barnes Pratt is a salutary addition to the scholarship of America's western frontier

VIVIAN LINFORD TALBOT Weber State University

The Lord's University: Freedom and Authority at BYU. By BRYAN WATERMAN and BRIAN KAGEL. (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1998. xiv + 474 pp. Paper, $19.95.)

Some say two flags flew over the first Mormon settlement in Utah—Old Glory and the flag of Deseret— expressing deep impulses already owned and separated in the Constitution In private institutions such as Brigham Young Young University, that distinction is waived in favor of the expression of religion, which, we read in The Lord's University, quite naturally limits the freedoms of speech and press

This interpretive history offers a painstaking account of clashes between religious orthodoxy and individual rights, especially in the last decade. An important historical context illuminates the sponsoring of education since pioneer times by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the church's concurrent suppression of women. The taut prose and exhaustive chapter notes honor academic and journalistic standards of objectivity as tension hums below the detailing of many a cultural "horror story."

Cleanly written and edited overall, the book contains one small error that matters here: BYU is not "straightlaced" but "strait-laced." The meaning of "strait" is narrow, tight, confined, as in "strait is the gate and narrow the way" or "straitjacket," in contrast to connotations of "straight-shooting," "straight-talking," or even "straightarrow." Perhaps the slip is Freudian, since orthodoxy and integrity each lend a tong to the metaphorical vise

squeezing and squeezed by the individuals depicted herein

The "two flags"mentality runs deep in the church's long nurture of a claim to superiority melded to a need for outside validation Before statehood, lesseducated Mormons claimed that, due to divinely revealed truth, their system was superior to those of more educated Protestants and Catholics BYU still claims superiority even as it courts secular brilliance Waterman and Kagel detail BYU regents and administrators touting the "culture war" pundits who defend the male, European tradition even as the Association of American University Professors sanctions BYU for violating academic freedom with recent firings

Where instructors are evaluated on their "gospel insights" and "spiritual inspiration" as well as on their topical expertise and teaching skills, orthodoxy becomes a test Conversely, battles for individual expression erupt in the student newspaper and in campus demonstrations as well as in the classroom. Apparently, many life issues— even whole personalities?—are carved at BYU not by curricula or dogma but against the stone of collective opinion

Although The Lord's University generally depicts the struggles of liberals against a conservative mainstream, some liberals, too, favor two flags but wish to interpret their colors. (Recently, a departing professor publicly hoped that, at the nearby Utah Valley State University, he can still

express religious insights in class— presumably due to the school's homogeneity.)

Readers never immersed in BYU thinking may gawp at the attention to minutiae regulating dress and hygiene as well as behavior. A beard permit, a form to "rat out" fellow students, and ways of monitoring professors through spy rings and bishop interviews are all here Jots and tittles reign in BYU's fervent policy debates.

Yetsomething more instinctive seems afoot—a sense alerting the herd to any maverick expression that might endanger consensus. Perhaps passions garbed in reason impel a veteran professor to baptize or excommunicate works of fiction and poetry, author by author Or to ignore curricula changes at peril of "killing off" an entire class of English majors. Or to force out colleagues, citing the very perspective or expertise that recommended their hiring

Similarly, the institutional suppression of women in hiring, promotion, and all types of expression is as Victorian as the era when BYU began, except for changes made to avoid lawsuits and for long-debated subtleties in official statements The authors draw no modern parallels to this vigorous enforcement of "role" (during the rise of the Third Reich, for instance, or within Amish, Islamic, or Hasidic cultures), but they describe how the organization of a women's resource center and protests of rape or incest draw institutional fire.

The authors, in short, plot a direct and meticulous course through time and event, even as they provoke deeper thought about humans' primal drives and devotions.

Grafton: Ghost Town on the Rio Virgin. By LYMAN D PLATT and L KAREN PLATT (St George, UT: Tonaquint Press, 1998. 201 pp. Paper, $19.95.)

Grafton the ghost town: that's what we called it when I first visited there more than thirty years ago on a summer evening. When I worked with other college students at a lodge in Zion National Park, Grafton was a place we would go when we got an attack of "canyon fever"—when canyon walls closed in on us too much Grafton is one of Utah's best-known and bestpreserved ghost towns. But the buildings in the old town are best viewed from a distance, at evening twilight, or in the entertaining 1969 film Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid. Up close, the crumbling buildings convey the sad truth that nothing lasts forever

Grafton was settled in 1859 by Mormon families who were called to the Cotton Mission in Utah's Dixie Living in dugouts, wagon boxes, and

tents in the Upper Virgin River Valley, they were flooded out by a forty-day rain in 1862 and forced to relocate the town a couple of miles east. Visiting the newly located settlement in the fall, Brigham Young viewed the picturesque setting and described it as "romantic." Orson Pratt lived there in a tent from 1863-64 Grafton was the county seat of Kane County from 1864-66. Its population never rose above 170 people nor to more than about twenty families during its years of habitation The last permanent residents moved away in the 1940s

The authors of Grafton: Ghost Town on the Rio Virgin are genealogists. The names of the people who lived in Grafton at every twist and turn of its history are documented When did each family arrive? What year did each

LINDA SILLITOE Mesa, Arizona

Book Reviews and Notices 377

family leave? Thirty pages of lists in the appendix document every birth, marriage, death, and cemetery burial from a myriad of genealogical sources. Vital statistics are the forte of the authors, and they do not seem to have left a genealogical stone unturned Anyone who had an ancestor who lived in Grafton for even a brief time is going to find that ancestor's name in this book.

Therein lies the rub for the general readers. Those who may have visited or glimpsed Grafton from the highway and are curious about its past but who do not have an ancestral link to the town are not going to be interested in the residential tenure of every family who ever lived there The name of every family at every census-taking is of little interest to the casual reader. For the sake of keeping the text flowing and interesting, such information should have been placed in an appendix The background information detailing early pioneer explorations and the settlement of other towns

drags on too long. The text could have been greatly improved with more chapter divisions to delineate the chronological periods discussed A reader should also be advised that the frequent references in the text to information "as noted below" does not refer to a footnote or to information in the text on that page. Instead, it refers to information in the various appendices lists I did not figure this out until after I had read more than seventy pages

This book and the town of Grafton are both best viewed from a distance. Up close, you can see things that could have improved this book. Nevertheless, it does uncover the stories of Grafton's people and its past; you just have to wade through an abundance of names and dates to get to the nuggets But for those who have an ancestral connection to Grafton the ghost town, this book is a gold mine.

Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in theAmerican West,1847-1896. ByDAVID L. BIGLER (Spokane: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1998. 411 pp. Cloth, $39.50. Logan: Utah State University Press, 1998. 411 pp. Paper, $21.95.)

Wallace Stegner has accurately described the primary challenge faced by readers and writers of Mormon history: "The literature on the Mormons is enormous, repetitious, contradictory, and embattled. The more one wades into this morass the deeper he is mired, and the farther from firm ground." What a pleasure it is, therefore, to read a book as well-researched, organized, and balanced as Forgotten Kingdom.

Bigler's thesis is that Utah's territorial history can be understood only within the context of Mormon millennial expectations The belief in the literal Second Coming of Christ during

the lifetime of the faith's founders was central to early Mormon theology Preparatory to this event was the establishment by modern prophets of a world government that would supersede all earthly governments The building of the Kingdom of God, then, was the raison d'etre for the Mormon pioneers who arrived in Salt Lake Valley on July 24, 1847. Yet the theocratic state envisioned by the Mormons put them in direct conflict with the federal government As the author notes, "The confrontation between the Great Basin theocracy and the American republic would go on for a half century and made Utah, one of the first places

MEL BASHORE Riverton, Utah

settled west of the Missouri River, among the last admitted to the Union."

Utah's territorial history is incomplete without an examination of the bold millennial claims of the Mormons, how those claims translated into political, economic, and military actions, and the consequences of those actions. The Kingdom of God affected every facet of life in Utah Territory, including Mormon relations with Utah's Indians, overland emigrants, federal officials, and non-Mormon settlers Forgotten Kingdom is a tale of two cities, Salt Lake City and Washington. Sifting through a mountain of documentary material from these two locations, the author interprets Mormon source documents within the theology of the Kingdom of God He uses government documents to explain the federal response to the Mormon challenge to its authority. Seemingly disconnected subjects such as Utah's Indian wars, the Mormon Reformation, the Mountain Meadows Massacre, the Utah War, the United Order, Zion's Co-operative Mercantile Institution, and the polygamy prosecutions are really chapters in this evolving story. Utah was admitted to the Union after the Mormon church abandoned the practice of polygamy, but the sensational aspects of polygamy have overshadowed the more important

theological change that moved the building of the Kingdom of God to an indefinite future time Bigler's epilogue examines the many ironies of this theological change. Utah became a state, and the Mormon church survived and has flourished, but the building of the theocratic Kingdom of God failed

Forgotten Kingdom is an impressive achievement The author has demonstrated an understanding of Mormon theology and a mastery of the source documents, and he makes a convincing argument for his historical frame of reference George Arbaugh wrote in his 1932 study Revelation in Mormonism: "To know Mormonism one must know the origin of its ideas and attitudes." The same can be said for knowing and understanding modern Utah The Kindgom of God left a positive legacy in Mormon society's sense of community and place, but it also left a legacy of unresolved issues related to polygamy. Bigler's historical perspective provides an understanding of the origin of the ideas and attitudes of this modern society. The only regret is that Forgotten Kingdom was not available during Utah's statehood centennial

PETER H DELAFOSSE Salt Lake City, Utah

European Immigrants in the American West: Community Histories. Edited by FREDERICK LUEBKE (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998. x + 198 pp. Cloth, $45; Paper, $19.95.)

This book is an eclectic collection of essays by eleven authors concerning the experiences of immigrants from Spain, Sweden, England, and other European countries who settled in the American West It also includes tales that focus on religion (Jews, Mormons, and Mennonites) and gender The settlements studied are in the Dakotas,

Utah, Montana, California, Nebraska, and Manitoba. There is also a chapter on the most native of Americans (the southwestern Indians) and the Spanish Missions.

All of the contributions in this collection are reprinted or adapted from prior publications Two of the authors (Emmons on the Butte Irish and Cinel

Book Reviews and Notices 379

on Italians in San Francisco) contributed chapters taken from books they had authored. In addition, two of the authors had previously contributed their chapters to another collection of essays edited by Frederick Luebke entitled Ethnicity on the Plains. In short, this is recycled history that, in most cases, is not as good as the original, since it has been truncated and taken out of context.

The reason the editor gives for republishing these articles is set forth in his introduction He observes that the narratives of European immigrants have been overlooked by frontier and western historians (vii) and that immigration historians "have also tended to overlook Europeans who settled in the West" (viii). To remedy this oversight, the editor "narrowed [his] selections to studies that explore ethnic history in particular communities" rather than "selecting essays that treat immigration history broadly." According to the editor, "such studies best illustrate recent scholarship in this field and demonstrate the kinds of sources historians used to develop or advance new concepts in pursuit of ethnic history" (xvi).

The problem with the editor's approach is that it does not remedy the problem that prompted the volume in the first place: the lack of attention given to the general experiences of European immigrants bywestern historians While all of the selections are admittedly worthy of republication, there are hundreds of others that could be included in avolume like this. This is true for all of the communities examined in the volume, and it is also true for the various nineteenth-century communities of Utah Territory In fact, there has been a particular failure of western historians to recognize the contributions of the European immigrants—both Mormon and nonMormon—to communities in Utah settled in the nineteenth century.

Nevertheless, the editor chose well

when he selected Dean L May's "Three Frontiers: Family, Land and Society in the American West, 1850-1900," which was taken from his book-length study of English immigration to Alpine, Utah. As a prominent historian of both Utah and Mormonism, May is recognized for his grasp of the general themes of immigration history. May studied the narratives of British converts to Mormonism who settled in Alpine during the second half of the nineteenth century These immigrants "settled throughout the territory, giving Utah a distinctively English cast" (34). In fact, by the 1860s there "were four times as many adults in the town [Alpine] of English birth or recent background than from any other country, or state in the United States—two English-born adults for every American-born" (35) May also describes the profiles of these immigrants, including their hometowns in England, their occupations and ages, and their contributions to rural Utah. He compares their experiences in Alpine with the experiences of other British immigrants in different communities At the same time, he recognizes the influence the LDS church had on these immigrants and the communities they settled Unlike many immigrants to the American West, they were not related by blood, but they were by religious belief. Their shared beliefs influenced their values, their lifestyles, and, perhaps most significantly, the size of their households. It also influenced the roles that men and women undertook in their communities.

While May's article is both admirable and appropriate, it is unfortunate that it is the only contribution relating to the experiences of European immigrants in Utah It is understandable that a book-length collection of essays relating to the American Westwould only have limited pages devoted to the experiences of

immigrants to Utah Nevertheless, there are many other immigrant experiences of the type the editor sought to embrace in this collection of essays. Mormon converts from Scandinavia were also important contributors to settlements in Utah territory Bill Mulder's memorable book, Homeward to Zion, contains important narratives of many Scandinavian immigrants Narratives of eighteenth-century Mormon converts from other parts of Europe (France, Germany, and Italy) are harder to locate than are the words of the British and Danish, but their stories have been told and are only rarely included in general histories of Utah

While the experiences of Mormon immigrants in nineteenth-century Utah will always dominate the pages of Utah territorial history, non-Mormon immigrants also made very lasting and significant contributions Their narratives have been published in the pages of this Quarterly and in volumes published by the Society, most notably The Peoples of Utah, and to some extent in the new county histories. The exclusion of these narratives from works such as Luebke's volume and the failure of many historians to recognize this part of Utah's past help perpetuate a common misunderstanding that only Mormon converts built the communities of Utah. If Utah's image is to be elevated beyond the stereotype—that only Mormons live in Utah and they are responsible for all of its successes and all of its failures—its history must take into account the varied contributions of Mormon/non-Mormon immigrants and their descendants' continuing involvement in the community If the stereotype still predominates today in many parts of the world—and it does—it is in part because of a failure

to explain to a wide audience the multi-faceted immigration patterns that helped contribute to the growth of Utah Territory. Thus, the type of stereotype that has caused many in the world to assume that the Olympic scandal was a "Mormon scandal" is a reflection of a continuing image that Utah continues to be first and foremost a Mormon settlement.

Ironically, non-Mormon immigrants may have been most accurately observed and described by travelers from Europe who were prepared to believe the stereotypes but who often left with a much different understanding Perhaps outsiders are better prepared to understand the role of diversity in a community than are those with more insular experiences The same travelers who left Utah with a much more positive view of Mormon settlers—many of whom were European immigrants—than when they arrived were also more cognizant of the existence of a sizable nonMormon community Thus, the French traveler Biancour recognized the contributions of Italian and French engineers to a factory built in West Jordan for processing low-grade silver ores. Other French, Italian, and German travelers—who sought out ethnic immigrants among the many Mormon settlers—made similar observations While there is an absence of ethnic neighborhoods in Utah, there should not continue to be an absence of ethnic history. Although Luebke's failure to explore the contributions of nonEnglish-speaking immigrants to Utah's heritage is understandable, the continued failure of Utah historians to do so will not be.

MICHAEL HOMER Salt Lake City

Book Notices

$10 Horse, $40 Saddle. By DO N RICKEY, JR (Reprint ed.; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999 135 pp Paper, $19.95.)

"I see byyour outfit that you are a cowboy" goes the line from the song. But if one really could seethe outfit— clothes andgear—of aworking cowboy of the 1800s, what would it look like? More than forty years agoDon Rickey, Jr., decided to find out As he interviewed several menwho had worked as cowboys during the 1880s, his informants explained and described the tools of their trade, from trousers to cowhide gloves, from yellow slickers to lariats. For each item, the cowboy told how it was made, or howmuch it cost, and howit was used This highly illustrated book, then, gives theinside story on a cowboy's gear—and, not surprisingly, it dispels more than afew romanticized, Hollywood-created myths

wiped outthebuffalo. They help us see what we have long loved as freshly as when we first loved it."

The poems do this through qualities found in all great literature: vivid language, sensory details, metaphor, humor, insight, mythology, and deep feeling. They are particularly strong in expressing the peoples' connection with the earth, a connection based on a reciprocal exchange of power with the land. Further, these songs—very much in the poetic tradition—reveal cultures in ways that anthropologists and historians never can

Women of the West. By DOROTHY GRAY (Reprint ed.,Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998 x + 179pp Paper,$10.)

I, theSong: ClassicalPoetry ofNative North America. By A. L. SOENS (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1999. xxx + 302pp. Cloth, $50.00; paper, $19.95.)

Translated songs from dozens of tribes find a place in this volume "These poems," writes the editor, "let us look at our continent through the eyes of. . .thepoets, hunters, farmers, holy men and women, and children who looked at it attentively and with delight before we cut the forests, plowed the tall grass and nearly

When itwas first published in 1976, this small volume wassomething of a groundbreaker inwestern women's history, pushing beyond stereotypes to examine the lives and accomplishments of a diversity of women. It still provides—in narratives for the general public—an interesting cross-section of western lives.

Utah readers will be particularly interested in Gray's interpretation of the life ofAnn Eliza Young Young, an ex-wife of Brigham's, made a living on the lecture circuit speaking against polygamy, which Gray calls "oneofthe most degrading andpainful conditions ever imposed upon women in America." But Young is only one of many unforgettable women profiled in

these pages Sacajawea and Willa Cather find a place here, as do the nameless Chinese girl-slaves forced to work as prostitutes and the woman who rescued hundreds of these girls. Others include ranchers, professionals, suffragists, missionaries, and heroines of the trail

The Invasion of Indian Country in the Twentieth Century: American Capitalism and Tribal Natural Resources. By DONALD L FIXICO

(Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1998 xxii + 258 pp Cloth, $39.95; paper, $22.50.)

Angry at times—andjustifiably so— this book tells the second part of the Anglo/Indian story the part that came after the tribes were shunted to reser-

vations As corporations and individuals have recognized the resources that lay on or beneath many of the reservation lands, the tribes have had to deal with almost-overwhelming forces of greed. Energy resources, gold, water, hunting and fishing rights, and timber are all areas where outside entities have maneuvered profits from Indian-owned resources The results have harmed individuals, social structures, cultural traditions, and the land.

Beyond its documentation of the clashes between tribes and outsiders hungry for wealth, the book makes a conscious and scathing statement against "capitalist greed." The author concludes his study by noting, "The human race is destroying itself via its industrial technology and capitalistic attitude—all of which depends upon the earth's natural resources." (215)

INDEX

Italic number s refer to illustrations

Adams, W A., supporter of FDR, 19 Agriculture: and crop damage from smelting, 39; and early Mormon settlements, 125; and floods, 36, 41; irrigation, 150; legislation affecting, 340-42; overgrazing, 125-27 See also Livestock

Alexander, , sawmill owner in Mill Creek Canyon, 172-73

Alexander, Thomas, historian, 178, 179

Ames, Buck, prospector, and San Jua n R gold rush, 82

Anderson, G. E., photos by 133, 134, 135, 139

Anderson, Harold, and marriage to Helen Shipley, 108

Anderson, Helen S., see Shipley, Helen

Anderson, L R., Manti mayor, "no mor e floods" platform, 28

Apartments, SLC: Fall cover, 349, 351, 362, 365; women in, 349-66; growing popularity, 352-54

Apperson, A. B., D&RG railroad superintendent, 196

Arapeen, brother of Wakara, 309

Armstrong, Ned, Snow College student, 104

Arnold, H H (Gen.), Army Air Corps commander, 277

Arrington, Carl, son of Leonard, 179

Arrington, Grace Fort, wife of Leonard, 177, 179

Arrington, Harriet Ann Home , wife of Leonard, 179

Arrington, James, son of Leonard, 179

Arrington, Leonard, historian, In Memoriam, 176, 176-80

Arrington, Noah and Edna Corn, parents of Leonard, 176-77

Arrington, Susan, daughter of Leonard, 179

Arrowhead Trails Highway, auto route from SLC to LA, 242-64, 246, 249 (map), 252

Atlantic and Pacific Railroad, and San Jua n R. gold rush, 69

Arthur, Chester A., U. S. pres., and Navajo Reservation, 76

Austin, W L., geologist, and reports of gold on San Jua n R., 74

Automobile Club of Southern

California, and Arrowhead Trails Highway, 196, 243, 248, 260-61, 263

BBailey, Reed W., and flood study 45 Ba'ililii, Navajo medicine man, and resistance to government, 216, 216-17

Baker, F S., and flood study, 37-39

Baker, H A (sergeant), and one-car road race, 251

Bamberger, Simon, Utah gov., and highway development, 252-53

Barnu m family Hebro n settlers, 173

Beach, William L. (Sgt.), and account of Bear R. Massacre, 302-308

Bear River Massacre, 300-308; maps, 304, 305; site, 302, 303

Becraft, R J., and flood study 45

Beehive House, as residence for women, 358, 359

Bell, Catharine Granger, half-sister of W. K Granger, 333

Bennett, Wallace E, U S senator, 343; and Stringfellow hoax, 347

Bennion, Hyrum, stockraiser, 126

Bennion, Lowell, advisory editor for Dialogue, 178

Bennion, Samuel O., editor of Deseret News, and printing of LDS church leaders' opinions, 8

Bigelow, Charles, highway locator and promoter, 243-45, 244, 246, 248-49, 251, 253, 255-56, 262-64

Bird, M. E., doctor at Delta, 107

Bird, O R (Capt.), and one-car road race, 251

Bishop, Bennett, and San Jua n R gold rush, 82

Blair, Seth, attorney, and trial of Mexican traders, 226

Bleak, E.J., (professor), band/choru s leader, 258

Blood, Henr y H., Utah road commissioner and gov., 261, Winter cover, 337

Book of Mormon, and Indian-related interpretation, 199-200

Brandt, Carl, literary agent for S Taylor, 274

Blood, Henry, Utah gov., 15

Brewster, Burt B., ed of Mining and

ContractingReview, and election of 1936, 10

Brinkerhoff, Alonzo, friend of R. G. Miller, 143

Brooks,Juanita, historian, 232

Brooks, Samuel, and "lost" mine on San Juan R., 83-84

Brown, A. S., Democratic national committeeman, 14, 14

Brown,James S., SanJuan settler, 200

Browning, Ira, state road engineer, 255

Bryan, WilliamJennings, U.S. pres. candidate, 17

Bullard, Ezra N., Shoal Creek settler, 157

Bungalow Theater (SLC), 114, 114

Burgess, Hyrum, Shoal Creek settler, 157, 170

Burgon, G A., Washington Co surveyor, 165

BurkTheater (Midvale), 118, 119, 119

Burke, Will, 246

Bush,Joe, marshal in SanJuan County, 87

Cache County: and overgrazing, 27-28

Cady, Frank, actor, and S Taylor play, 280

Cahoon, Lucille, babysitter for Lucile R Hales, 109

Callaway, Levi H., Shoal Creek settler, 157, 162, 173

Callis, Charles A., pres. of LDS Southern States Mission, and W. K. Granger, 332-34

Cannon, Ann M., and apartment living, 354

Cannon, Collins T and Ida Mae, and apartment living, 363

Cannon, Margaret M., Republican, and party rallies, 5-6

Cannon, Sylvester Q\, chair of commission to study floods, 42

Capitol Theater (SLC), 112, 112, 116, 117

Carbon County, and livestock industry, 126 ff

Carvalho, Solomon, artist/photographer, work by 46

Casino (Star) Theater (Gunnison) 111, 111

Cassidy Butch, outlaw, in San Rafael area, 133

Centre Theatre (SLC) 121, 121

Chacon,Juan, sheepherder, murder of, 209

Chase, Darwin (lieut.), and Bear R Massacre, 307

Chidester, David, Shoal Creek settler, 152-53, 155

Chidester,John N., Shoal Creek settler, 157

Chipman, William H., stockraiser in Castle Valley, 127

Christensen, Anthony, and marriage to Sadie Lovell, 108

Christensen, Arnold, flood victim, 36

Christensen, Christian L., and Book of Mormon-Navajo theories, 199-201, 201

Christensen, Sadie L., see Lovell, Sadie

Chubb, Mont B.,pres. of Arrowhead TrailsAssoc, 244

Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: and 1936 election influence, 5 ff.; and Deseret News policy, 10ff.; and Indian Placement Program, 240; and political "neutrality," 6, 9; and political parties, 20-21; and women's roles, 359-60, 363-64

Civilian Conservation Corps, and flood control, 25, 46

Clark, Alice, 359

Clark, Fae, and apartment living, 350-51, 354, 358, 359, 360-61, 365

Clark,J. Reuben, LDSFirst Presidency member, 6, 21: and attempts to influence 1936 election, 5-8, 10-13, 16-18,

Clark, Ted, brother ofJ. Reuben, 7 Cody,James, and gunfight on San Juan R., 72

Communications: telephone companies in Carbon/Emery counties, 138-39

Communism: FDR accused of, 12-13; LDSwarnings against, 8

Connor, Patrick E., (Col.) Fort Douglas commander, 170: and Bear R Massacre, 300, 300-308

Constitution, U. S.: and FDR, 11-12, 14-15; LDS support of, 12

Cotton Mission (LDS Southern Mission), settlement of, 151 ff

Covey Investment Co., and apartment building, 355, 361

Cowley, Matthias E, LDS apostle, and plural marriage, 140, 145

Cowley William, Shoal Creek settler, 157

Cracroft, Richard, and assessment of S. Taylor, 280

Crafts, Blanche N., see Nielson, Blanche

Crafts, Ralph, and marriage to Blanche Nielson, 109

Creel, Lorenzo, Indian agent, 196

Crosby, George H., and call to preside at Hebron , 169

Crow, Brown B., Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162, 170-71

Crow, Lucindajane , wife of Brown, 170-71

Davidson, Daniel, stockraiser in Castle Valley 127

Davis County: Davis Co Experimental Watershed, 45; and flood control works, 37; and flood studies, 37-39, 42-43, 45; floods in, 23, 36, 38, 40-42

Davis Deaconess Home , residence for young women, 357, 358

Davis Gulch, 53-54, 55, 66-67

Democratic party: and election of 1936, 14-15; and LDS church, 20-21; and Mormons, 9, 21

Dempsey, , and gold claim on San Jua n R., 74

Dern, George H., Utah gov., and floods, 41-42

DeseretNews: and 1936 election, 8 ff.; and flood editorials, 29-32; and lagging subscriptions, 20; and Prohibition, 18

Desmond, Matthew, drowning victim, 30

Dimick, Gay, see Taylor, Gay Dimick

Disney, Walt, and jo b offer to S. Taylor, 277

Dixon, Henr y Aldous, pres. of Utah State Agricultural College, and campaign for Congress, 347

Dominguez, Francisco Atanasio, and encounter with Western Utes, 316

Eaker, Ira C. (Gen.), Army Air Corps deputy commander, 277

Earl, Sylvester, supporter of FDR, 19

Education: in Emery County, 136, 139; school buildings, 134, 135. See also Schools

Egyptian Theater (Ogden), 113, 113

Elections, presidential, of 1936, 4-22

Elliott, Scott ("Lord"), stockraiser in Castle Valley, 127

Ellsworth, S George, professor of history, 178

Erekson, Jonas, stockraiser, 126

Esplin, Ronald, director of Smith Institute of Church History 179

Ferguson, George, and gunfight on San Jua n R., 72-73

Finch, R J., regional engineer of U S Bureau of Public Roads, and gas tax, 259

Fisher, Fritz, pres of Redlands Chamber of Commerce, and Arrowhead Trails Hwy, 245

Fitzpatrick, J. R., editor of Salt Lake Tribune, and election of 1936, 7 Flavin, James, actor, and S Taylor play 280

Flood control projects, 25, 33-35, 37, 40, 46-47

Floods: in Utah, 23-47, 23, 26, 29, 30-31, 32, 35; studies of, 37-39, 42-45

Ford, Mrs Eugene, and Davis Co flood, 40

Forest reserves: survey for, 25-28; establishment of, 28 Forsling, C L., and flood studies, 44—45 Foy, "Bro.," Shoal Creek settler, 157 French, , prospector, and discovery of gold on San Jua n R., 70 Fritz, Charles, trading post proprietor, murde r of, 207 Fuller, Thomas, sheepherder, death of, 158-60

Galbraith, Ray, deputy state engineer, an d highway development, 252 Gallagher, Paul A (Maj.), and Bear R Massacre, 307 Gardner, Archibald, sawmill operator, 124

Gardner, Jan e McCune, wife of Robert, 124

Gardner, Robert Jr., 124, sawmill operator, 124 Gentr y William, stockraiser in Castle Valley, 127

Geneva Steel, and W. K. Granger intervention in near-closure, 342 Gibbs, Israel, U S marshal, 301 Gillespie, W P., and SLC floods, 34 Gillman, Charlotte Perkins, and experimental housing theories, 364 Goodman, Charles, photographer and prospector, 79: photos by 68, 71, 74, 76, 79, 83

Gordon, Arthur (Col.), chief of Air Corps PR, 273, 275

Goshutes, 224

Granger, Anna Keil, mother of Walter K., 332

Granger, Catharine, wife of Walter, 332

Granger, Hazel Dalley, teacher, musician, wife of Walter K., 332, 334-36, 335, 338-40, 347

Granger, Walter, father of Walter K., 332-33

Granger, Walter K., U. S. Congressman, 311-48, 311, 337, 345

Grant, HeberJ., LDS church pres., 9: and 1936 election 5, 6, 10, 17; and Deseret News editorials, 10; and New Deal, 7-8, 21,336; and Prohibition, 22

Great Basin, Native American adaptations in, 309-30

Great Depression, student experiences during, 100-106; and W. K. Granger, LDS bishop and mayor, 336-37

Griffith, E W.,vice pres., Arrowhead Development Assoc, 253

Hale, Alan (Jr.), actor, and S Taylor play, 279, 280

Hales, Albert, and marriage to Lucile Roper, 108

Hales, Lucile R., see Roper, Lucile Hamblin,Jacob, and observations on Indian slavery, 223

Hamilton,John, Republican national chairman, 5

Hamilton, Roy, and one-car road race, 251

Hammond, Addie, trader in Navajo blankets, 205

Hanna,J W., (Maj.), and ore processing on SanJuan R., 85-86

Hansen, Peter, landlord in Ephraim, 103, 105

Harding, Warren G, U S pres., and visit to Utah, 258

Harmon, Levi N., business associate of R. G. Miller, 145-46

Harris, S A., principal of Emery Stake Academy, 139

Hatch, Everett, see Tse-ne-gat

Heath, Milton, academic advisor to Leonard Arrington, 177

Hebron, settlement in Washington Co., 148ff., 148; naming of 165, location, 166, abandonment of, 174

Hemingway, Ernest, writer, 274

Hickman, G. E., plural marriage of, 141 Hillers,Jack, photos by, 220, 224

Hilton, Fannie Lee, teacher at Hinckley Elementary 109

Hite, Cass, miner, and skepticism toward SanJuan gold rush, 75

Hoggan, George W., SLC resident, and floods, 34

Hollett, C H., and SanJuan R gold rush, 82

Holt, George A., bishop at Hebron, 169

Honaker, A C, prospector, and trail to SanJuan R., 79, 79

Howard, E O., pres of Walker Bank, 14

Hoyt, Mrs.Will, and Hazel Granger, 340

Hunsaker, Kenneth B.,and assessment ofS Taylor, 281

Hunt, Amos, Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162, 168

Hunt, Carrie E. L., and Hebron legend, 173

Hunt,James, Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162

Hunt,Jefferson, Hebron settler, 173

Hunt,Jonathon, Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162, 168

Hunt, Marion, forest ranger, and Posey's corpse, 216

Huntsman, Hyrum, Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162

Huntsman,James, Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162, 173

Huntsman,Joseph, Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162, 168, 173

Huntsman, Orson Welcome, Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 163, 164, 165, 167, 170, 171

Hurt, Garland, Indian agent, 223, 229

Hyde, Frank, 83

Hyde,James, and SanJuan R. gold rush, 82

Hyde, Orson, LDS apostle, and speech on plant cover, 125

Hyde, William, and SanJuan R gold rush, 82

I

Ignacio, chief of Southern Utes, 225 Indians, American, 154, 154, 196 ff., 198, 200, 202, 205, 220, 224; Black Hawk War, 161;Indian Placement Program, 240; Plains Indians, 317, 324; purchase and slavery of, 220-41, 325 See also tribe names

Inglefield, Jim, cowhand, and shooting of Jo e Walker, 134

Irvine, Jack, documen t collector, 303-305

Ivie, Elna, and apartment living, 351, 350-51, 354-55, 360-61, 365-66

Ivie, Lloyd O., Salina resident, support for FDR, 19-20; and W. K. Granger, 347

Jackson, Captain, gold rusher in Mancos, Colo., 73

James, Reuben, shepherd at Shoal Creek, 162

Jenkins, Ab, land-speed record holder, 263

Jensen, Lulu (a), Snow College student, 103, 105

Johnson , Dean, flood victim, 41

Johnson , Lyndon B., 345

Jonas, Frank, political analyst, 20, 21, 346

Jones, Kumen, San Jua n settler, 200

Jones, Randall L., UP railroad agent 261

Jorgensen, Alma, mother of Astrid, 104, 106

Jorgensen, Astrid, Snow College student, 104, 106

Jorgenson, George, farmer, father of Astrid, 106

Jory, Victor, actor, and S Taylor play, 279

Jua b County, flood, 41 K

Kanosh, Pahvant chief, 235

Karnell, Frank H., prospector, and San Jua n R gold rush, 81

Kelly, Charles, historical writer: photos by, 302, 303; and Wakara's grave, 330

Kennecott Company, and Garfield Smelter, 40

Kimball, Spencer W., LDS apostle/pres., and Indian Placement Program, 240

King, Wesley, writer, and highway name proposal, 256

King, William, U S senator, and W K Granger, 335

Kinney, Joh n E, chief justice, and warrants for arrest of Shoshoni chiefs, 301

Kirwan, Michael J., 345

Knowlton, Ezra C , historian, 260

Landon, Alfred, candidate for U S pres., 5 ff.

Laub family, Hebro n settlers, 173

Leavitt, Dudley Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162, 166, 168

Leavitt, Jeremiah, Clover Valley/Shoal Creek settler, 162, 166

Leavitt, Jody, and assistance with cars through Virgin R.,255

Leavitt, Michael, Utah gov., 180

Lemmon , D H., and ore processing on San Jua n R., 85-86

Lemmon , Lee, stockraiser in Castle Valley 127, 129

Lincoln Highway, 256, 260

Livestock: changes in industry, 137-38; and Cotton Mission, 152 ff.; early years of industry, 125-27; grazing restrictions, 28; and Miller family 125 ff.; overgrazing by 27-28, 37-39, 42-45, 137; ranching and community, 153-54; sheep, 129-33, 137-38; Taylor Grazing Act, 46; an d water pollution, 27; wool shipping, 123

Logan Herald-Journal, and support of FDR in 1936, 15

Logging, and damage to watersheds, 25, 28, 38-39, 42-45

Loper, Bert, prospector, and San Jua n R. gold rush, 80

Lord, Marjorie, actor, and S. Taylor play, 279, 280

Lovell, Sadie, student at Snow College, 100 ff., 101, 102, 103

Lund, William and Ellen, Shoal Creek settlers, 156

Lyman, Albert R., historian, account of whiskey in Bluff, 87

Lyman, Richard R., LDS apostle, and dedication of Zion N P., 257

Lyric Theater (Promised Valley Playhouse, SLC), 121, 121

MMabey Charles R., Utah gov., and gas tax, 259; and fundraising for highway, 260

Madsen, Brigham D., historian, and Bear R Massacre MS, 303, 305-306

Malmquist, O N., political columnist for Salt Lake Tribune, 13

Manderfield, Joseph H., pres. of Arrowhead Development Assoc, 253

Mather, Stephen T., director of National Parks system, 257, 260

Maw, Herbert B.,Utah gov, 337

May, Dean, historian, and study of Alpine, 150-51

McElprary, William, and possession by devils, 172

McGarry, Edward (Maj.), and Bear R Massacre, 307

McGonagle, George E, state engineer, and highway development, 252-53, 256

McGowan, Tom, and movie about uranium, 282

McKay, David O., LDSpres. and First Presidency member, 9, 21:and attempts to influence 1936 election, 5, 13;counsel on polygamy, 145; and Stringfellow hoax, 347

McStay, C. E., speaker at dedication of Zion N. P., 257

Mead, Elwood, and irrigation study, 150

Means, Howard C, state highway engineer, 261

Mendenhall, Walter E., prospector, and SanJuan R gold rush, 80, 82

Merrill, Horace, faculty member of Emery Stake Academy, 139

Middleton, Drew,writer, 274

Miengies, David, prospector, and Navajo-white conflict on SanJuan R., 78

Millard County, and highway development, 244, 245, 248

Miller, Anna Argene, daughter of Reuben G and Mattie Miller, 140, 144, 145

Miller, Anna Winder, wife of Reuben G, 130-33 131, 140-41, 144

Miller, Byron, son of Reuben G., 144

Miller, Clarence, son of Reuben G., 142, 144

Miller, Emma Crossland (Mills), and plural marriage to Reuben G.,142-43, 144-45

Miller, Gertrude (Cluff), daughter of Reuben G, 132, 146

Miller,James Rex, son of Reuben G.,132, 144

Miller,James Robinson, father of Reuben G., 124, 129

Miller, Martha Nelson, plural wife of Reuben G, 139, 141-42, 145

Miller, MaryJane Gardner, mother of Reuben G,124

Miller, Melvin, stockraiser in Castle Valley, 126, 128, 129

Miller, Milton, son of Reuben G., 146

Miller, Reuben, Mormon pioneer, 124

Miller, Reuben Gardner, stockraiser, businessman, civic and church leader, 123-47, 123

Miller, Reuben P., teamster, merchant, farmer, stockraiser, 124, 126, 128, 131

Miller, Rhoda Ann Letts, Mormon pioneer, wife of Reuben, 124

Miller, Will, brother of Reuben G, 131

Miller ranch, 127 ff.; map, 128

Milne,Joseph, founder of trucking line, 255

Mineral development: gold processing methods, 81,85-86; gold rush on San Juan R., 68-87, 68, 71, 74, 76, 79, 83; smelting and pollution, 39-40

Molen, Mike, stockraiser in Castle Valley, 127

Mormon beliefs/mythology: Book of Mormon "connection" to Navajos and Paiutes, 199, 201; Gadianton Robbers and evil spirits 171-73

Mormon settlement, 149-51, 153-54, 174

Mormons: and perceptions of Indians, 199; and politics, 5 ff.; and purchase of Indian children, 225 ff.; and slavery, 225-26; and disruption of Ute life, 324-49; and views on land, 325-26

Morrison, Lafayette, and family's trip over Arrowhead Trails Hwy, 250-51

Morrison, Ralph, and trip over Arrowhead Trails Hwy, 250

Mortensen, A. Russell, and assessment ofS. Taylor, 281

Moyle,James Henry, Democrat, 9, 20 Moynier, Pierre, sheepherder in Castle Valley, 138

Mulder, William, and assessment of S Taylor, 281

Murphy, Miriam, historian, 102 Murray Theater (SLC), 119, 119

Nance,John, and "lost" gold mine, 84

Navajo Frank, and Navajo-white conflicts on SanJuan R., 77

Navajo Henry, and Navajo-white conflicts on SanJuan R., 78

Navajos, Summer cover, 200, 205: and blanket industry, 204-206; in journalistic media, 196 ff.; and

reservation boundaries, 68-69, 76-77; and San Jua n R. gold rush, 76-78

Nebeker, Aquila, U S marshal, 196, 209

Nelson, Lowry, sociologist, 141; and study of Mormo n villages, 150

Nevada: Pioche and Bullionville, 157, 170; Panaca, 169

New Deal, 11: criticism of, 8-9, 13, 21, 336; support for, 9

New Mexico, and Indian slavery, 223 ff.; Santa Fe, 227

Newspapers: and campaign smears, 344; an d highway development, 252; and election influence, 8 ff.; and election polls, 7, 8; and flood editorials, 30-32; and real estate promotion, 357; and San Jua n gold rush, 69-75, 82-83; and Utes and Navajos in Four Corners area, 196-219

Nicaagat, Goshute/Ute , 232, 232, 239

Nichols, John , writer, and theories of E Ruess's death, 56

Nielson, Blanche, student at Snow College, 100 ff., 100, 102, 103

Nielson, Clead, school board member, Millard County, 107

Nixon, Richard, U S pres., 17

Olsen, Mr and Mrs Ronald, and Farmington floods, 41

Orpheu m Theatre (SLC) 120, 120

Ouray, Uncompaghr e Ute leader, 239

Owens, E V , LosAngeles Times reporter, 245

Owens, William W., Ogde n resident, 347

Paiutes, 154, 161, 198, 201, 224: children taken by Utes, 223-24, 320-21

Palmer, Chloe, plural marriage of, 141

Paramoun t Theater (SLC) 116, 117, 118, 119

Parker, Charlie O., and San Jua n R gold rush, 81-82

Parker, George LeRoy, see Cassidy, Butch

Parker, Zadock, Clover Valley-Shoal Creek settler, 162

Parsell, C. E., and reports of gold on San Jua n R., 74

Paul, J H., U of U professor, and flood study 37-39

Paulson, A. B., architect, 122

Paulson, Jea n R., newspaperman, friend ofS Taylor, 269, 279

Peabody H M., 205

Perkins, John , Shoal Creek settler, 157

Peterson, Charles, historian, 126, 151, 174

Peterson, James, faculty membe r at Emery Stake Academy, 139

Peterson, Levi S., and assessment of S. Taylor, 283

Peterson, Orval, landlord of Snow College students, 101

Phillips, Lucy, Snow College teacher, 26*5,106

Pickyavit, Joe, and Wakara's grave, 330

Plural marriage, of R G Miller, 140, 142; post-Manifesto, 140-42, 144-45

Pinchot, Gifford, head of U. S. Division of Forestry, 25

Poke, Paiute, 196, 211

Politics, election of 1936, 4-22

Posey, Paiute, 196, 210-11, 213: and gold in San Jua n area, 84; compared to Gadianton Robbers, 201; and "Posey War, "213-1 6

Posey, Jess (Posey's Boy), Paiute, 196 Potter, Albert F , and U S Division of Forestry survey, 25-28

Potter, Glenn S., membe r of Pi-P writers club, 269

Price, Carbon County, 135

Price, George E, (Capt.), and Bear R Massacre, 307

Princess Theater (Provo), 113, 113

Prohibition, LDS support of, 18, 22

Pulsipher, Charles, Hebro n settler, 152-53

Pulsipher, Howard, Mesquite garage operator, 263

Pulsipher, John , recorder/journaler of Shoal Creek/Hebro n settlement, 151, 151, 152, 154-58, 162-68, 171

Pulsipher, Mary Brown, Hebro n settler, 148, 148, 149, 154, 174

Pulsipher, William 152-53, 157, 162, 167, 173

Pulsipher, Zerah, Hebro n settler and leader, 148, 148, 154, 156-60, 162-63, 165,167-68

QQuinn, D Michael, historian, 10

Raplee, A L., miner, and San Jua n R gold rush, 80, 83

Railroads, and San Jua n R gold rush, 69, 74, 75 See also railroads by name

Rawlings, Calvin W., state Democratic chairman, 14-15

Rawlinson, Glenn, cousin of L Roper, 101

Rawlinson, Lynette, cousin of L Roper, 101

Reed, Stanley FDR's solicitor general, 8 Republican party, and election of 1936, 7, 10, 13; and LDS church, 21; and Mormons, 6

Rex Theater (SLC), 114, 114

Rhoades, Frank, stockraiser in Castle Valley, 131

Rialto Theater (SLC), Spring cover

Rich, Benjamin L., Republican, 9-10

Ricks, Joel, 18, 20

Rio Grande Southern Railroad, and San Jua n R gold rush, 75

Rio Grande Western Railroad, and coal development in Carbon County, 135; San Jua n R gold rush, 74

Rishel, W. D., manager of Utah State Automobile Assoc, 254-55, 256, 259

Roberts, D. R., lawyer, support of LDS First Presidency, 19

Robins, Kenneth, principal at Hinckley High School, 109

Romney, Marion G , and response to LDS church support of Landon, 10, 17

Roosevelt, Eleanor, Winter cover; and Hazel Granger, 339

Roosevelt, Franklin D., U S pres., Winter cover, 4, 5 ff., 339

Roosevelt, Theodore, U S pres., 28

Roper, Lucile, student years and teaching career, 100 ff., 100, 103 Roper, Mabel, nurse, sister of Lucile, 107

Roper, Rawlin, teacher, brother of Lucile, 107-109

Rowen, , and San Jua n R gold rush, 82

Ruess, Christopher, father of Everett, 45, 49, 55, 67

Ruess, Everett, artist and wanderer, 48, 52: artwork by, 3, 50, 53, 57, 59, 62, 65, 66; theories about his death, 48-67; emotional states of, 57-63; health problems of, 63-65

Ruess, Stella, mother of Everett, 49, 54, 55

Ruess, Waldo, brother of Everett, 49

Rusho, W L., biographer of E Ruess, and tbeories of Ruess's death, 54-56 Ryan, George H., state senator, and Centerville flood, 41

Salt Lake City: flood control, 33-34; floods, 23, 29, 29, 30, 30-31, 32, 41

Salt Lake County, 35: Bingham flood, 41; watersheds, 25 See also Salt Lake City

Salt Lake Tribune, and election of 1936, 7-8, 13, 15

San Jua n County: Bluff, 87; gold rush in, 68-87; newspapers in, 196-219

San Jua n River, 68, 71, 71, 74, 76, 83: boats on, 80-81; and gold rush, 68 ff

Sanpete County: floods, 33; Manti floods, 26, 28; watershed protection in, 28, 33

Savage, Alonzo A., and San Jua n R gold rush, 80

Scenic Highways Association, and promotion of Arrowhead Trails Hwy, 257-58, 259

Schindler, Harold, historian, and Bear R Massacre MS, 306

Schoenberger, Mr and Mrs Lovis, and boarding teachers in Deseret, 108 School teaching, discrimination in, 102; requirements for in 1930, 102 Schools: government-established kindergartens, 107; teachers' experiences in, 107-110 See also Education

Shoshonis, 300, and Bear R. Massacre, 300-308; and horses, 313; and Western Utes, 316-17

Scott, Hug h (Gen.), 196, and Tse-ne-gat incident, 210-11

Scotty, Paiute, brother of Posey, 210

Seely, Nephi, Orange, and Wellington: stockraisers in Castle Valley, 127

Senoneska, Indian LDS convert, 201

Shelton, William T., Indian agent, 208, 216, 216, 217

Shindler, A Z., photos by, 232

Shipley Helen, student at Snow College, 100 ff., 101, 103

Shivwits, 224

Shoal Creek, Washington Co., fort at, 161-62; settlement of, 153 ff

Shores, Dr., , and San Jua n R. gold rush, 76

Shoumatoff, Alec, journalist, and theories of E. Ruess's death, 56

Slavery of African Americans, 225-26; of Indians, 220-41

Sloane, C. E, reporter, Salt Lake Tribune, 215

Smart, Tom, and watershed damage, 28

Smith, George A., LDS apostle, 152, 233

Smith, Jesse R., Republican, 14

Smith, Joseph E, LDS church pres., endorsement of Taft, 22

Smith, Lucian H., marshal guarding Zhon-ne, 208-209

Smith, O A., prospector, 71

Smoot, Reed, U S senator, and highway appropriation, 257; and "political bitterness," 15

Smythe, William E., praise for Mormon settlement and irrigation, 150

Snell, Hebe r C , Snow College teacher, 105, 106

Sniffen, M K., secretary of Indian Rights Assoc, and defense of Paiutes/Utes, 212-13

Snow, Erastus, LDS apostle and pres of Cotton Mission, 152, 155-56, 156, 158, 160-62, 165-66, 168-69

Snow, Joseph S., vice pres., Arrowhead Development Assoc, 253

Snow College, depression years, 101 ff., 105

Snyder, George W., Republican national committeeman, 14, 21

Snyder, Karl, lawyer, and gold claim on San Jua n R., 70

Southeast Theater (SLC) 117, 117

Southern Utes, 196 ff., 225

Spencer, Charles, and gold on San Jua n R., 86

Stagecoaches, to San Jua n R gold rush, 75

Star Theater: Escalante, 113, 113; Gunnison, 111, 2i7;LaPoint 113, 113

Star-Lite Drive-in (American Fork), 122, 122

Starr, Al, stockraiser in Castle Valley, 127, 129

Stephenson, Allen, membe r of Pi-P writers club, 269

Stern, J David, newspaperman, 20

Stevens, Edith, schoolteacher in Delta, 107

Stewart, Leonora Cannon, and move to apartment, 349, 354, 363, 366

Streeper, Herbert, and Davis Co flood, 40

Stringfellow, Douglas R., U. S.

congressman: fabricated war stories and campaign smears, 345-47

Sutherland, George, U. S. senator from Utah, 205

Swasey brothers, stockraisers in Castle Valley 127

Swendsen, G L., and statistics on watershed damage, 28

Taft, William Howard, U S pres., 22

Taylor, Gay Dimick, wife of Samuel, 270, 276

Taylor, Janet Woolley, mother of Samuel., 267-68

Taylor, John , LDS pres., 267, 268

Taylor, Joh n M., membe r of Pi-P writers club

Taylor, Joh n W , LDS apostle and father of Samuel, and plural marriage, 140, 267-68

Taylor, Raymond, brother of Samuel, 281

Taylor, Samuel W., writer, 265-284, 265, 275, 280

Taylor, Sara, see Weston, Sara Taylor

Terry, Adelia (Winsor), daughter of Thomas, 155

Terry, Hanna h Louisa Leavitt, wife of Thomas, 159, 159

Terry, Thomas S., Hebron settler, 155, 159, 162, 164, 167; and death of T Fuller, 158-59, 169

Theaters, movie, 111-122

Thomas, Edna, wife of Elbert, 17, 19

Thomas, Elbert, U. S. Senator, 17, 18, 22

Thompson, Peter, and observation of watershed damage 28

Tonaquints, 224

Tower Theater (SLC), 115, 115

Trade, between Western Utes and others, 316-17, 319-20, 322, 325, 327

Transportation: early auto touring, 246; gas station, 242; gasoline tax, 259; highway development, 242-64

Truman, Harry, and W. K. Granger, 340, 343

Tse-ne-gat (Everett Hatch), Paiute, 196, accused of murder, 209, 211

Tweedie, Dick, sheepherding partner of W. K. Granger, 333

Uintah Indian Reservation, range conditions on, 27

Union Pacific Railroad, and highway promotion, 253, 257, 262

Utah County, flood, 41

Utah State Automobile Association, 254, 256, 258, 261

Utah Theater (SLC), 116, 117, 117

Utes, 198, 202, 318, 325, 328, 329 (Uncompaghre): Southern, 225, in journalistic media, 196 ff.; Western, culture of, 310 ff., equestrianism of, 309-330

V

Valentine, Carl, house in Price, 133 Villa Theatre (SLC), 122, 122

W

Wakara, Western Ute leader, 238, 238, 309: and equestrianism, 309, 318, 320-38; grave of, 330; "Walker War," 327-28

Walker, Joe, outlaw, and Reuben G Miller, 133-34

Wann, Fred C , vice pres., Arrowhead Development Assoc, 243, 253

Ward, J. Ray, U. S. marshal, and Posey's corpse, 215-16

Ward, Mary Ellen, and Willard flood, 36 Washington County, and highway development, 257; settlements in, 148 ff

Water: SLC system, 30, 33; Weber Basin Project, 342

Watkins, Arthur V., U S senator, 342-43: campaign against W K Granger, 344; and Stringfellow hoax, 347

Webb, Walter Prescott, and series of historical lectures, 178

Weber County, floods, 24

Welch, Mary writer, 274

Western Utes, 309-30

Weston, Sara Taylor, daughter of S Taylor, 278, 283

Westover, Edw., Shoal Creek area settler, 158, 161-62; and death of T Fuller, 158-60

Wetherill, Ben K., trader, and Navajowhite conflicts on San Jua n R., 78-79

Wetherill, John , trading post proprietor, 206

White, Douglas, highway booster an d railroad official, 242, 245, 246, 247

Whiting, Frank, membe r of Pi-P writers club

Whitmore, George and James M., stockraisers in Castle Valley 127 Wildfire, and damage to watersheds, 37-39, 42-45

Wilkie, Wendell, U.S. pres. candidate, 21

Wilkins, James, and possession by devils, 172

Williams, Robin, actor, and S Taylor script, 277-78

Williard, H O., (Capt.), and capture of Ba'ililii, 216

Williams, Jonatho n P., and discovery of gold on San Jua n R., 69-70

Wilson, David J., Republican state committee chairman, 21: and contested 1946 election, 343

Wilson, H C , Salt Lake Tribune photographer, 263

Winder, Joh n R., LDS church official, 130

Winsor, Luther M., irrigation engineer, and flood control works, 34-35, 37, 40,4 6

Women, and apartment living and social transitions, 349-66; and safe accommodations, 357, 358

Woodruff, Elias S., manager of Deseret News and secretary of Scenic Highway Assoc, 258, 261

Woods, Donald, actor, and S Taylor play, 279, 280

Woolley, John , and plural marriage of R G Miller, 142, 145

Wright, Mr and Mrs W J., flood victims, 36

Wylie, W. W., campground owner an d highway promoter, 254

YWCA, 357, 358

Young, Brigham, LDS church pres., 149, 151, 161, 170, 172; and purchase of Indian children, 228, 230, 232, 235 Young, Sally, Shoshoni raised in B Young's home , 232, 235, 236, 236

Zahn, Otto J., prospector, and San Jua n R gold rush, 80

Zhon-ne, Navajo, and murde r of C. Fritz, 207-209

Zion National Park, dedication, 257; visit by Warren Harding, 258

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY

RICHARD W. SADLER, Ogden, 2003 Chair

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN, Salt Lake City, 2001 Vice-Chair

MAXJ EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

PAUL ANDERSON, Salt Lake City, 2003

MICHAEL W. HOMER, Salt Lake City, 2001

LORI HUNSAKER, Brigham City, 2001

KIM A. HYATT, Bountiful, 2001

JOEL C. JANETSKI, Provo, 2001

PAM MILLER, 2003

CHRISTIE SMITH NEEDHAM, Logan, 2001

Ross PETERSON, Logan, 2003

PAUL D WILLIAMS, Salt Lake City, 2003

ADMINISTRATION

MAXJ EVANS, Director

WILSON G. MARTIN, AssociateDirector

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

KEVIN T JONES, State Archaeologist

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 The U.S Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.