September-October Issue 2022

Hitting the breaking point

The commonality between all these disasters? Complete lack of government action.

In late July, an earthquake in Abra rocked northern Luzon, razing numerous infrastructures and incurring about P7 billion in damages. In October, super typhoon Karding wreaked havoc in Luzon and Visayas, destroying thousands of hectares of crops. There is not even room for recovery, as the country was forced to bear the brunt of typhoon Paeng on October 29, affecting some 1.8 million and killing at least 154, as of this writing.

While the nation toils, president Marcos is off throwing lavish parties and watching luxurious F1 races, satisfied to leave the country with his thoughts and prayers.

Though some relief effort has been doled out, thanks to already existing mechanisms like the disaster aid programs of the Department of Social Welfare and Development’s (DSWD), Marcos’s negligence has been on full display through and through.

Whereas former President Rodrigo Duterte’s response to every problem was militarization, Bongbong Marcos seems to have no response at all, save for the occasional vlog on his YouTube channel.

And while Marcosian disinformation networks and supporters remain relentless in their online crusade to venerate the late dictator’s son and namesake, no PR stunt can continue to hide the state of absolute crisis Filipinos find themselves in. Natural disasters aside, inflation continues to burn a hole through the people’s pockets–swelling to a staggering 7.7% in October, and reaching even higher rates of 8.5% and 10% in remote provinces like Apayao and Mountain Province, respectively.

We were promised unity in

the campaign season, and the Marcos-Duterte tandem have truly delivered. All sectors of the nation are one in suffering the consequences of their criminal negligence– from those in the lowest rungs of the social ladder to even the privileged.

The whole thing is almost nostalgic, a reminder of what happened under Bongbong’s father five decades ago. Inflation in 1984 was at an astronomical 50.3%, and public funds were being looted by the billions. Marcos Sr. ruled like a god, his wife Imelda splurging on everything from shoes, to buildings in New York; all the while, their children were given positions in government and allowed to get away with murder and impunity– yet all the glamor and sparkle of the Marcos regime unraveled under the rage of the masses.

Marcos Sr’s fall was truly one for the history books: his family fleeing by chopper as a fuming citizenry ransacked Malacanang and cheered as the dictatorship came to its conclusion.

This and many other ousters worldwide carry an age-old lesson, one that will ring true sooner or later if conditions do not change in the Philippines: oppression breeds resistance, and resistance breeds action.

Since the beginning of his illegitimate term, Marcos Jr. has shown little to no effort in tackling the pressing concerns of the nation. His is an administration characterized by fantasies of hope but near-

“

total indifference to the actual needs of Filipinos. The novelty of promises and lip service has long worn off, however, and with each passing day that the needs of the citizens are neglected, rage and resistance grow among the ranks toiling masses.

We find ourselves now at a critical juncture, a period of no return where the conditions created by those in power can no longer be shrugged off or meekly endured. Intense state oppression necessitates that the people’s response be equally strong, and equally militant; for narratives of resilience can only go so far when the powers-that-be serve only themselves and not their constituents.

The more the administration pushes, the harder the people must push back, until we inevitably hit that glorious breaking point where accountability is no longer requested in air conditioned halls, but forcibly demanded in the streets.

Truth is, Marcos Jr. can keep touting his apathy and extravagance for all to see, but once that breaking point is breached and the anger of the populace translates to collective action, Marcos’s administration will end the same way his father’s did–under the explosive rage of a nation that has had

The more the administration pushes, the harder the people must push back, until we inevitably hit that glorious breaking point where accountability is no longer requested in air conditioned halls, but forcibly demanded in the streets

Though Filipinos pride themselves on their ability to rise from adversity, no one can argue that their resilience has been tested to its limit in recent months. Between ballooning inflation and a constant barrage of national calamities, everyone is in a mad scramble to survive, or die trying.

JETHRO BRYAN ANDRADA Editor-in-Chief

AARON DEXTER BACUD Opinion Editor

ERIK

ALICIA CASSANDRA ABLIAN

EDWARD THOMAS VICENTE

HANNAH

Staff

Paula

KAZER GALINDON & ANGELICA RAIN GUEVARRA

From crude to commodities:

Baguio suffers from soaring inflation

Amidst the ongoing pandemic crisis, the Philippines continuously suffers from a national inflation rate surge from 6.9% in September to 7.7% in October– the highest rate reported after nearly 14 years. Baguio City, meanwhile, posted a 5.1% inflation index in October, resulting in price increases affecting different sectors in the city.

Surging oil prices

Top of the list with the highest inflation rate among all commodity groups is the public transportation in Baguio City with 18.6%.

The minimum fare for traditional Public Utility Jeepneys (PUJs) increased from P8.5 in 2020 to P12 in September 2022 after four fare hikes in just two years. The previous P8.5 minimum fare had been in effect since 2011.

While recognizing that increasing the minimum fare helped ease the effects of rising oil prices, jeep driver George Tovera only sees it as a band-aid solution.

“Hindi naman ‘yung pamasahe talaga [ang gusto naming baguhin], ang nirirequest ng karamihan ng drivers at operators is ‘yung pagbaba ng krudo. Kasi kung mababa ang krudo, mababa rin ang singil namin sa pamasahe,” he said.

On agriculture sector

As an agricultural region, Cordillera’s farmers were also badly hit by the oil price hike causing expensive farm inputs and transportation costs of their products.

In effect, the price increase is also passed down to vegetable vendors in the city market who are left with no choice but to adjust the prices of their products.

“Nagtaas ang presyo ng gasolina, ganoon din ang gulay. Kasi una, bakit mataas ang gulay? Sabi ng farmers [dahil] mataas din ang krudo. ‘Yung transport talaga [ang dahilan],” Ann, a vegetable vendor in Baguio City, said.

To combat this, she and other market sellers have no

Blended learning, blended expenses

Meanwhile, with the gradual resumption of faceto-face classes, non-residents of Baguio have moved into the city and face doubled expenses with limited budgets.

A 5th-year resident of University of the Philippines Baguio Residence Hall (BREHA) shared that her pre-pandemic monthly allowance of P4,000 has now increased to P7,000.

load for online classes.

“Dati kasi mabubuhay ka na sa load na P50, tapos ngayon ‘yung P150 kinakapa mo pa per week [...] lalo na ‘pag online class kailangan talagang [maraming data] para makaparticipate [...] ang hirap kasi iisipin mo na ‘papasok ba ko?’” she lamented.

Inflation has affected both workers and consumers alike. As seen in the domino effect of oil prices on other commodities, different sectors are interconnected; but as citizens of the country are subject to mutual burdens, they also, in turn, share the struggle against it. ▼ series of price hikes and were welcomed by a bigtime increase again in early October.

She mentioned that the dorm fees have since increased, with rooms accommodating fewer people due to health and safety protocols. She spent most of her added expenses on food, since there are no cooking facilities in the dorm and the campus cafeteria is non-operational.

“Noong hindi pa nagtaas [ang presyo ng mga bilihin], medyo may tulong [ang fare hike]. Ngayong tumaas ulit, balewala rin. Hindi mo ramdam,” Tovera added.

In the Department of Energy’s oil monitor in the last week of August, they have already announced per liter price increases in gasoline, diesel, and kerosene due to price increases in the world market and the depreciation of the Philippine peso against the US dollar.

Although this was followed by four rollbacks in September, this was not much felt by common Filipinos who have already suffered from a

Hindi naman ‘yung pamasahe talaga [ang gusto naming baguhin], ang nirirequest ng karamihan ng drivers at operators is ‘yung pagbaba ng krudo. Kasi kung mababa ang krudo, mababa rin ang singil namin sa pamasahe

Similarly, a fellow Brehan remarked that she and her roommates eat their first meals late in the day to reduce their usual three daily meals to two.

However, the difficulties dormers currently face are caused not only by the demands of face-to-face but also online classes. One Brehan expounded on how more of her budget now goes to buying

Dati kasi mabubuhay ka na sa load na P50, tapos ngayon ‘yung P150 kinakapa mo pa per week [...] lalo na ‘pag online class kailangan talagang [maraming data] para maka-participate

Nagtaas ang presyo ng gasolina, ganoon din ang gulay. Kasi una, bakit mataas ang gulay? Sabi ng farmers [dahil] mataas din ang krudo. ‘Yung transport talaga [ang dahilan]

“Nag-adjust din kami ng presyo ng gulay pero ‘di naman yung malaki ‘yong patong, konti-konti lang yung sakto lang para di mabigla ang mga bumibili,” Ann said.

“Sana i-stop nila iyong mga imported ng gulay para at least naman yung mga gulay natin kagaya ng carrots, lemon–at least, pupunta lahat sa Manila, ganon. Kasi sa Manila bagsakan ng mga imported eh. Tsaka sana tulungan din nila iyong mga farmers kasi ‘pag ganitong pandemic, wala na, sira ang gulay kaya nagtaas din [...] kaya nagtaas din ang mga paninda,” she added.

Instead of losing customers due to drastic price increase, sellers would rather impose a low markup to compete with fiddlers situated right outside the market, who sell lower quality produce and at cheaper prices.

Food inflation is the main driver of the national inflation surges. Baguio City’s local figure for food and non-alcoholic beverages, meanwhile, rose to 7.2% in October from 6.5% in September according to the recent PSA report.

Aday after falling into the 801-1,000 bracket of the 2023 Times Higher Education (THE) World University Rankings, the University of the Philippines (UP) System vowed to assess the university’s academic measures in line with its current standing.

In a statement released on October 13, UP emphasized that the rankings released will be of great use as an assessment tool for the university’s future plans.

“ “ “ choice but to increase prices in order to deal with the dilemma caused by this rising inflation.

“This latest ranking of UP’s standing among universities worldwide will serve as valuable insight in determining UP’s way forward in its mission to serve the nation, through the delivery of the highest level of education to our youth,” the institution said.

UP also congratulated its neighbor school, Ateneo de Manila University (ADMU), who surpassed

the former and entered the 351-400 bracket. Ateneo beat UP in the teaching and citation indicators.

Last year, UP stood atop the ‘Big Four’, which includes ADMU, De La Salle University (DLSU) and the University of Santo Tomas (UST) in the 601-800 bracket. This year, DLSU maintained its 1,201-1,500 standing while Mapua entered the list at 1501+. UST was marked as a ‘reporter’ institution, meaning they also submitted data for validation but did not meet the criteria.

UP to review indicators, data after slip on ‘questionable’ world rankings

JETHRO BRYAN ANDRADA

RACHEL IVY REYES

UP to review indicators, data after slip on ‘questionable’ world rankings

UP being stature-centric

The Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND), in a statement dated October 21, expressed their disappointment with UP’s address and reminded the university of the bigger problems it is facing in a neoliberal education system.

“We would like to remind the UP powers-that-be that there are much more pressing issues than world rankings,” the group said, “What will UP profit if it achieves prominence in the global neoliberal educational system, but loses its soul of nationalism and public service?”

CONTEND cited the unheeded concerns of university constituents such as the disproportional facultyto-student ratio stemming from the lack of hired professors, pressure on the faculty to increase published research studies, job security demands from administrative and service staff, and UP’s initiatives during the pandemic.

“The university must look inward, in addition to looking outward. It should not just be concerned with its global reputation, but with the health and well-being of its constituents. Because who else is it meant to serve?” the congress argued.

On August 29, the Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (OVPAA) released Memorandum No. 2022-127, reinstating the pre-pandemic policies for the Academic Year 2022-2023. This, a week before the semester started, lifted the No Fail Policy, No Mandatory Attendance and the Maximum Residency Rule (MMR) which drew flak from students across the UP system.

While CONTEND blasted UP’s ranking concern, other

RACHEL IVY REYES

educators in the country questioned the reputation of the world rankings facilitated by THE.

On THE ranking’s integrity

Diliman Department of Business Administration Assistant Professor Erwin Rafael stated his criticism of THE’s methodology saying that the reputation survey, which accounts for 33% of the overall score, is ‘based on opinion’.

“Meron daw ‘objective’ measures ng teaching ng mga university. Inaral ba nila yung curriculum, in-observe ang classroom instruction, etc.? Hindi,” Rafael stressed.

Similarly, UST graduate school Professor Jesus Miranda looked at university rankings as a ‘gamble’ due to educational corporatization.

“To sustain one’s place in this game of rankings is like trying to hit a moving corporate target… to stay in the game, professors and researchers should be busy like machines that churn knowledge productivity,” Miranda said, highlighting that the heavy demand for information productivity coerces universities to tread a risky game of numbers which compromises the essence of higher education.

Additionally, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in its 2013 “Rankings and Accountability in Higher Education,” wrote about how the ‘yardsticks’ (methodology, indicators) used to compare complex and varied phenomena “will always result in polemical rankings of universities”.

UNESCO also said that several areas are overlooked in the calculation of rankings which could be vital in producing a more credible assessment, such as school populations proportional to

varying funding and facilities, and universities’ primary languages.

Since 2004, THE Magazine has been publishing university rankings based on

13 performance indicators grouped into five areas: teaching or the learning environment; research productivity and prominence; citations or research influence;

Groups urge admin to pass SOGIE Bill over trans teacher killing

Human rights and progressive groups condemned the killing of a trans woman teacher in Abra who was shot, September 28, with her death again prompting the call to pass the Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and Gender Expression (SOGIE) Equality Bill.

The Commission on Human Rights (CHR), in a press statement dated October 4, denounced the killing of 38-year-old Rudy Steward Sayen, also known as “Estee Saway,” and stressed how the LGBTQIA+ community is still at risk of hate and violence.

“It is crucial that we consistently demonstrate that we are a nation of laws with high regard for human life by ensuring accountability on all cases to deter further violence and curb impunity,” the statement read.

LGBTQIA+ Abra also issued a media release condemning the killing of Sayen and demanding an investigation to serve justice for the victim.

“We demand swift investigation and justice for this killing of one of our members. Once again, it puts to light the prejudice, hatred

and impunity that LGBTIQA+ face in their daily existence and struggles,” the post said.

Meanwhile, Southern Tagalog Pride called for the Marcos administration to pass the SOGIE Bill and other pro-LGBTQ+ policies “to give justice for all LGBTQ+ individuals who have been killed and discriminated against,’’ including the case of Estee Saway.

“This is the grim reality that we face; especially in the Philippines with a so-called ‘gay friendly’ society, a law to protect SOGIESC diverse people has been elbowed for decades now,” their statement stressed.

Others joined the demand for the immediate passage of the SOGIE Bill and other anti-hate crime laws after the killing incident, including Rey Valmores-Salinas, National Chairperson of Bahaghari.

international outlook or the proportion of international staff and students, and international collaboration, and industry income or knowledge transfer. ▼

On the killing of Estee

According to police reports, Estee Saway was driving on her way to work at Suyo National High School and was relentlessly shot by a riding-in-tandem during broad daylight.

She was pronounced dead on arrival at the Abra Provincial Hospital after sustaining multiple bullet wounds on her back and neck.

Suspects were identified as Aldrin Alagao, Sonny Boy Gandeza Tullas, Abelardo Talape, and Rommel Paa, who reportedly shot the victim.

In an interview from Abra TV News, one of the suspects tagged Armando Wilson, Barangay Captain of Barangay Dumagas, Abra as the mastermind who paid them P100,000 to kill Sayen out of personal grudges and land dispute.

Abra Regional Trial Court Branch 2 has already taken the case, while complaints filed against Wilson remain at the prosecutor’s office in Abra for preliminary investigation. ▼

PHOTO BY CHELSIE ASUNCION

DYNAH GIENE SABONG

Militanteng sinalubong ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan ang panibagong akademikong taon sa pamamagitan ng isang maikling protesta sa harap ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Baguio, Setyembre 5, 2022.

PAGBALIK NG PAKIKIBAKA

Missing in action: DOH chief post still vacant amid pandemic

Four months in the presidential seat, and so far, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has appointed 22 of 23 cabinet secretaries, with the health department being the sole sector without a head.

Despite the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, Marcos Jr. has remained passive to the appointment of the chief of Department of Health (DOH), with Maria Rosario Vergeire still acting as its officer-incharge.

On October 23, the president appointed former Philippine National Police Chief Camilo Cascolan as DOH’s undersecretary, a move heavily opposed by health professionals.

The Alliance of Health Workers (AHW) said in their press release on October 23 that they don’t want to work with an officer who authored Oplan Tokhang during the Duterte administration.

Waiting game

During the 48th Philippine Business Conference and Exposition 2022, Marcos Jr. stated in an interview that

he would only appoint a DOH secretary when the country is no longer in a state of calamity and when the COVID-19 situation normalizes.

“Sa ngayon, naghahanap kami ng paraan para manormalize na natin at hindi na natin kailangan sabihin na ang Pilipinas ay [nasa] state of calamity pa rin. Paabutin natin doon and then we will normalize also all the reorganization of the government,” Marcos Jr.said.

The country is still in a state of calamity as per Proclamation No. 57, wherein Marcos Jr. extended former president Rodrigo Duterte’s declaration of a state of national calamity until December 31 of this year.

Misaligned priorities

In the Philippine Business Conference and Exposition 2022 on October 20, Marcos

Jr. stressed that DOH should deviate from its emergency response to make way for the reopening of the economy.

“We have to get away from the emergency stance of the DOH because we have to open up businesses, we have to make the Philippines more hospitable to travelers both business and tourist, and it does not help if we are still under a state of calamity. Kailangan pa nating ayusin ‘yun,” Marcos Jr. said.

Moreover, the president expects the government to treat the COVID-19 pandemic not as an emergency, but as “something that we will have to manage forever like the flu pneumonia.”

To date, the Philippines has recorded four million COVID-19 cases since the virus outbreak. Key issues from other sectors of the country

Martial law survivors launch book for 50th ML anniv

of the 50th

The book, entitled ‘PANAGLAGIP: The North Remembers’, is an anthology of the stories of martial law survivors who lived through this period.

Joanna Cariño, co-founder of Samahan ng mga ExDetainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto (SELDA), described the book as a compilation of testimonies of the detestable experiences of Martial Law victims from the North, narrated through the use of different styles of writing and art.

“Our book ‘Panaglagip: The North Remembers’ is an anthology of narratives, poems, artworks, and testimonies of Martial Law Survivors, in order

to counter the Marcos myth of the solid north,” Cariño said.

The authors of the book were once political prisoners, detainees, and activists who experienced firsthand the brutal human rights abuses directed toward critics of the government during the Marcos regime.

Brenda Dacpano, secretary general of SELDA, opened the event by reading her poem entitled ‘Sige, ilibing na ninyo!’ expressing her dismay on the burial of Ferdinand Marcos Sr. at the Libangan ng mga Bayani.

“Sige, ilibing na ninyo!

Ngunit hanggang sa huling hininga tamasahin ng mga ganid, korap at mga bulok ang pagkalat ng naglalagablab

na galit ng mamamayan,” the poem read, “ babangon, lalaban sila sa hangad na makaahon at makamit ang makatarungang hustisya at tunay na kalayaan at demokrasya.”

On the other hand, Mia Liquigan of Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses and Martial Law (CARMMA) read testimonies from three women in Cagayan about their experiences during the Martial Law period.

To close the program, Shen Angeles, Nationalist Corps Councilor of UP Baguio University Student Council (USC), shared that the event provided a platform for those struggling under Marcos Jr. today and those who struggled

have yet to be addressed such as safe resumption of faceto-face classes and financial compensation for healthcare workers.

Without a health secretary, DOH cannot implement and create new strategies and policies to address the pandemic, as undersecretaries can only continue programs left by the past administration.

Worries of WHO

Dr. Babatunde Olowokure, health security and emergencies director of World Health Organization-Western Pacific urged countries like the Philippines to remain vigilant despite the declining trends in infections, hospitalizations, and deaths since there is an expected emergence of new COVID-19 variants.

“This [emergence of new variants] is expected. We expect to see variants occurring over time and [will] continue to do so as long as the virus is present,” Olowokure said.

“[But] continued emergence of subvariants and recombinants poses a risk of resurgence and [of] overwhelming health systems in the region,” he added.

Meanwhile, DOH said that the new Omicron subvariants XBB and XBC have emerged inside the country, recording 81 cases and 193 cases, respectively.

Even with new and more transmissible variants entering the country and the up and down COVID-19 positivity rate, Marcos has released Executive Order no. 7, allowing the voluntary wearing of face masks in indoor and outdoor settings. ▼

FIVE DECADES OF REMEMBRANCE

under Marcos Sr. then to confide with one another.

“Hindi natin makakamit ang tagumpay if not because of the collective resistance of those who came before us, pati na ‘yung nagpapatuloy ng collective struggle nating mga naririto ngayon,” Angeles said,“dito sa araw na ito, nagcoconverge ang dalawang henerasyon, ang mga lumaban noong Batas Militar ni Marcos Sr. at ang mga lumalaban sa panahon ngayon.”

The book will be released on December 10, in line with the celebration of International Human Rights Day.

Apart from the book launching, an information

drive called ‘Lagip Kordilyera’ was also organized to publish archives written during the Martial Law period and preserve the history of the Cordillera under the Marcos dictatorship.

Initiated by Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA) and Cordilleran Youth Center, Lagip Kordilyera seeks to combat and debunk disinformation on the Marcos rule in the Cordillera through social media and print.

Meanwhile, progressive groups and individuals in Baguio gathered for a protest, September 21, to condemn Martial Law and the return of the Marcoses in Malacañang. ▼

Different progressive organizations and individuals hold a candle lighting protest in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the declaration of Martial Law, September 21, 2022.

PHOTO BY JOSEPH JADERICK ALCONES

In commemoration

year since the declaration of Martial Law, survivors from the Cordillera region conducted a soft-book launching event to impart their struggles during the Marcos dictatorship, September 20.

CAMILLE FAITH BAUTISTA

JOSEPH JOHN MELO BEANIZA

Withstanding the test of time

The Cordillera has long been a bastion of resistance – from their successful expulsion of the Spanish colonizers, the Indigenous People (IP) of the Cordilleras have always been staunch defenders of their land and livelihood. When Ferdinand Marcos Sr. implemented Martial Law in 1972, pushing forth projects that would displace IPs from their land, it came as no surprise that another movement rose from their ranks.

Brenda SubidoDácpano, Joanna Cariño, and Luchie Maranan have experienced firsthand the atrocities during the Martial Law. In an interview with Outcrop, they relayed their experiences as students during Marcos Sr’s regime and how this unified resistance against the powers-that-be influenced and defined them.

Early hours of the struggle

“When the Writ of Habeas Corpus was suspended in 1971, my younger sister was already arrested and detained. She was very young, graduate ng Philippine Science High School. Sixteen years old pa lang noon. Gabi sila umuwi from the headquarters, the following morning nawawala na sila. That night kinuha na sila at dinala sa Camp Crame where they were detained. ”

Mother Joanna Cariño was a student activist, part of the student council of the University of the Philippines Baguio, and a member

of Outcrop at the beginning of Martial Law. Presidential Decree No. 1836 of 1981 suspended the Writ of Habeas Corpus, allowing the unlawful imprisonment of citizens without due investigation of their case. The enactment of Martial Law signified that ordinary citizens, especially those branded as rebels and charged with invasion, would be treated as enemies of the state undeserving of justice.

Similar to Mother Joanna Cariño, Mother Luchie’s family was put under surveillance. Her brother, Ed Maranan, was an activist in UP Diliman and the military’s monitoring went so far as to regularly check their phone to see if their communications continued.

The Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) is also no stranger to the greed of the Marcos regime. Landgrabbing was a prevalent issue faced by the citizens and indigenous peoples. Gifted with rich resources like rivers which could be a source of hydropower resources, CAR became a go-to spot for bureaucratic capitalists— and part and parcel of this is the case of the Chico River in Kalinga.

Years of turmoil

The Chico River is an essential part of the Kalingas and Bontocs’ life as they rely on this riverbank for the irrigation of their rice fields. While this is seen as a resource for the indigenous groups, the Marcos and their cronies saw this as an opportunity to construct potential hydroelectric power projects— nevermind that this may mean the near-total destruction and loss of local livelihood.

Around the same time, the Tingguians of Abra came face-to-face with perhaps the biggest threat to their lands and way of life: the Cellophil Resource Corporation (CRC) by Hermino Disini, another crony of Marcos Sr. who planned to wash out the forest through illegal logging to build a 66,000 metric ton pulp mill.

The reactionary government did not even bother to consult the people before deciding to push through

with the dam project. Though resistance brewed, the Marcos administration sent Manuel Elizalde under the banner of the Presidential Assistant on National Minorities (PANAMIN) with food as a way to win them over— a bribe of some sort— in order for their projects to go undeterred by the local communities.

In great desperation, the IP leaders and individuals who were supposed to attend a delegation were taken to isolated hotel rooms and coerced to sign the documents supporting the Chico River Basin Development Project (CRBD). One of the remarkable papangat leaders was Macliing Dulag, who eventually became one of the leaders who led the fight against the dam construction.

For the Martial Law survivors, this movement fueled their activism. Mother Luchie’s immersion in the community allowed her to see class discrepancies, exploitation of the resources, and the sheer state neglect of Indigenous Peoples.

“Pupunta ka sa isang bahay na walang tao, kasi alassais palang ng umaga, nasa farm na sila o rice fields na malalayo, so you subsist only on rice and salt and camote,” Mother Luchie said. “Tapos mga anak walang basic medical services sa mga far flung areas, and yet pinagnanasaan [ng iba] ang resources [mo].”

“Walang pakialam si Marcos kung mayroong aktibismo or protesta, – gusto niya talaga i-pursue [ang] mga gusto niyang proyekto kasi nga malaki ang nakukurakot niya diyan pati ang mga cronies niya,” she added.

Time to act

“In 1976, biglang dumami na detainee na Igorot. ‘Ano kasalanan ng mga ito?’ It was because they were protesting [against] the Chico Dams.”

For the urban areas, modernization and the rise of projects that trampled nature— the mainstream concept of “progress” — resulted in mass exploitation of remote communities in the Cordillera. However, these local resistance movements expanded to a

LORRAINE SOLANO

The battle began long ago, but the struggle continues even decades later.

The fight to protect ancestral lands and resources remains an ongoing challenge for Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines, and the experiences of those residing in the Cordillera are no different.

Today, despite the region’s prevalent development aggression, threats like redtagging, trumpedup charges, and illegal arrests against IP activists persist. The historical fight the Igorots waged continues as they defend their territories from an oppressive system puppeteered by big corporations and corrupt officials.

Persistence of the past Maria Funa-ay Claver, an IP youth activist and the granddaughter of mother Petra Macli-ing, who relentlessly fought against the construction of the Chico Dam in Kalinga, emphasized that in order to end the rampant developmental aggression and violence against national minorities, there is a need to address the rotting core of state institutions that cultivate oppression and injustice.

“[Oppression] won’t disappear unless the institution that breeds injustice is toppled down,” Funa-ay said.

“[Marcos, Sr.] was toppled, [...] it was a very big step for the Philippines. However, it was a short-term solution dahil ang pumalit sa kanya ay isang presidente na ang interests ay nagla-lie sa capitalists.”

All administrations after Marcos Sr. were no different in the way they dealt with the calls of Igorots for their right to self-determination. The Cordillerans have always been subjected to state fascism— killed and attacked because of their tireless attempts to uphold their rights to land and life.

Today, oppression has a different face, but the state’s goal to suppress the people’s movement remains the same. According to Funa-ay, redtagging or political vilification became increasingly rampant during Duterte’s term, resulting in cases such as the issuance of a shoot-to-kill order against Windel Bolinget, chairperson of Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA); and cyber-libel charges against Sarah Dekdeken, Secretary General of CPA.

“When you are red tagged, ibig sabihin, dinedeclare [ka nilang] walang rights at hindi protected ng constitution,” Funa-ay stressed.

Problems of the present

Through the militant struggle of the IP community, the historical fight persists in the Cordillera. Still, the ongoing issue of historical distortion has long been entrenched in the institution, making it difficult for the current generation to acknowledge their valiant efforts. The Marcos family employs historical revisionism to slowly but significantly erase the wrongdoings of Marcos Sr.’s administration.

The education system is one of the leading distributors of altered historical facts. Rampant in schools are instructors who mix their biased views while teaching. Sometimes, even entire

textbooks are skewed to favor Marcosian narratives, breezing through the country’s martial law period without so much as a mention of human rights violations or plunder.

Sara Duterte, the current Vice President of the Philippines, has been seated as the Department of Education (DepEd) secretary, making it possible for the government to continue polluting the youth’s views. Most susceptible are those in their formative years, as they tend to be impressionable and trusting of whatever information their teachers feed them.

“Because of historical revisionism, naniwala sa black propaganda against activists [ang mga tao],” Funa-ay says. “[Dahil dito], nakatulong ito kay Bongbong Marcos [sa eleksyon].”

This does not only extend to activists but even to previous Cordillera heroes.

“Mga NPA lang raw ang mga sumali [sa Chico Dam struggle],” Funa-ay says about people’s misconceptions about the Chico Dam heroes. The collective memory of their heroes has been tainted, leading many of the younger generations to not recognize many of its important figures.

The time of the Philippines under Marcos Sr.’s term was considered a grave time for the country; individuals, particularly activists, understandably did not want a repeat of the situation.

Through calculated historical manipulation, the Marcoses were largely successful in covering the sins of their past– the so-called Solid North is the result of decades-worth of historical whitewashing. History has

ANYA KATRIEL NAPILOY

been twisted so perversely that most Cordillerans have grown

Though theirs is a struggle unlike any other, the issues faced by the Indigenous Peoples of the north do not exist in a vacuum. They were victims then and now of an administration hellbent on satisfying its own needs, all others be damned.

The duty of those residing in the Cordillera today is not only to remember their militant past but to channel their rage and resistance towards collective action, for times may have changed, but as long as the oppressor’s reign supreme, the need to resist endures and intensifies. ▼

Different day, Same struggle

GRAPHICS CHELSIE ASUNCION & MARCO LEANDER GONO

a perfect

storm

The IP Struggle Against Imperialist Powers

countless threats to their native lands.

countries such as the Philippines with only 0.35%.

Yet the countries in the global south are the ones that are slammed with worsening climate conditions. In the Philippines, this manifests in the typhoons the country faces each year, each one more destructive than the last. When Typhoon Florita hit the Cordillera last August 2022, farmers lost P44 million worth of crops, causing severe losses in income and threatening food security.

the dam’s construction are the Dumagats, the Indigenous people who reside in the areas of Sierra Madre. As a people whose livelihood is entirely dependent on the forest and rivers of the area, the construction of dams threatens their entire way of life.

contribution in preventing disasters is the actual defense of their land, life, and resources. This is also to ensure that their TEK will be developed and passed on to the next generations,” he stressed.

Aftermath

Somewhere in an airconditioned hall in the United States, a politician talks about why there is no need to take additional initiatives to protect the environment; while over on the other side of the world, a typhoon the size of a continent lays waste to a third world country, ravaging crops and plunging the nation into a state of emergency. The most affected? Those in the far-off regions who have spent decades tilling the land and upholding sustainable practices.

Around 14 to 17 million make up the Philippines’ Indigenous peoples (IPs), with the majority residing in the mountains of the Cordillera, and in Visayas and Mindanao. Having spent a lifetime in these regions, they have gained great familiarity and knowledge of the environment.

However, as the unprecedented climate catastrophe threatens the world, IPs face

Disaster brewing

America, China, Canada, and other developed countries have contributed significantly to the increasing concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere.

From the land-use change of cutting down their temperate forests for agricultural land and fuel to the production of coal and motor cars, the US dominates in environmental damage historically. Today, the US is still the world’s leading producer of oil and natural gas which, when burned, is the primary contributor to global warming.

Similarly, China is among the world’s top emitters of carbon dioxide. Beijing is the world’s largest coal producer as they rely on coal power for manufacturing and industrial centers. They also produce large amounts of cheap consumer goods for trade which are carbon-intensive. China alone is responsible for 29.18% of the world’s carbon emissions, in comparison to other developing

However, the countries to blame for the worsening environmental state are yet to be held accountable. Developing countries call for climate justice as imperialist countries suffer disproportionately less than them. Climate change exacerbates poverty, disabling third-world nations from coping with this ever-existing problem.

In the eye of the storm

Other than excessive carbon emissions, the main proponents of destructive activities in the Philippines are also imperial nations. China, for one, is a major funder of the controversial New Centennial Water Source Kaliwa Dam Project whose construction comes at the expense of irreversible damage to the Kaliwa watershed of the Sierra Madre, a forest reserve and national wildlife sanctuary.

Throughout history, the Sierra Madre mountain range has protected Filipinos from strong typhoons by weakening their winds as they passed through the mountains’ rugged terrains. However, despite the refuge offered by nature, continuous threats to its preservation like the Kaliwa Dam remain.

Among the people who strongly opposed

In the Cordillera, major dam projects such as the Gened 1 Hydropowerplant in Apayao by the Pan Pacific Renewable Power Philippine Corporation (PPRPPC) and the Saltan dams in Kalinga by the JWD Water Power Inc. (JWPI) are detrimental to the community’s source of living as well as the environment’s biodiversity.

In contrast, indigenous communities know full well how to take care of their lands. They uphold Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and environmental practices to effectively live off the land without causing permanent damage to it. One example of this is the Lapat System wherein Isnags and Tingguians in Apayao and Abra Province allow the forest and mountains to recover by refraining from exploiting their natural resources for a certain period of time.

However, given the sheer destruction that imperialists and large corporations continue to inflict upon the environment, TEK must also adjust. Nedlloyd Tuguinay, an IP activist from Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA), insisted that disasters do not happen naturally but are born of years of plunder and abuse of resources.

“[Indigenous Peoples] biggest

Since time immemorial, Indigenous communities have been forwarding climate justice around the world. National minorities are the ones who have lived in harmony with the environment and this is manifest in the rich biodiversity that thrives in their ancestral lands.

Casualties and damages from disasters are the results of centuries of neglect and poor implementation of laws that are supposed to uphold Indigenous peoples’ rights and calls for self-determination. It is then imperative to recognize the struggle of Indigenous peoples for their land and life as means of environmental protection and disaster prevention.

Threats to natural resources and the environment continue to persist—and as policies in the country that serve the interests of the Global north prevail, the Philippines will continue to witness the degrading consequences of the climate crisis, the unfortunate aftermath of which will mean stronger disasters and more of our resources run dry by oppressive foreign powers. And it is uncertain whether or not the country known for being resilient will finally fall. ▼

PAULA ADDURU

Walang ibang binhing lalago sa lupang ninuno kundi ang sa katutubo.

Kung may itinanim, may aanihin— at sa malalim na kasaysayan ng mga pesante sa Pilipinas, tatlong manghahasik ang nagtangkang magtanim sa lupa ng mga katutubo. Ano ang magbubunga sa ilalim ng kanilang pang-aabuso?

Tanim ng Pananampalataya

Naghasik ang mga Kastila sa bundok ng Kordilyera upang magtanim ng bagong pananampalataya. Sa wari ng mga katutubo, mahabagin ang Diyos na kanilang pinakikilala, subalit may kasamang pait ang handog niyang pag-ibig. May kaakibat na tributong lagpas kalahati ng kanilang ani at tila pesteng tabakong kumain sa dati nilang pananim.

Higit sa lahat, hilig nito ang ginto–bagay na paulitulit na hinahanap ng kaniyang mga lingkod. Sinuyod ang mga bundok, sinunog ang mga bahay at pananim ng mga Igorot na ayaw tumulong sa

paghahanap ng inaasam na kayamanan. Nasa isang siglo ang ginugol ng mga Kastila sa paghahanap ng ginto sa Kordilyera; nasa isang siglo ring nakipaglaban ang mga Igorot para sa sariling lupa, tahanan, at likas na yaman.

Subalit nagapi sila ng kagubatang mailap sa dayuhan at ng klimang mga balat lamang ng nagbubungkal ng lupa ang niyayapos. Nanghihina sa lamig at sakit, sumuko ang mga Kastila sa kamay ng mga katutubong kakampi ang gabi sa pag-atake, at dahil dito 200 taon nilang napanatili ang kalayaan sa sariling lupa.

Taong 1750 nagdeklara ng giyera ang Kastila laban sa Ifugao. Noong 1767, sinugod nila ang Kiangan subalit sila ay nabigo. Pagdating ng 1793, ginapi sila ng mga katutubong may suot na bakal na baluti. Noong 1850, tuluyang napalayas ng mga Igorot ang mga Kastila sa Mayoyao, Kiangan, at Bunhian. At sa 1880, napaslang lahat ang mga guardia sa commandancia

Parabula ng pesante,

de Kiangan, at nasa 600 mga katutubo ang lumusob sa isang muog sa Isabela.

Samakatuwid, hindi matagumpay ang unang paghahasik; konkreto ang nilapagan ng kanilang mga buto na inihagis. Hindi naging madali ang pagtatanggol ng kalayaan. Sa 200 taon, hindi tumigil ang mga Kastila sa pagtangkang sakupin ang Kordilyera gamit ang dahas. Kung babawiin ng dahas ang kanilang pinaghirapan, babawiin nila ito hanggang kamatayan.

Binhi ng Pekeng Reporma

Sunod ay ang tanim ng mga Amerikano na mga binhi ng huwad na pangako. Subalit ang nais nilang anihing kapalit ay ang mismong lupang kanil ang tinatapakan. Nabuo ang Bureau of Public Land, ang ba gong nagtatakda kung kanino ang lupa at kung kanino dapat ito ipabungkal sa Kordilyera. Tinawag na salbahe ang pag kakaingin, at tinawag na ile gal ang mga hindi nanahan sa lupang sakahan nang hindi bababa sa limang taon. Ni lunod ang Igorot sa papeles na nakasulat sa wikang hindi nila minutawi ni minsan sa kanilang buhay.

Pagsapit ng 1910, inimbestigahan ng Kongreso sa Amerika ang paglabag ng

Philippine Commission sa batas ng Organic Act of 1902 na naglalayong mabigyan ng hanggang 16 ektarya ng lupa ng mga prayle ang mga Pilipinong nasa edad 21 pataas. Dinipensahan ito ng mga banyaga at sinabing ang pagkamkam ng lupa ay bunsod ng ‘kawang-gawa,’ upang protektahan umano ang mga ‘mangmang’ na Igorot sa pananamantala ng ibang tao.

Mabilis ang bunga ng isang binhing itinanim sa mababaw na lupa subalit mabilis rin itong mamamatay dahil walang masyadong ugat. Nagaklas sa muli ang mga Igorot laban sa pangangamkam ng lupang ninuno at sa pagpapatayo ng mga minahan sa kanilang kabundukan. Ang alab ng kanilang poot ay tila nakakapasong sikat ng araw na tumapos sa tanim ng mga Amerikano.

Pagsibol ng mga Ganid na Tuta Ang sumunod na naghasik ay ang mga lokal na peste sa anyo ng malalaking korporasyon at dinastiya sa gobyerno. Pinili ang maiinam na lupa upang patayuan ng dam at mga minahan. Ipinatupad ang karapatan sa lupang ninuno sa ilalim ng Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA), kung saan itinaguyod ang Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) na ilang beses binaluktot ng pamahalaan at ng mga korporasyon upang maitayo ang kanilang mapanirang mga

Salaysay ng Salakniban

proyekto.

Isang halimbawa ang kaso ng mga Isnag sa Apayao, na nakaranas ng pananamantala sa kamay ng isang minahan sa anyo ng pananakot at pagbili ng boto ng mga katutubo. Isinawalang-bahala ang umiiral na sistema ng mga Isnag, at piniling magluklok ng mga opisyal sa paraang banyaga sa sistema ng mga katutubo. Nang magpahayag ng pagtutol sa naging proseso ang mga Isnag, militarisasyon ang naging tugon ng pamahalaan.

Nakalulunod din ang patong-patong na burukrasyang dapat pagdaanan ng mga katutubo upang mapatunayan na ang lupang kanilang minana ay kanilang pagma-may-ari. Ang bagong maghahasik ay hindi dumating upang magtanim; sila ay mga pesteng kumukuha ng sustansiya sa lupang ipinagtanggol ng mga katutubo sa mahabang panahon.

Subalit hindi pa rin sumusuko ang mga pesanteng nagbubungkal ng lupa; patuloy na binubunot isa-isa ang mga bunga sa mga kilosprotesta, pangangalampag, at pakikibaka sa Kordilyera. Sa darating na paghuhukom ng mga magsasaka na siyang pinakamalaking pwersa ng lipunan, hindi lamang lamig at sinag ang pupurga sa mga pesteng salot sa lupang katutubo– silang mga panginoong may lupa ay tatangayin ng isang malaking sigwa kasama ang kanilang mga banyagang pananim. ▼

TEDDY KIRSTIEN BALAGOT

MARY CLAIRE MALASAGA

Awa para sa manggagawa

Lunod ang mga manggagawang Pilipino sa balon ng kontraktwalisasyon at barat na sahod.

Umpisa pa lamang, ang kundisyong pantrabaho sa Pilipinas ay malayo sa kanais-nais. Subalit, makikita na bigla ang pag-usbong ng mga trabahong panserbisyo lalo na noong pandemya at nagpapatuloy pa rin hanggang ngayon.

Dala ng kakaramput na sahod sa pagsasaka, napipilitan ang mga magsasaka na ipagbili ang kanilang lupain.

Nakakalungkot ‘pagkat mayroon akong mga kakilalang naghihinayang sumabak sa propesyong agrikultural at mas pinipiling lumipat mula sa kanayunan tungo sa lungsod.

Isa sa mga dahilan kung bakit mas pinipili ng karamihan ang mga trabahong maliit ang

sahod ay ang pandemya.

Dagdag pa rito na bawal lumabas noong panahon ng lockdown, sumikat ang trabahong may kinalaman sa logistics at internet. Sa pag-iral ng new normal na pamumuhay, dumami ang mga selfemployed at mga trabahong part-time.

Gayunpaman, hindi naman natin masasabing aangat basta ang kalidad ng buhay kapag lumipat sa mga ganitong trabaho. Ang mga manggagawang sa ilalim nito ay lugmok pa rin sa panganib ng kontraktuwalisasyon, ng napakataas na kwalipikasyon para makapasok, ng malaaliping sahod, at ng kakulangan ng mga benepisyo. Sa hirap ng buhay, kahit gaano kaliit ang sahod at kaikli ang kontrata, pinipili ng mga manggagawang patusin ang mga ganitong kondisyon ng paggawa upang mairaos ang araw-araw na pamumuhay.

Ang masaklap, malaki ang lakas-paggawa ng Pilipinas, umaabot ng isang daang milyon ang populasyon, ngunit

DIANNE MALLARE

ayon sa naging ulat ng Ibon Foundation, aabot umano sa 6.2 milyong Pilipino ang walang trabaho ngayong taon. Bunsod ito ng pagpapabaya ng gobyerno dahil sa kakulangan nitong makapagbigay ng mga oportunidad sa mamamayan.

Makikita ang lantarang paglapastangan sa mga manggagawa sa isang Singaporean-based Multinational na kumpanya: Shopee. Nagkaroon ng malawakang disempleyo dulot ng krisis sa ekonomiya, kung saan kalakhan ng mga natanggal ay mga Pilipino. Simula nang sumikat ang Shopee, naging katambal na nito ang pagmamaltrato sa mga nagtatrabaho dito. Sila ay pinag-oovertime at pinapagod dahil sa kakulangan ng mga tao sa kanilang bodega.

Sa mga riders naman, nakasalalay sa dami ng mga delivered items ang sweldo. Ibig sabihin, walang garantisa ang pagmumulan ng kanilang kita. Sila ay dapat maghatid ng order umulan man o umaraw kung gusto nilang may maihain

Walang bagong lipunan sa lumang sistema

Isang malaking sampal sa milyon-milyong pilipino na dumaranas ng patong-patong na krisis ang pagprayoridad ni Pangulong Ferdinand Marcos Jr. sa kanyang pansariling interes.

Kamakailan ay iniwan ng pangulo na naghihikahos at lubog sa baha ang kalakhang Luzon matapos itong hagupitin ni Super Typhoon Karding para lamang manood sa 2022 Formula 1 Singapore Grand Prix. Kasingtulin ng karera ang kilos ng presidente sa kaniyang maluhong personal na interes, kabaligtaran naman nito ang pag-usad ng kanyang kaladkaring pamahalaan.

Habang walang tigil ang magarbong pamumuhay at pagpapabaya ng pangulo, nagsisitaasan ang mga presyo ng inaangkat na kalakal ng bansa dahil sa matinding pagbulusok ng halaga ng piso kontra dolyar. Idagdag pa rito ang pagtaas ng inflation rate sa 7.7 porsyento nitong Oktubre, ang pinakamataas sa loob ng 14 na taon. Maaalalang sa simula pa lamang ng kaniyang termino, pinabulaanan na

ni Marcos na hindi mataas ang lebel ng implasyon sa bansa at hanggang ngayon ay tila wala pa ring plano para ibsan ang epekto nito sa mga mamamayan. Isang malaking pagtapak sa karapatan ng bawat Juan at Maria ang pagsasawalang-bahala

ni Marcos sa konkretong kalagayan ng mga ordinaryong Pilipino.

JOSE EMMANUEL CAPONES JR.

dagok ito sa dekalidad at makamasang edukasyon na karapat-dapat matamasa ng sangkaestudyantehan. Usad-pagong din ang ligtas na pagbabalik-eskwela ng mag-aaral dahil mas inuuna ang pagmilitarisa kaysa sa pagsasaayos ng mga pasilidad at serbisyo.

Kung inuuna sana sa listahan ng administrasyon ang edukasyon, hindi sana aabot sa siyam sa sampung mag-aaral na nasa elementarya ang hindi nakababasa at nakauunawa ng mga simpleng teksto— pruweba na may ‘learning poverty’ sa bansa.

sa hapag. Hindi pa rito kasali ang gastusing pagkain at ang gastusing pang-gasolina na abot-langit ang mahal buhat ng pagtaas ng presyo ng langis.

Kahit noong hinagupit kami ng Bagyong Paeng, patuloy pa ring nagbigay ng serbisyo ang mga rider dahil wala naman silang magagawa at kailangan nilang kumita para mabuhay.

Hindi na bago ang ganitong uri ng pagmamaltrato. Noon pa man, mayroon nang mapangabusong mga kumpanya gaya ng NutriAsia na nasangkot sa isyu noong 2018 dahil sa kontraktwalisasyon, ilegal na pagbabawas ng sweldo, at sapilitang overtime. Ipinapakita ng mga isyung ito na ang di makatarungang trato sa mga manggagawa ay nakaugat sa isang mapagsamantalang sistemang pabor sa malalaking

“

Ipinapakita ng mga isyung ito na ang di makatarungang trato

korporasyon.

Sa kabila nito, mas nakikita natin ang pangangailangan ng mga pagkilos partikular na ang pagbubuo ng mga unyon sa hanay ng mga manggagawa. Isang patuloy na pagpapabaya sa mga manggagawa bilang mga tagapagbigayserbisyo ng lipunan ang hindi makataong pagtrato ng estado sa kanilang mga karapatan sa sahod at trabaho. Mito lamang at hindi kailanman magiging katotohanan ang kasinungalingang maganda ang takbo ng sistema ng paggawa sa ating bansa kung ang simpleng pagtaas ng minimum wage ay hindi maibigay ng gobyerno.

Oras na para panagutin ang mga nang-aalipusta at ipaglaban ang kanilang mga karapatan kasama ang mga mamamayan na tumitindig. Suportahan ang tunay na reporma sa batas sa paggawa at sa lupa. Isulong ang pagpapataas ng sahod ng mga manggagawa at makataong kondisyon sa pagtatrabaho. Ang mga panawagan ng mga manggagawa ay matutugunan

Sa usaping edukasyon naman, ginigipit ng administrasyon ang badyet ng iba’t ibang pampublikong pamantasan, kabilang na ang Unibersidad ng Pilipinas na tinabasan ng P22.295 bilyon ang badyet. Malaking

Dinadala rin ni Marcos Jr. sa hukay ang sektor ng agrikultura sa pagtatalaga niya sa kanyang sarili bilang kalihim nito. Sa pananalasa ni bagyong Karding, naitala ang P3.12 bilyong halaga ng pinsala sa mga pananim na wala man lang ginawang pagkukumpuni ang administrasyon. Kitang-kita rin na malayong matupad ang pangako ng pangulo na maging self-sufficient ang bansa sa patuloy na pagdepende ng Pilipinas sa pag-aangkat mula

mga Pilipino at tinatalikuran ang pangunahing mandato ng presidente na magsilbi sa taumbayan.

Tila mga bangkang lumulubog ang bawat sektor sa ilalim ng matinding kapalpakan ni Marcos. Bilang tagapagmaniobra nito ay walang katiyakan ang mga hakbangin niya para maresolba ang mga maraming suliranin ng bansa.

pagsasawalang-bahala sa kalagayan ng mga Pilipino. Marapat lamang na kwestyunin kung nasaan ang pangulo dahil obligasyon nitong pagsilbihan ang masa. Hangga’t umiiral ang kapabayaan, kapalpakan, at kasakiman, malaking ilusyon lamang ang kaunlaran sa Pilipinas–dahil kailanman, walang “bagong lipunan” sa lumang sistema.

Isang metro-kuwadradong espasyo

Mas maluwag pa ang lata ng sardinas.

Iyan ang unang pumapasok sa aking isipan kung ilalarawan ang kasalukuyang demokratikong espasyo sa loob ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Baguio (UPB)—gipit ang bawat bahagi nito.

Sa samot-saring gusali na kasalukuyang ipinapatayo, hindi ka na sigurado kung paaralan pa ba itong aking pinapasukan.

Isang malawakang construction site ang UPB—udyok ng Master Development Plan (MDP) at Land Use Development and

Infrastructure Plan (LUDIP) na parehong naglalayong paunlarin ang kalagayan ng kampus. Kung titignan, waring makatuwiran naman ito dahil kumpara sa ibang constituent university, ang UPB ay isa sa pinakamaliit, mapa-lupa man o populasyon. Ngunit sa pagsasapraktika ng MDP at LUDIP, mayroong umuusbong na katanungan: pag-unlad para kanino?

Mahirap sabihing para ito sa aming mga estudyante, dahil umpisa pa lamang ay agrabyado at abala ang dinulot nito. Inaagawan kami ng libre at ligtas na espasyo na mahalaga para sa aming aktibidad at

Napaka-agresibo ng MDP at LUDIP; wala na kaming lugar para mag-aral at makihalubilo bunga ng hindi pa tapos na imprastraktura gaya ng Bulwagang Juan Luna na isang peligro sa kalapit na silidaklatan, Court A, at Iskolar ng Bayan building na madalas pinupuntahan ng mga tao.

Maliban pa rito, isang napakalaking panganib ang Campus Interconnectivity and Accessibility Project. Nagmimistulang obstacle course ang likod ng Museo Kordilyera at harap ng Kolehiyo ng Agham building dahil sa bungi-bunging tulay, butasbutas na plataporma, at mga naglalakihang bakal na nakaharang sa mga daanan. Hindi koneksyon ang binibigay ng proyekto kundi ay kaliwa’t kanang pasa at bukol. Marami na ang mga nadisgrasya dahil dito; at kabilang na ako.

Sa may dakong main gate naman ay dapat tatayo ang Innovation and Biodiversity Research Center (IBRC), subalit naantala ito dulot ng pagbabago ng disenyo– indikasyon na mas prayoridad ng pamantasan ang hitsura kaysa sa agarang paggamit.

Dekalidad sana ang aking pag-aaral pati ng aking mga kaklase kung noon pa lamang

Commission on Higher Education (CHED), ngunit parang hindi naman ayon sa pamantayan ang mga naturang pasilidad; kung hindi kulangkulang ang mga equipment, ito ay luma na.

Naalala kong ang mga slides na sinusuri namin sa microscope ay basag na at malabo. Ang microscope naman mismo ay nagpupumiglas— kailangan pang hawakan ang saksakan sa tamang anggulo para maging maliwanag at klaro ang imahe.

Bukod pa rito, katawatawa rin na mas pinili ng administrasyong itayo ang UPB Balay International kaysa sa male dormitory. Tila hindi naisaalang-alang na napakalaki ng pangangailangan para sa mga tahanan ng lokal na mga estudyante lalo pa’t nagkakaagawan sa mga tutuluyan. Sariwa pa rin sa isip ko ang kaba at takot na naramdaman ko noong iniisip kong wala na akong matutuluyan para sa nalalapit na face-to-face na moda.

pa ba ang mga ito dahil ang kontrata para sa pagtatayo ay

lilipas na ngayong taon. Limang taon na ang nagdaan simula nang inumpisahan ang MDP at LUDIP pero hanggang ngayon napalilibutan pa rin ang kampus ng asul na tarapal.

Kung ipagpapatuloy ang ganitong klaseng kalakaran sa UPB, mas pipiliin ko na lang maging sardinas kaysa estudyante.

Tila peke ang sinasabi ng administrasyon na ligtas ang pagbabalik eskwela ng mga estudyante. Wasto lamang na kami ay mabigyan ng maluwag at ligtas na kapaligiran kung saan mahahasa ang bawat isa sa amin na maisabuhay ang mga prinsipyong pinanghahawakan ng pambansang pamantasan.

Masyadong masikip ang isang metro kwadradong espasyo; tama na sana ang panggigipit. ▼

The manicured mask of militarization

The mounting problems regarding students’ safe return to schools remain unsolved, yet the state is obsessed with enforcing the Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) program, as if making it mandatory would solve all education-related problems in one fell swoop. News flash, it won’t.

Like broken records, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Vice President and Department of Education (DepEd) Secretary Sara Duterte have repeatedly pushed for mandatory ROTC in schools. Far beyond the goal of instilling patriotism in the youth and offering civic service, however, it is a foregone conclusion that ROTC would be a backdoor for state forces to infiltrate and militarize universities.

Police and military forces would often argue that ROTC can help combat insurgency, especially in schools that are “breeding grounds” for the recruitment of terrorist organizations. However, this is only an excuse to spy on and attack progressive groups and students that are merely

exercising their democratic rights to serve the interests of the broader masses. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and National Task Force to End Local Communist and Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) are notorious for their harassment, intimidation, and red-tagging of student groups such as Anakbayan, League of Filipino Students (LFS), and College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP).

The University of the Philippines (UP) system is no stranger to Rodrigo Duterte’s countless use of state forces to attack and red-tag students. His administration even went so far as to terminate the 1989 UPDND accord that aims to prevent state forces from visiting UP campuses without consent. The accord was ratified due to the long history of student deaths and disappearances at the hands of the police and military. With its termination, the targeting and red-tagging of university students have continued to intensify in the current administration.

Recently, on October 6,

AARON DEXTER BACUD

“Limang taon na ang nagdaan simula nang inumpisahan ang MDP at LUDIP pero hanggang ngayon napalilibutan pa rin ang kampus ng asul na tarapal.

May mga alaala na kung maglaho ay simbilis ng mga bula.

Kadalasan madaling naitatangay ang mga naratibong nabubulong lamang sa hangin, iyong mga kwentong hindi nabigyan ng pagkakataong maibahagi o dumapo sa kung sinuman ang pwedeng makinig o makaalala. Ngunit hindi laging ganito ang kaso, may mga alaalang binabaon at kinukulong sa kawalan dahil umuukit sa memorya’t kalamnan kahit pa sa mga ayaw makaalala nito.

Ganito kung magmarka ang mga alaala ng pakikibaka.

Panimula ng Pag-alala Magsisimula ang pagpapatuloy ng pag-alala sa mga panaka-nakang pagpapasa ng mga naratibo hanggang sa paglikha ng mga materyal na manipestasyon nito upang maging balon ng mga kolektibo at indibidwal na karanasan ng isang tao. Ang ilan ay kumakatha ng tula, libro, pabula, awit, at sayaw na siyang produkto at daluyan ng memorya gaano man ito kasalimuot o maginhawa.

Kung kaya’t noong panahon ng Batas Militar sa kasagsagan ng karahasan laban sa mamamayan, naging tuntungan ito upang makalikha ng mga hindi pangkaraniwang alaala ang mga tao–puno ng takot at tortyur ang ikinintil ng rehimeng Marcos Sr. sa isip ng mamamayang Pilipino. Ngunit nagbunga ang takot na ito sa isang naratibong uukit sa kasaysayan.

Sa bahagi ng Kordilyera, iniudyok ng isyu ng dambuhala at mapanirang Chico Dam ang kolektibong pakikibaka ng mga katutubong Igorot para sa kanilang lupang ninuno, rekurso, at kabuhayan. Dahil sa militanteng pagtutol ng mga katutubo sa Kalinga at Bontoc na pinamunuan ng tatlong tribal leader na sina Macliing Dulag, Pedro Dungoc,

at Lumbaya Gayudan, patuloy na ginugunita ng mga tiga-Kordilyera ang kagitingan ng mga bayani at martyr sa rehiyon.

Noong 2017, makalipas ang 37 taon mula nang barilin si Macliing Dulag ng 4th Infantry Division sa kanilang tahanan, sama-samang itinayo sa Bugnay, Kalinga ang monumento ng tatlong tribal leader upang alalahanin ang kanilang kabayanihan hinggil sa kanilang pagtatanggol sa lupang ninuno, kabuhayan, at buhay ng mga katutubo sa Kordilyera.

Sa kabilang banda, isang manipestasyon din ng kasakiman ng rehimeng Marcos ang nakatayong rebulto nito sa Taloy Sur, Tuba, Benguet upang maging atraksyon at magsilbing pagpupuri sa diktador. Ngunit ang animo’y dapat atraksyon ay isang nakakasulasok na balakid sapagkat naging dahilan ito ng pagpapalayas ng 81 na pamilya ng mga Ibaloy na nakatira sa pinagtayuan ng rebulto.

Dahil sa epekto ng itinayong Marcos Park, nilayon itong pasabugin ng

mga katutubo, ngunit hindi ito pinayagan ng rehimeng Cory Aquino. Makalipas ang ilang taon, pinasabog ng New People’s Army (NPA) ang rebulto ni Marcos noong 2002.

Hindi ikinukubli ng rebulto ang pagwaldas ni Marcos sa pera ng bayan upang magpatayo ng mga walang katuturang proyekto at mas lalong pinatutunayan ng pagkasira ng rebulto ang naging malawak na pakikibaka ng mga Ibaloy upang bawiin ang kanilang lupang ninuno.

Panganib ng Pagkalimot Malalim na nakaukit sa mga monumento tulad ng AntiChico Dam Heroes Monument at mga rebulto tulad ng Marcos Bust ang kolektibong karanasan ng mga katutubo sa Kordilyera sa gitna ng mga agresyon sa kanilang mga sariling lupain. Masasabing politikal ang mga alaala lalo na kung ito ay mga memorya ng pakikibaka, pakikipagbuno sa tunggalian laban sa mga

naghahariharian, at kung ito ay mga ala-ala ng pagwasak sa isang nabubulok na sistemang panlipunan.

Gaya ng mga alaalang nakaukit sa mga libro, may kapangyarihan ang mga monumento upang lagpasan ang mga bagay na hindi permanente. Ayon kay Clive Seal, isang sosyolohiko, sa kanyang librong Constructing Death: the Sociology of Dying and Bereavement, umiigpaw ang mga monumento sa limitadong kakayahan ng isang taong nakatadhanang lumipas. Hindi kagaya ng mga mortal, may pagkakataon ang mga naratibo at memorya na manatili habambuhay, kailangan lang ng mga ito ng mga sisidlan upang maprotektahan ang alaala sa pagkakaagnas.

Kaya’t isang banta sa kasaysayan ng Kordilyera at pagtatraydor sa kabayanihan nila Macliing Dulag ang pagalis ng mga pinaghihinalaang pwersa ng estado sa monumento sa Bugnay noong 2021. Parte ng demolisyong ito ang layuning burahin sa memorya ng kasalukuyang

henerasyon ang militanteng kasaysayan ng mga Igorot laban sa diktadurya.

Sa isang administrasyong nais monopolisahin ang kasaysayan at tuluyang burahin ang katotohanan ng pakikibaka sa bansa, nagpapatuloy ang tunggalian sa kung anong kolektibong memorya ang mananaig. Ang pinakalayunin ng estado na supilin ang naratibo at mga alaalang nag-uudyok sa mamamayang lumikha muli ng makasaysayang mga pagkilos. Sapagkat ang pagkalimot ay isang epektibong paraan upang patuloy na bigyang kapangyarihan ang mga tiraniko sa kanilang pananamantala.

Pagpapatuloy ng Legasiya

Ang mga alaala na pinanday ng kolektibong pagkilos ng masa ay hindi mawawala na simbilis ng mga bula. Ang mga alaalang bunga ng tunggalian at itinaguyod sa panawagan ng pagpapalaya ay sintatag ng mga bundok, singtibay ng mga monumento.

Hindi nahuhulog sa langit ang mga kahulugan ng mga produktong inilikha sa layunin ng pagpapatuloy ng mga alaala, hindi rin nahuhugot sa anumang tadyang ang mga kwento ng katapangan at maging ang kwento ng mga karahasan, bagkus mayroon itong materyal na basehan at kasaysayang nagpapatunay na hindi kathang isip ang alaala ng pakikibaka.

Hangga’t may mga nalilikhang tulad ng AntiChico dam heroes monument, hangga’t nandyan ang ebidensya ng pinasabog na Marcos Bust, katotohanan ang mga naratibo ng pakikibaka noong Martial Law. Dahil patunay na buhay ang ating mga alaala kung ang mga ito ay nagmamarka, umiigpaw, sumusugat, at lumilikha ng legasiya. ▼

DISENYO NG PAHINA NIKKI SHANE PILLEJERA DIBUHO ARMEL JAKE FLORES

JOBELLE MILA