University, is it for me?

University, is it for me?

Access to Higher Education: Perspectives of Black, Asian and Eastern European Young People

Lanai Collis-Phillips Katie Tyrrell

CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...................................................................................................... 1 DISCLAIMER ........................................................................................................................ 1 To cite this report:.......................................................................................................... 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY....................................................................................................... 2 Summary of Reflections and Recommendations: .......................................................... 3 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................... 5 Ethnicity in Ipswich and Wider Suffolk............................................................................ 6 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................ 10 Table 1: Demographic data: Participants ..................................................................... 11 Ethical Implications and Study Limitations ................................................................... 11 FINDINGS ........................................................................................................................... 12 Qualitative Findings ......................................................................................................... 12 Theme One: Context Counts ........................................................................................... 12 Familial influence......................................................................................................... 12 The impact of migration ............................................................................................... 14 Experiences of racism and discrimination .................................................................... 15 Theme Two: Information, Advice and Guidance .............................................................. 17 Deferring earning: Simplifying the financial implications of HE..................................... 17 Studying for stability..................................................................................................... 18 Pre-registration support is key ..................................................................................... 19 Theme Three: Representation Matters ............................................................................ 21 Significance of first impressions................................................................................... 21 Theme Four: Building Diverse Higher Education Communities........................................ 23 Celebrating cultural diversity........................................................................................ 23 Success and progression............................................................................................. 25 Figure 1: Student Lifecycle: Cyclical Nature of Access. Success and Progression ..... 25 Figure 2: Thematic Map............................................................................................... 27 CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................................................. 28 REFLECTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..................................................................... 29 RESOURCES ..................................................................................................................... 32 APPENDICES ..................................................................................................................... 33 Appendix 2: Interview Schedule: Young people (13-18)............................................... 34 REFERENCES.................................................................................................................... 35

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to thank all the students at the University of Suffolk who took the time out to take part in this research, and all the young people who also contributed and volunteered their time to feedback their views around access to higher education. You give us hope for a brighter future, thank you for sharing your experiences.

DISCLAIMER © University of Suffolk 2021 Whilst every effort has been made to ensure that the information contained in this draft report is accurate and up to date, neither the authors nor the University of Suffolk can accept legal responsibility or liability for anything done by readers as a result of any errors or omissions.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of the publishers, University of Suffolk.

Published by: University of Suffolk Waterfront Building Ipswich Suffolk IP4 1QJ

To cite this report: Collis-Phillips, L. & Tyrrell, K. (2021) University, is it for me? Access to Higher Education: Perspectives of Black, Asian and Eastern European Young People, University of Suffolk.

Ipswich.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ‘I'm not really sure how to explain it. I feel like this is just like, encourage, like, every race, every skin colour everyone just to be themselves and who they are, and who they want to be.’

(Rihanna, aged 13, Q3, Other Black, African or Caribbean Background) The following report presents findings from a small-scale in-depth qualitative study exploring perceived barriers and facilitators to accessing higher education amongst 37 Black, Asian, and Eastern European young people, aged 13-19, and current university students in Ipswich, Suffolk from May – July 2021. The research was commissioned by the Network for East Anglian Collaborative Outreach (neaco) through its Take Your Place programme. Working in the East of England, neaco is a partnership of five universities and nine further education colleges in the region. Through Take Your Place it delivers outreach in areas where the higher education participation of young people is lower than expected given average attainment at age 16, promoting available pathways and higher education providers impartially.

Summary of Findings: Themes

Short Description

Context Counts

Considering the wider socio-cultural context in which different ethnic groups are situated and the societal and structural barriers which influence access to higher education is important in understanding perceptions of access to higher education.

Information, Advice and

Comprehensive, accessible, and relevant information, advice,

Guidance

and guidance is crucial, but also making more specific adjustments and adaptations to this information for students from ethnic minority communities who are suggested to be more likely to come from areas of deprivation, low higher education participation and low socio-economic status backgrounds.

Representation Matters

A diverse staff and student body is important in facilitating access to higher education for Black, Asian, and Eastern European communities. Perceived limited cultural diversity within Suffolk, and experience within their school settings but also during open days at the university, contributed toward their expectations of studying at the University of Suffolk, and

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meant many young people had a desire to move to areas of higher ethnic diversity.

Building Diverse

Access should not be considered in isolation from success and

Communities in HE

progression, and initiatives to facilitate belonging and retention of Black, Asian, and Eastern European students and communities should feed into strategies for increasing access to higher education for these groups.

Summary of Reflections and Recommendations: Themes Community Focused

Short Description  Approach and work collectively with local community groups with specialist knowledge and expertise in working with and supporting Black, Asian and Eastern European communities.  Make commitments to address communities directly, as opposed to a homogenous group, respond to and feedback progress on suggestions for change.  Utilising the University of Suffolk to bring together local minority ethnic communities and students to celebrate cultural diversity.

Data Driven

 Utilise available disaggregated HESA/HEAT/UOS data around student access to the University of Suffolk, including student ethnicity and intersections with other demographic and contextual variables such as socio-economic status, gender and POLAR4 data. This would enable more focused strategic goals to be set based on specific ethnic groups.  Collaboration with local population data analysts within Suffolk County Council to further understand local ethnicity statistics and build understanding of future trajectories based on migration patterns, particularly in the context of Brexit, which will influence Eastern European’s access to UK universities.

Student Lifecycle

 Moving away from access per se to a greater focus on success and progression to facilitate access. Improvements in prior

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cycles of retention, attainment and progression should facilitate greater access via positive perceptions of higher education Organisational

 Invest in staff anti-racism/unconscious bias training, consider a

Equality and

revised recruitment strategy to attract more diversity within

Diversity

outreach teams and work alongside current Black, Asian and Eastern European staff and students to inform interventions and initiatives.

Research and Evaluation

 Develop robust evaluation methodologies at institutional levels, including collection of ethnicity data, research focusing on more specific ethnic groups within the local context and the impact of migration and EAL upon access.

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INTRODUCTION Access to Higher Education for Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic Communities Over recent years, with increasing interest in widening participation and increasing access to higher education across the sector, there have been several reports and academic publications based upon research to address questions seeking to identify the differences between participation in, and experience of, higher education amongst Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic communities in comparison to their White counterparts. The classification of students’ ethnicity is typically based on their self-identification, often using a list of categories similar to those in the national census (Richardson et al, 2020), but can vary significantly dependent on institution and location, and consequently it is not always easy to compare findings across research. Although in most cases, research tends to focus on Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic communities, or broadly students who are non-white, sometimes also highlighting the status of students as either home or international. The available literature tends to focus on different stages of the student lifecycle, from initial access to success in the form of attainment and retention, to progression into employment.

In terms of the link between ethnicity and access to higher education, quantitative cohort studies research highlights that, on average, ethnic minorities are significantly more likely to go to university in comparison to their White British peers, with numbers increasing over time (Crawford & Greaves, 2015; GOV.UK, 2021 1). Interestingly, this relationship persists when controlling for socio-economic status (SES) and irrespective of academic attainment, so ethnic minorities are more likely that their White British counterparts to access higher education. Despite this positive move toward increased participation in higher education for Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic pupils, research consistently highlights that Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic students are increasingly likely to experience racism and inequality as part of their university experience, including microaggressions, and dismissive and negative attitudes (Singh, 2011; Smith, Senter, & Strachan, 2013; Truong, Museus, & McGuire, 2016).

In addition, analysis of UCAS data has highlighted that Asian and Black students were less likely to be in receipt of an offer from a prestigious HEI than their White counterparts with similar qualifications (Boliver, 2013).

Furthermore, cohort studies suggest that within the highest SES quintile, White British pupils were more likely to go to university than those from Black Caribbean and Other Black ethnic origins, and when controlling for SES, in one cohort, ‘Other Whites’ were also less likely to attend university than their White British peers (Stevenson et al, 2019). In addition, within minority ethnic groups, the participation rates of those without English as an additional

GOV.UK (2021) Entry rates into higher education: By ethnicity over time: https://www.ethnicity-factsfigures.service.gov.uk/education-skills-and-training/higher-education/entry-rates-into-higher-education/latest#by-ethnicity-overtime [Accessed 29/11/21]

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language (EAL), a potential marker of recent immigration, are generally higher than those of pupils with English as an additional language. For example, Crawford and Greaves (2015) highlighted that 65% of Black African pupils have English as an additional language, and amongst those who do, around 53% go to university compared to 64% of those who do not.

Furthermore, although pupils of all ethnicities at London schools are more likely to access higher education compared to those outside London, particular ethnic groups, such as Pakistani pupils in 2003 and 2008 cohorts, were much more likely to go to university if they lived in London, compared to those living elsewhere. Thus, at a more granular level, in some instances, there are differences in levels of access amongst different minority ethnic groups.

It is therefore of significant importance to recognise that minority ethnic communities are not a homogenous group, and there are a multitude of intersecting factors, such as access to funding, school experience, gender, SES and familial influence which shape the likelihood of access to higher education (Torgerson et al, 2008; DfE, 2018).

Ethnicity in Ipswich and Wider Suffolk Based on Suffolk County Council population projections from ONS (2011) data 2, Suffolk as a county has a high population of White British residents (91%), the second highest ethnic group is White Other (3.8%), followed by White and Black Caribbean (0.6%), Other Asian (0.6%), Indian (0.5%) and Black African (0.4%) amongst other minority ethnicities. At the district level, in Ipswich, the proportion of ethnic minority groups is higher overall, with White British residents making up (83%), followed by White Other (5.4%), White and Black Caribbean (1.9%), Indian (1.4%), Bangladeshi (1.3%), Caribbean (1.2%) and other Asian (1%) amongst other minority ethnicities.

Suffolk County Councils (2019) Migration Population Report identified that migration patterns in Suffolk has followed the expansion of the EU: ‘In 2017/18, more than 4 in 10 (41.3%) registrations to overseas nationals were Romanian. Consistently since 2013/14, around 4 in 5 overseas nationals registering for a National Insurance number in Suffolk are nationals of countries in the European Union (EU). During this period, the proportion of registrants from countries who have recently joined the EU, most notably Romania and Bulgaria, has increased (EU2 countries). In 2017/18, 1 in 7 (15%) registrants were from EU15 countries, 1 in 5 (20%) from EU8 countries and nearly half (46%) from EU2

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https://www.suffolkobservatory.info/population/

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countries. Of the 8,831 EU2 nationals who have registered in Suffolk since 2013/14, most were Romanian (84%). 3’ Despite the changing face of migration and new communities arriving from Romania, increasingly the migrant population in Suffolk is maturing and becoming more established.

The report identifies that these established migrants now have roots in the UK and Suffolk and are more likely to intend to stay in the UK and Suffolk, increasingly acting as a magnet to new migrants. In contrast to more established migrant communities, newer arrivals tend to have lower qualifications and speak less English than more established migrants, which presents challenges for public services and integration and highlights the importance of ESOL (English for speakers of other languages) provision and migrant support services.

Given the high proportion of EU migrants in Suffolk, and more specifically Ipswich, particularly amongst new migrant communities from Romania and Bulgaria, it would be beneficial for the University of Suffolk, alongside specialist migrant support services, to reach these communities to raise awareness of higher education, particularly as these communities are suggested to have less cultural capital, established social networks, and understanding of the UK education system (ISCRE, 2018). Subsequently, Eastern European young people’s educational success and chances for mobility may not only be hindered by their parents’ and families lack of cultural capital, but also racism, dismissive attitudes and low expectations from their teaches (Tereschenko, Bradbury & Archer, 2019).

Based on the local context in Ipswich and Suffolk and commissioned by neaco, The Ipswich and Suffolk Council for Racial Equality (ISCRE), in their ‘It takes a village to raise a child’ report (2018) developed the following manifesto for the HE sector, after consultation with local minority ethnic parents and families:  ‘Reach Out’: We are not ‘hard to reach’. Instead, look at how hard it is for us to reach you.  Home from Home: Come to our places of worship, our community groups, our festivals and invite us to come to you.  We are Community: Make better use of community groups to share information with us.

The EU15 was the number of member countries in the European Union prior to the accession of ten candidate countries on 1 May 2004. It comprised the following 15 countries, prior to: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom.

The EU8 (formerly known as the EU8) are the eight central and eastern European countries that joined the EU on 1 May 2004: Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. Was the number of member countries in the European Union prior to the accession of ten candidate countries on 1 May 2004. It does not include two other countries that joined the EU at the same time – Cyprus and Malta , in Migration Population Report (2019) https://www.healthysuffolk.org.uk/uploads/SCC_Migrant_Research__Report_FINAL_March_2019_w_appendices.pdf 3

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 Children are Children: Not our interpreters or translators: please ask us what our language needs are and be creative in meeting them.  Access All Areas: We may not know where our local university is or how to get there – even if you are based in our town! Maps in other languages would help.  University Challenge: No family experience of university makes it a challenging place to come – open your doors to us when our children are in Primary School.  Money Matters: More clear information on Scholarships and Grants – debt is a barrier. Higher Apprenticeships: What are they? How are they different to degrees? Come to our workplaces and community groups to tell us about them.  Us as You: We need more people like us as educators – more positive role models for our children, and us!  Familiar Faces: Encourage your students from underrepresented groups to be there to welcome us to Open Days and to come to our children’s schools.  Adult Education: Parents are educators too! Encourage us to continue our education.  It Takes a Village to Raise a Child: Let’s work together to see more children from diverse and underrepresented backgrounds accessing Higher Education and training opportunities.’

Research investigating Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic students’ experiences typically focuses on students who are ‘non-white’, however with a large population of families within the HEIs local context identifying as ‘white other’, in particular, families from Eastern European cultures, we decided to define ‘minority ethnicities’ as all those other than ‘WhiteBritish’. We were particularly interested in Black ethnic communities, particularly Black African, Black Caribbean and Other Black backgrounds; Asian communities, particularly Indian, Bangladeshi, Pakistani and other Asian backgrounds; Mixed or multiple ethnic groups and Other White, non-British backgrounds, particularly Eastern European communities. We were interested in these groups, as they are some of the minority ethnic communities which predominantly reside in the area of Ipswich according to local statistics. Furthermore, as previous research has suggested, ethnic minorities may be more likely to stay closer to home to study at university (Crawford & Greaves, 2015), and in accordance with the University of Suffolk’s ability to attract local students to its campus, we focused on these communities. We were also not restrictive as to whether the young people or students were recent or established migrants, or British born, providing another interesting dimension in uos.ac.uk

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understanding the intersectionality of a multitude of socio-cultural factors related to participation in higher education.

While the University of Suffolk has a positive approach and reputation regarding widening participation, the gap between White and Black Asian and Minority Ethnic entrants at the University has remained statistically significant throughout the past five years, and with the introduction of Access and Participation Plans for 2020-2025, the University is committed to narrowing the access gap. Subsequently, the purpose of this project was to use qualitative methods to investigate local Black, Asian, and Eastern European young people’s perceptions, and reflections of access to higher education. In particular, we were interested in investigating young people (aged 13-19) and current students’ perceptions and experiences of the accessibility of university. Working with local organisations and schools, the researchers conducted individual interviews and focus groups with 29 young people and 8 students based in Ipswich, Suffolk.

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METHODOLOGY Data Collection and Analysis The research project aims, and subsequent qualitative data collection tools, were influenced by a review of the academic literature, national reports, local reports, and statistics. Interview schedules were deliberately broad in focus to encourage a range of narratives, perceptions, and responses related to access to university (see Appendices). The researchers engaged in online individual interviews and focus group interviews with students and one-to-one online interviews, or in-person focus groups, with young people aged 13-19. Participants were recruited via local networks, such as schools and youth organisations, as well as the University. A combination of opportunity and snowball sampling was therefore utilised during recruitment of participants. Qualitative data was analysed in Atlas.ti, using thematic analysis, to identify codes and subsequent themes (Clarke et al., 2015). A combined inductive and deductive approach was taken at a semantic level, where themes were identified directly from the data itself, but also at times, the themes reflect the knowledge of the research team based on the Access and Participation in HE discussion nationally (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

The researchers engaged in familiarisation with the data and subsequent reviewing and discussion of possible codes and themes. Students and young people were given pseudonyms, and any identifying information was removed.

Participant Demographics A total of 37 students and young people engaged in one-to-one interviews (n = 17) or focus group discussions (n = 20) with the researchers. The majority of participants (69%) were based in geographical areas in which participation in higher education are the lowest (e.g., Q1/Q2 - POLAR4 categorisation) (Table 1). Young people were aged between 13-19, and students from the age of 18. Participants could select their ethnicity from a list of options based on HESA (Higher Education Statistics Agency) data categories or they could selfdefine. Some participants who selected other or mixed or multiple ethnic groups provided additional information about their ethnicity, for example participants who selected ‘Other White’ often self-identified as Eastern European, or more specifically, Romanian, Polish or Lithuanian.

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Table 1: Demographic data: Participants Number in sample (%) Age

Ethnicity

POLAR4

37 (100%) 13 14 15 16 17 18-25 25+ Indian Bangladeshi Other Asian background Black African Black Caribbean White and Black Caribbean Other Black, African, or Caribbean background Other White background (Eastern European) Other Mixed or Multiple Ethnic Groups Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Unavailable

6 (16%) 7 (19%) 11 (30%) 1 (3%) 1 (3%) 8 (22%) 3 (8%) 1 (3%) 2 (5%) 3 (8%) 10 (27%) 1 (3%) 2 (5%) 2 (5%) 12 (32%) 4 (11%) 20 (55%) 5 (14%) 9 (24%) 0 (0%) 1 (3%) 2 (5%)

Ethical Implications and Study Limitations Ethical approval for the project was received via the University of Suffolk Ethics Committee (RETH20/043). It was acknowledged by researchers that the study of ethnicity, as a personal characteristic, alongside experiences and perceptions of education, could lead to potential safeguarding concerns or disclosures, particularly regarding experiences of racism in school, college, or university. As such, the researchers worked closely with local organisations and educational institutions, following the safeguarding protocols associated with these contexts, as well as collecting parents’ or guardians’ contact information.

With regards to study limitations, although collecting in-depth qualitative data, the research is limited to one region of interest and is therefore highly context specific. We did not collect any demographic information regarding gender identity, length of residency in the UK or whether English was an additional language, which may have provided more insight into factors influencing perceptions. Furthermore, the research took place during a particular time and place, and therefore may not reflect ongoing changes in migration patterns in the local region, as well as changes in access, success, and progression in higher education for Black, Asian and Eastern European communities.

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FINDINGS Qualitative Findings Of the transcripts from focus groups and individual interviews with 37 students and young people, a total of 239 codes were generated, codes were developed and broken down by themes and their intersections. Particular focus was placed upon influencing factors, barriers and facilitators to access to higher education, and four main themes developed, including context counts, information, advice and guidance, representation matters and building a diverse HE community (see Figure 2).

Theme One: Context Counts Context is of considerable importance when considering factors which may facilitate or act as barriers for Black, Asian or Eastern European young people to access higher education. As highlighted by Stevenson et al (2019) barriers to equitable outcomes in HE, and initial access, are in part, structural. We have identified throughout out interviews with young people and students themselves the nuanced and complex influencing factors which shape choices to study at university. For example, differences in familial influence, being from more or less established migrant communities, socio-economic status, experiences of racism and discrimination in the education system and wider society. Subsequently, in addition to wideranging idiosyncratic experiences, ‘young people of similar racial backgrounds do not necessarily share the same beliefs, values or attitudes towards education, and it is important that generalisations are not simplistic, and group are treated with sensitivity’ (Singh, 2011, pg.4). This theme relates to some of the contextual factors that the young people and students we spoke with suggested influenced their perceptions of accessing higher education.

Familial influence Most students and young people suggested that they accessed or wanted to attend University to pursue a career, to follow a change in direction and have additional opportunities to learn. Familial influence was highly associated with the desire to further ‘the self’ and to follow a particular career pathway. Education was valued amongst many communities, particularly amongst students from Black, Asian and Eastern European communities, as a result of factors such as parental influence and cultural values. For example, Aba, a Black African student discussed how his family valued education highly as a means to acquire skills and give back to the community: ‘Yes, my parents were, especially my dad, will they say to you that to be somebody’s life, you need to develop your brain. You need to go to school, you need to go to university, you need uos.ac.uk

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to acquire skills. And you need to do what is best for the community. Yeah, and the best way is education. So mother was always supportive when it comes to education.’

(Aba, aged 25+, Q1, Black African) Similar to the findings from ISCRE (2018), parental and guardian influence was considered to be key in shaping perceptions of higher education, and family involvement in outreach work is therefore crucial. Nonetheless, it is also of significant importance to consider the role oppression has played upon these cultural values. For example, a value such as ‘working hard’ could be a direct result of generation after generation trying to survive in a society that does not value all members equally. The narrative from Imani below demonstrates her experience as a Black African young woman in which it was ‘drilled’ into her that she would have to work harder than others as a result of her ethnic background.

‘Black students and other minorities, as they get to a certain point, like year 8/ year 9 they begin to realise these disparities and as white students have been going up like that they tend to go down and then Black and ethnic students tend to go up past that. So, they end up having better grades out of high school. And then they still don't earn as many places as they should in institutions. So, it is quite an annoying factor being one of these people myself, but that just means I have to work harder, which has been drilled into me from a very young age.

I also think it's sad that I had to understand that at a young age, as well, that this was a possibility in my life.’

(Imani, aged 16, Q1, Black African) ‘And tell me a little bit about that. Drilling in, because I think in our community, we all know that whole thing of you've got to work 10 times harder. And that kind of thing. So when do you remember that first being kind of told to you about working harder?’

Researcher ‘I think it was probably like year one, year two, spelling tests every Friday, in school, my parents like you can't slack off, you must be getting, like, you know, must be around the top of your class 17 out of 20, 18 out of 20, 19 at 20. And if I like missed a couple wrong, you had to like write loads of that word over and over again until it got drilled into your system that this is how you have to write it. So, I think that that mentality, I didn't realise at the time that that was what they were on about. I just thought that they wanted me just to be smart.

But then I realised it’s just me being overachieving more than the rest. My overachieving is them acheiveing at a normal percentage.’

(Imani, aged 16, Q1, Black African) Perceptions such as this could be contributing toward a higher tendency for young people from particular minority ethnic backgrounds to pursue education at university, in accordance with national statistics. Parental and guardian influence over values related to education is uos.ac.uk

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therefore of high importance, nonetheless, as Mia suggests, such expectations can amount to increasing pressure to succeed.

‘I think it’s, maybe a culture thing, because I feel like for a lot of black parents and families, like, they're very hard on their children when it comes to them doing well in school. Just because, like the whole, you know, working 10 times harder than your white counterparts, because they would more likely get a job before you. So, I definitely heard that as a kid, like, you have to work harder, you have to be the best and, you know, for you to even get attention. So, I feel like, you know, black people have a lot of stereotypes and like back then wasn't deemed as smart or educated. So, I understand it being important to black community black families that we are educated. But I feel like that whole pressure, it does get to me.’

(Mia, aged 20, Q1, Black Caribbean)

The impact of migration Linked with familial influence, is the impact of period of residency in the UK upon perceptions of the education system, and in this case, higher education. It is acknowledged that student status, whether home or overseas students, amongst a multitude of other factors, will influence values, motivations, cultural identity, experiences, and educational trajectories (Singh, 2011). Furthermore, amongst ethnic minority students seeking residence in the UK, there will be differences between those with student visas and those with approved settlement agreements in comparison to young refugees (Stevenson & Willott, 2007).

Subsequently, granular data and historical understanding of communities is required for those developing interventions to facilitate access to university. For example, Anvi suggests below that her parents migrated to the UK, for better educational options for their children, therefore influencing their expectations of Anvi to go to university.

‘Not really, I just have to do with because my family would expect it, Because if they had to get education I have to as well.’

(Afsar, aged 15, Q1, Other Asian Background) ‘And how about you guys, he said that you want to go? Is it something that your family have influenced that decision?’

Researcher ‘Because my parents came to this country for a better education for the kids. So they're kind of like, you know, expecting something big from the kids. And also my mum says, like I didn't get a chance, so at least you should.’

(Anvi, aged 15, Q1, Bangladeshi)

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‘I do want to go to a university because my family, they've got expectations of me, it’s kind of in my country's culture to do a higher education. Yes, make a name for yourself.’

(Elijah, aged 15, Q2, Lithuanian) At the outset of this research, we did not specifically ask for information from participants about their immigration status or how long they and their families have resided in the UK, this would be interesting to explore further as research has suggested that perhaps more recent migrant young people may be less likely to progress to HE (based on EAL) (Crawford and Greaves, 2015) than their peers without EAL. Investigating the difference between established vs. more recent migrant families’ perceptions of higher education would be interesting in the context of Ipswich and Suffolk, and the findings later highlight the importance of support for ethnic minorities with EAL. Although local reports suggest that more established migrant communities in Suffolk will attract others from overseas, the impact of Brexit, and subsequent limitations upon free movement across the EU, upon university admissions and retention is still unknown, thus with a close working relationship with Population Insight team or Suffolk Observatory might be beneficial to monitor trends in minority ethnic communities and their location for targeted support and outreach.

Experiences of racism and discrimination In addition to familial influence and experiences of migration upon perceptions of higher education, we also realised that many of the young people we spoke with had negative experiences within various contexts directly related to race and ethnicity. Many young people described being a witness to racism, experienced by family members within their communities as well as online. Not only this, but most young people described direct experiences of racism and discrimination, particularly within school settings, inducing a sense of powerlessness and oppression, which became normalised as a part of everyday life as Andreia describes: ‘We were just pushed with these, you know, British or white icons that we had to kind of look up to, but there was like no, black or Asian icons to look up to. Definitely that and like obviously with the, with the racism and everything. I think it was just a lot, especially in high school, a lot, lot, lot more normalised, so normalised. Sometimes I look back in shock, I was even having that conversation with (another black friend) about it. Like, I think you're kind of like, just in shock about the things that, you know, we experienced and like, I think we're hurt because, well, we wish we would have, you know, reacted to the situation differently, but obviously at the time, like, you know, we felt kind of powerless, you know, I mean, because, you know, we were the minorities and, you know they were the majority. It's crazy how people of colour, black people, you know, they all experience some type of racism I mean, either in schools or outside of school.’

(Andreia, aged 20, Q3, Black African) uos.ac.uk

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These experiences shape young people’s perceptions of society, of institutions of people, and it was evident when discussing this with them, it was perceived that university would not be any different, and their likelihood of getting a place would also depend on the colour of their skin, in addition to academic grades and a multitude of other factors.

‘Okay. And what do you think might be some barriers to accessing higher education or university?’

Researcher ‘I think, firstly, my skin colour, but then also, like, how much effort I put into stuff.’

(Rihanna, aged 13, Q3, Other Black, African or Caribbean Background) ‘Okay. So let's break that down. So first, with the skin colour, why do you think your skin colour might be a barrier’?

Researcher ‘Well, obviously, because of things in the past history and stuff, and to be honest, well, even sometimes as we walk in we get looks from people. But it's, it's not like that I'm expecting it to happen but like, there's always the possibility that this could happen this could not. It’s just always like in your conscious, like, what’s it called? You’ll just always be thinking about it sometimes.’

(Rihanna, aged 13, Q3, Other Black, African or Caribbean Background) Almost all young people made reference to the impact of actual or predicted racism and/or discrimination upon perceptions of access to higher education. Kasia, when discussing potential barriers to accessing higher education, suggested that the fear of discrimination could be enough to discourage young people from going to further or higher education.

Celebrating cultural diversity and ensuring universities make potential applicants aware of a zero-tolerance policy against racism, and other forms of hate crime, is crucial.

‘For some people it was like the thought of like, people like, so like you go into college and there are people who are like really mean, being like discriminating against you because of your background or where you come from.’

(Kasia, aged 14, Q1, Polish) Despite this, it is clear that many of the young people we spoke with still had positive attitudes toward schooling, which is in accordance with previous research that highlights educational resilience amongst minority ethnic young people, despite often being in the context of low socio-economic resources (Berrington et al, 2016). Nonetheless, it is evident that considerable work needs to take place to eradicate racism, particularly within the local context of Ipswich and Suffolk, in which there are lower numbers of ethnic minority

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communities, which will subsequently impact upon young people’s perceptions of their contexts and hopefully facilitate a sense of belonging.

Theme Two: Information, Advice and Guidance Interventions incorporating Information, Advice and Guidance are suggested to have the strongest evidence base, particularly those which target students who are not considering progressing into Higher Education (Sanderson & Spacey, 2021), although others suggest that the direct influence upon attitudes and behaviour is difficult to measure (TASO, 2021). It was evident from discussions with young people and students that the information received about a particular university or higher education more broadly influenced their perception of access. Not only this, but perhaps some young people were not receiving the advice and guidance that mattered to them in a relatable way. This appeared to be particularly true for minority groups who were less likely to have had the experience of relatives going to university (Connor et al, 2004), but also may be less able to access information due to cultural differences or having English as an additional language (EAL).

Deferring earning: Simplifying the financial implications of HE For some of the young people we spoke with, university was perceived as a means of deferring earning, particularly for some of the young men, who were interested in apprenticeships and opportunities to ‘earn while you learn’. This is not surprising, given that across all ethnic groups, one of the principal reasons for leaving education is to take up a job or training (Torgerson et al, 2008). The perception of high cost associated with university, alongside perceived difficulty of study and limits to earning whilst studying appeared to be key factors for those young people who were not considering higher education.

‘Okay, so a couple of you have thought about University. And a couple of you are maybe not sure about whether that's something that you want to do. I'm just wondering if you might be able to explain kind of why maybe University might not be the route for you?’

Researcher ‘I feel like you have to study a lot, its a lot of hard work. And I just I just want to get a job and somewhere to live.’

(Michael, aged 15, Q1, Eastern European) ‘Yeah, it feels like too much work.’

(Joe, aged 15, Q1, Black African) While Joe suggested that it was the amount of work that influenced their perception of university as a route for them, Michael continued to suggest that money was his main motivating factor for seeking employment as opposed to continuing in education. uos.ac.uk

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Studying for stability On the other hand, many young people and students we spoke with from different ethnic minority communities emphasised the importance of higher education in furthering themselves to provide for their families. Some young people, such as Kai below, discussed how financial stability, particularly within a single parent household, was a motivating factor for considering further and higher education, and pursuing a career in business, which was perceived to be economically rewarding.

‘I want to read I want to go to university to study business studies and that because it will give me a lot of money and then I could give my mum money because she has to like pay for everything. Because my dad hasn't really been around. So I'm gonna pay my mum a lot of money and stuff so that can help her own the house.’

(Kai, aged 13, Bangladeshi) ‘And is that a big influence for you thinking about your future in your careers?’

Reasercher ‘Mum's doing okay right now. And the thing that she's trying to do is trying to give a successful life to my little and my older brother. So she's doing whatever she can do. So I can have a successful career and will in the future so she can see a man. So I'm just gonna see, like, what universities, college I can get into, and maybe even start a business.’

(Femi, aged 14, Black African) ‘Yes. And would you say that family is a big influence for you guys?’

Researcher ‘Yeah. Because my mum does like, a lot to make sure me and my sister like gets through school and everything instance where the youngest, and now like everyone else has like their own life. Like when I get if I do get a business then like, I'd like to give back to my mum.’

(Zion, aged 14, Q1, White and Black Carribean) From an immigrant family, Andreia also felt a sense of duty to study and pursue a career to provide some form of financial stability. Higher Education was perceived as an opportunity which would not have been so readily available to her family, and therefore studying at a higher level was considered a privilege.

‘You know, I mean, and like, a part of me, if I'm being honest, is sometimes a bit like because obviously, my mum is an immigrant for sure. But like, I thought, sometimes I felt like I owe it to her, and I need to use that opportunity, because these kinds of opportunities aren't as free willing in other countries. So, I want to make sure I use that to my advantage. So like, you know, get this degree and like, you know, I think it's also kind of stability as well, a part of me, because, you know, we're not like, how do I say? Well, sometimes we've struggled, you uos.ac.uk

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know, I mean, with like money issues and stuff. So, a part of me does get a bit like, I need something to ensure that we have money so I can have food in the house, you know, so I think it's also down to stability.’

(Andreia, aged 20, Q3, Black African) Financial implications of studying at higher education are important to the young people we interviewed, from the perceived positive prospects of earning money to support their families as a result of university education and a career, to the supposed disadvantages of costs accrued whilst at university and the unnecessary deferral of earning. De-bunking any financial myths of studying at university in a comprehensible and relatable way may be of use, for both families and importantly, young people themselves, as this appears to be a key point of contention for many considering, or not considering, studying at university.

Pre-registration support is key As well as factors influencing the decision to study at university, and more specifically, the University of Suffolk, current students were also asked about what may have facilitated that decision further or helped to support the transition from further education. The importance of pre-university preparation was highlighted by many students as key in enhancing accessibility. Guidance, advice, and support on ‘the life of a university student’ prior to arrival, such as learning and academic skills, online systems, opportunities, student life services (e.g., reasonable adjustments), finance and social experience could aid the access and transition into HE, as well as retention. Many students suggested that it would have been helpful to have peers further in their university journey to facilitate the transition, but also to provide information, advice and guidance about support mechanisms and processes.

‘Before going to uni and looking into it, because you don't really know anyone who has been to university. And it was a lot of research as I did on my own. And that wasn't conclusive of anything. It was, I found it hard to find things like students are giving out their experiences and stuff, telling me how did that happen? How it was for them? And how did they find a place to rent for uni? Or going like, and you're like, Okay, I'm going to school and I will learn stuff, but I have to eat? And I have to kind of have like friends around because I need friends to survive. And am I going to make friends? Is my English good enough? I am really worried about how my, how my accent is and how it affects how I talk with people.’

(Maria, aged 18-25, Q3, Romanian) Another significant factor in determining access to university from current students, was again, the perceived and actual financial implications of studying in HE. Difficulty in accessing financial support was particularly challenging for international students and is likely to be further complicated considering the impact of Brexit. Access to bursaries and financial aids was also important for many students in swaying decisions to study at the University of Suffolk, but also in supporting continuation via access to, for example, digital hardship funds. uos.ac.uk

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Furthermore, many students from underrepresented backgrounds attending the University of Suffolk enrol onto vocational courses, as highlighted by internal institutional quantitative data, including those within the School of Health and Sports Science (e.g., nursing, paramedic science), in which a bursary is provided to assist with studying and placements, further highlighting the necessity of financial support in widening access to various degree routes, but also improving retention.

‘So, when I fight for the Maintenance Loan, I did complete the things. I didn’t do them, right. I don’t really, I can’t remember what mistakes I made, but I didn’t do them right. And I got a letter saying that all you cannot apply for a tuition fee. If we cannot take support that by with how you completed the thing. I was like, what do you mean, you don’t pay for it? How am I supposed to pay for it? And so, like I went with my strategy as started crying on the floor.

And the mum was like, Mum, I have to give up like I have to go back to Romania. And they said it’s wrong. And like my mum called them and she talked with me like yeah, where she cannot apply for this. She doesn’t have this, this and this. I can’t remember what was wrong.

But there was something wrong. But it’s just because the way the things were phrased, it was quite hard for me to understand them.’

(Larisa, aged 18-25, Q3, Romanian) There are a multitude of factors influencing access to university, and to specific institutions, including reputation, location, familial and peer influence. Pre-university preparation and financial advice and support were considered key in easing the transition to university and enhancing access prior to arrival and are also key in facilitating continuation of studies.

Accessibility of financial information related to studying in higher education, whether that be university specific bursaries, or government funding student loans and repayments, is of importance, particularly as the UK funding system across universities is becoming increasingly complicated (Younger et al, 2019). Evidence relating to navigation of information but also the direct impact of bursaries upon access is somewhat inconclusive, with some reviews suggesting financial incentives have positive implications for widening participation of ethnic minorities (Torgerson et al, 2008) and increasing participation overall (Younger et al, 2019; Dearden, Fitzsimons & Wyness, 2014), while others have suggested high cost and low impact (TASO, 2021), or increasing benefit for retention as opposed to access (Sanderson & Spacey, 2021). Access to and interpretation of information is complex, and will not only be influenced by ethnicity, but will be impacted by other demographic variables such as gender and socio-economic status (Brooks, 2002), comprehensive evaluation of the impact of financial information and support, upon attitudes, behaviours and enrolment figures, using disaggregated data and taking into consideration intrapersonal and contextual influencing factors, is therefore valuable.

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Theme Three: Representation Matters The suggestion that representation matters within higher education is not new, and although it is acknowledged that there are a positive number of Black, Asian and Ethnic Minority individuals accessing higher education, this may not be reflected in the retention figures and recruitment of academic staff within the academy (Arday, 2021). Despite the high numbers of Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic students accessing higher education nationally, for the young people we interviewed, their ethnicity presented itself as a barrier to integration due to a dearth of representation, particularly within the context of Ipswich, Suffolk, and associated educational institutions.

Significance of first impressions For many young people we spoke with, first impressions were significant in shaping perceptions of higher education institutions. For example, Andreia discussed their experience of attending an open day, in which they described a lack of belonging resulting from a lack of people of colour present, both staff and students, when on campus. Growing up in Ipswich or wider Suffolk, some young people described limited cultural diversity in their schools, directly influencing their perceptions and experience of higher education institutions: ‘Yeah, I don't know. I think it was just something in me like because I'm not gonna lie what's that thing when you have like little pop ups to go see other unis, was it inductions? I'm not gonna lie I went to the Ipswich one with Mum, we walked right in and walked straight back out. Oh, my God. I don't know if that looks bad or something. But I don’t know, we stayed for a bit, I was just like, I don't want to go through this again, I don't want to be the only black person again, which probably, I don't know, maybe I misjudged it. But like, from seeing first glance? Like, I didn't see much of it. Not even just black, like there wasn't any people of colour. which I don't know, because there is plenty of people of colour in Ipswich and when I went to [other university], I did see a lot even within the teachers, and obviously, I didn't I just felt more, you know, like I belonged there.’

(Andreia, aged 20, Q3, Black African) The desire for diverse university communities is further reflected in the narrative presented

by Lucas below when deciding upon what factors might attract him to a particular university.

It is important to note also that this was not limited only to a desire to see people of colour at universities, but to see other students, academics and professionals who share similar ethnic identities, for example from Romanian to mixed Indian and African heritage.

‘Okay, so obviously you haven't applied to uni yet. So what kind of things would attract you to a certain university?’

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‘Good area, because I really wanna enjoy uni campus counties by being in a good area. A bit personal, but I would like to have more like, ethnic backgrounds as well, because I just felt like as a black male, I gravitate towards more ethnic backgrounds you know. So I feel like, that might help me more. But um, yeah, that would be something. And just, I don't know, like staff, like, just knowing like staff are like, because obviously, unis setting is different to school setting so I’m still kinda processing that, but I feel like just people that can help you with certain stuff. If I can't do something, I've got someone to turn to you to kind of. That's it.’

(Lucas aged 17, Q3, Black African) ‘Okay, so that's really interesting. So do you feel that representation is important? So you look at a uni you want to see other people like you?’

Researcher ‘100% 100% 100%.’

(Lucas, aged 17, Q3, Black African) ‘Like, if I go to a uni, and there's like, 1% of ethnic background, I know it will be kind of hard for me to fit in, kind of, whereas if I go to a place where it’s kind of balanced, it'll be easier for me just fit in.’

(Lucas aged 17, Q3, Black African) The desire for diversity extends beyond the student population to staff also and can have a positive impact upon students’ perceptions of access to university, but also retention as outlined by Joanna. Recruitment and retention of a diverse staff population therefore appears to be of high importance in the cycle of access, success, and progression, facilitating shared identity and providing a sense of belonging to place and space.

‘But then I spoke to my course, leader. And because she came here, ages ago, a really long time. And she told me when I came here, I had nothing. And I was no one. And I'm the course leader. Now. Everyone else on the course, is British. And she's the only foreign teacher and she is the course leader. So when she told me, I was like, I could do so much with staying here. So I just decided that you know what, I'm just going to stay. So I'm really glad I did that.’

(Joanna, aged 18-24, Q4, Eastern European) Unlike previous reviews of the literature and quantitative analysis based on regional statistics of minority ethnic students (Torgeston et al, 2008; Crawford & Greaves, 2015) which suggest minority ethnic students are more likely to stay closer to home (although this could be biased by a high propensity of ethnic minority students living in London and going to local universities), the qualitative findings from this small-scale project suggest that in the context of Ipswich, ethnic minority young people may be more likely to have a desire to attend uos.ac.uk

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university elsewhere in the country, due to a longing to experience a more culturally diverse place.

‘I just don't want to go to university that hasn't got my culture there, because its someone you can relate with and bond with if you know what I mean, I think. I think it all comes down to the area that the universitiy is in because like those are the dependents, to whether the area is diverse or not.’

(Anvi, aged 15, Q1, Bangladeshi) ‘Definitely. Would you say that your your kind of desire, I guess, to go to London, is that had any influence on that as well?’

Researcher ‘London is full of like Asian people or so yeah I guess that’s why I want to go.’

(Anvi, aged 15, Q1, Bangladeshi)

Theme Four: Building Diverse Higher Education Communities Initiatives to increase widening participation and access to Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic students should not be separated from efforts to target racial inequality within higher education, and indeed widening participation interventions have been criticised for failing to address structural and cultural inequalities within the higher education sector, a prior required for equal access (Arday, 2021). Fostering, belonging, agency and cultural capital amongst different student communities is therefore of importance (Sanderson & Spacey, 2021), for both access and success (Cureton & Gravestock, 2019).

Celebrating cultural diversity Alongside the well-documented need to decolonise the curriculum in UK higher education, to increase likelihood of engagement and belonging amongst Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic communities (Arday, Belluigi & Thomas, 2021), many of the young people and current students we spoke with discussed outreach and events specifically focused on different cultures which could foster a stronger sense of belonging and contribute toward positive engagement both within the university setting but also with the wider community. Despite research typically referring to Eurocentrism within higher education, even students from Eastern European communities suggested that they felt that their culture was not necessarily given the opportunities to be celebrated in a meaningful way.

‘Right, I feel like they should have more, like they have open days but more open days for, I don’t know how to explain it, they have more events where even if you're not a uni student you can still go to see what it’s like, to see what life there is like, that could be like, let's say, uos.ac.uk

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I've got a friend who goes to uni, and she did a like an African cookout. And well, you just come and see was like, I couldn’t go because it's quite far, but I knew some people that went and they said it was really good and that’s kinda inclined them more to go to uni cos it's more people like them there if that makes sense. So, if Unis could do more like that, or just like, just show more stuff that happens culturally really, because I know like unis you can get Presidents I think or something like that, you can get people with power I would say, that can make events and stuff. I feel like if those people come together to do something, target their ethnic groups, or just target ethnic groups and non-ethnic groups so they can balance as a whole. And surely that would increase more ethnic groups come in, I guess. Yeah.’

(Lucas aged 17, Q3, Black African) ‘Um, and maybe again, this is kind of minor, but only if like in the in the topic of inclusion again, I know the university like on the Outlook calendar, it had a lot of different special days, like it noted Pancake Day, St. Patrick's Day, so on and so forth. And maybe they do want to like feel that make the Romanian students feel more included. Maybe they could actually include one day, that's a specific celebration for us. For example, the first of May is a very important day in our culture, because it's workers day everybody, like the entire country shuts down on that day….But just I could just say them for when the world comes back to normal and so as to say if, if it is possible, so as a session, maybe organise again, some fairs that could, again, so Ipswich has a powerful Romanian community, there's quite quite a lot of us in the town and in the university, especially. So if it is possible, I think it would be good if the university has a kind of a Romanian day where us we could just like, show our specific traditions or specific foods and just make people more aware of our culture, because it's quite, there's a lot of parts of our culture, it's got rich culture, the specific traditions, clothing, foods, everything.’

(Maria, aged 18-24, Romanian, Q4) The examples from Lucas and Maria highlight how it is simple things, like opportunities for events such as an ‘African Cookout’ and raising awareness of days to be celebrated for different cultures that facilitate a sense of belonging, but also could enhance engagement with communities outside of higher education. Maria also discussed the importance of induction, ensuring that international students, and students from different cultural backgrounds, have an opportunity to meet one another. It is recognised within the literature that fostering a sense of belonging early in the student journey is an important building block, and whilst that sense of belonging is important throughout the student lifecycle, at the early stages it provides a crucial foundation for lasting positive peer relationships and connection to the local community.

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Success and progression It is important to acknowledge that access, success and progression for Black, Asian and Eastern European students, and more broadly, any students from underrepresented backgrounds, is cyclical in nature, and subsequently improvements in prior cycles of retention, attainment and progression should facilitate greater access via positive perceptions of higher education (Figure 1). Acknowledging and combating racism and discrimination at an institutional level requires changes to attitudes, policy and practice across the whole university.

Figure 1: Student Lifecycle: Cyclical Nature of Access. Success and Progression Liana, for example, describes a situation in which they felt isolated and excluded during their university experience, predominantly due to lack of representation, but also course teams’ and peers’ understanding of cultural differences.

‘I had some issues on year one and part of year two, I felt very isolated at University… My class is started with 21 they're all White British, and one was Indian descenders, but didn't stay in the course very long, he left nearly straight away. And so, I felt isolated, because I was the only BAME if you can call it So, not only black ethnic minority, but also, I was a foreigner and I found it very difficult to engage with the whole thing. I do not think that the tutors will support us in that bet. Because I was never asked how are you feeling? How you interact with your peers, even though it was very clear that I was the only one in that group of 21… And I tried to have that sort of interaction with my peers. And it was partly rejected.’

Liana, aged 35-44, Q2, Indian African) Liana went on to discuss experience of mentoring and the importance of support for students within different communities, joining the Student Union BAME society, and how this offered a sense of connection. Working alongside students and staff, engaging in greater efforts to consult on matters related to race and ethnicity will be beneficial when developing wholeuniversity and targeted interventions utilising disaggregated data (Atherton & Mazhari, 2021).

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For young people such as Imani, this was important, particularly in avoiding potential tokenistic outreach initiatives, without further meaningful support for black students whilst at university. The balance between inclusive interventions and exclusive targeting is difficult, however research has suggested that conducted appropriately to facilitate positive action as opposed to positive discrimination, both are constructive means of supporting students from ethnic minorities to access, succeed and progress in higher education (Stevenson et al, 2019).

‘Let's kind of look at almost breaking some of those down. So in terms of the diversity, quota, that's a really interesting point. So it's almost like, you can feel that you're ticking a box for them, but they don't, they aren't genuinely invested in you. So how would you think something like that could be changed?’

Researcher’ ‘I feel like maybe not so much. publicising, that, oh, we are recruiting more black ethnic people to come…. I feel like I also feel like they need to bet there when they're students, like with protests and stuff like that, or, like different things that they want to do to voice out their opinions on political subjects. I feel like they could they shouldn't hide behind the institutionalisation, I feel like they should come out and support their students instead.

Because otherwise, you don't really feel like a part of the university. It that definitely makes it feel like they've just ticked the box. So they have you there. And I don't like the competing numbers for different universities, as far as I owe, but it's a very small percentage of like, apparently only, like three or 4% of black people make it into, like the top end universities like, you know, like Oxford or Cambridge, Imperial, let alone being a black woman as well. So the numbers are even less. It's very, it slightly disheartening, but I feel like we could be able to let push past that at some point in the future.’

(Imani, aged 16, Q1, Black African) As outlined earlier, working closely to link access, success and progression is crucial.

Positive minority ethnic student experiences whilst at university, alongside institutional efforts to reduce the attainment and progression gap, could facilitate a greater likelihood for young people to enrol at that institution. Continuing to ensure that all university staff are culturally aware, alongside greater emphasis on equality and diversity policy and practices with regards to race and ethnicity at all stages of the student lifecycle, including outreach work prior to arrival, is important.

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Figure 2: Thematic Map

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CONCLUSIONS The findings from this qualitative project reflect the narratives of 37 young people and current university students from Black, Asian, and Eastern European communities based in Ipswich, Suffolk. Four main themes were derived from analysis of interview and focus group transcripts: context counts, information, advice and guidance, representation matters and building diverse higher education communities. Together, the themes highlight the importance of moving away from treating ‘BAME’ individuals as a homogenous group, and subsequently the importance of using disaggregated data to develop more nuanced and positive inclusive and targeted intervention, based on the local socio-cultural demographic and institutional context, while also taking into account the intersections with other demographic and contextual variables.

The first theme, context matters, highlights the importance of considering the wider sociocultural context in which different ethnic groups are situated and the societal and structural barriers which influence access to higher education, as opposed to focusing on potential ‘deficit models’ of raising aspirations, where underrepresented groups in HE may be viewed as ‘lacking in aspiration’. Specifically, for the Black, Asian, and Eastern European young people and students interviewed, this meant consideration of cultural values linked with education and the rationale driving this associated value, their familial experience of migration and their historical and current experiences of structural barriers, racism, and discrimination and how this shapes expectations and perceptions of higher education and wider society. The second theme highlights the importance of information, advice, and guidance and ensuring this is of relevance to young people more broadly, but also making more specific adjustments and adaptations to this information for students from ethnic minority communities who are suggested to be more likely to come from areas of deprivation, low higher education participation and low socio-economic status backgrounds (Stevenson et al, 2019). For the young people and students interviewed, this meant placing emphasis on the financial implications of higher education and any financial support available, but also thinking carefully about the delivery of this information, as many students suggested that they would have found it beneficial to discuss financial support with students who have been through the process already. Working toward ensuring there is a diverse representation of ethnicities delivering information, advice and guidance could facilitate transitions and belonging.

The third theme, representation matters, emphasises the importance of a diverse staff and student body, in facilitating access to higher education. Perceived limited cultural diversity within Suffolk, and experience within their school settings but also during open days at the uos.ac.uk

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university, contributed toward their expectations of studying at the University of Suffolk, and meant many young people had a desire to move to areas of higher ethnic diversity. The notion that representation matters links to the final theme in which we describe the importance of building diverse higher education communities. In this theme, we reiterate that access should not be considered in isolation from success and progression, and that initiatives to facilitate belonging and retention of Black, Asian and Eastern European students should feed into strategies for increasing access for these communities. Building meaningful links with local minority ethnic communities, local organisations specialised in supporting minority ethnic communities and current Black, Asian and Eastern European students to facilitate both access and retention is important. Building such connections can facilitate the co-creation of inclusive and targeted interventions, as well as shared opportunities to celebrate cultural diversity throughout all stages of the student lifecycle with the local community.

REFLECTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS We are aware that the University of Suffolk and neaco are highly committed to ensuring that university is an accessible and safe space for all. Nonetheless, based on the findings of this report, previous literature and those ideas presented by young people and students themselves, we have developed some suggestions, reflections, and actions for consideration: 1. Community Focused: 

neaco and the University of Suffolk may wish to approach and work collectively, if not doing so already, with the University of Suffolk Anti-Racism Collective, the BAME SU Officer, as well as local groups (Ethnic Youth Empowerment Society, Suffolk One), ISCRE, PHOEBE Centre, BME Suffolk Support Group, Suffolk Black Community Forum amongst many others to create inclusive and targeted campaigns, interventions, and initiatives where appropriate and lawfully permitted under the Equality Act 2010.



Work with local community groups to develop and lead events to take place at the University of Suffolk to encourage integration of ethnic minority communities and facilitate retention of current Black, Asian and Eastern European students.



To commit to address communities directly, as opposed to grouping as a homogenous group using the term ‘BAME’ and make a continuous effort to communicate with communities about their terminology preferences.

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

Many of the recommendations and findings in this report reflect that of those produced via the co-created manifestos by ISCRE and minority ethnic families in the local community within the ‘It takes a village to raise a child’ report (2018). It may be useful, alongside those in this report, to commit and respond to the suggestions outlined, and find mechanisms to feedback changes made as a result of communities’ participation.

2. Data Driven: 

The neaco team may benefit from working closely with the University of Suffolk Planning and Management Information team to utilise available disaggregated data around student access to the University of Suffolk, including student ethnicity and intersections with other demographic and contextual variables such as socioeconomic status, gender and POLAR4 data. This would enable more focused strategic goals to be set based on specific ethnic groups (e.g., Black Caribbean, Romanian) as opposed to treating BAME students as a single entity (where numbers are sufficient), as well as facilitating greater understanding of where young people from different ethnic communities in the Suffolk region are attending university (if at all), as previous research suggests they are more likely to study closer to home.



Data analysis and collaboration with Suffolk County Council population data analytics and Suffolk Observatory to further understand Ipswich and wider Suffolk population statistics with regards to ethnicity, but also build understanding of future trajectories based on migration patterns, particularly in the context of Brexit, which will influence Eastern Europeans access to UK universities.



Use of more granular data, linking HEAT and UOS data around ethnicity, will facilitate answers to questions such as ‘What geographic location do our Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic students come from? What does their student journey look like in terms of retention and progression? Where are the largest gaps based on data for specific ethnic groups, for example does our data reflect national data for access for Black Caribbean and Black Other individuals?’ – this will help to identify the position of the University of Suffolk in terms of more specific ethnic groups and their intersecting characteristics, which may need further targeting, support, information, advice and guidance.



Where ethnicity data is available, the utilisation of HESA data to identify where pupils in Ipswich and wider Suffolk are accessing higher education, and whether this corresponds to the narratives in the report that students from minority ethnic communities seek more culturally diverse locations to study.

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

If possible, identify data to compare Suffolk with other areas of similar geographical context and population statistics with a higher education institution (e.g., Cumbria, Cornwall, Lincolnshire), engaging in research to identify and compare their methods and means of recruitment and access for ethnic minority groups.

3. Student Lifecycle: 

For the University of Suffolk and other HEI institutions, there may be benefit in moving away from access per se, to a greater focus on success and progression. While access remains important it is equally important to ensure success and progression of Black, Asian and Eastern European students, amongst other ethnic minorities, as this will have a direct influence upon perceptions of higher education.

4. Organisational Equality and Diversity: 

In line with a focus on success and progression, ensure that unconscious bias and antiracism training is mandatory and available for staff to participate in.



Further consideration of the diversity of the neaco team and how the team may be able to work with current Black, Asian, and Eastern European staff, and students, in outreach activities.



Working alongside Black, Asian, and Eastern European students and staff on a regular basis to inform and implement change with regards to the access and participation plan, but also wider institutional equality and diversity initiatives to improve, for example, recruitment of people of colour, with progress meetings to review action being taken.

5. Further Research and Evaluation: 

Focus on further developing robust evaluation methodology of widening participation initiatives at an institutional level, identifying where ethnicity is being recorded and whether it is possible to disaggregate data to understand participation in and take up of, for example, bursaries, amongst different ethnic groups and the impact upon enrolment and retainment.



More research focusing on specific ethnic groups and other identifying characteristics, for example Black Caribbean and White and Black Caribbean males, who have been identified in previous research as being less likely to access higher education, and how this related to the local context.



Build further understanding around British born Black, Asian and Eastern European families in comparison to families who are recent migrants and where EAL within the local context of Ipswich and wider Suffolk, particularly if this is where the majority of students are recruited from.

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

Understanding the influence of partner organisations and institutions, such as the London School of Commerce 4, and how perceptions of the University of Suffolk differ dependent on location of study.

RESOURCES If you have experienced racism, it is important you have safe places to go to find support and belonging and if you haven’t it is important to be proactive in anti-racist practice.  The charity UK youth have a created a recourse following their Young and Black campaign which you can explore here and download their recourse for free: https://www.ukyouth.org/what-we-do/youngandblack/  Teach first have been working on tackling racism in schools and have a visual podcast you can listen to here with young people speaking about how to deal with racial injustice in school: https://www.teachfirst.org.uk/blog/racial-injustice-schoolsyoung-people  The Suffolk Black Community Forum represent the Black and Mixed Black Heritage Communities in Suffolk to advocate for equitable representation that builds relationships, bridges the inequality gap and promotes our shared and enriched culture. https://www.suffolkblackcommunity.com  Gyros is supports migrants and culturally and linguistically diverse communities in East Anglia and they provide free information and advice on immigration, housing, UC, debt, your rights in the UK, employment, education and more: https://www.gyros.org.uk  BME Suffolk Support Group is a non-profitable organisation providing practical support for Black and Minority Ethnic families and individuals in North-West Ipswich and its district, helping to achieve social integration and well-being. They also have a food bank with African and Caribbean food http://www.bmesuffolk.org/#FEATURES

The London School of Commerce (LSC) is an Associate College of the University of Suffolk: https://www.uos.ac.uk/content/partnership-london-school-commerce

4

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APPENDICES Appendix 1: Interview Schedule - Students (18+) Date:

Time:

Explain what the purpose of the interview is, confidentiality, withdrawal, ask for permission to record and explain what will happen to the data.

1. What motivated you to go to University?

2. Did anyone or anything influence your perspectives of Higher Education/University? (e.g., parents, teachers) 3. From your perspective, what might be some of the barriers to accessing Higher Education/University? (e.g., finances) 4. From your perspective, what might facilitate access to Higher Education/University? (e.g., information, advice, and guidance, sense of belonging) 5. Do you have any suggestions as to what Universities can do to improve access to Higher Education?

6. Is there anything else you would like to add that you feel we have not covered today?

Thank participant(s) for being involved, ensure contact details are distributed and conclude interview with debrief.

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Appendix 2: Interview Schedule: Young people (13-18) Date:

Time:

Explain what the purpose of the interview is, confidentiality, withdrawal, ask for permission to record and explain what will happen to the data.

1. Can you tell us about your plans for the future?

2. What are your thoughts about university?

3. Has anyone (or anything) influenced your thoughts about university? (e.g., parents, teachers, peers) 4. From your perspective, what might be some of the barriers to attending university? (e.g., finances) 5. From your perspective, what might help you to attend university? (e.g., information, advice, and guidance, sense of belonging) 6. Do you have any suggestions as to what Universities can do to improve access to university?

7. Is there anything else you would like to add that you feel we have not covered today?

Thank participant(s) for being involved, ensure contact details are distributed and conclude interview with debrief.

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Saunders, K. (2020). Predictors of mental health and academic outcomes in first-year university students: Identifying prevention and early-intervention targets. BJPsych Open, 6(3), E46. DOI: 10.1192/bjo.2020.24 Kirsty Younger, Louise Gascoine, Victoria Menzies & Carole Torgerson (2019) A systematic review of evidence on the effectiveness of interventions and strategies for widening participation in higher education, Journal of Further and Higher Education, 43:6, 742-773, DOI: 10.1080/0309877X.2017.1404558 Maunder, R. E. (2018). Students’ peer relationships and their contribution to university adjustment: The need to belong in the university community. Journal of Further and Higher Education, 42(6), 756-768.

Pedler, M. L., Willis, R., & Nieuwoudt, J. E. (2021). A sense of belonging at university: student retention, motivation, and enjoyment. Journal of Further and Higher Education, 112. DOI: 10.1080/0309877X.2021.1955844 Richardson, J. T., Mittelmeier, J., & Rienties, B. (2020). The role of gender, social class and ethnicity in participation and academic attainment in UK higher education: an update, Oxford Review of Education, 46:3, 346-362, DOI: 10.1080/03054985.2019.1702012 Sanderson, Rebecca and Spacey, Rachel (2020) Widening access to higher education for BAME students and students from lower socio-economic groups: A review of literature. IMPact, 4 (1). ISSN 2516-7561 Singh, G. (2011). Black and minority ethnic (BME) students’ participation in higher education: improving retention and success. A synthesis of research evidence. London, Higher Education Academy. uos.ac.uk

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