Pahimakas 2016

Mapagpalayang kaisipan sa malayang pahayagan

ESPESYAL NA ISYU

Illustration by Bernadette Neri *first published August 2001

PAHIMAKAS

Ang kasaysayan at hinaharap ng Outcrop \\ Unang inilathala noong Agosto 2006

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a isang lipunang takot ang karamihan na isabuhay ang kanilang mga nasasaisip, nariyan ang Outcrop upang unang pagtagpitagpiin ang mga takot na boses ng mga estudyante at mga mamamayan. Mula noon hanggang sa kasalukuyan, nangunguna na itong mangahas para sa pagbabago.

Tinatayang mahigit 32 taon na ang hinabi ng Outcrop sa kanyang mga pahina. Nanatiling kanlungan ng mga manunulat nito ang maliit na sulok sa Gusaling Juan Luna, na siyang opisina pa rin nito hanggang sa kasalukuyan. Saksi ang apat na sulok ng opisinang iyon sa pakikilahok at paggawa ng mga manunulat ng kasaysayan gamit ang panulat, mga salita, tangan ang prinsipyong “To write is already to

choose”.

Hindi lahat ay alam ang kahulugan ng salitang “Outcrop.”

Ayon sa mga diksyunaryo, nangangahulugan itong isang batong nakausli. Inihahalintulad ang pahayagan sa isang batong nakausli sa gitna ng isang patag na lupain dahil sa mapangahas nitong pagsisiwalat ng mga baho ng sistema sa gitna ng isang lipunang takot bumatikos sa diktadurya.

Walang sawa pa ring nakikilahok ang Outcrop sa pagkilos ng mga militanteng kabataan at organisasyon tungo sa pagluluwal ng pagbabago. Bilang isang instrumento ng malayang pamamahayag dito sa UPB, nagagawa nitong talakayin ang mga isyu na karaniwang dahilan upang ipasara o isuspinde ang continued to page 3

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Special Report:

Political Detainees and Human Rights P

olitical Prisoners. Military Abuses. Torture. Human Rights. Martial Law. A Filipino who is not aware of the existence of political prisoners in his country is deaf and blind.

His lack of awareness exemplifies the outcome of his repressive regime.

Political prisoners are people arrested, with or without formal charges and evidence of having committed any crime. They are usually charged with possession of subversive materials, or suspected to be members of the New People’s Army, Moro National Liberation Front, or the Communist Party of the Philippines.

FORMS OF TORTURE AND MILITARY ABUSES Arrests are usually done by military men in civilian clothes or in uniforms without nameplates. Those arrested are brought to military safehouses. Alleged forms of torture range from the following: electric shock applied to different parts of the body (soles of feet, fingers, genitals, etc.), rifle, pistol, fist blows, “watercure” done by pouring water into the nostrils or mouth, sexual abuse and stripping, rape, salvagia (a military slang for unofficial execution, after which the person killed is reported “missing”), physical isolation in bartolinas, burning with cigarettes, pulling out of hairs (mustache, pubic hair), ice torture where the detainee is made to sit naked on ice, tying of feet and pulled up on a beam with head hanging down, insertion of bullets between fingers, after which the fist is squeezed, beating on thighs with large bottles, forced masturbation, being thrown handcuffed into a swimming pool, dipping of head into a dirty toilet bowl, kicking, pompiang or simultaneous slaps on both ears which causes damage to the tympanic membranes, force eating of cigarette butts, and serving as houseboys/girls or dishwashers.

PRESS CENSORSHIP (WHAT SEEMS TO BE) Any political system that seeks to perpetuate and hold its power must, among other things, have control of media. This is important, so as to control dissemination of information to the advantage of the class.

The consequences of press censorship in the Philippines under martial rule in the country.

Generally, it leads to one-sided and unreliable reporting. In the matter of news accounts on political detainees, ambiguities and falsehoods are often quite clear. It is mainly due to to the efforts of concerned human rights workers and relatives of political detainees that facts concerning the true plight of the political detainees of the Philippines are presented to the public. This, however, is possible only through “underground” literature and publications.

Censorship in the New Society is not clearly defined as a law; rather, it is more of a tacit warning imposed on the press to tread carefully on the treacherous waters of “insurrection and rebellion” – general terms which may be interpreted according to the understanding of the readers and the impact of certain statements or articles.

The tacit nature of press censorship under the martial law regime, however, has not prevented it from having dire and grave consequences for those who are found guilty of “inciting rebellion.”

One can rattle off a number of students, journalists, and politicians detained for their “irresponsible” exercise of free speech and the right to express their sentiments.

Press censorship, then, in the current Philippine set-up is more

“voluntary” – no matter that there is no specific law curtailing the freedom of the press, there is still that ever-present and concrete threat of reprisal and detention which limits the press.

Among other liabilities which may qualify one for a sedition charge is “inciting to rebellion or sedition through making speeches, writings or publications which tend to incite others to committing acts defined as rebellious or seditious under the law.”

Thus, notwithstanding the absence of a legal body to undertake formal censorship of the press, there is the imminent danger of reprisal under the umbrella of the Penal Code Provision.

One hardly comes true accounts of the plight of political prisoners, then, since the press has been cowed into passive and noncritical reporting. Frequently, the press becomes self-contradictory. Statements are issued and then denied or twisted by ensuing reports.

Overnment or vested private interests take precedence over unbiased and objective reporting. The public is denied the right to know, and to know the truth.

The martial law press functions also in an “implicating” manner.

Specially where political prisoners are concerned, efforts have been made to discredit and blacklist those involve in the struggle for justice. For instance, the religious groups involved in the human rights struggle were linked at one time to communism or were given the “red scare.” From November, 1975 until late 1976, articles appeared almost daily in the local papers on the “Christian Left”.

The obvious objective was to link the human rights workers with the Communist Party. The religious sector responded with an open letter to three major Manila dailies. The letters were sent “vehemently protesting the twisting of events and the wrong reading of the Church commitment to justice” and referred to the attempts of the press to malign them as the “most vicious and recent effort so far in the controlled press to defame and slander pastors, priests, and sisters.” In midNovember, 1976, the military shut down two Churchoperated r a d i o stations i n

Mindanao and three Church-related publications. The cause given for the closure of the above was “subversion.”

Hearings on the case have been delayed, however, leaving the stations unlicensed to resume operations, and thereby ensuring that “subversion” is contained.

This has not, however, prevented the religious freedom fighters from continuing their struggle for justice.

How true is the government’s allegation that the Philippine press is free? It is for us to judge and evaluate. How free is a press that has to have “security clearance” for articles published? A case in point cited in the Civil Liberties Union publication, The State of the Nation After Three Years of Martial Law is the Aquino hunger strike in April of 1975. Sen. Benigno Aquino, possibly the most important and controversial political prisoner of the Marcos regime, staged a hunger strike to dramatize his plight. His family, in an effort to correct lopsided reporting about it, wrote to three leading Manila, dailies for a paid insection of Aquino’s reasons for his strike. The Bulletin Today replied that “we will clear first with (the) military on the matter regarding ‘security reasons.’ The Daily Express answered that “there are certain restrictions imposed on us in this particular case, we feel that we are not free to accept the insertion.”

So we are forced, by the very absence of opposition in the press, to rely for truth on banned or “underground” literature. Meanwhile, the government has all the media outlets it can hope for, aside from controlling the “private” press sector. The official outlets of the government are the Department of Public Information, the National Media Production Center, the Bureau of Forein and National Information, the Bureau of Broadcasts and other bureaus.

In the final analysis, the fact remains that the state of martial law is anti-thetical to a free press. The Philippine press can never be free again until martial law is lifted.

In the light, of these facts, we cannot expect the press to be truly objective and fair in its presentation of news to the public. The duty of the press, ideally, should be to expound the truth, but this function is obviously made impossible by the presence of Martial Law. Since the press of the country is not free, it becomes our bound duty to reserve our better judgment on matters reported on by the press. It is further our duty to avail freer and more democratic venues of information.

We, the students of the University, should be even more critical of events, since we are supposedly the voice of the masses. It is our duty to criticize and analyze objectively whatever needs discussion, and who are privileged to do this, by virtue of the academic freedom which is our birthright as students of the University.

“How true is the government’s allegation that the Philippine press is free? It is for us to judge and evaluate.”

*article and graphics first published September 1979

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Pahimakas . . . continued from page 1 mga mainstream na publikasyon, maging ang ilang publikasyong pangkampus sa ibang pamantasan. Isa ang Outcrop sa mga nanguna sa pagtuligsa sa Rehimeng Marcos noong kasagsagan ng Batas Militar. Nang tatlong beses pinasok ang opisina ng Outcrop at ipinagbawal itong maglathala, hindi ito tumigil sa pagbigay ng kritisismo sa nasabing rehimen. Bagkus ay palihim pa rin itong naglabas ng dyaryong tinawag na Rootcrop.

Nanguna rin ang Outcrop sa kampanyang pagbuwag sa Reserved Officers Training Corps (ROTC), kung saan ninakaw ang ilang mga kagamitan nito upang hindi na makapaglabas pa ng dyaryo. Maging sa kampanya para sa pagpapatalsik kay Joseph Estrada noong 2001, nanguna rin ang publikasyon sa pagmomobilisa dito a Baguio. Malaya nitong naipapamalita ang mga isyu tungkol sa mga anumalya sa administrasyong Gloria Macapagal Arroyo: Political Killings, Budget Cut sa UP at sa iba pang State Colleges at Universities. Tinutuligsa nito ang pagtapak ng Rehimeng Arroyo sa karapatang pantao at sa pamilyang Pilipino sa pamamagitan ng pag-apruba sa mga represibong polisiya gaya ng Proclamation 1017, Calibrated Preemptive Response at Revitalized Value Added Tax. Dito sa ating kampus, isa ang Outcrop sa mga nanguna upang supilin ang represyon sa mga Iskolar ng Bayan. Matapang nitong sinubaybayan at sinoportahan ang kampanya hanggang matamasa ang mga isinusulong natin, tulad ng karapatan ng lahat ng sekswalidad, Academic Rights, rebolusyon, pag-ibig at pagbabago. Patuloy nitong pinaglilingkuran ang mga estudyante at ang mas malawak pang lipunan sa pamamagitan ng pagsulong sa kanilang mga karapatan at walang takot na pag-alma sa iba’t ibang klaseng represyon.

Hindi maitatangging marami rin ang hindi sumasang-ayon sa oryentasyon ng Outcrop. Hindi ito naging immune sa kabi-kabilaang pag-atake. May mga pagkakataong binabato ito ng kaliwa’t kanang batikos ukol sa bias nito. Sa pagiging militante ng publikasyon, hindi naiwasang i-ugnay ito sa ibang organisayon sa kampus na mayroon ding militanteng oryentasyon.

Totoong may bias ang Outcrop. Ngunit hindi nakatuon ang bias nito sa isang organisasyon. Bagaman sa pagtanda ng publikasyon ay hindi pa rin ito nagawang baguhin ang lahat ng inutil na pagtingin sa kanya.

Ngunit sinisikap pa rin nitong linawin na mananatiling sa mga estudyante ang bias nito.

Sa kabila ng maraming pagbatikos, naging matingkad pa rin ang militanteng oryentasyon ng publikasyon. Patuloy nitong isinabubuhay ang malayang pamamahayag sa pamamagitan ng pagyakap sa Alternative Journalism. Minsan nang kinuwestyon ang Outcrop sa militanteng oryentasyon nito. Hindi raw dapat ito masyadong militante dahil nagiging sanhi ito upang maimpluwensyahan ang bawat indibidwal.

Ngunit mula pa man noon hindi naging trabaho ng Outcrop na mang-impluwensya ng mga indibidwal.

Bagkus, nagsilbi ang Outcrop bilang instrumento upang ipakita lamang ang tunay na nangyayari sa ating lipunan—magmulat.

Mula dito, nakikita nating marami pa talagang kailangang tugunang mga problema, napakarami pang kailangang gawin tungo sa nais nating malayang lipunan. Sa magulong lipunang kung saan alam nating ang lahat ay nahaharap sa tunggalian ng mga uri, hindi tamang manahimik na lamang. Katulad ng naging kampanya laban sa Campus Repression dito sa UPB, hindi ito napagtagumpayan kung hindi tayo nagsamasama. Mula dito, patuloy na mananawagan ang Outcrop sa bawat Iskolar ng Bayan, maging sa mas malawak na bahagi ng ating lipunan, na maging kritikal, mamulat, mag-aral at kumilos upang ipaglaban ang ating karapatan at isulong ang pambansang demokrasya

pahayag

Tagumpay ng digmang bayan, hamon sa ika-52 taon ng Kabataang Makabayan

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uling pinaigting ng rebolusyonaryong kabataan ng Kordilyera ang hamon sa kanilang hanay na tuluyang kamitin ang tagumpay ng rebolusyong Pilipino, sa pagdiriwang ng ika-52 anibersaryo ng Kabataang Makabayan.

Bilang komemorasyon ng pagtatatag ng rebolusyonaryong organisasyon ng kabataang Pilipino noong 1964, idinaos ng Kabataang Makabayan – Demokratiko a Tignayan Dagiti Agtutubo ti Kordilyera (KM–DATAKO), ang balangay nito sa Kordilyera, ang isang pampulitikang kumperensya na tangan ang panawagan ng pagpaparami ng hanay tungo sa pagabante ng demokratikong rebolusyon ng bayan.

Pinamunuan ng KM-DATAKO Arnold “Ka Mando” Jaramillo Chapter, ang tumatayong pangrehiyong balangay ng KM, ang internal na pagdiriwang na dinaluhan din ng mga alumni at mga kasama mula sa iba pang rebolusyonaryong organisasyon, kabilang na ang Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), New People’s Army (NPA), National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), Cordillera People’s Democratic Front, Artista at Manunulat ng Sambayanan (ARMAS) at Kalipunan at Samahan ng mga Maralita (KASAMA).

Tangan-tangan ang temang “Kabataan, kamtin ang tagumpay ng digmang bayan!

Sumapi sa hukbong bayan!”, pinagtibay ng mga rebolusyonaryong kabataan ang pagkakaisa hinggil sa pangangailangang himukin ang kanilang ranggo na sumapi sa hukbong bayan, isakatuparan ang istratehikong pagkakapatas, at isulong ang rebolusyonaryong pakikibaka ng sambayanang Pilipino.

Binigyang-diin din ng mga kasama ang paglantad sa bulok na sistema na daantaon nang nagpapahirap sa mamamayang Pilipino, at ang pagtahak sa landas ng kapayapaang nakabatay

sa karapatan at katarungan sa pamamagitan ng pagsugpo sa ugat ng armadong pakikibaka at krisis panlipunan.

Samantala, pinalalim ng panauhing pandangal ng nasabing aktibidad ang usapin ng digmang bayan sa gitna ng tumitinding krisis ng imperyalismo at ng usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng rehimeng Duterte (GRP) at ng NDFP. Bukod sa serye ng aktibidad, diskusyon, kultural na pagtatanghal, at palaro, inalala rin ng mga rebolusyonaryong kabataan ang mga martir ng Kordilerya na tumugon sa pinakamataas na panawagan ng paglilingkod sa sambayanan, ang pagsapi sa hukbong bayan.

Sa huli, tinanaw ng KM–DATAKO ang pagsusulong ng rebolusyonaryong pakikibaka kasama ang mamamayang Pilipino.

Patunay ng makasaysayang gampanin ng mga anak ng bayan ang higit limang dekadang pagtalima ng KM sa pakikibaka ng mamamayang Pilipino.

Handa ang bagong henerasyon ng mga rebolusyunaryong kabataan na sumuong sa susunod na mga hamon ng rebolusyong Pilipino.

Hindi matitinag ang hanay ng mga rebolusyonaryong kabataan at ang buong rebolusyong Pilipino hanggang sa tagumpay ng demokratikong rebolusyong bayan, hanggang sa sosyalistang konstruksyon, hanggang sa pagabot ng mga mamamayan ng buong daigdig sa komunismo.

Kabataan, kamtin ang tagumpay ng digmang bayan!

Sumapi sa Bagong Hukbong Bayan!

Mabuhay ang Kabataang Makabayan!

Mabuhay ang sambayanang Pilipino!

Mabuhay ang Rebolusyong Pilipino!

Iginuhit ni Kym Arlaw Yambot *unang inilathala August 2009

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UP Baguio Outcrop Tomo 43 Isyu 2 Espesyal na Isyu

Cordillera Trials

\\ Dona Domingo

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ordillera, the mountain ranges were once the haven of people who silently imprinted their culture on carved woods that have become world-class works of art; of people who are now reduced into numbers counted among the statistics of human rights victims Statistics of human rights violations is nothing new.

Numbers, though they speak of death, torture and suffering hardly create a lasting sensation much more prompt people into action.

With the economic climate of the country, majority of Filipinos endure suffering in various forms. Thus, when there are reports of human rights abuses, some are too busy to care, others too dumb to mind and still others are still beyond caring.

When pictures of maimed bodies of young children were splashed on the pages of national dailies and when headlines screamed of Marag Valley, somebody has to care.

The Aquino government in its last term, waged Total War on the Cordilleras, in the hope of reducng or ultimately eradicating insurgency. Ironically,

however, the first half of this year or the last semester of Aquino administration is tainted with more cases of human rights violations.

The Cordillera Regional Office of the Research, Documentation and Information Program of Task Force Detainees reports that “there are 103 cases of documented human rights violations for the first half of 1992 that victimatized more than 2, 627 Cordillerans.” In 1991, there were only 29 cases for the first half and 91 cases for the last half. If the trend continues, then 1992 may yield human rights victims, which means more Cordillerans suffering in silence, for their cries for help are unheard beyond the mountain ranges.

Arbitrary arrests and detention, physical assaults and harrasment and disappeareances are minor forms

of violation compared tom massacres, extra-judicial, executions and killings.

A glimmer of hope, hoever, is shining for the people of Cordillera. The announcement of the newly-elected president, regarding his army program may eventually end the torment that this region has been suffering. The amnesty program of President Ramos may signal the end of military presence in the region, of women and children caught in the crossfire and of home searched and destroyed. However, the Cordillerans may never be back to their peaceful existence.

An equally threatening prospect for the Cordillerans is the possible reopening of dams in this region as a solution to the country’s power problems. According to the Regional Office of the Research, Documentation and Information Program of Task Force Detainees, “ten mini-hydro electric plants are reported to be constructed along the Amburayan River in Kapangan, Benguet.”

The Chico Dam project in the Mountain Province to Kalinga-Apayao is being eyes to operate and the AbulogGenned Dam construction in Apayao is scheduled to continue. Affected Cordillerans, however, are beginning to protest. Reopening or construction of these dams would mean relocation for the people within the area and disintegration from their indigenous culture.

For people who throw invectives with just minor traffic problems, the plight of the Cordillerans may make them blink back in suprise and render them thankful that traffic that traffic jams are just one of their major worries. For the poeple who openly curse public officials because of constant power failures, it would really be a shock to learn that the Cordillerans are suffering in silence.

Apparently, the Cordillerans have taken too much. They are beginning to show their dissatisfation of the government.

One of this days, they might just surprise the whole worldwith a resistance that will immortalize them along with their arts, especially if they will be forced to leave their homes. By that time, the Cordillerans may have taken too much and will no longer consent to take more. And so much for enduring in silence.

“For people who throw invectives with just minor traffic problems, the plight of the Cordillerans may make them blink back in suprise and render them thankful that traffic jams are just one of their major worries.”

*article first published September 1992 graphics first published March 1983

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Who Protects Who? \\ Lanie Bauzon

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inish the job of crushing the communist insurgency and other threats to the government by the end of my term.”

These words owned no less than Pres. Corazon Aquino has kept on ringing in the ears of our armed force. And while Aquino’s directive reverberates within the military structure, the collective voice of the countryside people for ethnocide falls into deaf ears.

For almost two year now, the issue on militarization in the North has yet to be resolved. Several new cases of intense military operations in the area has spread like wildfire and our people suffer no end. Is this the government and the AFP really protecting the people from the “communists’? Or are they in cahoots with one another to protect their own interests at the expense of our people.

The conduct of war against the communist insurgents since 1986 in the Cordilleras in a series of military operations codenamed Oplan Pegasus, Oplan Red Buster II, and now Oplan Salidummay has been costly to the people up North. It has already claimed the lives of many; hundreds of children have died due to medical and economic blockade imposed by the military. Like primitive barbarians, unprincipled soldiers loot, pillage and ransack as if they were contesting for trophies. Since the total war policy was laid down by the Philippine government, mass evacuations and countless human rights violations have been inflicted on the residents.

The tri-valleys of Marag, Paco and Zinundungan used to be the targets of military attacks. Now, after carrying out heavy bombardments in Marag Valley, four barangays of Southern Conner in Kalinga-Apayao became the focus of Oplan Red Lips, the second phase of the division-sized counter-insurgency campaign of the AFP codenamed Oplan Salidummay. Residents speculated that military operations alongside a program of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) dubbed Oplan Luntian is aimed at securing forested areas for the operation of logging concessions.

The Cordillera Currents reported that Conner is identified by the provincial development plan of Kalinga-Apayao as a potential mining site for its famous richness in mineral deposits in gold, copper, silver and manganese. Residents said that military offensive “was meant to smother any opposition to these plans which would facilitate the unhampered exploitation of the area’s natural resources.” These reports belied the military’s claim that civilians are only accidental victims of war. As the Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace (EMJP) observed, “Civilians are not merely caught in the crossfire; they are the targets of military attacks.”

Consequently, militarization had turned the people of Marag into “refugees of their own land.” Evacuation centers were being set up to house hundreds of displaced families from the on-going war. The plight of the evacuees is further aggravated by inadequate food, poor sanitation and the lack of assurance and security deepen their fears and anxieties.

Last year, the counter-insurgency drive by the military cost the government an estimated P36.98m in Marag Valley alone. For air operations, Oplan Salidummay utilizes four hueys, four t-28’s, two F-5 jets and a C-130 plane to transport troops to those areas.

Used for shelling and strafing are 81 mm and 60 mm mortars, a 105 mm Howitzer, and 90 recoilless rifles.

Ground support uses the Philippine Amy light armor regiment (PALAR), V-150’s, infantry fighting vehicles and light tanks. Indeed, these operations cost a lot. But is it worth it?

There may not be enough money for social services such as health, education, and infrastructure projects for several years now. But there has always been enough

money for the defense department in expanding the armed forces and in purchasing guns and ammunitions to fight internal forces.

Unless our leaders are willing to inflict real changes in terms of “better lives for the millions” that will also lessen (if no totally remove) the social discontent of the people, the answer could be even more desolating. The insurgency problem will never be crushed for as long as the majority of the Filipinos are hungry, helpless, and oppressed.

..

“militarization had turned the people of Marag into “refugees of their own land.”

Evacuation centers were being set up to house hundreds of displaced families from the on-going war.” *article first published January 1992

2013

54th IB replaces 86th IB in Ifugao 86th IB – responsible for extrajudicial killings, rape, torture, destruction and divestment of properties and filing of trumped-up charges against civilians; operated in Ilocos, Cagayan and Cordillera regions Elmer Valdez (peasant in Ilocos Sur) and Vic and Rosario Valenzuela (of Isabela) – killed by the millitary; said they were members of the npa Victor Balais, Rocky Aboli, Rey Logao, Robert Sabado are killed by the 21st IB and the 77th IB in kalinga.

2014

march 2014 william bugatti - killed in ifugao by unidentified assassins. september 2014 Noel viste - a resident of lacub; coerced into being a human shield by the 41st ib engr fidela salvador - suffered multiple gunshot wounds, bone fractures and bore signs of torture recca noelle monte - npa fighter, killed without any gunshot wound but with skull crushed and knees dislocated arnold jaramillo - npa fighter; bullets and bore signs of torture (and five others) Rape of Isabel, 16-year-old high school student from Mankayan, Benguet. Suspect remains to be 86th IBPA Capt. Danilo Lalin

2015

October 2015 Deployment of 50th and 71st IBPA in Ag-agama, Western Uma, Lubuagan, Kalinga, wherein soldiers encamped in the community threatening the residents’ safety.

Residents have been accused of being members and supporters of the NPA. Nine political prisoners Marcos Aggalao of Balbalan, Kalinga – 72 years old, ailing and retired rebel arrested in September Esteban Eduardo, an elderly and suffering from hypertension who is now currently detained in Bontoc, Mt. Province after his cases were dismissed in Bangued, Abra

2016

July to September 2016 Soldiers of the 54th and 77th IBPA conducted military operations in Tinoc and Asipulo, Ifugao, respectively. According to the Ifugao Peoples Movement (IPM) and the Kalanguya peoples, the deployment of military troups in Tinoc is a move to force the people to allow the Sta. Clara Power Corporation-proposed 11.5MW mini hydro project despite the resistance of the affected communities.

September 2016 Encampment of 24th IBPA in Sallapadan, Abra. This is supposedly to catch NPA members.

November 18, 2016 civilian Arnel Ngoya was shot by an unnamed member of the 54th IB for allegedly grabbing the gun of the soldier in tinoc ifugao. Witnesses say that it was the soldier who attacked. Ngoya survived and was brought to a hospital

2017

February 9, 2017 illegal arrest and detention of sarah abellon alikes, a political activist, and two others by the afp. the arrest warrant came on february 11 with trumped-up charges of arson and robbery. sarah was temporarily released on bail.

*sources: Bulatlat.com and Cordillera People’s Alliance

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Sa pagpapatuloy

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a maskarang “Change is coming”, muling nabuhay ang pag-asa sa karamihan ng mga mamamayang Pilipino mula sa bigo at baluktot na byahe sa “daang matuwid” at sa mga nakakasawang “I am sorry.” Sa pag-upo ng bagong administrasyon, marami ang natuwa at naniwala sa mga pangakong binitawan ng bagong lider ng bansa.

Ngunit gaya ng nakaraan, tila unti-unti na namang napapako ang mga pangakong binitawan at inasahan ng sambayanan.

Maaga pa lang, inut-inot na namang nabibigo ang sambayanang umasa sa inaakalang pagbabagong darating.

Nagtapos na ang kwentong three to six months ng pangulo natin - kwentong nagsimula sa pantasyang tapusin ang problema sa droga ng bansa na nagtapos sa paghingi ng palugit hanggang sa matapos ang kanyang termino na nagkaroon ng sequel sa kwentong pagsuspinde ng kampanya laban sa droga; kwentong tumungo ng bagong banghay patungkol sa pagsugpo ng kriminalidad sa bansa.

May bago na namang mga kwentong maitatala at maidadagdag sa ating kasaysayan.

Ngunit nakaamba na namang muling pagtakpan ang mga tunay na kaganapan sa nakaraan.

Naging mainit na usapin ang isyu ng sistematikong pagbabago ng kasaysayan o historical revisionism noong napagdesisyunan ng Pangulong Duterte na ihimlay ang mga labi ng dating diktador na si Ferdinand Marcos sa Libingan ng mga Bayani. Mas lalo pang

“Sa ating pagbabaliktanaw sa nakaraan, dito tayo natututo na huwag ulitin ang mga pagkakamali noon at hirangin muli ang tagumpay ng samasamang pagkilos.”

ikinagulat ng nakararami ang palihim na paglibing dito ilang araw lamang bago ibaba ng Korte Suprema ang hatol ukol dito. Muling naungkat ang Martial Law at mga karahasang naganap sa masang Pilipino noong dekada ’70.

Karamihan sa hanay ng mga nagprotesta ang mga namulat na millennials o mga kabataang hindi pa naipanganak noong panahong iyon.

Sa ganitong pagkondena ng kabataang estudyante sa paglilibing kay Marcos sa Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB), makikita na ang kabataan ay may sariling pag-iisip at kakayanan na pag-aralan ang kasaysayan.

Makikita ang puspusang pag-aaral ng kabataan sa kasaysayan sa kanilang kaalaman sa mga ginawa ni Marcos, ang bilyon-bilyong kaban ninakaw niya mula sa bayan, ang libo-libong paglabag sa karapatang pantao at ang lumalang problema sa ekonomya na nagpapatuloy hanggang ngayon.

Kumalas na rin ang administrasyong Duterte sa sinimulan nitong usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng gobyerno ng Pilipinas at ng National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Sa loob lamang ng ilang buwan ay tinapos ng gobyerno ang pag-uusap dahil sa suspension ng ceasefire ng Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army (CPPNPA) na nagmula sa maraming paglabag ng Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) sa ceasefire na idineklara bilang pagbibigay-daan sa usapang pangkapayapaan.

Maaalala na nang umupo si Corazon Aquino bilang pangulo, nagpahayag din ito ng hangad na magkaroon ng kapayapaan,

Opisyal na Pahayagan ng mga Mag-aaral ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Baguio mapagpalayang kaisipan sa malayang pahayagan

Patnugutan

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Punong Patnugot John Rey Dave Aquino Kawaksing Patnugot Leah Perez Tagapamahalang Patnugot Angela Denise Lauzon Patnugot sa Balita Danna Llaine Ruiz Patnugot sa Kultura Arthur John Astaquinta Patnugot sa Lathalain Ellainemor San Pascual Patnugot sa Guhit at Lapat Divine Loraine Peñaflor Tagapangasiwa ng Pinansya Quimberlyn Ranchez Kawani William Ceasar Laureta

ngunit hindi naging matagumpay ang usapang pangkapayapaang sinimulan niya. Sa termino naman ni Fidel Ramos ay ipinagpatuloy ang usapang pangkapayapaan na nagresulta sa pagpirma sa Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) at Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law. Bagamat matagal nang sinimulan, hanggang ngayon ay hindi pa natatapos ang usapang pangkapayapaan dahil sa mga hindi pagkakasundo ng dalawang panig. Sa pagkansela ni Duterte ng JASIG at usapang pangkapayapaan, ipinakita niya na hindi siya kaiba sa iba pang nagdaang administrasyon na tila ayaw ng kapayapaan.

Ang mga pangyayaring ito ay manipestasyon ng pagtalikod at paglimot sa nakaraan upang maipagdiwang ang mga nasa pwesto at makapangyarihan. Sa panahong ito, tungkulin natin bilang mga iskolar ng bayan na muling balikan at aralin ang kasaysayan upang maipaalala sa atin ang mga aral na mula rito.

Sa ating pagbabalik-tanaw sa nakaraan, dito tayo natututo na huwag ulitin ang mga pagkakamali noon at hirangin muli ang tagumpay ng sama-samang pagkilos. Sa isang lipunang hirado ng daan-daang boses at ideolohiya, tanging kasaysayan lamang ang batis ng katotohanan – kasaysayang hinubog ng masa sa gitna ng tunggalian.

Miyembro ng College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) at Solidaridad, Alyansa ng mga Pahayagang Pangkampus sa UP upboutcrop@gmail.com Facebook page: “UP Baguio Outcrop” Twitter: @UPB_Outcrop Unang Palapag ng Alumni Center Building, UP Baguio, Gov. Pack Road, Baguio City

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UP Baguio Outcrop Tomo 43 Isyu 2 Espesyal na Isyu

Alarma: Ang Oplan Bantay Laya at ang karahasan ng Rehimeng Arroyo \\ Anne Kathleen Payos

H

indi na ligtas ang Pilipinas sa mga nagsusuri ng kamalian sa lipunan nito. Buhay ang kapalit sa bawat pagtatangkang baguhin ang itinakda ng Palasyo.

Kasa ng baril ang makukuha kapag nagpatuloy pang kumwestyon ang sinuman. Ilang segundo na lamang ang itatagal kapag nangahas pa ang sinuman na gisingin ang sambayanan.

Taong 2002 nang ipatupad ng Rehimeng Arroyo ang Oplan Bantay laya (OBL) bilang pagpapatuloy sa iba pang oplan na inilunsad ng dating mga pangulo ng Pilipinas tulad ng Oplan Lambat Bitag ni Ramos, Oplan makabayan ni Estrada at marami pang iba. Lehitimo itong kautusan ng pangulo sa Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) na supilina ng Communist Party of the Philippines - New People's Army (CPP-NPA).

Taong 2004 naman nang ilabas ng AFP ang PowerPoint presentation na "Knowing the Enemies" na isang listahang nagbabansag sa mga militanteng organisasyon bilang terorista. Kabilang sa listahan ang Bayan Muna, Gabriela, National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) at Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP).

Mula noon ay sunud-sunod nang tangka sa mga legal na organisasyong tinawag nilang terorista.

Sa pagsasakatuparan ng programang ito, ikinabit na rin ang isyu ng sunud-sunod na pagpatay sa mga mamamahayag sa buong bansa. Sa mga taong sumunod dito ay tinagurian ang Pilipinas na isa sa mga mapanganib na bansa para sa mamamahayag.

Marso 2006 naman ng nang tinangkang patayin ng pamahalaan ang demokrasya sa paglabas ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo ng Presidential Proclamation 1017. Nagsilbi itong isang direktang pagpapatahimik sa mga kritiko ng Administrasyon. Bilang tugon, sunudsunod na protesta ang sinagawa ng mga militanteng organisasyon. Tila nakita ng Administrasyon na isang malaking balakid sa kanila ang presensya ng mga mamamahayag na lantarang naglalabas ng katiwalian ng gobyerno.

BACK TO BASICS Hindi naging matagumpay ang mga naging hakbanging ito ng pamahalaan upang patumbahin ang mga itinuturing niyang sagabal sa kanyang pamumuno.

Nanatiling militante ang mga pilit nilang pinapatay na mga organisasyon.

Bilang isa pang desperadong hakbangin, nitong nakaraang Hunyo lamang ay pinaigting pa ang programang pagsupil sa mga "terorista" ng mgalaan ng karagdagang isang bilyong piso ang pamahalaan sa AFP. Idagdag pa dito ang $21 milyon na mula sa Estados Unidos para sa Counter-Insurgency Program ng pamahalaan. Ngayon, hindi na lamang mga CPPNPA at mamamahayag ang target ng pamahalaan. Sa sunud-sunod na balita ng pagpaslang sa mga lideraktibista hindi maikakailang kabilang na rin ang mga sibilyang kontra-Administrasyon sa planong supilin ng pamahalaan.

Wala nang pagkakaiba para sa pamahalaan ang mga armadong rebelde at ang mga sibilyang nakikibaka sa legal na paraan. malinaw na itinuturing nang kaaway ng Administrasyon ang sinumang hindi pabor sa kanyang mga polisiya.

MURDER BY NUMBERS Kung ikukumpara sa 56 na naitalang kaso noong 2005, kalahati pa lamang ng taon na ito ay 62 kaso na ng mga nawawala ang naitala. Enero hanggang Hulyo nitong taon lamang ay 182 pagpaslang na ang naiulat habang 184 kaso ng pagpaslang ang naitala sa buong taon ng 2005.

Isa sa mga biktima ng pulitikal na pamamaslang si

Rafael Markus "Ka Makoy" Bangit, Vice Chairperson ng Bayan Muna Kalinga Chapter at dating tagapangulo ng Cordillera People's Alliance. Isang kilalang lider sa Kalinga at buong Kordilyera si Ka Makoy dahil sa matapang nitong pakikipaglaban para sa karapatan ng mga katutubong mamamayan. Pabalik ng Baguio si Ka Makoy kasama ng kanyang anak nang paslangin siya sa bayan ng Echague, Isabela noong Hunyo 8, 2006.

Pinagbabaril ito ng armadong mga lalaking naka-bonnet at nakasakay sa motorsiklo--ganito ang kadalasang paglalarawan ng mga saksi na pumapatay sa mga lider na tulad ni Ka Makoy.

DESAPARECIDOS Habang tinatayang may dalawa o higit pang pulitikal na pamamaslang kada linggo ngayong taon, may 350 biktima naman ng frustrated killings at 175 ang naiulat na dinukot mula noong 2001, ayon sa Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace at Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN).

Kabilang sa mga desaparecidos o dinukot ang dalawang estudyante ng UP Diliman na sina Sherlyn Cadapan at Karen Empeno. Gabi nitong nakaraang Hunyo 26 nang dakipin sila ng 20 armadong kalalakihang naka-bonnet sa Hagonoy, Bulacan. Miyembro umano ng NPA ang dalawang estudyante ngunit pinabulaanan ng kanilang mga magulang ang akusasyong ito.

Si Sherlyn, dating kinatawan ng University Student Council ng UP Diliman at miyembro ng Anakbayan, noon ay nag-oorganisa ng lokal na balangay nito sa probinsya. Si Karen naman, miyembro ng League of Filipino Students, ay nagsasaliksik noon tungkol sa kalagayan ng mga magbubukid para sa kanyang thesis.

Hanggang sa kasalukuyan, hindi pa rin natatagpuan ang dalawa at inaghihinalaang pinaslang na ang mga ito.

Ang AFP ay patuloy na nagsisilbi namang instrumento ng Rehimeng Arroyo. Patuloy ang pagbibigay ng malaking bahagi ng pambansang badyet ng militar upang isakatuparan ang mga desperadong hakbangin ng pamahalaan na

“Hangga’t nakikitang may kailangang baguhin sa ating lipunan, sa kabila ng pagpaslang sa mga militanteng sibilyan, mananatiling isang imposibleng pangarap ng Rehimen ang mapatay nito ang militansya. ”

patumbahin ang sinumang umalma sa gobyerno.

Sa pagtutok ng armas ng pamahalaan sa bibig ng sambayanan, inaakala nilang hindi na ito makaka-alma.

Hangga't nakikitang may kailangang baguhin sa ating lipunan, sa kabila ng pagpaslang sa mga militanteng sibilyan, mananatiling isang imposibleng pangarap ng Rehimen ang mapatay nito ang militansya. Pilitin man ni Arroyo na patahimikin ang mga tinatawag niyang terorista, patuloy na ipaiintindi ng sambayanan na hindi mamamatay ang pagbabago, ilang buhay man ang maibaon sa lupa. Hahanap ng paraan ang mga tao upang makamit ang nais na pagbabago. Malaunan, kapag ang sambayanan, hindi imposibleng tapatan nito ang balang pinalilipad ng Rehimeng Arroyo.

*Ang Oplan Bantay Laya ay lumang porma ng Oplan Kapayapaan, Counter Insurgency Program ng rehimeng Arroyo. Bagaman nagbago ng pangalan, pareho lamang ang kanilang layunin: ang supilin ang rebeldeng mga grupo gaya ng New People’s Army at Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Pareho rin ang paraan na ginagamit ng parehong rehimen. Ang mga naturang programa ay nagresulta sa mga paglabag sa karapatang pantao at pagpapalayas sa mga katutubo sa sarili nilang mga lupa.

Ang akda at grapiks na ito ay unang nailathala noong Agosto 2006.

Ang grapiks ay gawa ni Sandra Ferwelo

8Grapiks

UP Baguio Outcrop Tomo 43 Isyu 2 Espesyal na Isyu