Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 61, Number 4, 1993

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

(ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAX J EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

MIRIAM B MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS

KENNETH L CANNON II, Salt Lake City, 1995

ARLENE H EAKLE, Woods Cross, 1993

AUDREY M GODFREY, Logan, 1994

JOEL C JANETSKI, Provo, 1994

ROBERT S MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1995

RICHARD W SADLER, Ogden, 1994

HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City, 1993

GENE A SESSIONS, Ogden, 1995

GREGORY C THOMPSON, Salt Lake City, 1993

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly,BeehiveHistory, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $20.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $15.00; contributing, $25.00; sustaining, $35.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space, with footnotes at the end Authors are encouraged to submit material in a computer-readable form, on 5 1/4 inch MS-DOS or PCDOS diskettes, standard ASCII text file Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor Articles represent the views of the author and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society.

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Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.

SHIRLEY A LECKIE Elizabeth Bacon

Custer and the Making of a Myth

DOROTHEE E. KOCKS

Books reviewed 381

LEONARD J. ARRINGTON and JOH N R. ALLEY, JR . Harold F Silver: Western Inventor, Businessman, and Civic Leader J. KENNETH DAVIES 382

NELSON A. WADSWORTH Set in Stone, Fixed in Glass: The Great Mormon Temple and Its Photographers

DREW ROSS 383

JENNIFER MOULTON HANSEN, ed

Letters of Catharine Cottam

Romney, Plural Wife

DOUGLAS D. ALDER 384

H. ROGER GRANT Living in the Depot: The Two-story Railroad Station

DO N HARTLEY 386

In this issue

The first article in this issue takes readers behind the scenes of a fascinating political campaign—the 1964 U.S Senate race of Ernest L. Wilkinson, president of Brigham Young University. An "ideological twin" of presidential candidate Barry Goldwater, Wilkinson seemed at first to hold a winning hand supported by David O McKay, revered leader of the Mormon church, and entrepreneur Joseph P. Rosenblatt, aJew. When the latter opted to remain on the sidelines and Lyndon B. Johnson's two highly publicized visits with McKay effectively neutralized that asset, incumbent Sen. Frank E. Moss was able to successfully exploit Wilkinson's extensive investments in Texas real estate and his role in several controversial matters affecting Utah's colleges and universities. Wilkinson labeled his defeat "a sad and expensive experience."

In the following article Aaron DeWitt, another disillusioned observer of the political scene, used poetry to describe his distaste for the way Mormon leaders in Cache Valley ran things in the era before statehood. With Utah's admission to the Union in 1896 DeWitt mellowed and his verse proclaimed the equal rights of all in the new state.

Next, an analysis of the effect of industrialization and urbanization on families in Murray, Utah, during 1890-1920 provides much food for thought, especially the apparent correlation of social change and rising juvenile delinquency rates and environmental deterioration and health problems.

The final article details events in Utah during the nationwide Red Scare of 1919. The state experienced some labor unrest, bombs were mailed to prominent individuals, nativist sentiments surfaced, and law enforcement officials spied on dissenters. Yet, the nationwide "hysteria" described by some historians of the era created only a ripple in Utah Nevertheless, it was a ripple that enabled organized business leaders to strip labor unions of much of their power.

"A Sad and Expensive Experience" Ernest L. Wilkinson's 1964 Bid for the U.S. Senate

BY GARYJAMES BERGERA

Ernest L. Wilkinson. Salt Lake Tribune photograph, USHS collections.

Mr Bergera is director of publishing, Signature Books, Salt Lake City He wishes to acknowledge the helpful advice of John T. Bernhard, Harvard S. Heath, Frank E. Moss, F. Ross Peterson, and John Sillito

A s ERNEST L. WILKINSON, SCRAPPY SIXTY-FOUR-YEAR-OLD president of Brigham Young University, and other Utah politicos sensed, the 1964 U.S Senate race promised the state's electorate a clear choice between an incumbent liberal Democrat and a conservative Republican challenger. Having flirted with the heady give-and-take of American politics as a patriotic circuit rider for free-market capitalism,1 Wilkinson had emerged in the popular Utah mind as an articulate, impassioned, if humorless and overbearing, exponent of hard-core conservative Republican politics

In his twelve years since leaving a lucrative eastern law practice for BYU, Wilkinson had come to fear deeply for the future of the United States. With his country seemingly on a collision course with socialism, he was convinced he could be of greatest service in Washington, D.C He had also concluded that his mission at BYU—particularly his expansive building program—had been accomplished and that continuing support for his educational agenda would not survive the death of David O McKay, octogenarian president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and long-time Wilkinson booster. Finally, he knew his own age would soon be an obstacle to political ambition.2

Despite his well known behind-the-scenes involvement in statewide

1 For Wilkinson's political career before 1964, see Gary James Bergera, "A Strange Phenomena: Ernest L Wilkinson, the LDS Church, and Utah Politics," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 26 (Summer 1993): 89-115. During these years Wilkinson publicly addressed a variety of conservative subjects Unquestionably his favorite was "The Founding, Fruition, and Future of Free Enterprise" (also known as "Free Enterprise for Everyone"), which he delivered to eager audiences at least twenty-one times from 1961 to 1963 Copies of this and other speeches can be found in Wilkinson's Biographical File, Brigham Young University Archives, Harold B Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo (hereinafter BYU Archives)

2 Wilkinson's bid was not the first such attempt by a BYU president. Both Karl G. Maeser and Franklin S Harris had earlier campaigned unsuccessfully for public office: Maeser in 1895 for state superintendent of public instruction and Harris in 1938 for U.S senator (see Maeser to George Reynolds, October 12, 1895, Maeser Presidential Papers, BYU Archives; Harris Journal, August 2, 9, 10, September 12-14, November 4-8, 1938, Harris Papers, BYU Archives). Other BYU administrators had also tested partisan waters, relying on their affiliation with the school and network of university contacts to improve their chances of winning For example, the representative of one candidate reminded BYU's official fund raiser in the early 1960s: "You are going to contact the Dean's Council and the Administrative Council to obtain donations for the John Bernhard campaign fund" (Edwin Kimball to Noble Waite, September 12, 1962, Bernhard Biographical File, BYU Archives)

During the 1950s BYU's board of trustees, composed almost entirely of high-ranking LDS officials, had ruled simply that faculty involvement in politics required administrative clearance (BYU Board of Trustees, Minutes, July 22, 1954, November 4, 1959, BYU Archives) By early 1962, and at Wilkinson's urging, the board had settled on allowing the university president "to judge each case on its merits and make such decisions as he thought proper with these guide lines": (1) "faculty members [should] not be unduly partisan"; (2) "staff members running for political office or staff members occupying positions with political parties should not permit their duties to interfere with their regular work at the University"; and (3) "if the political campaign or office is of such a nature that they cannot give full attention to their regular work at the University, they should either be given a leave of absence without pay or resign" (Executive Committee, BYU Board of Trustees, Minutes, March 22, 1962)

politics,3 Wilkinson's decision to run for the Senate was not an easy one For a brief time he toyed with entering the race for governor but could not shake the allure of national office.4 When he finally resolved in November 1963 that his chances would never be better, he put behind him months of agonizing indecision.5 He and his supporters had sounded out a variety of sympathetic Mormon/non-Mormon business and political interests, securing verbal support and promises of assistance They also knew that in 1962 Utah Republicans had retained their place in the Senate, captured both congressional seats, won control of both houses in the state legislature, and secured a majority of county offices.6 Finally, Wilkinson had received reassurances from President McKay that if he "wanted to run for the Senate in 1964 [McKay] would give [him] a year's leave of absence" from his appointments as BYU president and chancellor of the entire educational system of the LDS church.7

Although he would have preferred to see Wilkinson on the U.S. Supreme Court, McKay agreed in mid-October 1963 that the lawyerturned-educator should run for the Senate An astute partisan observer, McKay knew of Wilkinson's needs and appreciated as well as anyone the value of loyal associates in positions of national prominence and influence According to Wilkinson, McKay voiced his concern that Wilkinson's likely Republican challenger in the primaries, incumbent congressman Sherman P. Lloyd, was becoming too soft on federal aid to education and Medicare and that the BYU president's brand of conservative Republicanism provided a better safeguard

3 See Bergera, "A Strange Phenomena."

4 Wilkinson, Memorandum for File, November 1, 1963, Wilkinson Papers, BYU Archives Copies of virtually all documents from the Wilkinson Papers cited in this essay are also in private possession, which is my source for them Additionally, many are referenced in Ernest L Wilkinson, ed., Brigham Young University: The First One Hundred Years, vol 2 (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1975), pp 497-723; Wilkinson and Leonard J Arrington, eds., Brigham Young University: The First One Hundred Years, vol 3 (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1976), pp 3-789; Wilkinson and W Cleon Skousen, Brigham Young University: A SchoolofDestiny (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1976), pp 429-759; and Woodruff J Deem and Glenn V Bird, Ernest L. Wilkinson: Indian Advocate and University President (Salt Lake City: Alice L Wilkinson, 1978)

5 For Wilkinson's vacillation, see Wilkinson diary, March 1, 2, 13, October 11, November 27, 1963, photocopy in David J Buerger Papers, Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City; original in Wilkinson Papers.

6 See Stewart Grow, "The 1962 Election in Utah," Western Political QuaHerly 16 (1963): 460

7 See Wilkinson, Memorandum of a Conference with McKay, March 7, 1962, Wilkinson Papers; see also Wilkinson Diary, March 2, 1963; Wilkinson, Memorandum of a Conference with McKay, October 17, 1963, Wilkinson Papers; compare Wilkinson Diary, April 9, 1958 In fact, McKay felt at first that "President Wilkinson should remain as president of the Brigham Young University while he is seeking the nomination, and if he gets the nomination then we can consider rinding a successor If he is not elected, then he should continue at the school" (McKay Diary, November 21, 1963, McKay Papers, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City)

against socialist inroads.8 The following month Wilkinson asked members of the church's budget committee, who jointly served on the executive committee of BYU's Board of Trustees, what they thought of his running for the Senate. They unanimously opposed the idea.9 Undissuaded, he notified McKay by letter the next week that I might very shortly decide to run for [the] Senate, telling him that if he had any final objections to my doing so I would be happy not to run. In other words, I have placed myself squarely subject to his direction, although he may feel that he should not deprive me of my own free agency in this respect.10

That same day Wilkinson also began sounding out possible campaign managers.

Following a combined meeting of BYU's Board of Trustees and the church's General Board of Education one week later, Wilkinson announced that this would probably be his last meeting with them "You mean the last meeting this year," Hugh B. Brown, McKay's counselor, said. "No," Wilkinson replied, "the last meeting, period." Overcome with emotion, Wilkinson "told them I took credit for only two things. One, that I had not loafed on the job and second, that I had not profited by it. ... " Brown immediately praised Wilkinson's accomplishments and then asked him to meet with N Eldon Tanner, Brown's nephew and co-counselor in the First Presidency, in his office. Alone with Wilkinson and Tanner, Brown asked moments later "what was all this about and if I had cleared it with President McKay." Wilkinson answered that he had. The usually stoical Wilkinson then broke down and wept.11

Wilkinson met the next week with McKay He knew the church president supported his decision but nonetheless emphasized that I had no personal desire to go into politics; the so-called grandeur of public office never appealed to me at all nor to my wife who preferred for me not to go; that if I went it would be because I felt we all had a duty to respond to public office if there was a legitimate demand for us.

He knew he was safe in asking that if McKay wanted him to remain at BYU "all he needed to do was say so and I would stay—in fact," Wilkinson added, "I might be more happy." McKay answered less than a

8 See Wilkinson, Memorandum of a Conference with McKay, October 17, 1963.

9 McKay Diary, November 21, 1963

10 Wilkinson Diary, November 27, 1963

11 Ibid., December 4, 1963

minute later, "I want you in the Senate." He also "reiterated our previous understanding that [a] temporary appointment should be made during the campaign and that if I should be defeated I should return to both of my previous positions" as BYU president and church chancellor of education.12 By this time Wilkinson had concluded that a leave of absence could be a liability and was probably unnecessary given McKay's support.

News of Wilkinson's resignation was officially released to the press on January 9, 1964. "New challenges and responsibilities have developed which call for decisions in the near future," he explained.13 Sensitive to Wilkinson's nuance, the Salt Lake Tribune speculated that "the move was a prelude to his entry in the race for the U.S Senate."14 The same day the Deseret News and Telegram printed the results of its poll of twenty of Utah's twenty-nine Republican county chairmen, finding nine in favor of Wilkinson, nine supporting Sherman P. Lloyd, one for J. Bracken Lee, and one undecided. According to the paper, Wilkinson's supporters had contacted the same group and found fifteen favoring Wilkinson, six Lloyd, and eight neutral.15 The next day the News eulogized Wilkinson, praising the mark he left on BYU as one "such as few men have ever been privileged to leave in their lifetimes."16 When Wilkinson finally announced his candidacy for the U.S. Senate on January ll, 1 7 the news came as no surprise to the state's political savants.

In his farewell address to BYU's student body, Wilkinson proved unusually self-revealing "The intervening thirteen years [1951-64] have been the happiest years of our lives," he said, "not that there have not been problems. Sometimes I know that some members of my Board of Trustees have felt that I thought that too much of the income of the Church should be spent for the B.Y.U. And there may have been times when I pressed my viewpoints a little too hard," he confessed. "I told one of them one day that if what I was doing was treason he should make the most of it." He admitted that he may have been "unduly brusk, and for this I apologize." But he had found students "the easiest of all to control, because, based on my boy-

12 Ibid., December 10, 1963

13 Daily Universe, January 9, 1964

14 Salt Lake Tribune, January 9, 1964

15 Deseret News and Telegram, January 9, 1964

16 Ibid., January 10, 1964

17 Daily Universe, January 13, 1964

hood days, I understand you students better than I sometimes understood the Board and the faculty."18

Two days later, addressing faculty, he conceded: "Our decision to resign in order to run for political office was the most difficult decision we have had to make in our lives."19 He had decided to run now because the government was spiritually bankrupt, men and women were too reliant on federal aid, government spending was steadily increasing, the national debt was burgeoning, the Monroe Doctrine had been abandoned, and the threat of communism was growing worldwide. "If the Constitution is to hang by a thread in this country," he vowed, alluding to popular Mormon tradition, "I want to be the one to save it."20

Early on Wilkinson found that staffing his campaign machine was more difficult than he had imagined. Salt Lake City businessman Joseph P. Rosenblatt had initially offered to help raise funds for the race. In mid-1963 he had publicly declared:

I feel very strongly that this man has the voice of the conservative we need in this country, the mature, sound, reasonable, reliable voice of the conservative. He is not the conservative who plants his feet against all that represents progress, not one who is conservative because he may be the opposite of what you think of as a liberal, and indeed not one who is conservative because he is a reactionary, but he is a conservative in the true sense of what we in this country stand for.21

In fact, Wilkinson had concluded to run, in part, because of Rosenblatt's support However, Rosenblatt subsequently changed his mind, preferring to remain on the sidelines. Angry over this turn of events,

18 Wilkinson, 'Valedictory Address," February 18, 1964, p 6, Wilkinson Biographical File

19 Wilkinson, 'Valedictory to Faculty," February 20, 1964, p. 7, Wilkinson Biographical File. In fact, Alice Ludlow Wilkinson, Wilkinson's wife of forty years, was even more apprehensive "I was not very enthusiastic in the beginning," she later recalled "I didn't want to see him get into politics because I had seen so many things happen in political life that I didn't like, but I knew that he loved politics When President McKay asked him if he would run, of course he wanted to, and I said that I would support him" (Oral History, September 28, 1979, p 11, BYU Archives)

20 Wilkinson, 'Valedictory to Faculty," February 20, 1964, pp 8-9 The minutes of this meeting record Wilkinson's closing promise a little differently: "if the constitution [were] to hang by a thread he wanted to be one to help save it" (BYU Faculty Meeting, Minutes, February 20, 1964, BYU Archives) "We have not yet determined when we will move from the campus," Wilkinson closed 'Th e Board of Trustees has said that in exchange for my 13 non-salaried years of service [to the university] we may remain in the [president's] hom e until we decide where to move permanently for the convenience of our son who is now enrolled in school We may, however, open another home in Salt Lake also for I am there 6 out of every 7 days But we hope to see all of you frequently If I should become unemployed we may have the glorious privilege of seeing you more in social gatherings" ('Valedictory to Faculty," p 11; on Wilkinson retaining occupancy of the president's home, see McKay Diary, February 4, 1964)

21 "Introductory Remarks of Joseph Rosenblatt at Testimonial Dinner for Doctor Ernest L Wilkinson, May 2, 1963," pp 3-4, Wilkinson Biographical File

Wilkinson never forgave him. As a result, the former BYU president went for several months without a fund raiser;22 and then, tragically, the next man who agreed to help died within the month, leaving a seriously handicapped Wilkinson to rely on part-time volunteers.

Securing a full-time campaign manager proved less difficult, though in some ways more problematic. Wilkinson's selection, John T. Bernhard, was a logical choice. He was trained as a political scientist, had loyally served Wilkinson for more than three years as administrative assistant, had cultivated strong ties to Utah's Republican party as a state legislator, and shared Wilkinson's conservative political views. With typical alacrity Wilkinson obtained David O. McKay's permission for Bernhard to take a "special [sabbatical] leave of absence" "at full compensation" to serve as his campaign director.23 However, BYU's comptroller objected to the arrangement, arguing that he would only comply with it on the express order of the university's acting president or Board of Trustees.24 The comptroller and others knew that Bernhard did not qualify under university policy for a paid sabbatical and probably feared as well the accusations of church support for Wilkinson that would erupt should the arrangement be made public.

Despite these concerns, the chair of BYU's Board of Trustees and president of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles notified BYU's acting president that in view of the "special circumstances"—that Wilkinson had served for thirteen years without compensation and that Bernhard's "services in his new assignment will redound to the benefit of B.Y.U."—"we believe it is proper to grant him a special sabbatical leave with full pay from February 1, 1964, to November 15, 1964. This would be in accord with President McKay's desires, and this letter is your authority to grant the same, which we would appreciate your doing."25 Still BYU administrators balked at the idea. Wilkinson then suggested that Bernhard be given an unpaid leave and that the church simply deduct his monthly salary from the school's operating budget and pay him from an account outside the university.26 School

22 See Wilkinson, Memorandu m of a Conference with McKay, November 13, 1966, Wilkinson Papers BYU subsequently awarded Rosenblatt an honorary doctorate less than two weeks after Wilkinson died in April 1978

23 Bernhard to Joseph T Bentley, January 8, 1964, BYU Archives According to the terms of this special leave, Bernhard's pay totaled nearly $12,000

24 Joseph T Bentley to Earl C Crockett, acting BYU president, January 13, 1964, BYU Archives

25 Joseph Fielding Smith to Crockett, May 20, 1964, BYU Archives

26 Bentley to Crockett, Jun e 25, 1964, BYU Archives

Wilkinson *s 1964 Senate Bid 311

officials found this alternative more acceptable,27 and Bernhard, who had gone more than four months without pay, was able to concentrate entirely on the campaign. With these and similar problems in mind, Wilkinson lamented less than six weeks after announcing his candidacy, "Frankly, were it possible to undo what has been done in the last two months and not resign at all, I would make that decision, but decisions once made and relied on by other people (hundreds are supporting me) cannot be undone and I must go forward."28 "I, frankly, often regret that I am not still at the B.Y.U.," he later added. 2 9

In his primary bid against Sherman P. Lloyd, the erstwhile educator found himself facing a man with considerable public service experience. A native of eastern Idaho and former general counsel for the Utah Retail Grocers Association, the forty-nine-year-old Lloyd had spent eighteen years in the Utah State Senate. Most recently he had served on the Utah Legislative Council, acted as Utah's representative on the board of managers of the Council of State Governments (CSG), and chaired the CSG Committee on State Taxation of Interstate Income. He had been a delegate to the State Republican Convention and the Republican National Convention. He had run unsuccessfully for Congress in 1960 and successfully in 1962. In fact, Wilkinson had earlier lauded Lloyd as one who "will help to restore sanity to the Congress of the United States,"30 even crediting himself as "one responsible for getting Sherman Lloyd in the congressional Republican primary race and [who] intended to

27 Lyman J Durfee to Bentley, December 11, 1964, BYU Archives; Bentley to Bernhard, January 4, 1964 [1965], BYU Archives.

28 Wilkinson Diary, February 17, 1964

29 Wilkinson to Ben E Lewis, May 21, 1964, BYU Archives

30 "Television Address of Ernest L Wilkinson on Channel 5 KSL TV," October 29, 1962, p 23, Wilkinson Biographical File

Sherman P. Lloyd, 1959. USHS collections.

continue to support him."31 Times had changed, however, and Wilkinson clearly felt that Lloyd, a political moderate, had become ineffectual in corralling a runaway federal bureaucracy. Ironically, Lloyd had initially encouraged Wilkinson to run "because I mistakenly felt that I could defeat him and that it would be better if he ran for the Senate instead of governor because I thought if he ran for governor he would not help the ticket."32

Wilkinson tried to portray himself as a hard-working, frugal, common man of the people, with strong ties to Utah and an even stronger commitment to its economy, who by sheer force of his will and managerial abilities would bring a recalcitrant federal government to its knees in service to the citizens of the United States. He was resolutely opposed to federal intervention in any but the narrowest aspect of daily life and liked to think of himself as conservative presidential candidate Barry Goldwater's ideological twin. "True dynamic progress," Wilkinson believed, "can only be achieved when individual citizens are left free to develop their own creative powers unfettered by government." 3 3 "I pledge a militant fight for the preservation of our inspired Constitution, and our Republican form of government," he promised at the Utah Republican Nominating Convention on June 13. "Each generation of free men has its rendezvous with destiny," he proclaimed, "and our rendezvous is to see that our Government remains our servant, and does not become our master."34

Initially, Wilkinson focused on differences between the Republican and Democratic parties, but his platform left little doubt as to those areas in which he felt Congressman Lloyd was weakest. Specifically, Wilkinson called for "curbing run-away government expenditures, and making a substantial payment on the federal debt"; selling to private enterprise all "government businesses, except those absolutely indispensable for national defense"; eliminating federal subsidy programs; encouraging "American private industries to invest in foreign countries"; defeating the federal Medicare bill; repealing the Civil Rights Act; fighting "for a strong and resolute foreign policy,

31 Wilkinson Diary, August 4, 1962

32 Sherman P. Lloyd, Oral History, November 21, 1974, pp. 2-3, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City

33 "Statement of Political Convictions of Dr Ernest L Wilkinson, former President of Brigham Young University, Republican Candidate for United States Senate from the State of Utah," July 10, 1964, p 1, Wilkinson Biographical File

34 Quote d in The Wilkinson Story (Provo, Ut.: Volunteers for Wilkinson, 1964), p 1, Wilkinson Biographical File

based on formidable military strength"; adopting "a Constitutional Amendment permitting state legislatures to be based both on geographical as well as popular representation"; reopening investigations into government corruption; supporting legislation to benefit Utah such as "irrigation projects," "protect[ing] the cattle industry from threatened bankruptcy," and "full utilization of our missile industry"; and "us[ing] all my influence to persuade permanent peacetime industries to locate in Utah."35

Representative Lloyd adopted a more gentle approach, announcing ten "broad principles" at the nominating convention "on which you may judge whether I am the kind of man you would hire to send to Washington to secure results for you of lasting worth." He vowed not to "appeal to your prejudices," but to "your sense of justice"; not to "inflame you," but to "inform you"; not to "close your minds," but to "open them"; not to be "influenced by distribution of scabrous literature or by the vices of bigotry"; not to "arouse your hates," but to "reason with you"; to "continue to give voice to the dignity of the individual by working to suppress excessive government"; to "work for unity" and to "oppose the forces which divide us"; to continue to "labor against waste and unwise public debt"; to be "positive and constructive"; to "respect the rights and opinions of others"; and not to be "one of your leaders," but "one of your servants."36

Lloyd enjoyed the advantages of incumbency—experience in elected office, public exposure, existing campaign staff, fund-raising resources—and Wilkinson knew that the congressman's supporters were confident their man would easily garner the nomination. After a lackluster start, the former BYU president campaigned with singleminded vigor and determination—or with acrimony and demagoguery, his opponents would charge.37 In March he dramatically confronted head-on rumors that he was too old or in poor health by performing forty-eight push-ups before 10,000 enthusiastic fans during a BYU basketball game and then challenging Lloyd to a similar feat.38

36 Excerpted from ibid., pp 1-8; "Television Address of Ernest L Wilkinson, Candidate for the Republican Nomination as United States Senator, over K.S.L.-T.V on July 24, 1964," pp 2-9, Wilkinson Biographical File; "Speech of Ernest L. Wilkinson, Wilkinson Family Program, August 10, 1964," pp. 2-3, Wilkinson Biographical File

36 Lloyd, "Speech Given before the Republican State Convention,"June 13, 1964, in Lloyd, Oral History, November 21, 1974, p 4

37 See Calvin L. Rampton, As I Recall, ed. Floyd A. O'Neil and Gregory C. Thompson (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1989), p 124; Lloyd, Oral History, November 5, 1974, pp 2-3

38 See "Wilkinson Keeps in Top Physical Condition," The Wilkinson Story, p 3 Wilkinson's feat was later restaged for campaign photographs to document the candidate's "can-do spirit."

Ernest L. Wilkinson was known for his push-ups. Photograph in a 1964 campaign brochure in USHS collections.

He subsequently charged the freshman congressman with missing nearly 40 percent of roll-call votes, including sessions when the House cut $2 million from an appropriation bill for Hill Air Force Base or voted on state reclamation projects. More damaging, he began picturing Lloyd as politically and economically liberal, alleging that he had voted conservatively "only 64% of the time" and condemning his support of the Civil Rights Act. "Is Lloyd Becoming a Liberal?" Wilkinson's ads asked This aggressive strategy began to pay off when it became apparent that Lloyd's popularity was not as widespread as assumed. In fact, polls conducted after less than four months of campaigning showed Wilkinson capturing slightly more than 48 percent of delegates to the State Republican Convention.39

Lloyd was clearly not accustomed to such attacks, including innuendos that he drank to excess, 40 and angrily denied the charges, protesting that he was actually the most conservatively voting member of Utah's four-man congressional team. He also circulated photographs of himself with presidential contender Barry Goldwater Wilkinson countered by securing Goldwater's endorsement (as well as that of Michigan governor George Romney, Illinois senator Everett M. Dirksen, Massachusetts senator Leverett Saltonstall, Kansas senator Frank Carlson, Maine senator Margaret Chase Smith, and former U.S. president Dwight D. Eisenhower), and proclaiming that he, not Lloyd, had Goldwater's real support.41 From Lloyd's point of view the debate should have been between Democrat and Republican but Wilkinson

39 See "Utah: How It Is Out There," Time, August 21, 1964, p. 18; "Wilkinson Beats Lloyd in Lloyd's Own District," in The Wilkinson Story, p 3

40 See Rampton, As I Recall, p 124

41 See "Utah: How It Is Out There."

turned against his own party. "Wilkinson campaigned against me," Lloyd complained. "I also say—and I think I could sustain it in court—that he distorted my votes, accused me of absenteeism, for which I was not guilty, and many other things."42 Reportedly, the head of the firm handling Wilkinson's campaign advertising later apologized to Lloyd.43

Interest in the controversial campaign so intensified that by the time of the state Republican primary on August 11, a record number of 120,567 voters turned out "Most attention, and most heat, centered in the Republican senatorial primary," the Salt Lake Tribune reported.44 After spending more than $80,000 Wilkinson managed to carry nineteen counties—Lloyd ten—to barely edge past Lloyd 61,113 votes to 59,454.45 "The students of BYU take pride in the accomplishment of their former leader," the school's student newspaper editorialized two days later, "and realize that if the same boundless energy and devotion to a cause for which he is famous, is incorporated in further campaigning Pres Wilkinson will be a tough competitor in November."46 With voters in the Republican primary exceeding those in the Democratic primary by more than 20,000, Wilkinson's "scant" 1.3 percent margin of victory heralded to some outsiders: "The way things stand now, Wilkinson can start packing to move back to Washington."47

Lloyd credited his support of civil rights legislation, and Wilkinson's calculated criticisms of it, as the major cause of his defeat. "I had a hard time trying to reason with people in 1964 on the Civil Rights issue," he noted, "which was the big issue and in Utah had a tremendous undercurrent of ugliness to it."48 Following the bitter contest Lloyd resigned himself to endorsing Wilkinson's continuing bid, "even though I thought many Wilkinson views were extreme," and discouraged supporters from running a write-in campaign in his behalf. However, when Lloyd declined an offer to appear with Wilkinson in a large heart-shaped advertisement after the primary and later when his mother's funeral prevented him from attending a Wilkinson fundraising dinner, Wilkinson condemned the former congressman's support

42 Lloyd, Oral History, November 21, 1974, p 5

43 Ibid., p 8

44 Salt Lake Tribune, August 13, 1964.

Richard R Wilkins to Wilkinson, February 3, 1965, Wilkinson Papers; Deseret News, August 12, 1964

46 Daily Universe, August 13, 1964

47 Ibid.; "Utah: How It Is Out There."

48 Lloyd, Oral History, November 5, 1974, p 11

as half-hearted at best Years afterwards a resentful Wilkinson would repeatedly insist that Lloyd was a poor loser and had refused to support his candidacy.49

Wilkinson's Democratic opponent, fifty-two-year-old incumbent senator Frank E. Moss, had earlier worked as an attorney for the Securities and Exchange Commission, been appointed judge advocate in Europe during World War II, and served for ten years as a Salt Lake Cityjudge and another ten years as Salt Lake County attorney In 1958 Moss had barely been elected to the U.S. Senate when a third candidate (J. Bracken Lee) split the Republican vote. Convinced a preemptive strike was now needed, the Salt Lake City native launched his first volley against Wilkinson almost immediately.

The victory of Ernest Wilkinson in the Republican Primary presages a bitter personal type of campaign directed to matters unrelated to the real issues before Utahns and Americans The capture of the Republican Party by the Goldwaterites has now been cemented in Utah with the nomination of Ernest Wilkinson Extremism now will be preached in Utah with fervor equalling or exceeding its national proclamation! 5 0

Moss promised to travel the moral and ethical high road and "keep on the real issues of the day": employment, education, industry, poverty, natural resources, tourism, recreation, civil rights, personal freedom, roads and highways, small business, Social Security, national defense, conservation, and world peace "I invite Mr Wilkinson," he announced, "to rise above personal abuse, accusation, and innuendo to talk sense to the people of Utah."51

Wilkinson responded by attacking Moss's votes for increased federal spending and by repeatedly telling voters:

At stake is YOUR decision whether we squander billions of dollars annually in foreign aid, buying more enemies, or whether we conserve our resources to balance our budgets; whether we continue borrowing

49 Ibid., pp 3, 8, 9; November 21, 1974, pp 7-8 Following his defeat Lloyd became vice-president of Prudential Federal Savings, in charge of public relations He also lectured on politics at the University of Utah and was subsequently elected to the U.S Congress in 1966, where he remained for six years In 1973 he was appointed assistant director of the U.S Information Agency and taught political science at Utah State University H e was then name d trade specialist in charge of the Utah office of the Department of Commerce He ran again for the Senate in 1976 After losing he retired to Salt Lake City, where he died in late 1979

50 Wilkinson's only sister, Elva Wilkinson Bell, was a Democrat and worked for Moss When her older brother announce d his candidacy, she "tearfully tendered her resignation." Moss quickly explained that "he had full confidence in her loyalty and integrity and that she need not resign." Bell 'joyfully continued her services and," according to Moss, "was probably the most exultant Utah resident with the Moss re-election." In fact, Moss reported that he "can still hear her muttering, "That damned Ernest'" (Moss to Gary J Bergera, March 13, 1992)

51 Untitled papers in Moss Papers, Special Collections, Marriott Library See also "Senator Moss Position Papers" in ibid

money to subsidize government competition with private enterprise, or whether we commence reduction of our staggering national debt; whether we spend ourselves into oblivion, or whether we preserve this nation's financial stability and integrity and continue its blessings upon our children. 5 2

In a point-by-point rebuttal Moss charged that his opponent intentionally preyed "on the fears of our elder and retired citizens for political purposes"; that his position on foreign aid was "that of . . . the John Birch Society"; that he ignored important provisions of the Civil Rights bill that addressed his criticisms; that he deliberately manipulated federal budget figures; that he insincerely objected to federal aid to public education without offering a "constructive solution to our school financing problem"; and that his criticisms of foreign travel at federal expense was hypocritical: "Mr. Wilkinson . . . believes that travel broadens Republicans, but is a waste of money for Democrats." Finally, Moss, gave voice to rumors that Wilkinson had misrepresented his personal wealth and out-of-state financial interests: I have made a full public disclosure of all of my financial interests—and they are limited enough to embarrass some of my friends. May I ask Mr. Wilkinson if he favors full disclosure? Would he vote for it? . . . It would be interesting for the voters of Utah to know of Mr Wilkinson's financial holdings, income, interests in property, etc., before they decide whether he should represent them. 5 3

In subsequent advertisements Moss forces revealed that Wilkinson owned a multimillion-dollar luxury apartment building called Inwood Manor in a wealthy Houston neighborhood despite Wilkinson's public protests that "No—I don't have millions invested in Texas."54 After quoting from the sales brochure, which extolled Wilkinson's development as "that mauve moment in history when the world had become gloriously rich but not yet grown unimaginatively equal," the ads asked: "Does this demonstrate any interest in the problems, dreams and hopes of the average Utah family . . . [A]ren't you more likely to protect your investment by working for the economy of Texas instead of Utah? .. . Is it your belief that to the strong belong the spoils that the problems of the old, the poor and the ill can be disregarded?" "Lest we be misunderstood," the ads closed, "Mr Wilkinson

52 "Speech over KSL Television by Dr. Ernest L. Wilkinson, Fiscal Integrity vs Fiscal Insanity, October 7, 1964," p. 9, Moss Papers.

53 "Senator Moss Position Papers."

54 Salt Lake Tribune, October 11,1964

certainly has the right to invest his money in Texas instead of Utah— But the citizens of Utah also have a right, the right to know."55

In their own full-page response Wilkinson backers blasted the allegations as "low blows." They insisted that Wilkinson's investment in Texas totalled less than a million dollars; that some Inwood Manor apartments rented for $250 per month, not $1,000; that Wilkinson had not approved the sales brochure; that he was not as wealthy as opponents suggested; that he had investments in Utah as well; and that he intended to donate the major share of his wealth, including Inwood Manor, to BYU at his death. "Mr. Moss," Wilkinson's supporters retorted, "we ask you, does Mr. Wilkinson's years of unselfish service at the BYU and his generous dedication to the students of Utah justify insinuations, as contained in the ad—that he has sought or is seeking to do anything but devote himself to public service?"56

The candidate's critics countered:

Mr. Wilkinson, why Texas—why not Utah? You have still not made a full fair disclosure of your Texas investment or anything else Instead of replying yourself, you have imposed on your business associates to answer for you. It appears that an attempt is being made to distort the facts not only for the public, but also for your friends.

His opponents convincingly demonstrated that despite having publicly denied he had invested "millions in Texas," Wilkinson's Inwood Manor project was worth more than $6 million. With a Houston bank holding a $3.5 million mortgage on the upscale apartment building, the ad asked, "Could Mr Wilkinson fairly represent the citizens of Utah with this huge personal liability owing to a Texas financial institution? . . . Why won't Mr. Wilkinson disclose? What is he hiding?"57

These and other accusations sallied back and forth, including charges that Wilkinson had a decade earlier backed a proposal to transfer Weber Junior College in Ogden to the LDS church and had tried to prevent Utah State University in Logan from entering the Western Athletic Conference.58 Soon pro-Moss groups began emerging

55 Ibid.; see also Daily Herald, October 18, 1964

56 Daily Herald, October 19, 1964

57 Ibid., October 18, 1964 Shortly before his death in 1978 Wilkinson donated 42 percent of his interest in Inwood Manor as a tithing contribution earmarked for the LDS church's educational system This contribution was estimated at the time to be worth $4 million See Executive Committees, Church Board of Education and Boards of Trustees of Brigham Young University, Brigham Young University—Hawaii Campus, Ricks College, and LDS Business College, Minutes, May 4, 1977

58 Although he had not publicly endorsed the proposed transfer of Weber Junior College, as well as two other state colleges, to the LDS church, Wilkinson had carefully orchestrated the unsuccessful move from behind the scenes. See Gary J. Bergera and Ronald L. Priddis, Brigham Young University: A House ofFaith (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1985), pp 30-31, 385 n 63

among disenchanted Republicans. In a barrage of newspaper, radio, and television assaults during the closing weeks of the campaign Wilkinson supporters charged that Moss was soft on communism, favored selling American wheat to Russians, called for officially recognizing mainland China, received an excessive amount of financing from out of state, had toured the world with his wife at government expense, and had blocked congressional ethics probes. Moss backers alleged that Wilkinson had used foreign steel in BYU construction projects, was more interested in promoting a right-wing political agenda than Utah interests, favored the "tactical" use of nuclear weapons, and was conducting a campaign of "distortion, fear-and-smear."59

As humiliating as the attacks on his character were, Wilkinson also scrambled to minimize the impact of President Lyndon Johnson's two providentially timed visits to David O McKay prior to his November 3 face-off with Moss Ostensibly seeking the Mormon leader's "strength and understanding,"60 Johnson explained, "I always feel better after I have been in his presence."61 For his part, McKay, a Republican, responded by wishing the Democratic president "continued success," which some saw as an implicit endorsement. Of course, cynics accused Johnson of manipulating the aged and frail McKay for political purposes, but newspaper photographs of their carefully managed meet-

59 See advertisements in DeseretNews, October 24, 1964; Daily Herald, October 16, 21, 26, 1964 In 1992 Moss recalled, with evident pleasure, a debate with Wilkinson on the BYU campus: "A speaker's stand and microphones were installed, reminding me of a ring for exhibition boxing." The two candidates spoke and fielded questions for nearly an hour. "Ernest was fair and advised the students that I was to be treated with respect," Moss said "They heeded this request by bestowing on me applause in excess of that given to Ernest as we each made our points on most all of the issues in that election campaign My paralyzed staff members were breathing easy and smiling at the end That debate was one highlight of that campaign" (Moss to Bergera)

60 Salt Lake Tribune, September 17, 1964.

61 DeseretNews, September 18, 1964

David O. McKay. USHS collections.

ings, which almost always included Moss, made it difficult for the majority of Mormons to believe their prophet had been so crassly used.62

Alarmed at McKay's apparent friendship with Johnson, Wilkinson subsequently attempted to secure McKay's endorsement of the Republican party and presumably his candidacy McKay chose not to respond to Wilkinson's awkward public pleas directly. But when Barry Goldwater paid him a visit, McKay moved to even the score, commenting to reporters, "I wish him success and advise him to stand true to his principles."63 McKay later offered, "I think you can put me down as favoring the success of the Republican party." Still, Wilkinson's determined, and occasionally inept, pressure for McKay's support may have backfired: while 50 percent of Utah voters disapproved of Moss's attempts to align himself with McKay, 74 percent took exception to Wilkinson's strong-arming of the church president.64

With only days left in an increasingly acrimonious campaign, an anonymous letter surfaced on college campuses throughout the state. The most vitriolic of any attack, the letter was evidently written by a disgruntled BYU employee and read in part:

Here at the "V we were, at first, alarmed at having an attorney chosen to head the school Later, when the needed buildings began to appear, we applauded his achievements, but for two years now, it has been clear that he has used the "V as a tool for his long-range ambitions For over two years this campus has been a refuge for ex-politicians, Birchers, and relatives of influential men Many of our assemblies have been nothing more than political rallies For years the "Y" has been giving preferential treatment to builders, suppliers, contractors, advertising agencies

63 Salt Lake Tribune, October 11, 1964

M See Jonas, "President Lyndon Johnson," pp 87-88

In addition to posing with President Lyndon B. Johnson and David O. McKay, Sen. Frank E. Moss was also seen with Lady Bird Johnson on August 17, 1964, at Flaming Gorge Dam dedication. Howard C. Moore photograph for the Deseret News USHS collections.

62 See also Frank H.Jonas, "President Lyndon Johnson, the Mormon Church and the 1964 Political Campaign," Proceedings, Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters 44 (1967), Part 1: 67-90

Wilkinson's 1964 Senate Bid 321

who might serve as Wilkinson boosters And they are serving as such during this campaign

Many of the faculty have been hired and fired to serve his personal ends, and the faculty has been helpless to curb such action This cunning and ruthless man has even captured the President of the Church and has used his high and holy office to promote partisan politics. Wilkinson will do anything to gain his ends. As stated, what he now seeks is to wring another four million dollars from the federal government. 6 5

Angered by the anonymous attack, McKay, at Wilkinson's urging, released a public statement one day before the November finals. He condemned in no uncertain terms the "vituperative attack" as "an error-filled anonymous letter now being examined by the Federal Bureau of Investigation." While remaining neutral, McKay praised Wilkinson's integrity, insisting that in administering the affairs of BYU he had merely "followed the instructions and directions of the Board of Trustees." McKay closed by affirming that Wilkinson had always been considered "a man of honor, integrity and sound principle."66

If Wilkinson knew that his $240,00067 battle with Moss—the majority of which he financed personally—would be uphill, he rarely expressed it. Still he must have greeted with considerable disappointment the results of a last-minute poll. Labeling the Senate race "probably Utah's most heated contest," the Salt Lake Tribune reported 55 percent of the state's voters favored Moss, while 45 percent said they would vote for Wilkinson.68 When the final results in "the most torrid state contest by long odds"69 were tabulated two days later, not only was Wilkinson's margin of loss greater than that predicted (14.8 percent or 169,491 to 228,210),70 he lost by more votes than Goldwater and even failed to carry his own home county.71 In a stunning sweep,

65 Photocopy of original letter, entitled "Dear Friend of Good Government," in my possession. This letter reportedly reached 115 BYU faculty members, 75 percent of Utah State University faculty members, 25 to 30 Weber College faculty members, and a similar but unspecified number of University of Utah faculty members See Earl C Crockett to Wilkinson, February 11, 1965; L Mark Neuberger to Wilkinson, February 5, 1965; Wilkinson to L. Ralph Mecham, February 18, 1965; all in BYU Archives.

66 See Deseret News, November 2, 1964; Salt Lake Tribune, November 3, 1964; Daily Universe, November 3, 1964 Much to Wilkinson's dismay the FBI failed to unmask the letter's author and closed its investigation after four months (see Herbert J Miller to Wallace F Bennett, undated but ca March 3, 1965; Bennett to Wilkinson, March 5, 1965; all in BYU Archives) Wilkinson entertained the idea of having McKay intercede personally with Lyndon B Johnson but changed his mind (see draft of letter to Johnson written by Wilkinson for McKay, February 13, 1965, BYU Archives)

67 Wilkins to Wilkinson

68 Salt Lake Tribune, November 1, 1964

69 Ibid., November 3, 1964

70 DeseretNews, November 4, 1964

71 Ibid.; Daily Herald, November 4, 1964

Democrats won the U.S. presidency, the governorship, the Senate, one of two congressional seats, and control of both houses in the Utah legislature.72 "Senator Moss has an impressive mandate with a total that led the entire ticket," the Deseret News reported. The newspaper concluded that "Clearly, the people of Utah appreciate his leadership in issues important to the state, and were not persuaded by the hard-hitting campaign waged against him."73 While conceding Moss's victory, Wilkinson announced: "I stand behind every statement I made during the campaign, and still believe in them."74

Wilkinson had hoped the grueling race would bring his family closer together,75 but for several of his children the defeat was difficult. His wife Alice remembered:

The family worked hard for him campaigning all the time, but it was an interesting experience for all of us I think it's something that drew us together. There was a feeling of disappointment in the family, particularly with Douglas, he was very disappointed that his father didn't win.

72 Daily Universe, November 5, 1964

73 Deseret News, November 4, 1964

74 Ibid., November 5, 1964. Moss ran again in 1970 and won, but lost six years later. While in the Senate he chaired the Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences, was secretary to the Democratic Conference, and served on the National Democratic Steering and Policy committees After his loss in 1976 he resumed his law practice in Washington, D.C, and later in Salt Lake City, where he currently resides

75 See Wilkinson to Alice Ann Mangum, August 17, 1964, Wilkinson Papers

Wilkinson family photograph in campaign brochure. Front: Marian, Ernest L., Alice, Ernest Ludlow; back: Alice Ann, David Lawrence, Douglas Dwight.

As for herself, Alice Wilkinson was relieved:

I was not sorry that he lost I felt that he had a mission at BYU As it turned out the democrats won by such a majority that it would have been like a voice crying in the wilderness for him in Washington, and that would be difficult for him. 7 6

Wilkinson tried to be upbeat about the loss, but his disappointment was obvious. "I don't want you to think I am bitter about it," he shortly afterwards wrote to Ezra Taft Benson, a member of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles and a longtime friend, "because I am not I sensed ahead of time that this might happen and I was much more prepared for defeat than most of my supporters. Nevertheless, it was a very sad and expensive experience."77 He then enumerated five reasons for his defeat: (1) having been blamed for master-minding the failed 1954 referendum transferring three Utah junior colleges back to the LDS church; (2) having been charged with preventing Utah State University from entering the Western Athletic Conference; (3) having reportedly fired the director of the church's Institute of Religion adjacent to the University of Utah for differences over LDS doctrine; (4) University of Utah and Utah State University alumni being "natural [ly] jealous over the growth of BYU"; and (5) Lyndon Johnson's having created "the impression that President McKay was an old time friend and [was] for him in the campaign."78

Later Wilkinson also cited the church's unwillingness to "do its duty in supporting the right candidates."79 "If the Church and the forces of good are going to have political influence in this State," he complained to McKay the following year, "the leaders of the Church must use their individual influence in having proper men selected as leaders of our political parties."80 Too, Wilkinson may have felt that

76 Wilkinson, Oral History, p 12

77 Wilkinson to Benson, February 2, 1965, Wilkinson Papers

78 Ibid In a second list Wilkinson added that because of its deficit spending policy, the Democratic party had succeeded in promoting a feeling of peace and prosperity nationally; Moss had run a better-financed, better-organized campaign; Lloyd had refused to endorse his candidacy; the state's school teachers had condemned him for opposing federal aid to education; and his own outspokenness and unwillingness to compromise had made him an easy target for "mud-slinging" tactics (Wilkinson, "Memorandum on Reasons for Election Defeat on November 3, 1964," undated, Wilkinson Papers).

79 See Wilkinson diary, October 5, 1966

80 Wilkinson to McKay, April 26, 1965, Wilkinson Papers His pleas fell on sympathetic but ultimately deaf ears, as more powerful voices in the LDS hierarchy determined not to mire the church in partisan intrigues See Wilkinson Diary, October 14, 1970, when he was criticized for endorsing a congressional candidate Wilkinson later noted: "I have been active [in giving political speeches] off-campus, which met with the enthusiastic approval of President McKay, but that's quite different than speaking on campus" which was "the policy I pursued when I was President, of not giving any political speeches on campus" (Wilkinson to Dallin H. Oaks, August 26, 1978, photocopy in private possession).

his age, lack of a full-time fund raiser, and having to face an incumbent all contributed to the embarrassing defeat.81 Finally, Wilkinson's politics may simply have been too conservative for the majority of Utah's electorate, many of whom voted straight-ticket Democrat.82 In the end, a deeply disillusioned Wilkinson would chalk the tumultuous experience up as one of the greatest disappointments of his life.83 Wilkinson's ten months on the campaign trail crystallized his intense political views. Returning to BYU in early 1965, he regretted that in his absence "so-called 'liberal elements' [had taken] charge of the economic and political things of the university,"84 and he determined to mold the school into a showcase of conservative politics. "We are facing a great crisis in this country," he would explain to McKay, "and many of our political science and economics teachers are teaching false doctrine."85 In his diary he confided, "The problems that I will face are much larger than those I faced when I first came in as president of the B.Y.U. Whether I will have the energy and the fortitude and patience to solve some of them remains to be seen." But, he promised, "I am going to do what I can to reverse [this] trend."86 As would become apparent in the ensuing years, one of the legacies of Ernest Wilkinson's 1964 bid for the U.S. Senate would be a university president overly politicized by his foray into partisan politics, increasingly fearful of dissent, and preoccupied to the point of distraction with rumors of faculty disloyalty.87

81 See Wilkinson Diary, March 13, 1968.

82 See Frank H.Jonas, "The 1964 Election in Utah," Western Political Quarterly 18 (June 1965), No 2, Part 2: 509-13. For Lloyd the reason was simple: "I say this firmly, honestly, and without any reservations in my own mind—that the principal reason for his very poor showing in the November election was the low quality, the low grade of the campaign which he ran aerainst me " (Oral History, November 21, 1974, pp 7-8)

Wilkinson's campaign manager, Joh n T Bernhard, identified his own reasons for the loss: Goldwater's candidacy proved more harmful than helpful; Moss's organization did an excellent job; Wilkinson's "campaign war chest was chronically inadequate"; Lloyd "and many of his followers sat on their hands instead of helping their party's chosen candidate"; and finally "I was still a greenhorn campaign manager! With more know-how, particularly in state-wide campaigning, an experienced manager might have made a difference." "My biggest challenge during the campaign," Bernhard reported, "was trying to 'soften' Wilkinson's negative impact on the electorate He was so combative! Time and time again, he came across as irascible and dogmatic. I wasn't very successful in my efforts to moderate him" (Bernhard to Gary J Bergera, March 24, 1992)

83 Wilkinson, "Personal Disappointments in Life," in Deem and Bird, Ernest L. Wilkinson, p 631

84 Wilkinson Diary, November 30, 1970

^ Wilkinson to McKay, July 1, 1965, Wilkinson Papers

80 Wilkinson Diary, January 2, April 7, 1965

87 For Wilkinson's political agenda at BYU after 1965, see Bergera and Priddis, Brigham Young University, pp 198-219

Poetry, Polity, and the Cache Valley

Pioneer: Polemics in the Journal of Aaron DeWitt, 1869-96

BY IAN CRAIG BREADEN

We have a land of sage and salt, Of hypocrites and knaves. We've perjurers and murderers, We've servants, serfs, and slaves.

From "What we have in Zion" (undated)

The rights of all are equal here, no race do we restrain.

We need all kinds of labor, of the hand and of the brain.

By this we'll build the new State up and neighbors near and far

Shall ever see the Forty-fifth a shiny, glittering star.

From "The Forty-Fifth Star (Written for The Republican)" (undated, 1896?) 1

THES E SELECTIONS OF VERSE DESCRIBE DIVERGENT images of Utah in the nineteenth century. That they both came from the pen of one author suggests the enormous changes wrought on Utah and its people in their struggle for statehood Something of a lone voice in Cache Valley—as one of its first and permanent apostates of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints—Aaron DeWitt spoke through his poetry, venting dissent, anger, and frustration in scathing commentaries on life in territorial Utah. DeWitt's verse expressed the variety of his personalities: as an immigrant, a pioneer, a Mormon, an ex-Mormon, an Episcopalian, and finally a Utahn His complexity empowers the simple, emotive lines. Analyzing several of DeWitt's poems within the context in which he wrote them, a series of illustrations of his life in Cache Valley and Utah emerges—portraits that lend a great deal of humanity and passion to a period characterized by political and religious strife.

"Poetry helps us seize our being-in-the-world, the better to enjoy, the better to endure."2 By any standard, Aaron DeWitt endured. Born on May 13, 1833, in Whaddon, Warwick, England, he immigrated to Utah Territory in 1857.3 He went to work, probably as a domestic servant, for Henry Ballard, with whom he moved to Cache Valley in 1859.4 He established Logan's first bakery and married Sarah Jenkins, a Welsh immigrant, in 1862.

Although in 1867 he still supported Utah's theocracy, by 1869 DeWitt had clearly become disillusioned with Mormonism for reasons that remain nebulous. His cynicism predates the disaffections that occurred in 1873 and the years immediately following, when Cache Valley's insulated Mormon society was shattered by the penetration of the railroad into the valley, the establishment of St. John's Episcopal Church, a trial involving a shooting death that divided the community along religious lines, and growing outrage over the cooperative movement, which for many seemed to stifle free enterprise.5

2 Terence Des Pres, Praises and Dispraises (New York: Viking Penguin, 1988), p xiii

3 Individual Record, " Aaron DEWITT," AFN: 2CON-QC, Ancestral File, Family History Department, Corporation of the President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1990, Salt Lake City. Biographical information on DeWitt comes primarily from A. J. Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt, the Man, His Times, and His Letter," Saints Alive Journal (Fall 1987): and A.J Simmonds, The Gentile Comes to Cache Valley (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1976)

4 Joel E. Ricks places Ballard and DeWitt side by side in a list of household heads who came to the valley in 1859 and stayed through that winter, suggesting that DeWitt by that time had attained some degree of independence from his employer Joel Edward Ricks, The Beginnings of Settlement in Cache Valley, Twelfth Annual Faculty Research Lecture (Logan: Utah State University, 1953), p 16

5 Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," p 1; and Simmonds, The Gentile Comesto Cache Valley.

DeWitt and other apostates openly dissented from the Mormon church with the establishment of political opposition to the Mormondominated People's party—first by signing a petition in 1872 against Utah statehood and then in 1874 by voting on a ballot that did not remain secret. The following year DeWitt put his life in jeopardy when he testified as a witness against Thomas E. Ricks, a neighbor whose killing of David Skeen he had witnessed in 1860. But three federal laws, passed between 1874 and 1887, increased DeWitt's right to and safety in dissent. The Poland Act (1874), the Edmunds Act (1882), and the Edmunds-Tucker Act (1887) incrementally diminished the powers of the LDS church within Utah Territory while increasing federal control. In this climate Aaron DeWitt became a venireman in 1874, a registrar for the electoral roll in 1882, ajudge for the election of 1887, and the Liberal party's nominee for treasurer in 1888.6 The shift in territorial power from the church to the federal government slowly caught up with DeWitt's own shift in allegiance, and as Utah moved toward statehood, political expediency and increasing material success tempered his attacks on the system

How I would love to see my Sisters

In their homes beyond the sea!

Many times they've watched and watched

Prayed a thousand times for me

I would love to see them dearly

In the land that gave me birth;

For I think it is the sweetest

Little Island on the earth.

From "Loving recollections of a faraway Home" (undated)

Why did Aaron DeWitt emigrate? This passage indicates that he passionately loved his native home. But the Mormon church had a tremendous influence in England in the 1850s and 1860s, drawing converts to Utah by presenting visions of a fresh, rejuvenating religion that had a tangible focus in the American West, the Zion of Utah. Many English people felt that their own institutionalized religion had grown old and tired, and "Mormonism profited from this popular image [of the government-sponsored 'priestcraft' of the Church of England] and drew converts from the disenchanted among the large

6 A J Simmonds, "Escapee or Sitting Duck? A Simple Homicide; or, was the Sheriff Guilty?" copy of typescript in author's possession; LeonardJ Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1958), pp. 356, 376-79; Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," pp 4—5; and Kate B Carter, Heart Throbs of the West, vol 10 (Salt Lake City: Daughters of the Utah Pioneers, 1949), p 39

nominal sector of early Victorian Anglicanism." In 1857, the year that Aaron DeWitt emigrated, the climate within the LDS church offered a particularly appealing image to those disaffected Anglicans The Mormons staged something of a reformation, to which the missions in England and Europe quickly responded. A call to fundamental beliefs, including the millennial-directed doctrines of the church, encouraged converts to travel to Utah because gathering "was every bit as important as being baptized or obeying any other of the laws of God." Brigham Young told the English mission that "If you go forth with the spirit of reformation through England . . . you will be able to operate efficiently and successfully, in regard to emigration."7 Within this atmosphere of back-to-basics revivalism, Aaron DeWitt decided to travel to America and join the Mormons in Utah.

I want to write about the train the frozen and the dead That crossed the plains in 56 and starved for want of bread...

What was it caused those faithful souls to take this fearful trip

It must be some delucive glare that held them in its grip. (untitled, undated)

While Aaron DeWitt did not cross the plains with the handcart companies, his arrival in Utah on September 10, 1857, corresponds closely with another important event in the region's history: "On the 12th day of September, 1857, two days after I arrived in this accursed land, 119 men, women and children were murdered while traveling to California, by a band of Mormons painted as Indians, and led by a

7 Grant Underwood, "The Religious Milieu of English Mormonism" in Mormons in Early Victorian Britain, ed Richard L.Jensen and Malcolm R Thor p (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1989), p 33; Frederick Stewart Buchanan, A Good Time Coming: Mormon Letters to Scotland (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988), p. 1; Brigham Young quoted in Paul H. Peterson, "The 1857 Reformation in Britain" in Mormons in Early Victorian Britain, p 213

Aaron DeWitt. Special Collections, Utah State University, Logan.

Mormon high priest. . . ."8 The Mountain Meadows Massacre remains a significant shadow in Mormon history, and while DeWitt may not have related its details with complete accuracy (he wrote about it to his sister eighteen years later), the event signaled the volatility of Mormon tolerance toward those outside their faith, which DeWitt, although baptized into the church on October 4, 1857, would in the next decade begin to question.9

They've made a covenant with Death, with Hell, and the Grave,

They've promised all Freedom, and made each a slave

The men are all Traitors The women betray The Polity ruling the land where they stay (untitled, undated)

The violence at Mountain Meadows demonstrated a lawlessness that darkened much of the American West in the nineteenth century. DeWitt had reason to expect more violence of this frontier nature when he moved to and helped settle Cache Valley in 1859 Cache Valley began its Utah LDS history as a range for cattle owned by the Mormon church, which could no longer sustain significant herds in the grasshopper-ravaged, drought-ridden Salt Lake Valley The presence of cattle and other livestock, such as horses, attracted rustlers, and one of these, Elisha David Skeen, had become notorious within the Mormon communities along the Wasatch Front.10

Skeen came to Cache Valley in 1860 after escaping from the Utah County jail, which held him on charges of assault and challenging to duel. Thomas E. Ricks, the sheriff of Cache County, arrested Skeen in late June after the rustler had stolen several horses. Betraying "the Polity ruling the land where they stay," Ricks shot Skeen five times as the prisoner allegedly attempted to escape from the Cache jail. DeWitt heard the shots and ran to the scene in time to see Skeen die.

11 The incident would haunt twenty-seven-year-old Aaron, but for the next fifteen years Ricks's action went unquestioned by the community and by DeWitt.

Who can give information concerning Logan Hall?

Why twenty dollars should be charged for Theatre and Ball?

8 Quoted in A J Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," p 8

9 "Aaron DEWITT," Ancestral File

10 Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, pp 150-51; and Simmonds, "Escapee or Sitting Duck?" pp 1-2

11 Simmonds, "Escapee or Sitting Duck?" p 2 and passim.

Have certain men the privilege the others right to sell?

When all the people built that house? Can anybody tell?

From "Can Anybody Tell" (undated)

The greatest of tyrants I ever did see, Or that ever existed, is W B P

If he had the power, as he has the will, He would freeze out, or burn out, or starve out or kill!

From "Lines inscribed to W B P." (undated)

By the autumn of 1861 Logan's increasing populace required a meeting hall. The community effort in building the structure, which stood at the present northwest corner of First North and Main streets, lasted from September 24, 1861, to February 16, 1862, when the people of Logan dedicated their new hall. In the next ten years the community improved the building, adding bricks and light fixtures William B Preston, Logan's first LDS bishop, oversaw construction of buildings and their positioning and layout within the town. And in 1860 he "spent much of his time in receiving new-comers, who now began to immigrate thither in great numbers, and apportioning off and selecting for them homes."12 In controlling the settlement of Cache, Preston wielded significant power, which, by the late 1860s, began to wear on the faith of Aaron DeWitt

We've "defence funds" and "Temple fees" And emigration stock

We've "teachers" round for "Mission" claims, And "tithes" to rob the flock

From "WTiatwe have in Zion" (undated)

DeWitt made many offerings to the church during the 1860s. The Perpetual Emigration Fund required endless donations, and payment for community projects came from tithing. As well as sacrificing for the substantial financial demands of the church in its early days in Utah, Aaron DeWitt lent his place of business to the Cache Valley Stake High Priests Quorum:

Pres Crockett spoke upon the inconvenience that we as a Quorum have been labouring under from the want of a place to meet in the Public Building being more or less occupied with entertainments of different kinds, however an opportunity had presented itself by which we

12 Willis A Dial, A Survey of Church Buildings of Cache Stake of Zion of the Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1859-1874 (Logan: Historical Arts Department of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, 1974); and Andrew Jenson, comp., Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, vol 1 (Salt Lake City: Andrew Jenson History Co., 1901), p 234

could be comfortable through the winter Br Aron Dewett had offered the Quorum the use of a Room in his Bakery during the winter season he Br Crockett felt like accepting the kind offer at the same time he thought a small remuneration should be awarded to Br Dewett and that half a Bushel of wheat from each Member would suffice the roll was then called and the Members present responded to the segestion of Prest.

This entry in the High Priests minutes, dated December 12, 1866, suggests that DeWitt still adhered to the Mormon faith. But in consideration of the letter he wrote to his sister in 1875, DeWitt may have offered the use of his bakery to guard his safety within a community that had little tolerance for dissent.

I will now tell you the reason why we could not leave this blood-stained land. I mean ten or twelve years ago [my emphasis]. . . . [E]very bishop knew your business. . . . If you started they would send men to drive off your stock, and thus you would be compelled to return. Then, if you did not behave and act the hypocrite, the bishop would send the Danites to use you up. . . .

DeWitt's bakery served the quorum through the winter, with the last reference to the use of his bakery dated March 15, 1867.13 After this date, no mention of DeWitt occurs in the minutes through 1876, although DeWitt's disaffection appears in his poetry by 1869, a year in which Cache Valley underwent massive change.

The greatest impostor that ever went unhung Or that ever existed, is old Brigham Young. Why he's permitted to live I cannot conceive; That the Devil protects him, I'm bound to believe He sent his apostles to all foreign parts, With lies on their tongues and guile in their hearts; To induce fools and dupes to come to his realm, Their tithings to pay, and keep him at the helm.

From "Ode to Brigham Young 1869" (1869)

By the late 1860s/early 1870s, disillusion with the status quo in Cache Valley had become apparent. The difficulties of subsisting in a frontier environment and within a rigid religious hierarchy did not meet the expectations of many settlers.

[H]e [Brother McNeil] said he had visited some of the saints that had lately emigrated from the old countries which felt disapointed and

13 Minute Book of Cache Valley Stake High Priests Quorum, December 12, 1866, and March 15, 1867, COLL MS 65, Special Collections, Merrill Library, Utah State University, Logan; and Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," p. 10.

dissatisfied on account of some false representations that had been made to them by some of the Elders from the valleys while in the old countries Brother Cole made some remarks in regard to the remarks of Brother McNeil concerning some of the new comers being disapointed in coming here he spoke of the selfishness of our dispositions. 1 4

The frustrations of many settlers did not meet with approval from the quorum, who considered the settlers' "selfishness" destructive and unjustified. This attitude did not lend itself to the amicable resolution of disputes, which increased with an influx of trade that led the community into struggles for power.

The great U. P. Railroad is already here, And Gentiles are coming from far and from near; And soon "Uncle Sam" a legion will send, Their wrongs to redress, and their right to defend.

From "An Ode to Brigham Young 1869" (1869)

Uncle Sam sent a "legion" of surveyors, accompanying the railroad across Utah. Until 1869 a Utah settler had only squatter's right to the land. The federal surveys could and did disrupt the Mormon village, a concept of agricultural community that relied on religious cohesion, a unifying force that had begun to disintegrate in Cache Valley. The national survey, placed upon the crazy quilt of Cache's small farms, posed a difficulty soon resolved by the valley's leadership, although not to the satisfaction of its disaffected An individual, representing the farmers whose property lay within a federal section, would take title to the plot through homestead or pre-emption laws, divide it along previous survey lines, and deed it back to the original owners. Those not favored by the church, however, allegedly came out of this process a bit worse for the wear, and "it is certain . . . that . . . Aaron DeWitt. . . lost land to Mormon pre-emptors."15

Although DeWitt suffered this loss in 1874, the assessment rolls of Cache County suggest that in 1869 (the same year the first dated poem that rings of dissent, "An Ode to Brigham Young 1869," appeared in hisjournal) a similar situation might have occurred. DeWitt lost a significant amount of land between 1869 and 1870, and his overall assessed worth dropped from $1,050 to $400.16

14 Minute Book, January 5, 1870

35-36

15 Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, pp 249-50, 10; and Simmonds, The Gentile Comes to Cache Valley, pp

16 DeWitt's assets in land droppe d from $400 to $250. Cache County Assessment Rolls, Logan City, 1869 and 1870, Special Collections, Merrill Library, Utah State University

Down with the spirit and power of oppression! Burst off your shackles, and cast them aside! Angels have said that their is no aggression

In lifting up right over might to preside.

From "Written for 'The Godbe Movement'" (undated, 1869?)

One other factor might account for DeWitt's losses. In 1869 the Logan Cooperative Mercantile Institution incorporated and urged local merchants to donate their goods and close up their shops in an effort to benefit the buying power of the community, or to establish a monopoly, depending on one's point of view. DeWitt's connection to the cooperative movement remains hazy, but the $200 he held in "manufacturing companies" (presumably his bakery) had disappeared by the following year. 17 His poem, "Written for 'The Godbe Movement'," further suggests that his vocal dissent (at least as initially expressed in his verse) began with frustration over the establishment of thinly veiled monopolies such as the LCMI.

Led by William S. Godbe, the Godbeites formed to diversify the Mormon economy, which depended primarily on agriculture and manufacturing directed toward domestic trade rather than with other territories or states. They wanted to extend Utah's marketplace beyond the territorial limits by developing mineral resources and using manufacturing capabilities to supply the needs of other areas. Godbe's proposals, which implicitly criticized church policies, brought him and his followers excommunication; and although "the Godbeites undoubtedly had their influence, Mormon economic policy, in 1869 and immediately thereafter, was devoted almost fanatically to the preservation of the tightly-reigned independent theocratic commonwealth."18 Godbe's efforts at establishing a free-trade policy in Utah indirectly targeted the cooperative movement, and DeWitt's poem indicates a knowledge of and frustration with the stifling economic atmosphere prevalent in Utah.

Yet, while Aaron DeWitt does not appear from the documents to be a man bent on finding in Mormonism a scapegoat for his misfortunes, other viable economic factors may have played equally significant roles in his losses. Cache Valley in 1869 underwent one of its most devastating grasshopper infestations As farmers battled this plague their poor wheat yield would have placed DeWitt's bakery in

17

18

Simmonds, The Gentile Comes to Cache Valley, pp 11-12; and Cache County Assessment Rolls, Logan City

Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, pp 243-44 See also Wilford Leroy Goodliffe, "American Frontier Religion: Mormons and Their Dissenters, 1830-1900" (Ph.D. diss., University of Idaho, 1976).

19

jeopardy In addition, the ever-increasing trade with Montana's gold mining towns, which depended directly on Cache's agricultural abundance, often left little surplus for the trade-hungry Utahns (much to the chagrin of Utah's leaders) And finally, it may have been that the influx of cash from this trade into the valley, which had operated primarily on barter since settlement, upset assessment rolls to the point that 1869 was a hallmark year for accuratelyjudging real cash value.

They are going to starve us out, my friends, They are going to starve us out; O, what a glorious time they'll have, When this is brought about But we'll never sell our birthright

To Priestcraft for a crust; If we can't live and live upright, We'll starve, and turn to dust

From "They are going to 'Starve us Out'" (undated)

The demands of the LDS church, through tithing for various projects and funds, constituted a significant economic drain, and its imposition on the trade practices of the community must have appeared a great injustice to a person in DeWitt's situation. The oppressive nature of Utah's theocracy might have reminded him of what he had attempted to escape when he left England—a stultifying religious atmosphere growing out of a church that had become thoroughly entrenched in state politics By 1872 DeWitt obviously believed he had given enough of his money and spirit to the LDS religion, felt ready to "live and live upright," and signed a petition against statehood for Utah, a petition that the Deseret News printed With this his apostasy became open, and the following year DeWitt lent the use of his home and bakery (by now abandoned)—which only six years previously he had lent to the Cache Stake quorum—to St John's Episcopal Church, recently formed in Logan by Bishop Daniel S. Tuttle.

The Utah Northern Railroad and Bishop Tuttle arrived in Logan at the same time and threatened to upset a community that already rocked with the attendant problems of the cooperative movement and federal surveys of land. The outside world closed in, and Cache Valley's apostate community grew as an alternative religious experience appealed to the disaffected who had wearied of material and

19 LeonardJ Arrington, "Life and Labor among the Pioneers" in The History of a Valley: Cache Valley, Utah-Idaho, ed Joel E Ricks (Logan: Cache Valley Centennial Commission, 1956), p 151; and Leonard J Arrington, "Railroad Building and Cooperatives, 1869-1879," in ibid., pp 172-73, 191

spiritual sacrifices.20 A non-Mormon community grew up around Aaron DeWitt, who had immediately joined St. John's, but in 1875 enough religious hostility remained for DeWitt to fear for his life.

A bloody bilk is Priesthood, and always was below, Where'er this bloody Priesthood rules, the blood is sure to flow. . . .

It has killed young men, and maidens, and infants at the breast,

Unless engaged in murdering, it never seems to rest From "Priesthood" (undated)

In March 1875 Thomas E. Ricks came to trial in Salt Lake City for the shooting death of Elisha David Skeen in 1860. As one of the primary witnesses for the overzealous prosecution, Aaron DeWitt put his life in jeopardy by testifying against Ricks, who lived near DeWitt in Logan. Despite evidence that suggested Ricks's guilt, on March 23, 1875, thejury decided for his innocence, and by March 28 Ricks had returned to Logan and continued unquestioned in his duties as a member of the High Priests Quorum. DeWitt also returned to Logan and soon after claimed that the local Mormon leaders had threatened his life. As one man wrote, "His life is threatened because he testified in court last winter against a murderer. One time, the council decided to take his life, and appointed a time, but one of them proved traitor and went and told him, so he was on his guard and thus saved his life."21

The Porters and the Parishes, with Jones and his poor Mother; Were murdered by the counsel, of this Prophet, Priest, and Brother;

Then there were Yates, and Boman, and Morris, Banks, and Long,

Who've all gone 'cross-lots' to their home, to join the Martyr's throng.

From "Priesthood" (undated)

Well into the 1880s DeWitt believed he had good reason to fear for his life, allegedly seeing some of his contemporaries disappear or die after behaving in a manner that he believed had met with disapproval from the church. Letters to the editor in the Salt Lake Tribune,

20 Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," pp 1-2; Simmonds, The Gentile Comes to Cache Valley,passim; and J Duncan Brite, "Non-Mormon Schools and Churches," in The History of a Valley, ed Ricks, p 304 According to Brite, DeWitt also housed the Rev William H Stoy until the Episcopalian minister could find a permanent residence

21 Simmonds, "Escapee or Sitting Duck?" pp 10-12; Minute Book, March 28, 1873; and letter from W H Kelley, quoted in Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," p 3

printed throughout the 1880s under various pseudonyms, expressed DeWitt's suspicion that too many settlers had joined "the Martyr's throng." Articles entitled "Killed By Temple 'Work'," "Where Are They!" "Infection at Logan," "A Glance at History, and "Looking at the Past" remain gathered next to DeWitt's poetry in hisjournal; and he supposedly expressed the sentiments contained therein to his family and neighbors.

Despite DeWitt's suspicions of Mormon treachery, by 1874 his situation as a non-Mormon began to improve considerably The Poland Act "transferred to federal officials the duties of the territorial attorney general and marshall; and gave federal judges considerable leeway in the selection of jurors. ... " Congress had begun to fear the power that the Mormons had consolidated in Utah, and the passage of the Poland Act in response to that concern directly affected the life of Aaron DeWitt. Historian A. J. Simmonds wrote, "In practice [the Poland Act] meant that every potential jury would be chosen from a list that was one-half Gentile or Apostate and one-half Mormon. And on July 23, 1874, Aaron DeWitt was chosen as a Federal venireman in the first jury selection under the Poland Act."23 The gentile community of Cache suddenly found it had political power, power that continued to grow until 1896 and statehood.

In 1882 Congress passed the Edmunds Act, which strengthened early legislation aimed at controlling the Mormon church. Its provisions "placed supervision of all Territorial elections in the hands of a Federally appointed Utah Commission" with the goal of keeping polygamists from voting. To help meet this end they appointed Aaron DeWitt to the position of registrar for Hyde Park (north Logan). As an original settler, DeWitt knew the Cache community well, including the polygamists.24 With this knowledge and the power to keep certain parties from voting, his position within the community began to carry a great deal of importance.

In 1887 the Edmunds-Tucker Act broke the overt power held by the Mormon church in Utah and laid the groundwork for statehood. It dissolved the church corporation, shut down the Perpetual Emigrating Company, and eliminated suffrage for women and polygamists in Utah. The Edmunds-Tucker Act has been seen as "a direct bid to destroy

22 DeWitt Journal; and interview with Roy Palmer, great-grandson of Aaron DeWitt, March 14, 1991

23 Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, p 357; and Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," p 4

24 Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, p 356; and Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," pp 4, 5

the temporal power of the Mormon Church." By requiring a test oath for polygamists it effectively drove the practice of polygamy underground and destroyed a significant segment of the Mormon power base at the polls. Federal control of the polls continued under this act, and in 1887 the Utah Commission appointed Aaron DeWitt to assist in judging elections.25

The Poland Act, the Edmunds Act, and the Edmunds-Tucker Act lent themselves to the establishment of an opposition party in Cache Valley. In 1888 the Liberal party challenged the People's party with the first open and organized party dissent from the Mormon-dominated political machine in Cache Valley In the election that year People's party candidate H. E. Hatch soundly defeated Aaron DeWitt in a bid for county treasurer. But the election had symbolic meaning—the end of institutionalized oligarchy in Cache Valley; that plus the federal legislation of the 1870s and 1880s helped make Cache Valley a place where DeWitt just might have found some amount of satisfaction: "If the Lord won't come the law will, and ifJesus is not approaching, justice is Then all who want can leave But now the priests want us to go, and we wish to stay."26

Another star has risen in the Western Hemisphere, Bright as a polished diamond, illustrious and clear: And all who live within its light, or dwell upon our heath, Will find the way is opened to gain a civic wreath. . . .

The prospect's bright, the land is free, and as a fringe of gold

Our polity gives liberty, to every honest soul

From "The Forty-Fifth Star (Written for The Republican)" (undated, 1896?)

DeWitt found a faith in the state of Utah that he could never have in Utah Territory. Increased federal measures within the territory had transformed its lawlessness, which DeWitt saw as inextricable from the Mormon political machine, into a polity that prepared Utah for statehood. This transformation of Utah's political/theological climate—in many ways as unjust to the Mormons as the previous LDS oppression of gentile discord—signalled a change in Utah's political atmosphere that could now sustain the dissent of citizens like DeWitt

Using the increased federal control in Utah as a gauge, the tone of DeWitt's journal (if the order of its entries indicates chronological

25 Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, p 361; and Carter, Heart Throbs of the West, 10:39

26 Letter from Aaron DeWitt, quoted in A J Simmonds, "Aaron DeWitt," p 10

succession) changed considerably during the 1880s The polemics subsided, and his sentimental poems dedicated to relatives and friends on special holidays or to the mourning of deceased Cache Valley residents increased noticeably DeWitt's world had changed, and he changed with it. He had endured an intense and crucial time in the settling of the West, and for this he deserves recognition in America's frontier history A very religious man, DeWitt could not "behave and act the hypocrite"; he desired ajustice that had room for all people. In criticizing Bishop Robert Davidson for a verbal attack on the apostate community, DeWitt reminded Davidson, "You and I and all the human race shall meet in that glorious home of life above," and told the bishop "That love may abound in every bosom is the fervent desire of your true friend and well-wisher, though an 'Apostate.'"

27 A law-abiding and morally upright citizen, DeWitt nonetheless suffered for many years under the theocracy in Cache Valley, and the larger story of frontier prejudice and injustice in the West might do well to include the tribulations and poetry of Aaron DeWitt.

And all the busy bustling throng, With all their joy and sorrow; For every action right or wrong, Will get their pay tomorrow. For Nature tells us every day, In an unerring tone, That all along life's winding way, We reap what we have sown. From "A Question" (1893)

27 Aaron DeWitt, "An Open Letter to Bishop Davidson," (unidentified newspaper), September 22, 1884, collected in DeWitt Journal

Panoramic view of Logan, including LDS Temple, taken near the time of statehood. USHS collections.

Murray, Utah, Families in Transition, 1890-1920

BY DAVID L. SCHIRER

Mr Schirer is working on a Ph.D in Religious History at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, California A version of this paper was presented at the 1990 Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society

Old Murray City Hall was erected in 1906 when smelters dominated the local economy. USHS collections.

UTA H FAMILIES AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURY FACED dramatic change. The 1890s began with the Woodruff Manifesto effectively ending polygamy as an accepted practice of the Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints That set the stage for Utah's acceptance as the fortyfifth state in 1896 and integration into national political and mainstream social and economic movements early in the twentieth century. The solidification of national transportation systems over the next three decades linked Utah to emerging national economic markets. These markets assisted in the formation of a substantial business sector and development of Utah's corporate mining and manufacturing National corporations created Utah jobs and brought an increase in both non-Mormon and foreign workers Some of Utah's agriculturalists filled these jobs while others prospered by supplying subsistence and luxuries to the growing corporate work force.

The transition to an urbanized society was not without hardship for some Utahns. The change from a rural to an urban lifeway brought the same fears and uncertainty experienced in other predominantly agricultural areas of the nation. In the midst of turmoil created by change, Utah's families fought to gain a measure of control The benefits of urbanization and industrialization were appreciated, but some felt the cost far outweighed any advantage.

Karl Marx had examined the effect of urbanization on the family as early as the 1860s.1 He believed the advent of machine labor made factory work compulsory for urban women and children The husband was forced to become a "slaveholder" and "sell" the labor of family members to survive. Marx believed the abhorrent conditions of factory work and the deterioration of stable family life resulting from women working outside the home would lead to an increase in child neglect. The incidence of maltreatment, malnutrition, or unsuitable food being provided the child, dosing with opiates, and intentional starvation or poisoning of children would all increase as the working mother attempted to rid herself of the burden of child care Male authority would weaken as the wife and children joined the work force and realized they were no longer bound to the male. The family could not be controlled through authority or economics. For Marx, industrialization caused the breakdown of stable family patterns.

Social reformers of the early twentieth century also correlated

1 Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (New York: Modern Library, 1906), pp 431-40

urbanization with family deterioration and identified the traditional family as the "outing and library" lifestyle of the Victorian middle class.2 The influx of immigrants and rural poor to the city brought different ideals and entertainments, not to mention language. The strangeness of these newcomers was magnified by the changing nature of work The family provided a means to gain control over the uncertainty facing the middle class. Reformers believed if the working class was introduced to middle-class values, and given sufficient wages to obtain them, workers would mold themselves into a middle class lifeway.

Most contemporary researchers have carried the concept of family deterioration accompanying urbanization into their analyses. The identification of social ills with urban families has led researchers to examine loss of kinship ties, shifts from extended to nuclear families, juvenile delinquency, and divorce.3 Urbanization places five crucial pressures on the family: (1) physical movement from one location to another decreases family contact and intimacy; (2) class-differentiated mobility in the urban economy separates families along socio-economic lines; (3) urban social and welfare systems undermine previous kin group functions; (4) self-worth and economic power is achieved through individual accomplishment and not exchange or submission to kin group; and (5) job specialization reduces the likelihood of family members finding jobs for other kin and decreases group control.4 Extended agricultural families operate on hierarchical control of land and labor. Control is diminished or eliminated by urbanization and results in predominance of the nuclear family. In other terms, the ideal of the yeoman farmer is replaced by the myth of the self-made man For many years Utah was considered a "peculiar place," and therefore not bound by the same forces that affected other areas of the country. This idea has been questioned by the new Mormon historians, beginning with Leonard J Arrington in the 1950s and 1960s and was most recently expressed in New Views of Mormon History.5

2 Roy Rosenzweig, Eight Hours for What We Will (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp 127-52

3 See for example Richard R Clayton, The Family, Marriage, and Social Change (Lexington, Mass.: D C Heath and Company, 1975); Arlene S and Jerome H Skolnick, Family in Transition: Rethinking Marriage, Sexuality, Childrearing, and Family Organization (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1971); and John Modell and Tamara K Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household: An Examination of Boarding and Lodging in American Families, "Journal ofFamily History 35 (August 1973): 467-79

4 William J Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963)

5 The most recent compilation of this view is New Views of Mormon History: Essays in Honor of LeonardJ. Arrington, ed. Davis Bitton and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987) This book also contains a bibliography of Leonard Arrington's work

TABLE 1

RESIDENCE AND OCCUPATION PATTERNS

These historians stress that Utah experienced the same conflicts, although altered slightly by peculiar circumstances, as other sections of the country.

An examination of the forces that shaped America and Utah from 1880 to 1920 supports this perception (see Table 1) The U.S Census figures for this period indicate a substantial urban population increase and an accompanying decline in the percentage of agricultural workers.6 An increase in manufacturing occupations was responsible for a portion of the agricultural shift. The actual number of agricultural workers increased by 27.8 percent between 1880 and 1900,

6 Report of the United States Bureau of Census, Population. (Washington, D.C : GPO, 1880-1920) This represents a compilation of various population tables from the five census reports covering the fifty-year period referenced

but that was more than offset by the vast number of immigrants and rural poor who entered America's urban areas during the 1890s The new arrivals moved where they could find jobs, to either the manufacturing cities of the Northeast or the mining and industrial towns of the West A few immigrants and native sons were able to find agricultural jobs or obtain their own farms, but many more joined the rising tide of immigrants, minorities, and rural poor that flooded into the cities during the 1890s Utah's population underwent the same phenomenon, rising over 212 percent between 1880 and 1920 and remaining just slightly below the national average in percentage of urban residents Although the percentage of agricultural workers remained steady, Utah saw a small decrease in manufacturing jobs. This decrease was offset by an increase in the service industry, another group of urban occupations

The south Salt Lake Valley illustrates the effect of urbanization on Utah in much the same way Utah reflects urbanization patterns throughout the United States. Given this assumption, an examination of the effect of urbanization on Murray City's families can shed light on the changing dynamics of family life in turn-of-the-century Utah The Murray census records emphasize the change wrought by urbanization.7 Murray's 1880 census lists 1,288 residents, the 1900 census lists 3,302 residents, and the 1910 census lists 4,008 residents. This represents a rise of over 150 percent between 1880 and 1900 and over 210 percent between 1880 and 1910.

An examination of residence patterns between 1880 and 1910 indicates significant shifts in all aspects of residence patterns (see Table 2) As predicted by Marx, extended families decreased in importance and female dominated households rose. Servants also decreased significantly while boarders showed a dramatic increase in both number and percentage The practice of polygamy, following the Woodruff Manifesto, seemed to disappear. However, 1 male and 1 female divorced and 5 females and 2 males were living without their spouses during 1900 By 1910 this number had risen to 11 divorced (7 males and 4 females) and 89 individuals living without their spouses (all but one male). Another shift occurred in the actual number of residents per household During 1880 agricultural households averaged 6.5 residents and nonagricultural households 4.7 individuals. Household size dropped to over 5.2 individuals for agricultural households by

7 United States Census Records, Murray City, Utah, (Washington, D C : GPO, 1880)

NONTRADITIONAL HOUSEHOLD RESIDENCE PATTERNS IN MURRAY, UTAH

* Statistics not available

1900, while the average for nonagricultural households remained the same (4.7)

The nature of boarding houses also changed during this period

The 12 individuals boarding in 1880 lived with local families, boarding with 1 or 2 individuals per household. These were generally young males working on farms and living with their employer. The boarding houses of 1900 held 154 boarders, with up to 21 boarders per house. One boarding house accommodated 32 individuals. The boarders of this decade had undergone significant change, with a majority of them working at one of the local smelters. The remainder were the young males boarding and living with farm employers found during the previous decade. All of Murray's boarders were either native-born Americans or immigrants of northern European descent, while the families housing boarders were all local established Murray residents Several families had obviously made the decision to augment their income by servicing the growing number of transient smelter workers.

The growing boarding trend continued in 1910, with 278 boarders living in houses with up to 14 residents Boarders continued to be predominantly single, but there were 6 married couples in addition to the 88 males and 1 female married and living without their spouses.

The married males were primarily Greek or Austrian smelter workers who had left their wives at home when they came to work in America Another noteworthy shift is that a majority of boarding houses were owned by Greeks working at the smelter and renting beds to other Greek smelter workers

A conflict developed between established residents and immigrants following revision of the city ordinances in 1911 The law required license fees based on the number of beds. Several established residents filed a complaint against the Greek boarding houses in January 1912, stating they rented their beds to more than one individual.8 The complaint specified that while established residents rented one bed to one person, the Greeks rented each bed to several individuals. The men slept two to a bed and also in eight-hour shifts With this arrangement it appears one bed could sleep up to six different workers. The established residents argued that this gave the Greek operators an unfair advantage This pattern also increased the transitory lifeway

8 Murray City Recorder's Minutes, Murray City Hall Discussion over boarding rates occurred throughout 1912. Controversy centered over the number of residents per household as well as the increase in fees established by the Revised Ordinances of Murray City-1911. Although the prime motivation was economic, it illustrates the unrest between the established residents and late immigrants

Aerial view of the American Smelting and Refining Company plant in Murray. USHS collections.

TABLE 3

OCCUPATIONS OF MURRAY WORKERS

of the Greek boarders. They were forced to be out of house sixteen hours of each day. They spent most of that time, while not working at the smelter, in the Greek saloons or coffeehouses

The occupations of Murray residents also illustrate a shift away from a rural/agricultural emphasis and toward an urban/industrial focus (see Table 3). The various smelters employed 90 workers in 1880. Most of the 14 teamsters indicated by the census were also associated directly or indirectly with the smelter industry. The American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO) controlled Murray's smelting industry beginning in 1899 ASARCO's two smelters employed 477 individuals during 1900, or nearly one-half of all employed workers. By 1910 the one remaining ASARCO smelter employed 598 workers This represents an increase in the total number of smelter workers but a slight drop in the total percentage of workers employed by the smelter industry. The real dominance of the smelter industry is illustrated by the large number of railroad workers (105) and employees of the Utah Ore Sampling Mill (14) and Murray's two brickyards (19), one of which specialized in firebrick for lining the smelter kilns and smokestacks These industries, combined with the smelter, employed over one-half of Murray's workers during 1910. Nearly onehalf of the remaining workers were employed by the service industry, much of which was designed to serve the workers and their families

A recent examination of Union, Utah, indicates that Utahns followed national migration patterns, preferring to remain in their

hometown unless conditions dictated they move. 9 Residents left only when they could not find suitable employment or be assured of a portion of the family farm. By 1900, however, new families were beginning to move into and out of Union. These migrants tended to be poor, and if they were not able to establish themselves, were often gone by the next census Many established residents used their economic and social status to move off the family farm and into other occupations but remained in Union. Mormon migration could also be affected by receiving a call from the church to settle in other areas or to serve on extended missions. Most missionaries returned to their hometown to reestablish themselves, and the practice of calling residents to settle remote areas diminished as Utah approached the twentieth century.

A similar trend can be hypothesized for Murray. Most early residents were agriculturalist, with outsiders not evident until the 1890s The growing number of transitory poor found in Union werejoined in Murray by the shifting population of industrial workers. These outsiders were not tied to land or local families but instead to the smelter. The Greeks and Austrians who found employment at the smelter in the early 1900s worked to supply funds for families back home while moving from one job to another in the United States.10 The hazardous nature of smelter work also affected population movement Added to the risk of mechanization was the occurrence of lead poisoning Lead poisoning seldom killed the unfortunate worker outright but instead made the person susceptible to a variety of other lingering illnesses ultimately blamed for his demise.11 Workers also viewed the West as their domain and moved freely between various western mines and smelters.12 Polk's

9 Gordon Ivor Irving, "After the Pioneers: The Experience of Young Men in Union, Utah, 1875-1920" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1987) For national trends, see for example Hal S Barron, Those Who Stayed Behind: Rural Societyin Nineteenth Century New England (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984)

10 Helen Z Papanikolas, "The Exiled Greeks," in The Peoples of Utah, ed Helen Z Papanikolas (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1981), pp 409-36

11 Arthur L Murray, "Lead Poisoning in the Mining of Lead in Utah," Department of Commerce, Technical Paper, No. 389 (Washington, D C : GPO, 1926), p 9 Murray states that following acute attacks of lead poisoning the victim is faced with chronic complications in the "digestive, nervous, circulatory, or genito-urinary systems; these involvements manifest themselves months and even years after the acute symptoms of lead poisoning have disappeared." Even though lead poisoning was the initiating cause of death, it was lost through time and not noted on the death certificate

12 Western Federation of Miners and the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smeltermens Union Archive, Norlin Library, University of Colorado, Boulder Examination of convention proceedings between 1900 and 1919 indicates there were two concepts behind honoring other union membership cards and other WFM local union membership cards for acceptance of workers into a local union

First was the "one big union" ideal This held that membership in one union qualified workers for membership in all unions As long as the union dues were paid, the worker was accepted as a WFM member Second was the nature of worker movement Labor bosses were constantly recruiting workers from one district to fill needs in another Th e WFM recognized the transient nature of its work force and made transfer from one local to another as simple as possible

directories for the Salt Lake City area illustrate Murray's rapid population turnover.13 There were 532 Murray residents listed by Polk in 1900 and 693 in the 1901 directory who do not appear in the Murray 1900 Census Similar results were found in comparing the 1910 and 1911 Polk directories and the 1910 Census.

The vast majority of Murray residents not identified by the census were smelter workers Variation may be due in part to techniques used to identify Murray residents, but this cannot account for a turnover of over one-half of the city's employed residents. The concept of turnover, rather than error, is supported by the time frame for compilation of the Polk directories as opposed to the census records. The Polk survey took place in the fall, while census enumeration occurred in June The three to six months between the Polk and census tabulations provide plenty of opportunity for populations to change. This analysis is further supported by comments from Assistant Superintendent W W Norton of the ASARCO smelter.14 When asked to assist with collection of the local poll tax, Norton responded that the city should wait until May or June, as spring was always a time of unrest and movement among the smelter men

As Murray and Utah grew they faced the problem of juvenile delinquency. The influx of non-Mormons during the last quarter of the nineteenth century began to break down the tight-knit theocratic authority that governed Utah's population Although not a cause of delinquency, the rapid growth of Utah's urban areas aggravated the problem. As the number of children coming into conflict with the law grew, a means to handle juvenile cases had to be devised Nineteenthcentury Utah treated youths as adults and processed them under adult legal codes.15 Many judges were reluctant to sentence children as adults and chose to ignore delinquency. Other judges ignored the age of the children and gave them sentences far too severe. Both approaches led to controversy. In an effort to remedy the problem, the legislature provided for a reform school in 1888, and the Ogdenbased institution was completed in October 1889. The reform school gave judges an alternative to sentencing youthful offenders to adult jails. The professed goal of the school was to provide the wayward

13 See the R. L. Polk and Co. 's Salt Lake City Directory for the four years mentioned (i.e., 1900, 1901, 1910, 1911)

14 Murray City Recorder's Minutes, January 12, 1909

15 Martha Sontag Bradley, "Reclamation of Young Citizens: Reform of Utah's Juvenile Legal System, 1888-1910," Utah Historical Quarterly 51 (1983): 328-45

youth with both common and practical education. Secular and religious reformers in Utah saw the problem of delinquency as the breakdown of stable home life They believed that if the youth were provided with basic academic skills, augmented by an acquired trade, and all within the proper environment, they would naturally turn into proper citizens Many of the boys sent to school were able to achieve an education, while the girls were prepared to become homemakers, learning the proper way to keep house, wash, cook, and sew. 16

The legislature again acted on the problem of delinquency when it established a separate set of legal codes to govern youthful offenders in 1907 Despite the new codes,juveniles were still processed through adult courts. Not until 1909 did the legislature establish the juvenile court system and appropriate money to insure its implementation. The seven juvenile district courts were supported by local probation officers at either a county or city level and cases were compiled into biennial reports to the governor. It should be noted that even when the courts chose to report their activities, statistics were never consistent This appears to have been purposeful, based on the underlying premise that youths should have no stigma attached to their arrest. The preferred court action was to warn, fine, or place the youth on probation, with reform school as a last resort. The court's purpose was "one of correction rather than of punishment, its mission is to impress upon children the seriousness of wrong and the dignity of the law."17 This ideal resulted in a lack of official recording, and many cases were settled in the home of the offender rather than through the courts. The type of youthful offenses ranged from violation of bicycle ordinances and truancy to smoking and alcohol use as well as to "petit larceny" and receiving property under false pretense Three offenses in particular relate to a discussion on the breakdown of the family (see Table 4). First are cases of "living a life of idleness and crime." In the decade from 1909 to 1918 approximately 280 boys and 50 girls were charged with this offense. Second is "incorrigibility," with approximately 1,350 boys and 750 girls charged. Both offenses were viewed by the court as a lack of parental control, often caused by the absence of one or both parents. The final offense was "dependence and neglect," with roughly 1,200 boys and 1,150 girls charged. In

16 State of Utah, First Biennial Report of the Board of Trustees of the State Industrial School and Accompanying Documents, Ending December 31st, 1898. (Salt Lake City: The Deseret News, 1899)

17 State of Utah, Biennial Report of theJuvenile Court, YearEnding November 30, 1918 (Salt Lake City, 1919), p. 8-9.

TABLE 4 JUVENILE OFFENSES IN UTAH 1 8

* Records for 1911-12 were not available

Note. The above table was compiled from the four Biennial Juvenile Court Reports The first figure is the number of cases involving boys, followed by a slash (/) and then the number of cases involving girls. The totals (horizontally) are computed from the reported totals, while the vertical totals are taken directly from the reports. The two sets of totals do not correspond. Again, this can be attributed to the nature of reporting associated with the juvenile courts

18 This information is compiled from the statistics available from the four Biennial Reports of the Juvenile Court Commission issued between 1911 and 1919 Statistics are available, although again they do not reflect all probation an d court activity, for all years except 1911 an d 1912 An average of the years reported was used to achieve the numbe r of cases for these two years Th e compiled information is therefore referred to as "approximately" in the text and rounde d to the nearest 10 cases

Murray, Utah, Families 351

total, over 47,000 children were processed by juvenile courts during the decade. These figures do not include approximately 1,100 children under the age of seven who were also processed. Most of the small children entered the system for parental neglect, and breakdown in the family system was blamed for all cases. The vast majority ofjuvenile cases occurred in urban counties or districts

Information on delinquency in Murray City is sparse. Either the city did not keep records of probation proceedings or they were lost in one of several transfers that occurred as Murray's court changed jurisdiction. J. A. Willumson, editor of Murray's local paper, the American Eagle, decried the actions of juvenile hooligans as early as 1897. The juveniles and other elements of Murray's "rough crowd" led Willumson to press toward incorporation as a means of control.19 The Eagle carried many stories of break-ins and rebellious behavior during the late 1890s and early 1900s, and some of these were attributed to Murray's youth The city council also enacted strong bicycle and curfew ordinances early in 1903, and the need for enforcement was the topic of council meetings throughout the decade.20 Murray's youth continued to be of great concern to city officials during discussions of saloons caught selling liquor to minors, closure of the Trocadero Dance Hall for "lewd dancing," and the need to control "rowdy" behavior at local baseball games during the 1910s.21

One of the better indicators of changing attitudes was the Trocadero Dance Hall. It was constantly in trouble with city officials, and its owners changed frequently during the 1910s.22 The last owner during the decade was Con Gallagher who also owned a saloon/pool hall in Murray and acted as chief of the Murray Volunteer Fire Department. His position as fire chief appears to have been the only point in his favor in convincing the city council to grant his application for a dance hall license in 1912. He was immediately called before the council to explain the "close and moonlight dancing" reported at the Trocadero. In his defense Gallagher claimed that he was forced to

19 American Eagle, May 8, 1897, p 1

20 Murray City Recorder's Minutes Th e curfew ordinance was read and passed on May 19, 1903

The bicycle ordinance was read and passed on July 21, 1903 Both curfew and illegal bike riding continued to be periodic topics of concern over the next two decades See for example discussions on the curfew ordinance May 31, 1904, and the bicycle ordinance Jun e 29, 1909

21 Murray City Recorder's Minutes, 1903-1919 See for example complaints against the Trocadero Dance Hall on December 12, 1911, and February 26, 1912; and a communication from Dr Jones calling attention to "rowdyism and disorder" at ball games on August 30, 1910

22 Murray City Recorder's Minutes See for instance December 12, 1911, February 26, 1912, and July 1, 1912, for discussions about the type of dancing allowed in the Trocadero

allow it. All the other dance halls in the valley allowed this type of dancing, and if he did not the young people who frequented his hall would quit coming After several discussions and citations the Trocadero was closed for good, and dancing was transferred to one of the local churches where it would be adequately monitored. Even without specific records or statistics, it appears that Murray experienced the same conflict overjuvenile delinquency and changing attitudes as Salt Lake City, although on a smaller scale.

The final area to be examined is the nature of twentieth-century health care. Mormon migration to Utah occurred during a period when doctors were few and often practiced herbal medicine. Midwives provided most delivery and postnatal care. Faith healing was held in high regard by most of Utah's population, including Brigham Young, and doctors using modern medical techniques were mistrusted Eliza R Snow, plural wife of Young and president of the Mormon church's Relief Society, was instrumental in convincing Young of the need to provide Utah's women with modern obstetric care.

23 Snow recognized the need for doctors to assist women with the delivery process and circumvented Young's distrust of modern medicine and males who practiced obstetrics by suggesting female doctors be trained in childbirth. A group of twenty young women were selected and sent to be trained in eastern hospitals in 1875. Their return brought a decline in neonatal death and puerperal infection

Female doctors later consulted with eastern-trained male doctors who came to Utah in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Consultation lessened fears and provided confidence that eventually led to the acceptance of male and female doctors in obstetrics and other fields.

The acceptance of trained doctors in Murray is evident in the growing number of attending physicians indicated in the cemetery records. No attending physicians were noted in the 1870s, but the number slowly increased until by 1920 almost every death was recorded by a doctor As Murray's importance as a business and urban center grew, several doctors, including John E Ferrebee, Everett O Jones, and August Rawcher, took up the practice of medicine. These and others served the area as it was transformed from an agricultural village to an urban center.

The major factor affecting the health of Murray residents was air pollution. The completion of five large smelters in Murray and Midvale

from 1899 to 1905 established the Salt Lake Valley as one of the major smelting locations in the world.24 Along with this status came smokestacks that belched toxic levels of lead, arsenic, and sulphur trioxide, along with various other toxic metals and waste by-products. Conditions in the south valley worsened until two lawsuits had shut down three of the smelters and altered production in the other two by 1907. The United States Smelting, Refining, and Mining Company lead smelter in Midvale and the ASARCO lead smelter in Murray survived by reaching agreements with local farmers. The Murray smelter agreed to pay local farmers $60,000, and both smelters promised to study and correct the smoke problem Analyses of the smoke led to installation of bag houses in 1907 to remove particulate matter, sulphur scrubbers in 1912 to reclaim sulfuric acid, and completion of a 465foot smokestack in 1918 at Murray and a 460-foot smokestack in 1923 at Midvale to disperse the smoke before it could settle.

Despite these innovations and agreements, the number of health problems in Murray continued to rise (see Table 5) Deaths due to lung problems, complications during birth and pregnancy, and complications from association with toxic waste rose dramatically between 1890 and 1920 Only 146 deaths (11.0 percent) were due to lung problems prior to 1900, and nearly two-thirds of these occurred during the smelter buildup of the 1890s. Lung problems accounted for 320 deaths during the first two decades of the twentieth century, or nearly one-fifth of all deaths. Difficulty in pregnancy or birth resulted in death of either the mother or infant only 15 times prior to 1890, jumped to 42 during the 1890s, and rose to 114 during the 1910s Death from cancer occurred only 3 times prior to 1890, doubled to 6 during the 1890s, and rose to 34 during the 1910s. There is a corresponding, yet smaller, rise in the incidence of poisoning of various kinds, including lead and arsenic.

Researchers have known the effects of lead poisoning since at least the 1880s.25 During pregnancy, lead can cause stillbirth, premature birth, or malformation of the fetus and may result in complications in delivery, infection, or death of the mother. The American Eagle reported 11 cases of lead poisoning during 1897 and cited the case of

24 John E Lamborn and Charles S Peterson, 'Th e Substance of the Land: Agriculture v Industry in the Smelter Cases of 1904 and 1906," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 308-25

25 Ruth Hiefetz. 'Women, Lead, and Reproductive Hazards: Defining a New Risk," Dying For Work: Workers Safety and Health in Twentieth Century America, ed David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), pp. 169-74.

TABLE 5

HEALTH COMPLICATIONS RESULTING IN DEATH FOR MURRAY CITY RESIDENTS, 1874-1919.

* This period does not represent a full decade The first recorded burials were an infant and man (not related) both buried on May 12, 1874.26

one smelter worker who placed his hands in the mouth of his teething child to massage its gums, only to give the infant a toxic dose of lead.27

The Eagle used this incident to mount a drive to force the smelter to provide bathing facilities and require all workers to bathe before leaving work. The Eagle also campaigned to clean up a low-lying area of

26 Murray City Cemetery, Record ofDeaths (manuscript on file, Murray City Cemetery Office, Murray City, Utah). Information concerning cause of death was compiled from the South Cottonwood Ward/Murray City cemetery records The cemetery was owned and operated by the South Cottonwood Ward of the Mormon church until it was sold to Murray City in 1918. A complete compilation of cause of death and a vocabulary of diseases identified in the Cemetery Records from 1874 to 1919 is found in Appendix A of David L. Schirer. 'Th e Cultural Dynamics of Urbanization: Murray City, Utah, 1897-1919." (Masters thesis, University of Utah, 1991)

27 American Eagle, August 14, 1897, p 8

Murray that same year, stating the smoke that settled on Bergertown caused its residents to become susceptible to lung disease.

One final medical note is a change in child care in the decades surrounding 1900 There were no recorded deaths from malnutrition prior to 1890. Two deaths were recorded from rickets in the 1890s, fourteen from malnutrition in the 1900s, and ten from malnutrition in the 1910s The 1910s also have one case of infanticide

Period studies of Utah's rural areas indicate similar types of family breakdown, although not as dramatic and with some time lag.28 The forces that pushed urban families to change were also changing rural families. Modernization was presented as an ideal in Utah's rural areas. Stores brought in new consumer goods and products in an effort to reach the residents of small towns and the surrounding countryside. The change that faced Utah's families was not confined to the Wasatch Front; it encompassed the entire state.

Urbanization created dramatic change throughout Utah and especially along the Wasatch Front. Murray City records illustrate the shift from stable agricultural residents to a transitory industrial population. Even the agriculturalists that remained were involved in constant conflict with the smelters and the immigrant work force brought in by the industry. There was a small rise in single-parent families, but the largest family pattern shift occurred with married males leaving their wives in foreign lands to work in America The breakdown of the family in the latter instance did not occur in Murray but in Greece and Austria. There was a decrease in extended family households, accompanied by a decrease in the number of individuals per household. Both trends echo researchers' correlations between urbanization and diminished kin group ties The number of servants dropped throughout the period, replaced by an even greater number of boarders. Boarding houses in the 1880 and 1900 Censuses were operated by established area residents By 1900 and increasingly in 1910 boarding houses were operated by men who worked at the smelter or by newly arrived immigrants who operated the house as a sideline to a saloon or other business. Finally, there was an increase in child neglect, illustrated by rising juvenile delinquency and deaths from malnutrition and infanticide These changes weakened traditional family values as predicted by Marx; however, the total breakdown of family interaction Marx predicted did not occur.

28 Cynthia Jane Sturgis, "The Mormon Village in Transition: Richfield, Utah, as a Case Study, 1910-1930" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1978)

The problems of urbanization were even more evident in the high population areas along the Wasatch Front. The urban poor that drifted into Union and Murray flooded into Salt Lake City and Ogden. Fewer agricultural jobs were available in urban settings, and more workers were forced to rely on industrial or service industry jobs for their livelihood This reliance became both the draw for the urban poor and their bane The state's integration with national markets made Utahns susceptible to national economic fluctuations and trends. The transitory nature of industrial jobs also resulted in transitory family patterns.

Even though the family changed as Utah urbanized, the cause of change is not clear We cannot easily attribute the changes in traditional family life to urbanization Studies of rural areas indicate a similar breakdown during this period, although perhaps more subdued. Other factors need to be isolated and studied prior to presenting any solution to the questions raised by the transformation that occurred in America at the turn of the century. However, it does appear that Utah was part of the changing national society. Despite the unique focus placed upon family interaction, Utah's families experienced, and resisted, the same forces that faced families across the nation

Beyond the Spotlight: The Red Scare in Utah

BY ANDREW HUNT

As THE UNITED STATES BEGAN TO HEAL from the excesses of the McCarthy era during the mid-1950s, a handful of historians turned their attention to the Red Scare of 1919 In studying this turbulent period, they sought to identify parallels between the post—World War I Red Scare and the anticommunism of the Cold War era. Their works chronicled the significant events, the flash points, that occurred They focused on the thirty bombs sent to leaders and prominent citizens during the spring of 1919, general strikes in Seattle and Winnipeg, May Day riots in New York and Cleveland, the formation of domestic Communist parties, and the rise of nativist beliefs that swept much of the nation. Finally, researchers traced these events to the climax of

Mr Hunt is a graduate student in American history at the University of Utah He wishes to thank Professor Robert Goldberg for his invaluable assistance and suggestions

Skyscrapers, Judge, Felt, Bos and Newhouse Building Main Street, Utah

A mail bomb was delivered to theJudge Building on the corner of Third South and Main Street in May 1919. Photograph ofpostcard in USHS collections.

the Red Scare: the Justice Department raids directed against thousands of suspected radicals in cities across the country in January 1920.1

Despite the dearth of secondary sources on the subject prior to the 1950s, two historians produced notable works about the Red Scare within a few years of each other The first was Robert K Murray's The Red Scare: A Study of National Hysteria, 1919-1920 (1955), which historians have traditionally regarded as the premier general history on the subject The second book, Stanley Coben's biography, A Mitchell Palmer: Politician (1963), appeared eight years later.

While the two books represented significant, exhaustively researched contributions, the extent of the Red Scare has not yet been fully explored. Both Murray and Coben present the Red Scare as being broad in scope and creating an atmosphere of "intense public suspicion and fear."2 For Murray this was a period when "the national mind ultimately succumbed to hysteria," characterized by "restrictive legislation, . . . [and] mob violence."3 Although Coben is less dramatic than Murray, he raises the theme of nationwide hysteria throughout his work He writes that during the Red Scare, there existed a "deeply rooted fear . . . that America stood on the brink of catastrophe."4 According to Coben, "the xenophobia common in America before the war was greatly exacerbated," resulting in "widespread popular hostility toward radicals" and "a nativistic hostility that swept the land."5

Historians such as Murray and Coben are, to some extent, guilty of analyzing and describing abstract wholes based on selectively chosen accounts of significant events, individuals, and pieces of legislation. They assume a unity of society based on a cluster of specific instances In doing so they run the risk of exaggerating the magnitude of the 1919 Red Scare.

What was the scope of the Red Scare outside of Murray's or Coben's spotlight? To what degree did authorities persecute radicals in areas where fears of revolution were less dramatic? As both authors

1 For example, earlier works include Louis F Post, The Deportations Delirium of 1920 (Chicago: Charles H Kerr and Company, 1923); Frederick Lewis Allen, Only Yesterday: An Informal History of the 1920s (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1931); Robert Dunn, ed The Palmer Raids (New York: International Publishers, 1948); and Max Lowenthal, The Federal Bureau of Investigation (New York: William Sloane Associates, 1950) The most notable later works are Robert K Murray, The Red Scare:A Study of National Hysteria, 1919-1920 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1955); and Stanley Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer: Politician (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963).

2 Murray, The Red Scare, p 18

3 Ibid., p. 280.

4 Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer, p 212

5 Ibid., pp 198,203,245

point out, nativism played a big role in the virulent anticommunism of the era. How widespread was nativism in regions with more homogeneous populations? To answer these questions, this article will focus upon Utah, particularly Salt Lake City Does Utah fit within the standard framework? Were the men and women of Salt Lake City caught up in the hysteria? What light do local moods, perceptions, and behaviors shed upon the Red Scare of 1919?

By 1919 nearly half of Utah's 450,000 residents lived in the state's burgeoning cities. Nestled in fertile valleys west of the Wasatch Mountain range in northern Utah, the two largest cities in the state, Salt Lake City and Ogden, had populations of 118,110 and 32,804 respectively.6 With its rising skyline, growing population, and expanding neighborhoods, Salt Lake City was beginning to resemble a bustling urban center rather than a Mormon frontier settlement. The largest church in Utah was the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, with approximately 60 percent of the state's inhabitants as members Nevertheless, the non-Mormon population in the state had grown dramatically since the 1870s.7 In 1916 Utahns elected the state's first non-Mormon governor, Simon Bamberger, a Jew and a staunch progressive. During World War I there were intense displays of patriotic fervor throughout Utah, with Liberty Gardens springing up across the state, and Liberty Bond drives raising large contributions from Utahns. When the war was over Utah's veterans returned to crowded celebrations in Salt Lake City.8

Yet, within months after the armistice of November 1918, the postwar economic recession that ravaged the United States began to take a heavy toll on Utah. The recession hit the state's farms the hardest, with prices of wheat declining after the war from $3.50 a bushel to 98 cents in 1921 The state's large mineral industry did not fare much better. In 1919 Utah's total production of lead, zinc, silver, copper, and gold plummeted 54 percent below the previous year's level. The Utah Copper Company closed its mills, the Bingham Mine laid off thousands of workers, and populations decreased dramatically in the neighboring towns of Magna and Garfield.9 Throughout 1919 economic hardships led to strikes and labor demonstrations across the

6 "U.S., Bureau of Census, Fourteenth Census of the United States: 1920, Population: Utah (Bulletin), p. 1.

7 Dean L. May, Utah: A People's History (Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 1987), pp. 170-71

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid., p 173

state. At the end of the year the State Industrial Commission estimated that the fourteen labor disputes that occurred in Utah had cost the state an estimated $900,000 in lost production. 1 0

According to historian Robert K. Murray, the economic hardships of 1919 coupled with postwar demobilization led to widespread "psychological torment and confusion." He argues that, faced with the example of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia of 1917 and widespread postwar political unrest throughout Europe, most Americans rallied behind the "prevailing drive for normalcy" that fostered a "confusing, intolerant, and irresponsible atmosphere." 1 1 For Murray, the quest for an illusory "normalcy" created tension in the minds of Americans He contends that much of the confusion plaguing Americans was channeled into attacks against nonconformists, pacifists, and Communists. 1 2

To a visitor to Salt Lake City in the early months of 1919 it would have appeared that Murray's thesis was manifesting itself in the corridors of the state's legislature. In February state representatives introduced two bills intended to curb radical activities in Utah. The first, House Bill 28, known as the Red Flag Bill, was a broadly worded piece of legislation that prohibited the "disloyal display of the red flag or any other emblem of anarchy" in Utah. J. E. Cardon, a businessman who introduced the bill the day after a massive general strike began in Seattle, Washington, referred to the law as "a warning to agitators that there is no place for them in this state." The Red Flag Bill passed by a healthy majority of two-to-one, with only ten representatives voting against it.13

The following day saw the introduction of a second piece of restrictive legislation, the Sabotage Bill, on the floor of the house. The purpose of the bill was to establish a "strong anti-syndicalism and sabotage law prohibiting the advocacy, teaching, or suggestion of same" and "prohibiting assemblages for such teachings or suggestions, and prohibiting the use of any building for such assemblages."14 As was the case with the Red Flag Bill, prolabor representatives like Fred Morris and Robert Currie, both union members and representatives from the Salt Lake Federation of Labor, offered rousing condemna-

10 Karl Alwin Elling, 'Th e History of Organized Labor in Utah" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1962), p 103

11 Murray, The Red Scare, pp 3-17

12 Ibid., p 14

13 DeseretNews, February 8, 1919

14 This description of the Sabotage Bill is contained in DeseretNews, April 23, 1919

tions of the Sabotage Bill. Morris, a member of the Typographical Union, Local 115, charged that such bills "emanate from a class who fear that the despotism which they are about to impose upon laboring people will cause a revolt." Currie, a leader in the Salt Lake Carpenter's Union, took a more moderate approach, arguing against the bill from a civil libertarian perspective. In spite of their pleas, representatives overwhelmingly supported the Sabotage Bill, with 24 voting for the measure and 5 opposing it.15

Making it a felony to advocate sabotage or syndicalism was clearly aimed at the militant Industrial Workers of the World Founded in 1905, the IWW, a radical labor union led by native Utahn William D. Haywood, maintained offices in Salt Lake City. The organization enjoyed some success in Utah's mining industry, especially after 1910, attracting members from the state's numerous squalid mining camps. Arguing that the "working class and the employing class have nothing in common," the IWW leadership advocated syndicalism—the theory that through the use of general strikes and force, workers would be able to overthrow capitalism and introduce an economic system in which trade unions would control the means of production

Moreover, following the teachings of French syndicalist Emile Pouget, the IWW advocated the use of sabotage. The organization never offered a precise definition of the term, yet IWW newspapers trumpeted sabotage and frequently published cartoons of its symbols—the wooden shoe and the black cat. For the IWW the word carried broad connotations. Some members of the organization defined sabotage as acts of passive resistance, including "the conscious withdrawal of efficiency," jamming machines, or sending railroad freight in the wrong direction. Others viewed sabotage as "striking on the job," while a handful of members included a violent resistance in their definition. Yet, for opponents of the IWW, sabotage carried one simple definition: the violent destruction of private property.16

While legislators intended the Sabotage Bill to undermine the IWW, they aimed the Red Flag Bill at a newly formed organization called the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council which met for the first time in Salt Lake City in February of 1919. The purpose of the council was to act as an umbrella organization embracing representatives from

15 For the Red Flag Bill see Deseret News, February 8, 1919 On Sabotage Bill see Salt Lake Tribune, February 9, 1919 For Currie and Morris, see Elling, "The History of Organized Labor," pp 12, 89, 112

16 For a good discussion of the IWW's definition of sabotage see Roughneck: The Life and Times of Big Bill Haywood by Peter Carlson (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1983), pp. 196-97.

various local unions and political clubs. In addition to endorsing the infant Soviet republic, the organization called for "mass action to build up a real democratic government, a government of the workers, for the workers and by the workers, to take the control of politics and industry out of the hands of big business." The council sent letters to labor unions throughout the state inviting them to join.17

With the passage of the Red Flag and Sabotage bills, conservative legislators sought to suppress organizations like the IWW and the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council. Yet once the laws were passed, they were never stringently enforced. Under the sabotage law, there were but two known arrests Policejailed two immigrants in Carbon County on October 31, charging them with "distributing IWW literature and making anarchistic threats." Officials from thejustice Department interrogated the two men, then turned them over to the Department of Immigration for deportation.18 Salt Lake City Mayor W. Mont Ferry used the sabotage law to prohibit the IWW from holding its annual national convention in the city on June 25 Ferry consulted with city, county, state, and federal officials and then announced: "I am determined to enforce this law to the utmost limit and protect our community from anarchistic and revolutionary teachings."19 Ferry and his advisors ultimately persuaded IWW leaders to select another site for their convention. Curiously, authorities made no attempt to use the sabotage law to repress or shut down the state IWW offices in downtown Salt Lake City.20 When Ralph Chaplin, editor of the IWW newspaper Solidarity came to Salt Lake City in November, he spoke to an audience of 200 people with no interference from the police.21

The police enforced the red flag law even less rigorously than its antisabotage counterpart. No known arrests were made under the law in spite of the efforts of law enforcement officials to scrutinize local radical organizations. Beginning in February, plainclothes officers from the Salt Lake City Police Department began attending the weekly meetings of the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council to monitor the group's activities. Salt Lake City Police Chief J. Parley

17 The "Preamble, Resolutions, and Plan of Action" of the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council is contained in the records of the Utah State Federation of Labor and Utah State Industrial Union Council at Western Americana, Marriott Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City

18 Deseret News, November 1, 1919

19 Deseret News, April 23, 1919.

20 Deseret News, November 19, 1919

21 Elling, 'Th e History of Organized Labor," p 55

White called the council a "strictly bolshevist organization," and advised officers investigating the organization "to guard against an emergency in the present state of social unrest." Police officers maintained a close watch over the council until November 1919, but a frustrated Chief White eventually conceded that all meetings were "held in an orderly manner."22

That did not deter law enforcement officials from looking for other reasons to arrest council members under the red flag law. In April a flyer appeared in the streets of Salt Lake City announcing a council-sponsored May Day celebration. The flyer, printed in red ink, announced, "Grand International May Day Mass Meeting under the auspices of the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council Subject of Speakers to be 'The Class Struggle.'" An alarmed Chief White charged that because they were printed in red ink, the circulars violated the state's red flag law He urged authorities to treat the distribution of the flyers as a criminal act. But state officials were reluctant to accept Chief White's broad interpretation of the red flag law, and police made no arrests.23

Thus, the months leading up to April 1919 saw little hysteria in the state. Utahns from Logan to St. George seemed absorbed in affairs of immediate local interest rather than the "specter of international bolshevism." Events like the Soviet revolution or the general strike in Seattle were too distant and seemed to have no impact on their lives. Yet the shattering events of May 1 would temporarily interrupt the stillness.

On the morning of May 1 postal carrier Fred Libby delivered a small package to the Judge Building in downtown Salt Lake City He handled the package in the same manner he dealt with the rest of his mail, calmly delivering it to the sixth-floor offices of attorney Frank K. Nebeker It was an eight-inch-long narrow box weighing eleven ounces, wrapped in manila paper, with a label pasted to it bearing the address of Gimbel Brothers, a department store in New York City. Stamped on one side of the package were the words "Sample— Novelty," directly above the figure of an old man carrying a pack and holding a staff in his left hand. The unsuspecting postal carrier had no idea that the contents of the box consisted of a wooden tube filled

22 DeseretNews, November 1, 1919 Although police records pertaining to this matter no longer exist, throughout 1919 there are newspaper accounts of plainclothes police officers attending meetings of the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council Other accounts will be noted later

23 Deseret News, April 29, 1919

The Red Scare in Utah 365

with an acid detonator and a high explosive.24 Two days earlier Nebeker had left for Chicago on a business trip. When his stenographer, Norma Best, signed for the package she was "on her guard" as a result of reading front-page newspaper accounts of prominent officials in New York City and Washington, D.C, receiving similar packages. In fact, Best later expressed surprise that Nebeker had not received any bomb threats earlier. This particular package piqued her attention because the illustration of the man on the box reminded her of an IWW poem titled "Wail of the Bindle Stiff."25

A year earlier, as assistant attorney general of the United States, Frank Nebeker had gained fame as the zealous prosecutor in the case of U.S. v. William D. Haywood, et al In that case he had successfully prosecuted a hundred members of the IWW who were accused of violating a number of laws, including the Espionage Act of 1917. Nebeker argued the case before federal Judge Kenesaw Mountain Landis and ultimately convinced the jury that IWW leaders had participated in a conspiracy to sabotage the war effort. The jury deliberated for less than an hour before handing down a blanket guilty verdict giving prison sentences to all of the defendants. One year later, when Nebeker was notified in Chicago that a bomb had been sent to his Salt Lake City office, his only reply was a brief telegram: "If I was selected to receive one of the bombs, then the IWW organization is behind it."26

Frank Nebeker was not the only prominent Utahn to receive a bomb in the mail on May 1. Later in the day postal authorities in Ogden, acting on orders from the U.S. postmaster, intercepted a bomb en route to the Salt Lake City offices of U.S. Sen. William H. King. A Democrat, King was one of the most virulently antilabor and anti-Communist politicians in Congress. He advocated the passage of local restrictive laws as a means of stifling dissent, and his speeches often emphasized the threat of radicalism emanating from the remnants of the Seattle general strike. King also received attention in the national press as a member of a Senate committee investigating methods of curbing radical propaganda. Like the bomb sent to Nebeker,

24 For descriptions of the so-called infernal machines see Salt Lake Tribune, May 2, 1919, and Murray, The Red Scare, pp.70-71

25 Salt Lake Tribune, May 2, 1919

26 For the best account of Frank Nebeker's role in The U.S. v William D. Haywood, et al., see Carlson, Roughneck, pp 265-82 For Nebeker's comment s on the bom b see Salt Lake Tribune, May 2, 1919

the device intended for King was wrapped in Gimbel's paper Within days after postal clerks announced the discovery of the bomb, King prepared a bill making it illegal to transport bombs in interstate commerce and a capital offense to belong to an organization advocating violent overthrow of the United States government. 2 7

Authorities discovered a third bomb mailed to U. S. Sen. Reed Smoot A conservative Republican and apostle in the Church ofJesus Christ of Latterday Saints, Smoot was a puzzling choice to receive a bomb. He had never been as outspoken as King or Nebeker, and he showed very little concern about the Soviet revolution or the Seattle general strike. Nevertheless, postal inspectors notified Ogden postmaster W. W. Browning to watch for suspicious packages addressed to Smoot. The following day authorities discovered that the bomb intended for Smoot had never reached Salt Lake City. It was returned to Gimbel's Department Store in New York City for additional postage where it was confiscated by Justice Department agents. Authorities never apprehended the culprit or culprits responsible for the mail bombs. 2 8

Nebeker, King, and Smoot were among thirty-six recipients of May Day bombs across the country. Other prominent bomb recipients included Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., associate justice of the Supreme Court, Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson, Judge Landis, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer, John D. Rockefeller, J. P. Morgan, and Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson. Bomb blasts injured only two people, the wife and maid of former Georgia senator Thomas Hard-

en William H. King, a Democrat, was known for his antilabor views. USHS collections.

wick. Yet the bomb scare created blazing headlines in newspapers across the country.29

The local press echoed the anti-Bolshevik sentiments of the rest of the mainstream media in the United States "Death to the Terrorists" screamed bold, block letters above an editorial in the May 1 Deseret News. "The country's history records no similar instance of widespread diabolism," the editorial began "It is almost unbelievable that the human mind can descend to the depravity that this wretched plot bespeaks." The Salt Lake Tribune used the incident to call for more legislation to curb bolshevism, referring to the bombs as the product of the "unrestrained menace" of free speech. Perhaps the most succinct response came from the editor of the Ogden Examiner, who stated that "red-blooded Americans have no use for the 'Red,' whether it is a red flag, a red badge, a red poem, or any other insignia which is anti-American." Ironically, the Salt Lake Herald, an otherwise conservative publication, was the only daily newspaper to suggest that the packages were likely the creation of a lone maniac.30

The May Day bomb scare also stirred conservative groups in Utah A month after the incident the Elks Club held its annual state convention in Ogden, with its theme "The Elks vs. Anarchy." Elks president A. R. Diblee began the meeting by praising the record attendance of members from every chapter in Utah, then announced that the organization "is determined to fight against anarchy and bolshevism, while counter-battling for true-blue Americanism." The Utah Kiwanis Club followed the Elks' example by featuring bomb recipient Frank Nebeker as the keynote speaker at itsJuly 3 gathering. Nebeker told the Kiwanis Club that "radicalism is not confined to the longhaired soap-box orator" and warned that "the spread of the doctrine demanding industrial revolution is far more serious than has been admitted." Salt Lake Rotary Club president James W. Collins, speaking before a club luncheon in the Hotel Utah in November, expressed concern about what he perceived to be a growing IWW threat in the mining districts of eastern Utah. He called on state and federal authorities to rid Utah of the "cancerous infection" of the IWW Eventually, the state American Legionjoined the crusade. State Commander Hamilton Gardiner, writing in the Legion's December 1919 bulletin, called on the 101 posts in Utah to campaign for "Americanism." Gardiner

29 Murray, The Red Scare, pp 70-71

30 See Deseret News, May 1, 1919; Salt Lake Tribune, May 3, 1919; Ogden Examiner, May 3, 1919; Salt Lake Herald, May 2, 1919

urged officials to pass legislation banning radical meetings and encouraged Legion posts to appoint officers from each chapter to monitor local radicals.31

Yet, the overall calm that prevailed in Salt Lake City on May 1, 1919, contrasts with Robert K. Murray's assertion that it was a day when "American radicals put on a colossal show," and "numerous riots arising from radical May Day celebrations" erupted. No sizable riots or demonstrations occurred in Salt Lake City, Ogden, or Provo on May 1. Because most accounts of the local bomb scare (with the exception of the Deseret News) appeared on May 2, residents of cities such as Provo, Ogden, and Salt Lake City had not yet reacted to the delivery of the "infernal machines" to Nebeker, King, and Smoot.32

This is not to suggest that Salt Lake City was completely insulated from momentous events in Cleveland, Boston, New York City, Seattle, and other cities where May Day riots did occur. On May 1, Police Chief J. Parley White assured the public that the local police would "take precaution to suppress all bolshevist and anarchistic sentiment in Salt Lake City." White also indicated that federal authorities were monitoring the activities of local radical organizations.33

When the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council held its May Day celebration at the downtown Musicians' Hall, Chief White personally attended the festivities, accompanied by six plainclothes police officers. Before a crowd of 400 people, council member Bertha Bennett encouraged members of "the Soviet of Salt Lake" to donate money to the Bolshevik cause. She was followed by speaker R. E. Richardson, a self-proclaimed "poor tramp wobbly," who called the nationwide bomb scares "the bunk." Neither Chief White nor his colleagues attempted to halt the festivities, and no arrests were made.34

In other parts of the state clusters of radicals met without interference from police. At a Socialist party forum in Ogden a "few dozen people" listened as local party secretary O. A. Kennedy declared, "The working class of the world is awakening." Kennedy read a statement prepared by the Ogden chapter expressing solidarity with Socialists around the world. Unlike the council celebration in Salt Lake City, there is no evidence that police agents even attended the Ogden gathering. Although the meeting was by no means a

31 Ogden Examiner, Jun e 7, 1919; Deseret Neivs, July 4, November 19, and December 6, 1919.

32 Murray, The Red Scare, pp 73-74

33 DeseretNews, May 1, 1919,

34 Salt Lake Herald, May 2, 1919

"colossal show," it serves as evidence of reluctance on the part of police to obstruct the activities of left-wing groups in Utah in 1919.35

Almost a month after the May Day bomb scares, a series of mysterious explosions occurred in eight cities in other states, destroying a handful of buildings and killing two individuals Yet the June 2 bombings failed to arouse the same enthusiasm in Utah's newspapers as the May Day scare. A headline in the Deseret News announced "Anarchists in Nationwide Bomb Plot," while the Ogden Examiner carried an editorial arguing that foreign-born radicals should be "show[n] the way to their homeland" to test their ideas. Other newspapers, such as the Salt Lake Tribune, devoted little attention to the explosions.36

The traditional interpretation of the Red Scare maintains that labor unions, like the highly publicized May 1 mail bombs, played a crucial role in provoking hysteria Coben wrote that 1919 was a "vintage year for strikes," and labor conflicts aggravated "public fear of revolution or economic disaster." Murray regarded organized labor as a "trigger mechanism" that produced "the ultimate manifestation . . . of national psychoneurosis."37

The activities of organized labor in Utah are inconsistent with Coben's and Murray's statements. There were strikes, demonstrations, and displays of union militancy in Utah in 1919; nevertheless, the number of strikes in Utah ranked low when compared with national figures during the period. Fourteen major labor disputes occurred in the state throughout the year, some of which, such as the Park City mining strike, lasted no longer than one or two months. Nationally, there were more than 3,600 strikes involving 4,000,000 workers. Utah's contribution to the number of strikes in 1919 was therefore relatively minor Toward the end of the year the Utah State Industrial Commission released a report praising the state's labor leaders for their conservatism. The report concluded that "employers and employees generally in this state are making an honest effort to adjudicate their differences without resorting to the lockout or strike."38

Nevertheless, there were examples of red-baiting directed against some labor unions. A mining strike that erupted in Park City on May 6 and involved nearly 1,000 miners made headlines in local newspapers

35 Ogden Examiner, May 2, 1919

36 Deseret News, Jun e 3, 1919; Ogden Examiner, Jun e 5, 1919

37 Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer, pp 173-74; Murray, The Red Scare, p 105

38 Elling, "The History of Organized Labor," p. 103; Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer, p. 173; Deseret News, December 11, 1919

because of IWW participation. The strikers demanded a six-hour workday, a daily salary of $5.50, and an end to discrimination based on union membership Two federal investigators and a commissioner from the Department of Labor traveled to Park City to investigate "agitation on the part of active IWW members." The Department of Justice also conducted an investigation of IWW business agent Albert W. Wells for his alleged role in instigating the strike. However, the illfated strike lasted only a month and a half. With their modified demands for an eight-hour workday and a daily wage of $5.15 rejected by mine owners, the Park City miners went back to work on June 21. 3 9

The Park City strike proved to be the only major IWW-led strike in Utah in 1919. For the most part labor unions in Utah moved to distance themselves from Syndicalist or Communist ideas. The one exception occurred in September at the annual convention of the Utah Federation of Labor, the central body of the majority of Utah's labor unions At the convention, UFL members voted by a three-to-one majority to endorse the newly formed Soviet government in Russia The federation released an official resolution declaring the Soviet government to be "controlled by workers .. . in the interest of the working class," and they demanded the withdrawal of U.S. troops occupying the Soviet Union. Federation leaders stated their hostility toward the resolution, yet it passed by a vote of 49 to 13.40

Conservative labor spokesmen such as state representative Robert Currie feared the federation's Soviet resolution would cause a backlash in the Utah legislature against labor unions. Their concerns appeared to be justified. At the beginning of the month the Utah Associated Industries, the state's largest businessmen's association, requested that Governor Bamberger repeal a 1917 law introduced by Currie that gave unions the right to organize and picket peacefully. Bamberger immediately called for a special session of the legislature, and a group of Utah senators drafted a bill to overturn the 1917 law When the special session convened on October 4, labor unions organized effective protests against the bill. Before the bill was even introduced 2,500 workers marched to the State Capitol to rally against its passage. One thousand shopmen from the Denver 8c Rio Grande and the Oregon Short Line railroads jammed the galleries of the Capitol to capacity. Both unions had declared October 4 a holiday in order to be present

Elling, 'Th e History of Organized Labor," pp 33-35; DeseretNews, May 9 and Jun e 6, 1919 DeseretNews, September 11, 1919

for the debate. Eventually, the bill was killed in the Senate by a 10 to 9 vote. Labor was victorious.41

The defeat of the antipicketing law undermines the thesis that by the end of 1919 antiunion groups had successfully challenged organized labor and its public support. Few labor unions in Utah lost members in 1919 A number of labor organizations, such as the Amalgamated Carpenters, the United Mine Workers, the Street and Electric Railway Employees, and the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen, flourished in 1919.42

According to the traditional interpretation of the Red Scare, nationwide hysteria reached a climax between November 1919 and January 1920 with the infamous Palmer Raids. Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer organized the Justice Department sweep of foreignborn radicals An estimated 3,000 Anarchists and Communists were arrested in cities such as New York, Chicago, Detroit, Boston, Kansas City, Portland, and Denver. In his biography of Palmer, Stanley Coben wrote that once the Palmer Raids ended "the American public was ready for a reconsideration of the Red Menace" and "the popular anxiety of 1919 and early 1920 evaporated." Similarly, Murray argued that following the Palmer Raids "anti-Red hysteria subsided almost as quickly as it had developed and . . . the nation rather rapidly regained its composure." To his credit, Murray conceded: "In the west and farwest, while raids were conducted, they were not especially significant."43

When the sweeps and arrests began on January 2, 1920, thejustice Department ignored Utah entirely With the exception of a few headlines and newspaper editorials, the Palmer Raids had no impact on the state. Outside of Coben's and Murray's spotlights, Salt Lake City and its neighbors followed a dramatically different pattern from New York City, Boston, Seattle, and even Denver. It is possible to liken the Red Scare in Utah to a defective stick of dynamite. With Fourth of July speeches warning about the spread of IWW-ism, the passage of laws designed to suppress radicals, police surveillance of the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council, and a variety of other actions, conservatives attempted to light the fuse of the dynamite It never exploded.

41 Elling, "The History of Organized Labor," pp 114—15; Deseret News, October 4, 1919

42 Dee Scorup, "The History of Organized Labor in Utah," (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1935), pp 70-158

43 Murray, The Red Scare, pp 217, 239; Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer, p 236

Clearly, federal, state, and local authorities did not see a need to crack down on Utah dissenters in 1919 and 1920.

William J. Flynn, head of the U.S. Bureau of Investigation (later the FBI), visited Salt Lake City on February 27, 1920, and explained that radicals had a much weaker presence in western states than in the east. "This is due," he explained, "to the fact that the 'reds' and 'the communists' have not found their way, to any great extent, west of the Mississippi river." Yet the feebleness of radicals in Utah during the Red Scare had little to do with their inability to find their way to Utah. Rather, it had a great deal to do with a series of events that began nearly a decade before 1919.44

After World War I, Justice Department agents, state legislators, and law-enforcement officials saw no reason to devote their time and resources to the repression of dissenters in Utah. This was not because leaders in the state were more tolerant than their counterparts in New York City or Seattle Sen William King, Salt Lake City Mayor Mont Ferry, Police Chief J Parley White, and several members of the legislature were rabidly anti-Communist. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints remained neutral on the issue of the Red Scare, but the church-owned newspaper Deseret News frequently expressed antipathy toward Communists, Socialists, and Anarchists.

Nevertheless, authorities were not threatened sufficiently to take drastic action. By 1919 radicals and militant labor organizers in Utah were too few to be regarded as a menace by authorities. However, this had not always been the case. Leftists had obtained a foothold in Utah before World War I, and although their numbers were always relatively small they had some influence on local politics But the gradual repression of dissenters that began in 1910 and lasted until the war slowly eroded the leadership within the Utah left.

Before World War I the two major radical organizations in Utah were the Socialist party and the Industrial Workers of the World. The Socialist party first appeared in Utah in 1901 and reached its peak between 1905 and 1912. Historian John McCormick, who has exhaustively researched the Socialist party in early twentieth-century Utah, pointed out that at its height in 1911, thirty-three party members were elected in ten communities, including city councilmen, mayors, and city treasurers in such towns as Bingham, Fillmore, Salt Lake City, Cedar City, Eureka, and Mammoth. According to McCormick, many

44 DeseretNews, February 28, 1920

party members were so-called gas and water Socialists—progressive reformists who emphasized electoral politics and sought to work within the system. The party was especially powerful in mining areas. 45

The iWW first made its presence in Utah known at a miners' convention in Eureka in April 1910. The Western Federation of Miners, which allied itself with the IWW, organized the event The IWW, like the Socialist party, found much of its support in Utah's mining towns. Two months after the Eureka convention, the WFM attracted 2,000 miners to its annual outing at Lagoon The union boasted 2,500 members in Utah during the summer of 1912, largely as a result of a huge miners strike in Bingham Canyon. The Bingham strike of 1912 ultimately ended in failure for the miners, but the IWW played a key role in instigating smaller labor disputes, such as a smelter workers' strike in Murray in 1912 and a construction workers' strike in the central Utah town of Tucker in 1912.46

Despite the organizations' shared radicalism, the IWW and Socialist party in Utah were not always on good terms. The two organizations made their ambivalence toward one another known as early as 1910 Both groups frequently conducted outdoor street meetings in Salt Lake City and Ogden, a popular method of drawing sizable crowds. The large meetings prompted the Salt Lake City Police Department to ban Socialist party meetings during the summer of 1910 The Wobblies (or IWW members) responded to the ban by organizing "free speech" fights in which radical street-corner orators denounced efforts to curb free speech One of the soap-box speeches, delivered in Liberty Park by W. J. Kerns, was broken up by soldiers under the orders of the police. The Socialist party hastily announced that Kerns was not affiliated with their organization, and party officials emphatically stated that they had nothing to do with authorizing the meeting. The party went to great lengths on a number of other occasions to dissociate itself from the IWW Prominent Socialist party member William Knerr, who later became chairman of the State Industrial Commission, often emphasized that he had nothing to do with the union When Knerr gave a speech during the Park City strike of 1919, he criticized miners who held IWW cards and the audience replied with boos and catcalls.47

45 Joh n S McCormick, "Hornets in the Hive: Socialists in Early Twentieth-century Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 50 (1982): 226-27

46 Gibbs M. Smith, foe Hill (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969), pp. 115-19; Elling, "The History of Organized Labor," pp 29-32

47 Elling, 'Th e History of Organized Labor, pp 36-37, 42; DeseretNews, May 8, 1919

Local No. 69 of the IWW in Salt Lake City retaliated against the Socialist party's criticisms by attacking the efforts of Socialists. Wobblies often referred to those party reformists who believed that gradual change could be achieved in the ballot box as "slow-cialists." For Wobblies, the solution to the ills of society was simple: direct action through strikes, demonstrations, and sabotage They believed political action was ineffectual "Let the workers as a class fight the bosses as a class," demanded Lee Pratt, a Salt Lake City Wobbly.48

After 1912 the Socialist party began to wane in Utah. McCormick partially attributed its decline to the suppression of the party by lawenforcement officials during free-speech fights in 1910 and 1912 The party also lost much of its labor support at that time Before 1911 the Salt Lake Federation of Labor and the Utah Federation of Labor had endorsed the Socialist party on many occasions. In September 1911 the latter organization enthusiastically embraced the Socialist party and encouraged all workers to join, referring to it as "the party of the working class." However, after 1911 an increasingly conservative leadership steered the two groups away from the party As a result, most Socialist party political candidates suffered.49

The IWW faced harsher repression in Utah than did the Socialists. Arrests of IWW members in Utah before World War I were common. On June 14, 1912, police arrested and jailed five Wobblies involved in organizing the Tucker strike. A few months later, on August 12, a strikebreaker named Axel Steele and a group of hired "deputies" interrupted Wobbly leader James Morgan in the middle of a speech in downtown Salt Lake City. Steele and his strikebreakers severely beat Morgan and several audience members. When the skirmish ended, police arrested Wobbly Thomas Murphy, who had shot and injured four of his assailants, charging him with intent to commit murder. Police also arrested Morgan and fined him $1,000. Charges were never filed against Steele or his hired deputies Law-enforcement officials stepped up their efforts to repress IWW activities in Utah when they arrested twenty-one Wobblies, charging them with trespassing on an Oregon Short Line railroad car on their way to an IWW meeting in Salt Lake City. Two years later, on October 30, 1915, Maj. H. P. Myton, a city police officer, shot and killed IWW member R.J. Horton, during

w Smith, Joe Hill, p 117 49 McCormick, "Hornets in the Hive," pp . 226—27; Elling, "The History of Organized Labor," pp. 109-11.

an argument Judge L R Martineau charged Myton with voluntary manslaughter and released him on $3,500 bail.50

The now-legendary trial ofJoe Hill, the famed Wobbly songwriter and poet, accelerated the IWW's decline in Utah. Police arrested Hill on January 13, 1914, charging him with the murder of grocer J. G. Morrison and his son. The so-called "Wobbly bard" was executed on November 19, 1915.

Hill's trial is significant inasmuch as it further undermined the IWW's presence in Utah Most city, rural, and mining town newspapers viciously attacked Hill and applauded his execution. The Utah Federation of Labor angrily denounced the American Federation of Labor when its leader, Samuel Gompers, appealed to President Woodrow Wilson to intercede on Hill's behalf. Following Hill's execution, the State Bar Association disbarred Hill's attorney, O. N. Hilton, for critical comments he made during a funeral oration The Park Record in Park City vilified Hilton: "His looks alone should debar him from the practice in the courts of Utah—to say nothing of. . . the vile epithets hurled at the state officials in his funeral oration of the murderer, Hillstrom, in Chicago recently." In retaliation, Hilton devoted most of his Hill eulogy to attacking Gov. William Spry, the Utah Supreme Court, and the "humanity of Salt Lake City in this enlightened age."51

The trial and execution of Joe Hill disillusioned many IWW activists. Virginia Snow Stephen, an instructor of art at the University of Utah and daughter of former Mormon church president Lorenzo Snow, devoted much of her energy to theJoe Hill Defense Committee. After Hill's execution the university fired Stephen, disclosing that the cause for her dismissal was her involvement in the Hill case Stephen left Salt Lake City, married a former member of the IWW, and settled in California. Nationally, the IWW denounced Utah; and its songs, poems, and articles about Hill emphasized their belief that the state was a lost cause. Hill's last words to IWW leader Bill Haywood, "I don't want to be found dead in Utah," were made legendary in the Wobbly press. Ralph Chaplin, another IWW poet, declared that Hill was "murdered by authorities of the state of Utah." IWW leaders placed Hill's ashes in envelopes and sent them to locals in every state but Utah.52

50 Smith, Joe Hill, pp 115-28; Elling, "The History of Organized Labor," pp 35-43; Salt Lake Tribune, October 24, 1913

51 Smith, Joe Hill, pp 179-80, 185-86

52 Ibid., pp 90, 172, 179

The IWW's state headquarters were located in the Boyd Park Building on Main Street. USHS collections.

Ultimately, the Joe Hill trial weakened the IWW in Utah. When Governor Spry threatened to "bring to bear a force" that would stop inflammatory street speaking after Hill was executed, prominent Salt Lake attorney Harper J. Dininny advised that there was no need for such drastic measures. Dininny estimated that only thirty Wobblies remained in the city, and the sheriff could "handle them with ease."53 The final blow to the IWW occurred during World War I. When the federal government rounded up antiwar activists for violating the Espionage Act, the IWW in Salt Lake City was a prime target On September 6, 1917, federal authorities raided the IWW's Radical Bookshop downtown and its state headquarters in the Boyd Park Building. The government confiscated all IWW property in Salt Lake City, including the organization's records. Between 1917 and the end of the war authorities arrested nine IWW leaders in Utah, most for their involvement in antiwar activities. On September 28, 1918, police

Ibid., p 179

arrested Joe Roger, secretary of the local IWW and manager of the Radical Bookstore, for circulating a pamphlet calling for a general strike They also jailed Alex Zennikos for translating Roger's pamphlet into Greek Carl Larson, a Swedish member, was arrested in May 1918 and charged with "making seditious utterances" against the war. Finally, federal agents subpoenaed local IWW leader G. H. Perry to stand trial in Chicago with a hundred other Wobblies.54

So devastated was the Utah IWW in 1919 that the organization's only show of strength was the poorly organized Park City strike in May which lasted but a month and a half. The IWW also suffered at the hands of Utah's conservative labor unions, which often attacked the Wobblies. On August 24, 1918, during the height of wartime repression, unions organized an anti-IWW gathering in Bingham. Representatives from the Salt Lake Federation of Labor, the State War Labor Bureau, and the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers delivered impassioned speeches against the IWW.55

In 1919 the most visible left-wing organization in Utah, the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council, could not attract significant numbers. The council's letter-writing campaign urging Utah's labor unions to affiliate with it was, at best, unproductive. The "Soviet of Salt Lake" merely stirred paranoia in Salt Lake City's police force and the press. The council faded into obscurity after 1920.

The state's labor unions were another factor decreasing the potency of Utah's Red Scare. Internal conflicts plagued unions and depleted them of resources in 1919. Conservatives clearly had the upper hand in most unions, but they still faced contentious radical elements within. When the Utah Federation of Labor endorsed the Soviet Union at its September convention, it also rejected, by a vote of 32—18, a resolution calling for radical unionism along IWW lines Similar splits between radicals and conservatives occurred in the Salt Lake Federation of Labor. In the middle of May 1919 a powerful faction of radicals in the SLFL drafted a resolution supporting the Park City strike and calling for affiliation with the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council. Conservatives steadfastly opposed the Park City strike, and they wanted nothing to do with the council. Ultimately, conservatives triumphed on both issues SLFL president Otto Ashbridge had the last word when he announced that "no union as a

54 Deseret News, February 11, 1919; Elling, "The History of Organized Labor," pp 53-55

55 Elling,"The History of Organized Labor," pp. 32-33.

union had become affiliated with the Council in any manner." The cost for that victory was internal division in Utah's unions.56

The lack of militancy on the part of unions enabled the Utah Associated Industries, an organization whose goal was "to put an end to industrial disturbances," to implement its American Plan (or the open-shop movement) with virtually no resistance. The American Plan was the product of industrialists and businessmen following World War I Its purpose was to "combat union tyranny" by "putting an end to industrial disturbances." The open-shop movement proved to be an effective strategy in restructuring work relations by opening up unionized businesses and industries to non-union members, thereby weakening labor's grip on the workplace. In 1919 labor's only resistance to the open-shop movement occurred when Salt Lake City's cooks and waiters joined a Culinary Alliance strike in May After a year-long walkout the strikers ultimately succeeded in maintaining a closed shop. But in the years that followed, the open-shop movement had a crippling effect on Utah's railroad shopmen, building trades unions, and the typographical union.57

One final aspect of the Red Scare that must be explored is nativism. The foreign connections of so many radicals in the United States strengthened widespread suspicion that sedition was chiefly foreign-made Murray summed up the nativist tone of the Red Scare: "The belief was perpetuated that most aliens were susceptible to radical philosophies and therefore represented an element which particularly endangered the nation." According to Coben, a "fanatical 100percent Americanism . . . pervaded a large part of our society between early 1919 and mid-1920," and resulted in a "popular clamor for deportation of allegedly subversive aliens." Anti-immigrant animosity was, in most cases, directed against the large influx of immigrants sweeping into the country between 1910 and 1919. Many of those immigrants were from southern and eastern European nations— Greece, Italy, Russia, and so forth. Nativism was often rabidly antiSemitic, anti-Catholic, and chauvinistic toward people with different customs, beliefs, and ethnic origins.58

How widespread was nativism in Utah? One possible clue to this question is found in U.S. Census records. In 1919 the proportion of foreign-born people living in Utah was comparatively small. Between

56 DeseretNews, April 29, May 24, 1919; Elling,"The History of Organized Labor," pp 93-94

57 Scorup, "The History of Organized Labor," pp 28-42

58 Murray, The Red Scare, p.265; Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer, pp 196-97

1910 and 1919 Utah's population jumped from 373,351 to 449,369. However, in this ten-year span the number of foreign-born residents in the state actually dropped from roughly 63,000 or 16.9 percent in 1910, to 56,455, or about 12.6 percent in 1919. Thus, Utah had a relatively small foreign-born population during the Red Scare.59

The Palmer Raids and the deportations of alleged radicals in January 1920 were directed primarily against large pockets of southern and eastern European immigrants living in cities. At that time Utah had a much more homogeneous population than Massachusetts, New York, or Pennsylvania. More than 25 percent of Utah's foreign-born population came from Great Britain. Nearly 25 percent more were born in Sweden and Denmark In contrast, the number of Russian-born residents was about 684, or 0.15 percent, while only 240 Polish-born residents lived in the state. The number of people who immigrated to Utah from southern European countries was higher. Of the state's foreignborn residents, 3,225 were from Italy, followed closely by Greece with 3,029. In total, immigrants from southern and eastern European countries comprised about 14.5 percent of foreign-born people in Utah.60

These figures mean nothing unless placed in a demographic perspective More than twice the number of Italians lived in the mining areas of Carbon County (1,215) than in Salt Lake City (496). Only 548 Greeks lived in Salt Lake City, as opposed to nearly 900 in Carbon County. More Yugoslavians lived in Tooele, Summit, and Carbon counties than in Salt Lake County. In total, according to the U.S. Census, fewer than 25 percent of foreign-born residents in Utah from southern and eastern Europe lived in Salt Lake City.61

The figures for 1920 indicate that the immigrants—who were usually the victims of nativist, anti-alien hostility in other states—were small in number in Utah and most lived away from the lawmakers, police officers, and newspaper editors in Salt Lake City and Ogden. It is not surprising that A. Mitchell Palmer, William J. Flynn, J. Edgar Hoover, and thejustice Department ignored Utah entirely during the Palmer Raids

The state's homogeneous population was reflected within the membership of the Socialist party between 1900 and 1923. According to John McCormick's findings, 90 percent of its 1,423 members were

59 Comparing 1910 population figures see May's A People's History of Utah, p 136 For all figures from 1920 see The Fourteenth Census (1920), p.1040

6(1 The Fourteenth Census (1920), p 1040

61 Ibid

men, 90 percent were married, two-thirds were born in the United States, and 70 percent of them were native Utahns. Half of the foreign-born members were from the British Isles and the majority of the rest had been born in northern and western European countries. Nearly 42 percent were Mormons. It was not the sort of organization that inspired nativist animosity or even fear in the hearts of Utahns.62 The Red Scare manifested itself in different ways in Salt Lake City than it did in New York City, Chicago, or Cleveland. Outside of the historians' spotlight Utah followed a separate pattern and responded to events differently. The region felt the ripples of the Red Scare, but it was distant enough from the nation's centers of conflict that the ripples had little impact. Newspapers devoted more columns to local news and social events than to strikes in Seattle or revolutions in faraway lands. Nevertheless, a disturbing precedent was set in 1919. Legislators passed laws that blatantly violated civil liberties and, though seldom enforced, evoked little public outcry. With no resistance, the Salt Lake City Police Department openly spied on dissenters. Groups of businessmen systematically stripped labor unions of their power. And even though reports of anti-immigrant hostility were rare, ideas and beliefs considered threatening to the status quo were regarded as un-American. During the Palmer Raids a frustrated Deseret News editorial lamented:

Surely if we have laws by which we can rid ourselves of foreign hyenas and jackals, we must have laws to enable us to sterilize domestic snakes and vipers. . . . Their deeds are of that black type that is properly known as treason, against which, by every consideration of sense and self-protection, the government must move promptly, firmly and mercilessly.63

Was Utah representative of other areas outside of the lens of historians? How did events in Utah differ from Red Scares in other areas out of the historical focus, especially states with relatively homogeneous populations? Was the national "hysteria" that Robert K. Murray and Stanley Coben wrote about confined to a handful of cities? Were these scholars guilty of overstating or exaggerating their cases? How much wind was removed from the sails of the Red Scare by the repression of radicals in the United States between 1910 and 1918? Such questions beg for further research.

62 McCormick, "Hornets in the Hive," pp 231-32

63 Deseret News, January 5, 1920

Elizabeth Bacon Custer and the Making of a Myth. By SHIRLEY A. LECKIE (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993 xxiv + 419 pp $26.95.)

In the story of Elizabeth "Libbie" Custer and her darling "boy general" husband, the American Victorians of the latter nineteenth century stand revealed with much greater sensuality and complexity than they would have liked to admit for themselves Spouting pieties of domestic fidelity, self-restraint, and modest affection, Elizabeth and George Armstrong lived instead a passionate life in a manner reminiscent of aristocrats in the declining European empires: indulgent, willful, even tyrannical, and with practiced eroticism. This is the story Shirley A. Leckie, associate professor of history at the University of Central Florida, tells in luxurious detail She uses the occasion to develop broader themes, such as the workings of the domestic ideology whereby Elizabeth hid her ambitions, even from herself. Unfortunately, the deeper themes as well as the grand historical drama retreat somewhat under the assault of Leckie's unyielding devotion to chronological narrative In the long run, Leckie's day-planner approach may be a welcome drawback for subsequent scholars (and likely movie producers) who will find many a lead in this first comprehensive biography of the author and mythmaker who would be content to be remembered as Custer's wife.

The early chapters unfold the history of a girl who, like her later husband and like her nation, was certain she deserved to be at the center of attention. Leckie draws Elizabeth's character with details such as the confessional childhood diary entries that reveal her learning to manipulate people's sympathies when her mother died Leckie continues the story by relying not only on the voluminous records the two principals left behind (George Armstrong Custer's letters to his wife regularly expanded to forty pages) but also on everything from plays the couple attended to military history. The fulsome picture that emerges includes Elizabeth pressing dried ferns to the window pane in their military quarters to create "a bit of fairy land"; Elizabeth and George and friends romping with the couple's eighty (!) hounds; and Custer's courtmartial retold in the context of the longstanding tug-of-war of the Custers' extramarital flirtations

The final third of the book chronicles the fifty-seven years of the subject's life after the great turning point of Custer's death Another drama unfolds there, as the self-identified devoted wife discovers in lesson after reallife lesson that she has no power under the ideology she herself embraces Burdened by Custer's gambling debts,

she first seeks to improve her pension, then learns to find work herself as a secretary to the Society for the Decorative Arts in New York, and later becomes an accomplished writer and well-paid lecturer In the end, she finds her resources insufficient to create her own hoped-for legacy—a Custer Club for working women— choosing instead a more modest scholarship fund for Vassar.

Drawing upon work in women's and western history, Leckie's purposes in the book are multiple: the compensatory task of adding the forgotten sex to history; tracking the domestic paradigm down into lived ex-

perience; explicating the process of mythmaking And Leckie occasionally goes even further, asking harder questions about such tender topics such as Mrs Custer's complicity with an ideology that justified the brutal conquest of the Plains Americans But she does so only in very quiet, rare asides. One can only wonder how the book might have read if freed from the scholarly Victorianism that seeks to disguise passionate engagement with objective facts

Harold F. Silver: Western Inventor, Businessman, and Civic Leader. By LEONARD J ARRINGTON and JOH N R ALLEY, JR (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1992 x + 250 pp $24.95.)

Though probably not intended, the authors have successfully justified the honors given Harold F Silver by Brigham Young University for his contributions far beyond the financial considerations. They have shown him to have been a man of vision, honor, philanthropy and civic responsibility, as well as a self-taught inventor, engineer, and entrepreneur of considerable talent who brought honor to the Mormon church because of his public image as a church member.

While his contributions to the sugar beet and cane industries, as well as coal mining, do not elevate him to the ranks of Henry Ford, Thomas Edison, et al., Silver's intensive involvement in community and national affairs, concurrent with his industrial achievement, made him an individual worthy of a published biography to which is attached the distinguished name of the eminent Mormon historian, LeonardJ Arrington

This much said, there are a few things that might have been done in greater detail, even if at the expense of some of the more laborious technical industrial detail. Silver's philosophy of labor relations, including strong negative feelings toward labor unions, apparently enabled him to avert much labor strife during a very stressful period in labor history, the mid-1940s. That in itself was a notable achievement worthy of more substantial treatment

Almost no rationale was presented for Silver's denying his oldest, faithful son what the latter understandably had reason to hope would be his birthright, the management of the various Silver enterprises. The casting off of his younger, favored son because of the latter's vocational and marital choices also remains an enigma, seemingly out of harmony with Silver's other, more admirable traits.

DOROTHEE E KOCKS University of Utah

For a "devout" Mormon, Silver's self-determined view that he could best serve the interests of his church by his professional and societal contributions to the almost complete neglect of personal church involvement, even to the extent of turning down a call to a stake high council, is unusual. His financial contributions to the church, while apparently substantial, do not appear to have been greater than his other financial largesses.

Perhaps there was no way to get at Silver's theological views, or lack of them, and more of his spiritual values;

but to fully understand him as a Mormon, it would be helpful to know more about how he felt about tithing, the Latter-day scriptures, and such essential spiritual aspects of Mormonism as temple attendance beyond the ceremonial rite of marriage From this biography it would appear that he was at best neutral about much of the spiritual foundation of the church he unofficially represented

J KENNETH DAVIES Brigham Young University

Set in Stone, Fixed in Glass: The Great Mormon Temple and Its Photographers. By NELSON A WADSWORTH (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1992 xii + 388 pp $39.95.)

The treasures of Utah's photographic history have remained in the dusty, back room shelves of archives for too long. And Utah has more than its share of gems. Early on, due to the coincidence of improved camera technology and the Mormon migration of 1847, Utah had active resident photographers. Nelson Wadsworth's book gives Utah a place to recognize its mainstream photographic roots.

For Wadsworth, himself the most prominent collector of Utah's historic photography, this is the culmination of years of study and revision of an earlier effort. In 1975 he wrote Through Camera Eyes, a book whose text and images obviously provide a basis for this book. But many of these images come to us because of his passion for the pre-Kodak (1890) technologies and his knack for recovering antique images.

Despite the title, the book is hardly confined to such a narrow topic as the temple Instead, Wadsworth uses the temple as a framework to present the

photographers In nine chapters he reviews the lives of (at least) ten nineteenth- and early twentieth-century photographers who, at one time or another, photographed the temple during its construction. These short biographies, written with a folkloric flair, discuss how the photographers came to Utah, how they became photographers, their travels, and their photographic techniques and equipment

Likewise, the photographs go beyond the temple and show the growing settlement of Salt Lake City, notable leaders, portraits of people, the early industries of Utah (mostly mining), Native Americans, Nevada, and other places that the photographers traveled The temple's construction is well documented. Ample room is given to the numerous well-reproduced images which offer hours of perusal

At times, however, there is genuine confusion as to which photographer took certain images. This confusion is

compounded by the notable lack of credit to the holding institution of most images Wadsworth says this is a result of his early work when he did not record the source of the images. While it does not hinder the viewing, it depletes the historical merit

The book simply proffers too much information, leading to incongruities between and within chapters The overload dispels any thematic thread and clutters a basic understanding of the evolution of Utah photography In chapter 3, for example, Wadsworth deviates from the extensive works of C R Savage, the central figure in Utah's early photography, to display well known, previously published images by Jack Hillers and James Fennemore on the 1871 Powell expedition. This digression is a typical departure from the temple and local photographer outline It is especially aggravating when numerous Savage prints of exceptional quality remain unpublished

The book's historical unveiling is the autobiography ofJames H Crockwell Wadsworth, through his persistence, prompted the recovery of Crockwell's 100-page, handwritten story, bringing definition to an important landscape photographer who was little known until now. Crockwell's life and work are given in rich personal detail as he travels from Salt Lake City to the mines of Virginia City, Nevada. It is a rare, intimate view of the challenging life of a nineteenth-century photographer.

Wadsworth claims to have collected 100,000 images "covering the beginning of photography among the Mormons through the Utah photographers of the 1930s and 1940s." Hopefully we will be treated to more, though we should expect a more consistent, historically precise work.

Letters of Catharine Cottam Romney, Plural Wife. Edited byJENNIFER MOULTON HANSEN. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992 xxii + 317 pp $32.50.)

Much has been written about the first-generation Mormon pioneers, the village founders, the first turners of soil, the builders of canals and civic structures, the missionaries to the Indians—the establishers of Great Basin Mormondom Those small villages, fed by mountain streams, often did not have water for the next generation, particularly because the families, both polygamous and monogamous, produced so many offspring.

As Charles Hatch has shown in his prizewinning master's thesis at Utah State University, the second and third generation often went searching for

new land where they could tap unused water and establish yet another cordon of Mormon villages. In the north this pressure took young families to the Snake River Valley and the Teton Valley In the south those from Dixie often went across the Colorado River to the Little Colorado where they founded communities with names like Snowflake, St. Johns, Woodruff, Taylor, Holbrook, St Joseph, Sunset, Cameron, and even Tuba City. These have been marvelously described by Charles Peterson in Take Up Your Mission (1973) Miles Park Romney was one such

DREW ROSS University of Utah

second-generation opportunity seeker. Son of Miles Romney, the famed builder of the St. George Tabernacle and Temple, Miles Park Romney took his three wives and his considerable talents to the Little Colorado where he alternated as a carpenter, newspaper editor, and farmer

As well known as he was there, it is likely that his second wife, Catharine Cottam, will be remembered best because she was a letter writer One of her descendants, Jennifer Moulton Hansen, has collected Catharine's letters, edited them, and presented us with this significant volume, capturing daily life in the new colonies.

Catharine was an optimist. Or maybe she would be better called a defender If one would contrast this book with Annie Clark Tanner's reflective memoir, A Mormon Mother, Catharine's would have to be considered a positive report on polygamous family life. To her polygamy was just natural,just matter of fact

Certainly Catharine had challenges in starting anew in new Mormon colonies—on the Little Colorado and later in several Mormon villages in Mexico. She struggled with many health challenges, the death of a son, and real persecution from anti-Mormon neighbors and federal officials Yet her letters show genuine affection for her sister wives and dogged defense of her husband, who diligently devoted his time to all three wives whether they lived in one house or three (Late in the story Miles married a fourth wife who was less integrated.)

Fortunately, Catharine was given to describing domestic life Her pen portrays births, visits of Apostles Erastus Snow and George Teasdale, difficulties with mail contacts with St George, making molasses, soap, and cheese, relationships with Mexican workers, life on the underground,

quilting, knitting and sewing, clashes with non-Mormons over elections and land, medicating the ill, schooling (including night schools for adults), bartering, and above all, visiting—the favored entertainment

For present-day readers, laden with current feelings about women and monogamy, the book is sometimes perplexing. It seems surprising to some today that Catharine would reject a single man's proposal of marriage in favor of a polygamist's. Are her letters selectively positive because she is trying to make her husband look good to her parents who were critical of the union? We get a hint early in the book that Park had some difficulties with alcohol, yet we find no mention of it later as he steadily moved into prominence

The book allows the reader to become his or her own historian Careful readers will find important insights tucked among the daily details, much as Laurel Thatcher Ulrich has taught us to look for in her Pulitzer Prizewinning research on women's daily work in New England. Certainly the saga of struggle and faith is vital in these pages. The setbacks are finally overcome as the families achieve comfort, only to be undone by the Mexican Revolution.

This story of three generations (Catharine's parents, her peers, and her children) concludes as we get an insight into her offspring and that of her neighbors who produced some of Mormondom's most distinguished people named Romney and Eyring. The vast circle of descendants and devotees of these communities will cherish the book, but those interested in social history will also find it genuinely important

DOUGIAS D ALDER Dixie College

Living in the Depot: The Two-story Railroad Station. By H ROGER GRANT (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1993 xiv + 131 pp $32.95.)

As the railroads expanded throughout North America during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries they needed depots for freight and passenger service and personnel to operate the depots at key locations along their routes. In what became the industry's version of company housing, many of the railroads constructed depots that combined both freight and passenger facilities with living quarters for the railroad agents and typically their families. The most common of these depots was a twostory arrangement with public facilities on the main floor and living facilities on the upper floor. In Living in the Depot, H. Roger Grant examines both the historical development and the social and cultural aspects of these livein depots that for a period of time could be found virtually everywhere throughout the settled areas of North America

Living in the Depot provides a brief but well-researched description of how several railroads approached the livein depot. The descriptions range from the early railroads that were constructed in the already populated Northeast to the westward expansion where the railroads usually pushed ahead of civilization and permanent settlements sprang up in their wake. The book also explores the effects of economics on the design and construction of two-story depots The more prosperous railroads, usually in the Northeast and Canada, built hundreds of architecturally well designed two-story depots from numerous standardized plans In the South, however, and particularly following the devastation of the Civil War, the typically shaky railroad companies built few

live-in depots and frequently relied instead on a local general store proprietor or perhaps a resident to represent their interests for a modest compensation

Living in the Depot also looks at how agents and their families typically struggled to cope with the intrusion of the railroad operation into their daily lives For most agents' families, life in the two-story depot was one of extremes; living on the edge of civilization, and sometimes away from the permanent settlements, meant isolation and loneliness that was only punctuated on a regular schedule by the hustle and bustle that accompanied the noisy arrival and departure of the trains. Day-to-day life in the depot could be fraught with danger for the agent's family, particularly the children, but could also provide opportunities for adventure, excitement, and even status that most of the "regular" citizens in the community could only dream of

The text of Living in the Depot is well illustrated with photographs, but the real bonus for readers is the collection of historic photographs with informative captions that make up the last half of the volume The photographs richly illustrate the diversity of size and architectural styles employed in the twostory depots and also provide a window through which to glimpse the golden age of railroading and the lives of the railroad agents and their families that were so much a part of this chapter of industrial and architectural history in North America

DO N HARTLEY Utah State Historical Society

Book Notices

John Colter: His Years in the Rockies. By BURTON HARRIS (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993 xxxvi + 180 pp. Paper, $8.95.)

This edition of the biography of the legendary explorer John Colter, first published in 1952, contains a fourteen-page addendum by the author (1977) and a new introduction by David

Lavender

Bisbee: Urban Outpost on the Frontier. Edited by CARLOS A SCHWANTES (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1992. xv + 145 pp. Cloth, $40.00; paper, $19.95.)

This large format book, printed on heavy coated stock, contains more than a hundred photographs that document the boom years of 1880-1920 in Bisbee This town near the Mexican border was then in its heyday as a great mining camp where copper was king.

The photographs provide more than an aesthetic complement to the book; they clearly show the evolution of one of the West's premier mining towns. When the boom years ended Bisbee did not, like so many similar places, become a ghost town or like Bingham, Utah, disappear entirely; rather, it remains a lived-in town that is also a living museum offering one

of the best preserved built environments of any mining town.

Six essays trace Bisbee's history using the themes of urban development, industrial history, social life, railroads, mine speculation, and labor problems—including the infamous 1917 deportation of 1,186 strikers/ Wobblies and their sympathizers in twenty-three cattle cars

Black San Francisco: The Struggle for Racial Equality in the West, 1900-1954. By ALBERT S. BROUSSARD (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1993 xii + 323 pp $35.00.)

By 1867black San Franciscans had access to public transportation and in 1869 were granted the right to vote by the state of California In 1875 they fought for desegregated schools and won. Yet in 1957 Willie Mays was initially denied the opportunity to purchase a home in an exclusive San Francisco neighborhood because he was black.

In exploring these apparent contradictions Professor Broussard shows that while whites were outwardly civil to blacks in the city by the Golden Gate, they nevertheless denied them employment opportunities and political power As a result, blacks made little progress in employment, housing,

and politics despite the absence of segregation laws Like their counterparts in the Midwest and East, they also had to struggle to achieve equality When World War II brought thousands of southern blacks to the Bay Area to work in war industries, they formed coalitions with native black residents and white liberals to attack racial inequality with both vigor and success.

This in-depth study also provides extensive biographical material on local black leaders.

the history of Silver Reef really begins in the nearby early settlements of Harrisburg and Leeds. They take the reader from that start through Silver Reefs short but colorful existence to its virtual disappearance and on to the late twentieth century revival of both Silver Reef and Harrisburg with the building of many homes and recreational facilities. This fascinating story is documented with many photographs

Silver, Sinners, and Saints: A History of Old Silver Reef Utah. By PAUL DEAN

PROCTOR and MORRIS A. SHIRTS. (Sandy, Ut.: Paulmar, Inc., 1991. v + 224 pp Hard cover, $19.95; paper, $17.95.)

The discovery of silver in southwestern Utah in the early 1870s ignited a land rush Struggling settlers in St George, Toquerville, and other Washington County towns, as well as prospectors from Pioche, Nevada, and promoters from Salt Lake City quickly built the new town of Silver Reef, which soon had almost 1,500 residents

As the authors rightly point out,

Singing an Indian Song: A Biography of DArcy McNickle. By DOROTHY R PARKER (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992. x + 316 pp. $35.00.)

Historian, novelist, anthropologist, teacher, Bureau of Indian Affairs official, and a founding member of the National Congress of American Indians, D'Arcy McNickle (1904-77) was one of the foremost Native American intellectuals of his time

Professor Parker has used a wide variety of previously untapped sources to craft a biography that traces McNickle's life from the reservation through a career of major significance to Native American political and cultural affairs

INDEX

Italic numbers refer to illustrations

Adelt, "Gallopin"' Gay, football player, 4, 16,20

Adelt, Horst I "Huck," football player, 11, 12, 15, 18, 20

Albert, Frank, football player, 13-14

Allen, Robert A., and Abner Blackburn narrative, 26—35

Allen, William, architect, 258

Alta Club, and women, 228

Ambassador Athletic Club, 17

American Eagle (Murray): and juvenile delinquency, 351; and lead poisoning, 353-54

American Legion, antiradicalism of, 367

American Smelting and Refining Co., Murray plant of, 345, 346, 348, 353

Anchorage, housing project, 55

Anderson, Dale, and child care, 56

Andrews, A. B., PPTC employee, 87-88

Andros, Plato, football player, 13

Angell, Truma n O., architect, SL Temple, 137

Angell, Truma n O., Jr., architect, 263

Architecture of county courthouses in Utah, 258-68

Arsenal Hill, housing project, 55

Ashbridge, Otto, SLFL president, 377-78

Badger, Marjorie, 43

Ballard, Henry, Cache resident, 326

Ballenger, Leb, and Smith Wells, 189

Bamberger, Simon, governor and entrepreneur, 76, 233, 244, 359, 370

Bank of California, political machine of, 166

Bate, Elsa Ann Brown, head of child development at USAC, 42, 44

Beaver County Courthouse, 259—60, 261

Beck's Ho t Springs, 76

Bennett, Bertha, radical speaker, 368

Benson, Ezra Taft, and E L Wilkinson, 323

Bergertown, Utah, and smelter smoke, 355

Bernhard, Joh n T., Wilkinson's campaign manager, 310

Bernhisel, Joh n M., delegate to Congress, 118-23, 120

Best, Norma, stenographer, 365

Billings, Judith, judge , 227, 229

Billings, Lenore, and child care, 57

Birchell, Tommy, cowboy, 193

Black, Jeremiah S., Buchanan's attorney general, 117, 119, 134

Blackburn, Abner Levi, history of personal narrative of, 22-39, 22

Blackburn,Jesse O. (son), 31-32

Blackburn, Lucinda (wife), 22, 23

Bodenheimer, Brigitte, and juvenile court, 271, 277, 278

Bohn, Theodore, and child care, 57

Bolton, Herbert, historian, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 23

Bonneville Park Nursery, 46, 55

Bosone, Reva Beck, attorney, judge, and congresswoman, 220-21,227, 243-44, 247

Bountiful Co-op, 72

Bountiful Opera House, 77

Bountiful, Utah: debate club in, 71-73; entertainment in, 67; history of Hales family in, 63-78; polygamy raids in, 66-67; post office in, 64-65, 70-71, 73

Bowler, Blanche Holt, and PPTC, 83-85, 93

Bowler, James Samuel Page, and PPTC, 80-85, 81, 88-89, 92

Bowler, Joh n H., and PPTC, 81, 81-85, 87-91,93,9 4

Bowler, Milton A., and PPTC, 91

Box Elder County Courthouse, 260, 262

Boyd Park Building, IWW headquarters in, 376, 376

Bracken, Lawrence, PPTC business manager, 84-86

Bracken, Marcellus E., and PPTC, 81-85

Bradley, L R., Elko cattleman and Nevada governor, 166—67

Bradwell, Myra, Illinois lawyer, 212-13, 217, 232

Brame, Herbert, founder of Pony Express Courier, 26

Branca,Tee, and SL Seagulls, 15

Bridge, Utah See Myton, Utah

Brigham Young University: College of Law at, 223-24; and E. L. Wilkinson, 305-11,315,320-21

Brothers, Harrison, attorney, 221

Brown, Arthur J., U.S senator, 174

Brown, Hugh B., and Wilkinson race, 307

Brown, John, 234

Buchanan, James, and Utah War, 112—14, 117-23, 123, 127-28, 131-34

Buffington, LaWanna, and child care, 57

Bunker, James L., and PPTC, 90, 92

Bunkerville, Nevada, telephone service in, 86,92

Burleson, Albert S., postmaster general, bomb mailed to, 366

Burley, D.E., UP station agent, 145

Cache County Courthouse, 263

Cache Valley: effect of railroad and Episcopal church on, 326, 332, 334-35; federal survey of, 332; grasshoppers in, 333; life of Aaron DeWitt in, 325-38; politics in, 327, 334, 336-37; rustling in, 329

Cahoon, Richard C , attorney, 207

Caine, Joh n T., delegate to Congress, 172, 240

Call, Chester, LDS bishop, 67

Camp, Charles L., historian, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 23-24, 26-27

Camp Floyd, 114

Camp Scott, Johnston's Army at, 114, 126, 128-29, 131-32

Campbell, Jenny, elementary ed supervisor, 53

Canfield, Lyman, and PPTC, 90-91

Cannon, Frank J., editor and politician, 158, 174

Cannon, George Q., 145-46, 174

Cardon, J. E., Red Flag Bill sponsor, 360

Carlisle, Verna S., head teacher at USAC nursery school, 43, 44

Carnegie, Andrew, visit of, to SL Temple, 138

Carlson, Frank, Wilkinson endorsed by, 314

Cedar City, nursery school in, 45 Central, Utah, telephone service in, 80, 91-93

Chadburn, Dinah (wife), 82, 85

Chadburn, Robert, and PPTC, 82-85

Chamberlain, Garth, football player, 16

Chaplin, Ralph, IWW editor and poet, 362, 375

Chapman, Phyllis, and day care during WWII, 53

Cherry, James W., Utah Supreme Court justice, 245

Child care, development of, in Utah, 40-62, 46, 48, 49, 51, 54, 59

Child, Florence, 43

Children's Aid Society, 45

Children's Service Society, 45

Chipman, Dee, football player, 5

Christensen, Frank L., SL Seagulls president, 5, 17, 17

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: in Cache Valley, 325-38; SL Temple of, 136—49 See also Mormons and topicsand persons associated with Mormonism

Clark, Harry, 189

Clark, Rulon W., juvenile court judge, 269-72, 271

Cliff Station See Smith Wells

Cloninger, Ralph, actor, 193

Clyde, George D., 271

Coke, Bruce, and juvenile court, 272 Collins, James W., Rotary Club president, 367

Colton, Don B., and Smith Wells, 193

Conard, Jane, attorney, 227

Connell, Margaret Beall, attorney, 219, 219-20

Coon Chicken Inn, SLC restaurant,l7

Cook, L. Loraine, welfare commissioner, 269

Coop, June, and child care, 57

Coray, Martha Jane Knowlton, diary of, 217

Corby, Blanche Blackburn, and Abner

Blackburn narrative, 24, 26—27

Cordon, Barbara, and child care, 57

Cotter, Olive, 43

Couzins, Phoebe W., attorney, 217-18

Cram brothers, legal case involving, in Kane County, 280-83

Crockett, , Logan LDS leader, 330-31

Crosby, Joh n K. Jr., and Bountiful brickyard, 71

Crosby, Joh n Knowles, father of Jan e Hales, 64

Crosby, Mary Jan e Johnson, mother of Jan e Hales, 64

Cumming, Alfred, and Utah War, 112-14, 117, 120, 123-35

Cumming, Elizabeth (wife), 130

Currie, Robert, and antiradical legislation, 360-61, 370

Daggett, Rollin M., Nevada congressman, 166

Dart, Burt L., juvenile court judge, 269 Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Tooele, 266

Davidson, Robert, LDS bishop in Logan, 338

Davis County, day care in, 53, 55

Davis County Courthouse, 258, 259

Dean, Joseph Henry, and SL Temple tour, 146

DeFerrari, Carlo, friend of H Hamlin, 33 Democratic party, and 1964 election, 316-24

Dennis, Wallace Hyrum, and Smith Wells, 190

Derks Field, football at, 12, 18

Dern, George, 247

Deseret News: and C W Hemenway, 158; and 1964 election, 308, 322; and Red Scare of 1919, 369, 372, 380; rivalry of, with Salt Lake Tribune, 168-69; and SL Seagulls, 8, 19

DeVoto, Bernard, and C C Goodwin, 179-81

DeWitt, Aaron: bakery of, 326, 330-31, 333-34; as Episcopalian, 335; as Mormo n immigrant in Cache Valley, 325-34, 328; poetry of, 325-38; and politics, 327, 334, 336-37; and Thomas Ricks's trial, 326, 329, 335

DeWitt, Sarah Jenkins (wife), 326

Diblee, A R., Elks club president, 367

Dininny, Harper J., attorney, 376 Dirksen, Everett M., Wilkinson endorsed by, 314

Dixie College, and nursery school, 45 Dixon, Henry Aldous, Weber State president, 61 Dixon Publishing Co., 158

Draper, Delbert M., attorney, 247-48

Drummond , W. W., territorial judge , 119

Drury, Wells, and C C Goodvdn, 179 Duerden, Richard, Bountiful resident, 72

Durham, Christine M., Utah Supreme Court justice, 208, 224, 227-28, 232

Eccles, Mrs George S., and child care, 57 Eden Park, Bountiful resort, 73

Edmonds, Clyde, C , welfare commissioner, 269

Eisenhower, Dwight D., Wilkinson endorsed by, 314 Elks Club, antiradicalism of, 367

Ellett, Albert Hayden, Utah Supreme Court justice, reminiscence about, 249, 249-57

Ellett, Ann (daughter), 250-51

Ellett, Florence Rowe (wife), 250-51

Ellett, Isaac William (father), 250

Ellett, Jeann e (daughter), 250

Ellett, Kenneth (son), 250

Ellett, Martha Catherine Green (mother), 250

Ellett, Miriam Parker (second wife), 251

Ellett, Walter (son), 250

Elliott, William, visit of, to SL Temple, 138 Embassy Club, Newhouse Hotel, 17

Empty Sleeve, sheepherder, 193

Enterprise, Utah, telephone service in, 83, 87,91,9 3

Ephraim, Utah, nursery school in, 45 Evans, David, attorney and constitutional convention delegate, 237-38, 240, 242

Evans, Jacob, attorney, 242

Evans, Roy, football player, 16

Fairmont Park, football practice at, 12

Falkenstein, AnthonyJ. "Hawk," football player, 16

Family life, case study of, in Murray, Utah, 339-56

Faust,James E., attorney, 271

Felstead, Ezra, and child care, 57

Ferrebee, John E., Murray doctor, 352

Ferry, W Mont, SLC mayor, 362, 372

Field, Stephen J., U.S Supreme Courtjustice, 171

Fisher, Ray, 36

Flaming Gorge Dam, dedication of, 320

Floyd,John B., Buchanan's secretary of war, 117

Flynn, WilliamJ., Bureau of Investigation head, 372

Folland, William, Utah Supreme Court justice, 247

Forney,Jacob, superintendent of Indian affairs, 130

Fort Duchesne, Utah, 183, 186, 195

Freighting in Uinta Basin, 182-97

Frick,Joseph E., Utah Supreme Courtjustice, 244, 245

Frye, Clifford L., and WPA, 52

Gallagher, Con, Murray dance hall owner, 351-52

Gallagher, Paul, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 38

Gamma Grass Canyon, Uinta Basin, 185, 187

Gardiner, Hamilton, state commander, American Legion, 367-68

Garff, Regnal W.,juvenile courtjudge, 269-79, 273

Gate Canyon, Uinta Basin, 183, 185

Gates, Emma Lucy, singer, 193

Geddes, Gordon, Weber instructor, 63

Gibson, Walter Murray, 153

Gideon, Valentine, Utah Supreme Court justice, 244, 245, 247-48

Gilsonite, shipping of, 186, 195

Goates, Ray K., and child care, 57

Godbe, William S., 168, 333

Goldwater, Barry, presidential candidacy of, 312, 314, 321

Goodell, Lavinia, attorney, 213

Goodwin, Alice E (daughter), 178

Goodwin, Alice Maynard (wife), 166, 178

Goodwin, Charles C, journalist, career of, and relations of, with Mormons, 164-81, 164, 175, 180

Goodwin, James T. (son), 178

Goodwin's Weekly, 177—78

Graham,John C, Provo editor, 159—62

Grant, Ulysses S., and Belva Lockwood, 211

Great Depression, child care programs during, 42—52

Greeks, as smelter workers in Murray, 345-46, 347

Greenwell, DarrellJ., and WPA, 52

Greenwood, Pamela R T.,judge, 228, 229 Gundersen, Lamont B.,welfare commissioner, 269

Gunlock, Utah, telephone service in, 79, 80,83,91,93,94

H

Hales, Evelyn Lydia Carter (mother), 64

Hales Gardens, Bountiful, 70

Hales Hall, Bountiful, Utah, entertainment center, 64-65, 67-72,68, 74, 76-77

Hales, Irvin Orlando (son), 65

Hales,Jane Alice Crosby (wife), 64-70, 69, 74,77-78

Hales,John Knowles (son), 65, 71,74

Hales, Loandajanette (daughter), 66, 69

Hales, Lydia Eveline (daughter), 66, 69

Hales, MaryJane (daughter), 65, 73

Hales, Stephen, artist and photographer, economic history of family of, in Bountiful, Utah, 63-78, 63, 75

Hales, Stephen (father), stone carver, 64, 65

Hales, Stephen Anthony (son), 65, 71, 73, 76,77

Hales, Walter (son), 66

Hamilton, A. M., Salt Lake Tribune owner, 171

Hamilton,Jim, and Smith Wells, 189-91, 196

Hamilton, Mrs Jim, 191

Hamilton, Stephen, 197

Hamilton, Maureen, California official, 38

Hamlin, Herbert Samuel: and Abner

Blackburn narrative, 24—39;biographical data on, 25, 25-26

Hamlin, Lily Lee (wife), 25-26

Hancock, Vie, and PPTC, 87-88, 93

Hanson, RexJ., andjuvenile court, 276-77

Hardy, Alma, Bountiful, Utah, artist, 74

Hargis, Billy James, evangelist, 37

Harrison, E. L. T., and Salt Lake Tribune, 168

Hatch, H. E., Cache County treasurer, 337

Haywood, William D., IWW leader, 361, 365, 375

Hazen, Winifred, parent education director, 53, 61, 62

Heath, Perry S., Salt Lake Tribune owner, 176

Helper, Utah, nursery school in, 45, 49

Hemenway, Charles Willard, journalist, career of, and relations of, with Mormons, 150-63, 150, 152, 157

Hemenway, Ireta Dixon (wife), 154, 157, 158

Hendricks, Nellie U., and child care, 57

Hendrickson, Victor, polygamist, 247

Hermansen, Merrill L., juvenile court judge, 269, 273

Hess, O'Dean, football player, 12, 13, 17

Hill Field (Hill AFB), child care at, 53

Hill, Joe, trial and execution of, 375—76

Hilton, O N., Joe Hill's attorney, 375

Hodgson 8c McClenahan, architects, 268

Holbrook, Ward C , welfare commissioner, 269, 275

Holley, Louis E., SLC auditor, 7

Holmes, Oliver W., Jr., U.S Supreme Court justice, bomb mailed to, 366

Holt, Alice, wife of Henry, 82

Holt, Frank O., and PPTC, 90, 92,

Holt, George O., and PPTC, 91

Holt, Henry Davis, and PPTC, 80-85, 81, 93,94

Holt, Laverne, daughter of Henry, 84

Holt, Ruby, daughter of Henry, 84

Holt, Vilate, daughter of Henry, 84

Hoopiiaina, Cliff, football player, 12, 21

Hopkins, W. Karl, and child care, 57

Horton, R J., IWW member, killing of, 374-75

Hunt, Royal, and PPTC, 93

Hunter, Charlene Tedesco, and football controversy, 9

Huntsman, A. L., and PPTC, 84-85

Hurd, J H., attorney, 242

Hurst, Aida, Weber State home economist, 61

Hyatt, G Delos, and PPTC, 90, 91

Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and Red Scare in Utah, 361-62, 365, 367, 370-77, 376

Irvine, Alonzo B., attorney, 242

Jackson, Norman H., judge, 207

Jaddie, Jesse, stepfather of S R Thurman, 234

Jenkins, Merrill, state senator, 277

Johnson, Lady Bird, 320

Johnson, Lyndon B., visits of, with D O McKay, 319-20, 323

Johnston, Albert Sidney, and Utah War, 114, 117, 126, 128, 128-30, 132

Jones, Everett O., Murray doctor, 352

Jones, Jerry, and SL Seagulls, 15

Jose, Richard, ballad singer, 32—33

Jose, Therese Shreve, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 32-33, 37

Journalism and journalists, 150—81

Juab County Courthouse, Eureka, 263

Judd, Joh n W., U.S district attorney, 241

Judd, Samuel, attorney, and PPTC, 85

Judd, Thomas, St George mayor, 89

Judge Building, bomb scare in, 357, 357, 363-65

Judge, Janice, 42

Judge, Thomas, engineer, 42

Juvenile delinquency, 348—52 K

Kane County Courthouse, judges reminiscences of, 280-83, 280

Kane, Elisha (son), 116

Kane, Elisha Kent (brother), 114, 119, 133

Kane, Elizabeth Dennistoun Wood (wife), 116, 120-21, 125, 132-33, 135, 208-9

Kane, Harriet (daughter), 116

Kane,Jane Duval Leiper (mother), 115

Kane, Joh n Kintzing (father), 115, 119, 124, 131

Kane, Robert Patterson (brother), 122, 125,132-33

Kane, Thomas Leiper: background and philanthropic interests of, 115-16; as mediator during Utah War, 112-35; and Mormon exodus, 114—16

Katsanevas, Andy, football player, 12, 13

Kearns, Thomas, Salt Lake Tribune owner, 176, 177

Kelly, Charles, historian, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 23, 27, 35

Kendall, Charles, Nevada congressman, 166

Kennedy, O A., Socialist party secretary, 368

Keply, Ada, Illinois attorney, 212

Kerns, W. J., radical speaker, 373

Kimball, Nathan, federal grand jury foreman, 155—56

Kimball, William H , and T L Kane, 129, 135

King, William H., attorney and U.S senator, 237, 244, 365, 368, 372

Kipp, Carmen E., attorney, 207

Kiwanis Club, antiradicalism of, 367

Klawans, J. Rufus, football league president, 5, 6

Kletting, Richard K A., architect, 261

Knerr, William, Socialist and Industrial Commission chair, 373

Kramer, Sid, football player, 11

Labor, and Red Scare of 1919, 357-80

Lagoon, Farmington, Utah, resort, 76

Landis, Kenesaw Mountain, federal judge, 365,366

Lanham Act, nursery and day care programs under, 41—60

Lannan, Patrick, publisher, 171, 176

Larson, Carl, IWW member, 377

Larson, Joh n Farr, attorney, and juvenile court, 269-78, 273

Las Vegas Temple (LDS), 149

Law: and juvenile court, 269-79; and Utah Supreme Court justices, 233—57; women in, 208-32

Leavitt, Herbert, and PPTC, 87, 93

Lee, Miss , attorney, 219

Lee, Gordon, football player, 12, 14, 21

Lee, James B., attorney, 207

Lee, J. Bracken, U.S. senate races of, 308, 316

Lee, Orlando, attorney, 219

Lee, W. O., Samoan relics of, 76

Lehner, Joseph, Hill AFB health services director, 61

Lehner, Melba Judge: biographical data

on, 40, 41—42, 43; work of, in developing child care programs, 40—62

Lewis, Eleanor, judge, 227

Libby, Fred, postal carrier, 363

Liberal party, 171-73, 237-39, 241, 327, 337

Littlefair, Jack, football player, 12

Lloyd, Sherman P., Utah congressman, and E. L. Wilkinson, 306, 308, 311, 311-16

Lockley, Fred, Salt Lake Tribune owner, 171, 173

Lockwood, Belva Ann, attorney, 210-11 Logan Cooperative Mercantile Institution, 333

Logan, Utah, 338; meeting hall built in, 330. See also DeWitt, Aaron Louis, Robert, California official, 37-38

M

McCracken, Sarah, and child care, 57 McCulloch, Ben, peace commissioner, 132-33

McDonough, Paul, football player, 12, 14, 17

McDonough, Roger I., Utah Supreme Court justice, 252

McKay, David O.: and city parks controversy, 7-9; and E L Wilkinson, 305-8, 310, 321; visit of LBJ with, 319-20, 323

McKean, James, Utah Supreme Court justice, 217-18

McNeil, , Logan LDS leader, 331-32

Maish, Marcia, and child care, 57

Mansfield, Arabella, Iowa attorney, 212 Manti, Utah, nursery school in, 45 Marquardt, Jane A., attorney, 207 Martha Society Nursery School, Ogden, 45, 51

Martin, Mrs. Ira, and child care, 57

Martineau, Reed L., and juvenile court, 272

Martineau, L R., judge, 375

Marx, Karl, social/economic theories of, 340, 343, 355

Matheson, Joh n B., SLC streets commissioner, 7

Mauss, Laurie, football player, 12 Maw, Herbert B., 5

Maycock, Ellen M., attorney, 207

Mays, James H., congressman, 244

Melba Lehner Children's School, Weber State, 63

Merrill, Dorothy S., attorney, 221

Mesquite/Bunkerville Telephon e Co., purchase of, by PPTC, 87

Mesquite, Nevada, telephone service in, 86, 88, 91, 92, 94

Miller, William P., educator, 58

Mills, Martha, and child care, 56

Moab, Utah, nursery school in, 45

Moapa, Nevada, telephone service in, 86, 56,88

Moffat, Richard H., and juvenile court, 271,276

Monheim, Henry, architect, 265

Mooney,John, sports writer, 14, 15, 17

Morgan, Dale L., historian, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 23, 27-36, 30, 39

Morgan, John , IWW leader, 374

Morgan, J P., bom b mailed to, 366

Mormo n Battalion, 116, 124

Mormons: and SL Temple, 136—49; and Utah War, 112-35. See also Blackburn, Abner Levi; DeWitt, Aaron; Goodwin, Charles C; Hemenway, Charles Willard

Morris, Durham, juvenile court judge, 269

Morris, Fred, and Red Flag Bill, 360-61

Morrison, Frederick, and Abner Blackbur n narrative, 32

Moss, Frank E., U.S senator, and 1964 election, 316-22

Mountain Meadows Massacre, 328-29

Mountain States Telephon e Co., and PPTC, 94

Moun t Pleasant, Utah, nursery school in, 45

Mumford, Bessie, Weber State instructor, 61

Murphy, Thomas, IWW member, 374

Murray, Utah: agriculture in, 347; boarding houses in, 344—46; case study of families in, 339—56; census records of, 343, 355; city hall in, 339, ethnic groups in, 344; health care and mortality in, 352-55; and juvenile delinquency, 348—52; occupations in 346-48; polygamy in, 343; and smelters, 344, 346-47, 352-53

Musser, Elise, 43

Myton, H. P., 188, 374-75

Myton, Utah, 187, 189, 189

Nauvoo Legion, and Utah War, 117, 129

Nebeker, Frank K., attorney, bom b mailed to, 363-68

Nebeker, Stephen B., attorney, 207

Neighborhoo d House, SLC, child care at, 45

Nelson, Joseph, architect, 267

Nestman, Lou, SLC employee, 6, 9

Nevada, journalism and politics in, 165-67

Nevada State Highway Dept., and Abner Blackburn narrative, 26, 27, 29

Newcastle, Utah, telephone service in, 83, 91

Nicholayson, Mack, and WPA, 43, 52

Nine Mile Canyon, wagon road in, 183-87, 190, 194-96

Northern Pacific Railroad, and tourism, 143-44

Norton, W W., smelter official, 348

Nygaard, Henry, and juvenile court, 272

O'Connor, Sandra Day, U.S Supreme Court justice, 232

Odekirk, Hannah , 189

Odekirk, Isaac W. "Ike," and Smith Wells, 188, 189

Odekirk, Preston, 189

Ogden Daily Herald: and C. W. Hemenway, 160-61; an d F.J. Cannon, 158; libel suit involving, 154—58

Ogden Examiner, and Red Scare of 1919, 367, 369

Ogden, Utah: nursery schools in, 45, 49, 53, 54, 55-57; radical activities in, 368-69, 373

Olderoyd, Viva, and child care, 57

Ouray, Utah, Indian agency at, 186

Pacific Coast Football League, and SL Seagulls, 5, 18, 20

Paden, Irene, historian, and Abner Blackbur n narrative, 23, 35

Palmer, A. Mitchell, U.S. attorney general, and radicals, 366, 371

Pariette Mine, 195

Park City, Utah, 1919 miners' strike in, 369-70, 373, 377

Parker, Joh n Henry "Gatling Gun," general, 31

Parowan, Utah, nursery school in, 45

Parrott, Therese, Nevadan, 32

Parrott, Tiburcio, Nevadan, 32

Paxman, Monroe, juvenile court judge , 269, 273

People's party, 237-41, 327, 337

People's Progressive Telephon e Co. (PPTC), history of, in Utah and Nevada, 79-94, 82

Peery, G. H , IWW leader, 377

Peterson, LaVerna, and child care, 57 Pine Valley, Utah, 90; telephone service in, 83, 90, 92, 93

Pioneer Nursery School, 49, 53, 54, 57

Piute County Courthouse, 259-60, 264

Plichta, Stan, football player, 15—16

Polk, James K., and T L Kane, 124

Polygamy, and S R Thurman , 238-41

Pony Express/Pony Express Courier, Herbert Hamlin publisher of, 26, 31, 33-36, 39

Porter, Ester W., and child care, 56

Pound, Roscoe, Harvard dean, 272

Powell, Lazarus K., peace commissioner, 132-33

Powers, Orlando W., and C. W. Hemenway, 156

Pratt, Lee, IWW member, 374

Prescott, George F., Salt Lake Tribune owner, 171

Preston, William B., LDS bishop in Logan, 330

Price, Utah, nursery school in, 45

Provo American, and C. W. Hemenway, 158

Provo Enquirer, and C. W. Hemenway, 154, 159-63

Provo, Utah: journalism and politics in, 158—63; nursery school in, 45

Public Welfare Commission, and juvenile court, 269-77

Public Works Administration, 264, 268

Pulsipher, Lewis, and PPTC, 93

Purcell, Richard, Hales Hall bought by, 77

Putnam, William, and Bountiful, Utah, brickyard, 71

Quincy School, Ogden, day care at, 53, 55

Rampton, Calvin L., and A H Ellett, 252

Rampton, Charles H., Bountiful, Utah, postmaster, 73

Rawcher, August, Murray, Utah, doctor, 352

Rawlins, Joseph L., attorney, 241-41, 242

Ream, Mary, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 26-33

Red Scare of 1919, effects of, in Utah, 357-80

Republican party, and 1964 election, 304-24

Richards, Samuel W., and T. L. Kane, 119-20

Richardson, R. E., radical speaker, 368 Richins, Aldo, football player, 11, 17 Richins, Helen (wife), 17

Ricks, Thomas E., controversy over rustler killed by, 327, 329, 335

Rio Virgin Telephone Co., 93

Roberts, B. H , and woman suffrage, 243

Roberts, Virginia, and juvenile court, 272

Rockefeller, Joh n D., bom b mailed to, 366 Roger, Joe, IWW secretary, 377

Romney, Clark, football player/coach, 12

Romney, George, E. L. Wilkinson endorsed by, 314

Rosenblatt, Joseph P., businessman, and 1964 Senate race, 309-10

Rosoborough, Joseph B., anti-Mormon, 171 Rydalch, W E., attorney, 242

St George, Utah: nursery school in, 45; telephone service in, 80, 83, 85, 88-89, 92,9 3

St. John' s Episcopal Church, Logan, 326, 334

St. Louis Mine, 186, 195

St. Peter's Basilica, Rome, 137 Sahara Village, housing project, 55 Saltair, resort, 76-77

Salt Lake City: history of pro football in, 4-21 ; and Red Scare of 1919, 357-80

Salt Lake City Football Corp., 6

Salt Lake City Parks Department, and football controversy, 6—9

Salt Lake City Police Dept.: antiradical activities of, 362-63, 368, 373, 380; corruption in, 252

Salt Lake City v Piepenburg, pornography case, 256

Salt Lake County Courthouse, 259—60, 265

Salt Lake Federation of Labor, and radicalism, 360-61, 374, 377

Salt Lake Herald, and Red Scare of 1919, 367

Salt Lake Rotary Club, antiradicalism of, 367

Salt Lake Seagulls, professional football team, history of, 4—21

Salt Lake Telegram, and C C Goodwin, 177

Salt Lake Temple, completion, tours, and dedication of, 136-49, 136, 139, 142, 143, 145,146, 149

Salt Lake Tribune, 173; and C C Goodwin, 164-81; and C W Hemenway, 156; and day care, 41; and 1964 Senate race, 308, 315, 321; and Red Scare of 1919, 364, 367, 369

Saltonstall, Leverett, Wilkinson endorsed by, 314

San Bernardino, Calif, anti-Mormons and apostates in, 126

Sanpete County Courthouse, 260, 264

Savage, L L., husband of Alice E Goodwin, 178

Scott, George M., and C C Goodwin, 171-72

Sharon, William, U.S. senator, 166

Shepperson, Wilbur S., and C. C. Goodwin, 179

Sheridan, William, HEW official, 272

Silcox, Ray, football player, 13

Simmons, George, and child care, 57

Skeen, Elisha David, controversy over killing of, 327, 329, 335

Skidmore, Charles H , school superintendent, 47

Skidmore, Ruth, child development teacher, 47, 50-52

Sleater, Roland, and SL Seagulls, 15

Smith, Joseph F., and C. C. Goodwin, 176

Smith, Margaret Chase, E. L. Wilkinson endorsed by, 314

Smith, Mrs. Owen, 187

Smith, Owen, and Smith Wells, 185-88, 195

Smith Wells, stagecoach stop in Nine Mile Canyon, history of, 111, 182-97, 182, 184, 192, 197

Smith, Willamelia, and child care, 57

Smoot, A O., LDS Stake president, 161

Smoot, Reed, U.S senator, 193, 366, 368

Snow, E H., owner of SUTC, 83, 88-89, 92

Snow, Eliza R., and obstetrical care, 352

Snow, Georgiana, attorney, 217—18, 232

Snow, Leo, St George city engineer, 89

Snow, Zerubbabel, 218

Socialist party: activities of, in Utah, 372-73; forum of, in Ogden, 368-69; membership of, 379-80

Solomon, Richard, shoe repair shop of, 72

Southern Utah State College, and nursery school, 45

Southern Utah Telephone Co. (SUTC), 80, 83, 88-89, 92, 94

Spanish-American War, 76

Spendlove, Floyd "Alice," football player, 14

Spry, William: and Joe Hill case, 375—76; and Smith Wells, 193

Staines, William C , and T L Kane, 127,131

Steele, Axel, strikebreaker, 374

Stephen,Virginia Snow, U art instructor fired for supporting Jo e Hill, 375

Stewart, Charlie, sheepherder, 193

Stewart, Justin, 43

Stirba, Anne M., Utah Bar commissioner, 227-28,227

Stout, Hosea, and T. L. Kane, 129

Straup, Daniel N., Utah Supreme Court justice, 245

Summerall, Pat, and SL Seagulls, 13

Summit County Courthouse, 259—60, 266

Sutherland, George, attorney and U.S senator, 25, 236-38, 240

Swan, Agnes, attorney, 220

Tanner, N Eldon, and E H Wilkinson, 307

Taylor, John , and T. L. Kane, 119

Tedesco, Fred, SLC parks commissioner and SL Seagulls coach/manager , 6-9, 7,11-15,18-21

Tedesco, Klea (wife), 9

Territorial Enterprise (Nevada), 165—67

Thomas, Arthur L., and C. C. Goodwin, 171

Thurman, Allen G (cousin), 240

Thurman, Allen Grover (son), 235, 247

Thurman, David Joh n (brother), 234

Thurman, George William (brother), 234-35

Thurman, Isabella Karren (wife), 235

Thurman,Jackson (uncle), 234

Thurman, Lucile, (daughter), 241

Thurman, Lydia Catherine (daughter), 235

Thurman, Mary Margaret (daughter), 235

Thurman, Mary Margaret Brown (mother), 234

Thurman, May Belle (daughter), 235

Thurman, Paul Eugene (son), 241

Thurman, Richard Bertram (son), 235, 247

Thurman, Samuel Clifford (son), 241

Thurman, Samuel David (son), 235, 247

Thurman, Samuel Richard: life and career of, Utah Supreme Court justice, 233-48, 233, 245; and polygamy, 238-41,246-47

Thurman, Victor Emanuel (son), 235

Thurman, Victoria Adelaide Hodgert (plural wife), 240-41

Thurman, William Thomas (father), 234

Thurman, William Thomas (son), 235

Tibbs, Don V., district court judge, reminiscence of, 280-83, 281

Tooele County Courthouse, 266

Toronto LDS Temple, 149

Tourism, SL Temple and early development of, 136-49

Tribe, Carol, Weber State instructor, 61

Trocadero Dance Hall, Murray, Utah, 351-52

Truman, A. H. "Bert," and PPTC, 81-85, 90-92, 94

Tueller, Roma, child development teacher, 47, 55

Tullidge, Edward W., and Salt Lake Tribune, 168

Tullidge, John, and Salt Lake Tribune, 168

Tullis, Earl J., PPTC employee, 85

Turner, Mrs Frank, and child care, 57

Tuttle, Daniel S., Episcopal bishop, 334

Uintah Indian Reservation, 182-83, 188

Uintah Railway, 195

Union Pacific Railroad: promotion of SL Temple by, 141, 144-46, 145; and Zion and Bryce Canyon national parks, 144 Union, Utah, migration patterns in, 346-47

United Order Manufacturing and Building Co., Logan Second Ward, 263

United States Smelting, Refining, and Mining Co., Midvale smelter of, 353

University of Utah: Law School of, 220-25; nursery school at, 44, 50

Urbanization, effects of, on Murray, Utah, families, 339-56

Utah Associated Industries, open-shop movement of, 378

Utah Bar Foundation, 207

Utah Copper Co., mills of, closed in 1919, 359

Utah County Courthouse, 259-60, 267

Utah Expedition, 114, 117, 126, 128-29

Utah Federation of Labor, and radicalism, 370, 374, 377

Utah Juvenile Court, history of, during 1957-65, 269-79

Utah Northern Railroad, arrival of, in Logan,334

Utah Ore Sampling Mill, Murray, 346

Utah State Agricultural College, nursery school programs at, 42, 44, 47, 50. See also Utah State University

Utah State Bar Association: and juvenile court, 269, 271, 273-79; and women, 217-21, 226-28

Utah State Fairgrounds, pro football at, 5-9, 15, 18-19

Utah State Legislature, antiradical legislation passed by, 360-63, 370

Utah State Supreme Court: courtroom of, 246; justices of, 208, 233, 233-48, 245

Utah State University, and Western Athletic Conference, 318, 323

Utah Territory, and Utah War, 112-35

Utah ValleyGazette, and C W Hemenway, 158-63

Utah War, T L Kane's role in, 112-35

Uinta Basin, settlement of, and transportation and freighting in, 182-97

VanderBee, C L., 43

Van Dyke, James C., U.S attorney, 121

Van Vliet, Stewart, and Utah War, 120

Varian, Charles; and C C Goodwin, 171; and 1895 constitutional convention, 242

Verdeland Park, housing project, 55

Vernal, Utah, nursery school in, 45, 51

Veyo, Utah, telephone service in, 83, 91, 93,94

Virgin Telephone Co., 93

Walker, Edith, and H. Hamlin, 38

Walker, Jack, nephew of H Hamlin, 38

Walker, Robert, Kansas governor, 113

Wallace, George Y, and Smith Wells, 189

Wallis, James H., publisher, 162-63

Walo, Ernest, and child care, 56

Washington County Courthouse, 268

Washington Terrace, housing project, 55

Washington Square, SLC, 265

Watkiss, David, and juvenile court, 272, 276

Watkins, Richard C , architect, 264

Weber County: courthouse of, 260, 268; day care in, 53, 55-57, 59-60

Weber County Child Care Committee, 56-57

Weber Junior College, proposed transfer of, to LDS church, 318, 323

Weber State College (University), and child care programs, 40-41, 45, 58, 61-63

Wedgwood, Edgar A., attorney, 241-42

Welch, Charles, state senator, 277

Welch, Harold, and child care, 57

Wells, Albert W., IWW business agent, 370

Wells Center, SLC, and child care, 45

Wells, Daniel H., and T L Kane, 125-26

West, Arnetta Matilda Blackburn, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 24, 27, 31-32

West, Caleb W., and journalists, 158, 171 Western Federation of Miners, 373

Wheat, Carl, historian, and Abner Blackburn narrative, 23-24, 27

White, Andrew Dickson, visit of to SL Temple, 138

White, J Parley, SLC police chief, and radicals, 362-63, 368, 372

White, Kent, football player, 12, 15

White Park, SL Seagulls trained at, 11-12

White, Sara, and child care, 57

Whiterocks, Utah, Indian agency at, 186

Whitmore, Tobe, and Smith Wells, 189

Williams, Ruth, Weber State instructor, 63

Wilkinson, Alice (wife), 322, 322-23

Wilkinson, Ernest L.: family of, 304, 314, 322; 1964 U.S Senate race of, 304-24; as president of BYU, 305-9, 319-21, 324; relationship of, with D O McKay, 305, 320-21; wealth of, questioned 317-18

Willumsun, J A., editor, 351

Wilson, William B., secretary of labor, 366

Winn, Roma Tueller See Tueller, Roma

Winters, Glen R., and juvenile court, 272

Wiswald, Joy, teacher, 47

Women, history of, in law in Utah, 208-32

Women Lawyers of Utah, Inc., 226-27

Wood, William, father of Elizabeth Kane, 120-21

Woodruff, Wilford: and Manifesto, 159, 172; and SL Temple dedication, 138, 146; and T L Kane, 118

Woods, F C., architect, 266

Woods, Rev. G. R., and child care, 57

Woolley, Naomi, and WPA nursery school, 43-44, 43

Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council, organization and activities of, 361-63, 368,371,372,377

Works Progress Administration, child care programs of, 42-53, 46, 48, 49, 51, 54, 58, 59, 60

World War II, day care during, 52-62

Worthen, George, football player, 13, 19

Yates, John, 234

Young, Brigham: and lawyers, 216-17; and medical care, 352; and SL Temple, 137; and T. L. Kane, 114, 116-19, 123-31, 134, 135; and Utah War, 112-14; and women in professions, 209

Zane, Charles S.: and journalists, 155-58, 171; tour of SL Temple by, 146-47, 149

Zennikos, Alex, Greek translator, 377

Ziegler, E. F., juvenile court judge, 269-71, 273-75, 277

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

FELLOWS

THOMAS G. ALEXANDER

JAMES B ALLEN

LEONARDJ. ARRINGTON

MAUREEN URSENBACH BEECHER

C GREGORY CRAMPTON

S GEORGE ELLSWORTH

JESSE D.JENNINGS

BRIGHAM D. MADSEN

HELEN Z PAPANIKOLAS

CHARLES S. PETERSON

HONORARY LIFE MEMBERS

MILTON C. ABRAMS

VEE CARLISLE

EVERETT L COOLEY

LORA CROUCH

J ELDON DORMAN

JOSEPH H FRANCIS

JACK GOODMAN

FLORENCE S JACOBSEN

MARGARET D LESTER

L. V. MCNEELY

A RUSSELL MORTENSEN

LAMAR PETERSEN

HAROLD SCHINDLER

MELVIN T SMITH

MARTHA R STEWART

JEROME STOFFEL

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD O F STATE HISTORY

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt Lake City, 1997 Chair

PETER L Goss, Salt Lake City, 1995 Vice-Chair

MAX J EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

DALE L BERGE, Provo, 1995

BOYD A BLACKNER, Salt Lake City, 1997

DAVID D HANSEN, Sandy, 1997

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN, Salt Lake City, 1997

DEAN L MAY, Salt Lake City, 1995

CHRISTIE SMITH NEEDHAM, Logan, 1997

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1995

THOMAS E SAWYER, Orem , 1997

JERRY WYLIE, Ogden , 1997

ADMINISTRATION

MAXJ EVANS, Director

WILSON G MARTIN, Associate Director

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

DAVID B MADSEN, State Archaeologist

Th e Uta h State Historical Society was organize d in 1897 by public-spirited Utahn s to collect, preserve, an d publish Uta h an d related history Today , unde r state sponsorship , th e Society fulfills its obligations by publishin g th e Utah Historical Quarterly an d othe r historical materials: collecting historic Uta h artifacts; locating, documenting , an d preserving historic an d prehistoric building s an d sites; an d maintainin g a specialized researc h library Donation s an d gifts to th e Society's programs , museum , o r its library ar e encouraged , for only throug h such mean s ca n it live u p to its responsibility of preserving th e recor d of Utah' s past

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 The U.S Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C 20240