The UNASA Express Vol. 2

UNASA EXPRESS

PHOTOGRAPH BY NATHAN COURTNEY

THE UNASA EXPRESS - TO NEW BEGINNINGS

On the 14th of May 2022, The UNASA Express Volume 1 was launched - the first ever UNASA-UCT Chapter’s publication that was written and compiled by the joint effort of a team of voluntary editors and designers The publication was under the leadership of the dedicated and motivated Jessica Chuang, the UNASA-UCT’s Director of Research Their opening event was held at the Sarah Baartman Hall late on that Saturday afternoon where the UNASA-UCT executive members were in attendance to support Jessica and her team Additionally, the invited friends and family members of The UNASA Express members were also in attendance to witness this grand opening event

The night started off with the opening remarks from Jessica, and thereafter, the executive members of the UNASA-UCT were individually welcomed into the hall followed by The UNASA Express team members The UNASA-UCT Chairperson, Daniel Hukamdad, proceeded to kicked off the event where he expressed his pleasure and gratitude for The UNASA Express as a significant contribution to the pool of article writing which has always been a form of expression for the people's views The program also included a participation segment from the audience where they were invited to write and submit their view on the USA Supreme Court’s decision of the Roe v Wade case on abortion rights Editors of The UNASA Express were then given a chance to provide the audience with a preview of their articles and to express how their journey in the events leading to

the opening event had been Jessica then gave her opening speech on how the publication came about I am sure that, like all the members of the teams responsible for its content and format would testify, the experience was all new and abstract from the beginning As Jessica said in her speech, we all had little to no editorial or paper design experience, so the paper was definitely an on-the-job learning experience which I must say was very fulfilling

A lot of time, effort and dedication went into the publication and the brilliant contributions of The UNASA Express members can never be underestimated If you want to know what team-work is, then The UNASA Express Volume 1 is all the evidence that you will need We certainly hope that the first volume was the beginning of many that will be witnessed decades after 14 May 2022 As Jessica said in her opening speech, ‘Yeah Yeah we made a whole publication ’ and we are very proud of it

THABISO PHIRI

by nicole thikeson

UNASA-UCT

UNASA-UCT in 2022: Back, and here to stay.

dynamic our return to an on the ground presence with its strong sense of engagement and activism is, to my mind, unparalle ed among student organizations this year We are proud to have served this mandate so successfully and we are happy to leave beh nd a structure that our successor team can use to continually expand our focus There are many elements – ranging from administrative tasks, to content creation to messaging and communication strategy, to teambuilding and human development/HR – that I have not touched on but I am sure it is conceivable that this was, at a l times, a herculean task, and one that I could not have managed without the aid and support of a br lliant leadership team and their exceptional subcomm ttees I am proud of the work UNASA-UCT has done on and around the campus of th s nations premier institution of higher education Returning from years of a Covid lockdown dynamic into our new reality has been a transition process for our entire institution and has not been one lacking in pitfalls We are proud to know that th s transition our return to sanity and humanity on Campus – was very much a process spearheaded by organizations ike UNASA-UCT I am more than slightly ecstatic to see so many members of my sen or leadership team choose to extend the r leadership tenures at UNASA and serve in a variety of either new or s milar capacities They wi l lead this organization to new heights in 2023 Its been a priv lege to carry out the mandate I proposed in our 2021 AGM, and to have done t while both working with and learning from, my insp red senior leadership team, each supported by the r hardworking subcommittees and our enthusiastic membership base Stay tuned for another year of activism engagement and youth development from UNASA-UCT One final thought from me – do choose to get involved where you can Both our institution and our nation are facing a time of signif cant change and instability We have an opportunity here with exceptional organizations like UNASA-UCT to become vehicles which will shape the future of this institution – and act as a model for the kind of grassroots civic engagement we need on a national level to shape the future of th s country and the region

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also relentlessly pursued community activism and outreach, using our

When the UNASA leadership team took over the mandate in 2021, we had very little guidance on how to pursue our aims with little suggestion on what those aims might be Our team took the initiative and planned for a restructuring of the society from the ground-up A strategic policy framework was nstituted lending on the skil s competencies and creativity of each indiv dual member of our team Our first goal was the implementation of a disciplined routine within the society with an understanding that the teams internal effectiveness would lend itself to the pursuit of our goals Week y meetings were scheduled and mandated We created an organizational structure that cou d be used going forward – this gave members of the senior leadership team and their respective subcommittees a framework and he ped them ral y as effective units allowing our various teams to be able to engage in multiple initiatives simultaneously We expanded the senior leadership team by adding a Research Portfolio with the aim of creating a new student-run publication – the UNASA Express whose goal was to facilitate a space where the interests of our mandate and the student population could co ncide allowing student voices to manifest and be read on key ssues relevant to them The inaugural issue of the UNASA Express interviewed then Pres dent of the RSA Supreme Court of Appeal Justice Mand sa Maya An in-person launch event for the Express hosted and catered at Sarah Bartmaan Ha l in May was attended by scores of students and luminaries from the diplomatic sector including members of the Taiwan Representative Off ce Delegation to South Africa If you havent yet read the Express’s inaugural Issue get on it! Our Outreach portfolio was designated with the mandate of community engagement Throughout the year they have engaged relentlessly on a number of initiatives including Saturday beach clean-ups volunteer days at loca soup kitchens san tary pad donation drives in partnership with external NPO partners working in the gender equity space and more The work of UNASAs Outreach subcommittee could be that of an entire community service-focused society n itself their independent focus on their mandated engagement was only possible due to the tenacity of that subcomm ttee together w th the structure and resources allocated to them by the society as a whole Among UNASAs flagship operations priority was given to supporting the work of our Model United Nations team Model United Nations conferences are a brilliant way in which students/young people develop their skills in debating – skills that grow the r confidence while also expanding their knowledge in areas of geopol tics international aw public policy and macroeconomics We were thrown an early ser es of hurdles this year It remains an irony that wh le UNASA at UCT has expanded its reach and mandate exponentially UNASAs national nfrastructure has stumbled from inactivity to inaction Unlike previous years UNASA National was not able to rally the resources in providing for a NATMUN (National Model United Nat ons) conference The UNASAUCT team took matters into our own hands together with our sister chapters at Stellenbosch Pretoria and UWC – we hosted our own MUN conferences without the support of Nationals nfrastructure or resources Our first MUN was hosted costed and catered at UCT early in 2022 The second conference SUNMUN was hosted at Stellenbosch n co laboration with our SU partners Co laborations with other chapters ass sted great y in expanding the horizons for our delegates and membership bases It goes without saying that the logistics planning and allocation of resources required in either endeavor were substantial and I commend my team on rallying for these ends n a spectacular fash on The MUNs were a highlight of our term not simply based on the testimonials of students who participated as delegates, but also for our leadership team and subcomm ttees – who bonded over the winning feeling gained after a successful accomplishment of our MUN mandate With an aim to expanding our mandate and focus key areas of interest for the team were tackling the issues of Climate Change, Gender-Based Inequity and Education Reform In April, we hosted an in-person panel discussion and seminar on Women’s Empowerment Decolonized – featuring key speakers, including leadership from an external NPO Partner, The Just ce Desk, as well as leading UCT academics and activists working in the gender stud es f eld We partic pated in leading a COP26 Climate Justice online roundtable in October of 2021, the event was beyond informative and featured leading academics and youth activists working n the climate and marine biology fields from the Universities of Stellenbosch and Cape Town (includ ng the acclaimed Professor Guy Midg ey – SU) In September of 2022, we hosted another in-person panel discussion on the theme of Education Reform in South Africa and the region The panel brought together eading specialists in the education reform space All events were widely attended and well-received not ust by our membership base but by students more w dely as invites were open to all students regard ess of affiliation in order to bo ster participation We held numerous co laborative online engagements with our sister chapters at other universit es across the country, inc uding on issues focusing on the United Nations Sustainab e Development Goals One inter-chapter dialogue to highlight as particularly productive and nformative was held in partnership with UNASA-UP on the theme of SDG 5: Gender Equal ty and was held on the 21st of May 2022 Other engagements were pursued with zest by the 2022 Team in order to boost the societys profile, brand (and therefore increase participation and further our mandate) and presence, both on campus and in the community more widely At Middle Plaza Day, UNASAs exposition was by far the most popular and wel -received by students and prospective members Our Opening Event and Quiz Night was attended by a UNASA-UCT Alumnus and social policy reform specialist, Reon Van Der Merwe The strengthening of our Marketing & Communications and Events Management Portfolios, while structuring them within a new Administrative Division of the societys sen or leadership wh ch reports directly to the Secretary-General, was a key reform which has aided the society in its success this year This model is seen as so successful, it is now implemented by other UNASA chapters across the country We pursued a new NPO Partnership with The Justice Desk, among other engagements, this partnership helps to facilitate our members are speed-tracked in their application to TJDs exceptional vo unteer-based programs seeking to tackle issues ranging from gender-based violence to transformative justice and youth development I know that many of our members have signed up to TJDs nitiatives and participation in them has been a high ight of many a students year We also increased the focus that we placed on youth activism Ear ier this year UNASA-UCT and UNASA-SU rallied one of the largest antiwar demonstrations against the Ukraine War to take place in South Africa since 2003 The demonstration was held in Stellenbosch I had the pr vilege of opening the march with a speech together with members of both UNASA Teams The demonstration was joined by the Ukra nian Association of South Africa Towards the end of our term UNASA-UCT partnered with the SRC and #TeamFreeSanitaryPads for a peaceful demonstration outside of Parliament on the 26th of August 2022 –demanding that the government take steps to enshrine menstrual health rights into law aga n focusing on our mandate of gender equity social justice and community activ sm The work of years has gone into th s one term of leadership in rebuild ng and revitalizing UNASA at UCT Coming out of a Covid19

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The final UNASA–UCT Sustainable Development Goals event for this year occurred amid September The evening was ushered in the discussions of educators and innovators dedicated to the holistic transformation of the South African education framework As the fourth aim of the Sustainable Development Goals, quality education is too at the heart of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development set out by the United Nations In essence, the fourth goal is to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote sustainable learning opportunities for all However, what does this mean in the South African milieu? Our panel of esteemed educators and innovators included Philasande Mkuzo from the Equal Education Law Centre, founder and director John Gilmour from LEAP Science and Maths Schools, Nosihle Mngqibisa as the 2021 director of SHAWCO Law, and Amy Hamitera from Africa Unite Each orator introduced their efforts dedicated to the transformation of the education sector as well as some hard truths that our school children encounter in their educational careers “Philasande Mkuzo and Nosihle Mngqibisa discussed their respective organisational legal activism and the mutual empowerment that comes with teaching the youth about their constitutional rights

Both orators mentioned the structural inequalities that continue to plague the most vulnerable as the remnants of the apartheid regime John Gilmour too touched on the severe inequalities that school children encounter, and what we can do for underresourced and underserviced communities. The founder and director discussed his ambition for self-liberation through conscious development in providing children from underprivileged communities with the tools to change their lives and that of their societies. Amy Hamitera also mentioned the value of liberated learners who become aware of their challenges and are eager to find solutions.

We know that education is the foundation of all progress and growth for both individuals and communities. For real and sustainable transformation to occur in the South African education framework we need to hold our communities, private businesses and state officials accountable for ensuring inclusive and equitable quality education for all. Our schools are at the heart of our communities and so for true societal evolutions to occur, let’s start with our school children.

We encourage all of our readers to reach out to the mentioned organisations and lend a hand with the summer vacation around the corner. Please find all contact details below.

Over the course of the last year, the United Nations Association of South Afr ca, UCT Chapter (UNASA-UCT) has completely revitalized its presence in becoming one of the preeminent Student Societies on campus We strongly believe that this year UNASA has been one of the most engaged active, and valuable facets of student life at the university UNASA represents the mandate aims and vis on of the Un ted Nations n pursuing goals related to soc al justice transformation, internationalism and social/public policy reform The UNASA team has worked as a homogenous unit planning and facilitating a variety of in-person and online engagements related to our mandate, for the benefit of all students, not merely our reg stered members We have

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UNASA-UCT

A MODEL UN GUIDE FOR BEGINNERS

DANIEL HUKAMDAD

A Model UN – context: what are we trying to simulate?

To help frame your reference, a Model United Nations is a series of simulated debates on issues centered around geopolitical, global economic and/or international public/social policy related themes A debate is simulated as taking place in the setting of one of the main organs of the UN (or one of those organs sub-departments or associated multilateral forums) The UN comprises 5 principal organs (the 6th organ being the International Court of Justice or ICJ which has a different specialized function) Each of the 5 organs pursue a specialized mandate where members states (almost every country in the world) come together and seek to pass binding resolutions, implement policy framework, or enact international treaties on some of the key issues brought before the respective sessions and forums by one or more of the participating member states sitting in those bodies The 5 principal organs are the General Assembly the Security Council (UNSC) the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) the Trusteeship Council and the UN Secretariat (within the Secretariat is located among other departments The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights or OHCHR) You dont need to have an in-depth knowledge of what all of these UN bodies/instruments are, or even understand all of their functions Narrow your focus to understanding how your allocated state (in the official stance/opinion/objective of its incumbent government) perceives the specific topic at hand and how you can implement a policy or resolution within the context of the forum you are debating in You do this by arguing your states view or position and using procedure-based goals to convince other delegates with common objectives to pass agreeable resolutions and policies or enforce treaties In terms of our debates on Saturday the only bodies within which a simulated debate will occur are the Security Council (UNSC) or the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Here, it may be relevant to have a basic understanding of what each of these bodies does most of the time and how a MUN delegate should interact with them

Debating in the Security Council

The Security Council, or UNSC, is charged with ensuring international peace and security, recommending the admission of new UN members to the General Assembly and approving any changes to the UN Charter Its powers include establishing peacekeeping operations enacting international sanctions and authorizing military action The UNSC is the only UN body with the authority to issue binding resolutions on member states It is widely perceived as one of the most important organs of the UN, considering that it seeks to resolve issues of peace and security on a global, multilateral level Most UN member states hold rotating seats at the UNSC which last two years, with the exception of 5 member states who hold permanent seats – the United States of America (U S A ), the Russian Federation (Russia), the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (U K /Great Britain), the French Republic (France) and the Peoples Republic of China (P R C /China) These are the P5 known colloquially and historically as the Great Powers For the context of our MUNs the only difference between these 5 member states and the rest is that they can veto any substantive resolution brought within the UNSC by voting against it This means that even if a vast majority of states find consensus on the adoption of a resolution, if one of the P5 votes against it, the resolution will be blocked and thus not adopted Note: a permanent member's abstention (voting neither yay or nay), or their absence from session, does not prevent a draft resolution from being adopted As a delegate, you shouldnt be afraid of using an abstention This may most often occur in the instance of a state engaging in behaviour or adopting policies that your allocated state doesnt approve of from the perspective of its own policy aims but with whom your state nonetheless has friendly allied and/or economically/culturally important relations Try to use votes and observe motions strategically

Scenario 1:

Lets look at a quick example: a hypothetical security crisis ensues when Argentina, which claims historical sovereignty over the Falkland Islands in the South Atlantic, uses their armed forces to occupy the territory without warning An armed conflict is likely to occur between Argentina and the U K , which formally controls the Islands as an oversees territory While Britains Royal Navy embarks on the long voyage to the South Atlantic their UN delegation also brings a resolution in the Security Council ordering the immediate withdrawal of Argentine armed forces from the territory and a restoration of the Islands status under British control You are the delegation of the Peoples Republic of China in the UNSC The Peoples Republic of China supports Argentinas historical claim to the Falklands, both countries have a history of being subject to British imperialism during the 19th century which remains a point of resentment amongst the wider public in both Argentina and the P R C – sentiments that either government is acutely aware of (If youre really wanting to go the extra mile): You may know that the U K and the P R C are, more often than not, finding themselves on opposite ends of international security concerns over the last 15 years In recent years the British Government voices significant support for Taiwan in its own sovereignty dispute with the Peoples Republic of China There are further disagreements over the P R C s policy in Tibet, Hong Kong and Xinjiang Conversely, Argentina supports the P R C ’s position on Taiwan Naturally, as the delegation representing the P R C in the Security Council, you will articulate the P R C s views in session as critical of the British delegate’s submissions, and subsequently veto the draft resolution brought by the U K in order to protect Argentina from its stipulations Note: Regardless of the final vote tally, the resolution will not pass, it has been vetoed by a P5 member state

time, you are representing the Kingdom of Norway at the Security Council Norway and the U K are treaty-bound allies Their alliance is legal and formalized via an instrument of international law (a treaty) Both nations are members of the intergovernmental military alliance N A T O (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization) This means they are bound by treaty obligations to defend one another if either is attacked by a third party (If youre really wanting to go the extra mile): Norway like the U K holds a number of remote oversees possessions that it gained during the age of European imperialism in the 19th century Argentinas armed annexation of a British oversees territory sets an international precedent which troubles the Norwegian government Unlike the U K , Norways hopes of recovering their own territories, should they be lost to another state in a similar manner, may be slim – Norways armed forces are relatively small by comparison to the U K and are unsuited to lengthy oversees deployments Norway seeks to deter armed annexations like Argentina’s in the Falklands using international forums such as the UN and UNSC Furthermore the economic and cultural ties between the U K and Norway are substantial and deep The U K is Norways largest export partner with an estimated export value of US$33 1 billion (or 20 7% of total Norwegian exports) in 2022 This makes the U K the single largest consumer of Norwegian exports globally This economic relationship is vital and must be cultivated diplomatically, the British Government will expect Norways support at the U N on an issue as vital to U K security interests as the Argentine occupation of the Falklands Furthermore, the Anglo- Norwegian relationship is both deep and old from a cultural standpoint Both nations were allied during World War II, with the U K expending significant effort in the liberation of Norway from German military occupation towards the end of the war Many thousands of Norwegian citizens live and work in the U K and vice versa re British citizens in Norway Ancient cultural connections between Norway and the U K are personified by either countys head of state – Queen Elizabeth II of the U K is a second cousin to King Harald V of Norway, with the latter also being in the line-of-succession to the British throne, because of his descent from King Edward VII of the United Kingdom These cultural links, and their value, are not lost on the public’s imagination in either Norway or the U K and Norwegian public sentiment is likely to be generally supportive of the British position This will influence the Norwegian government’s resolve in supporting the U K diplomatically Therefore, unsurprisingly, as the Norwegian delegation in the Security Council you will support the U K s resolution and defend their position by articulating agreement in debate and possibly stating a rationale for why this will help build some consensus and gather votes from neutral states When the time comes you will vote with the U K in order to force an Argentine withdrawal Note: Regardless of whether or not you vote in favour or against a resolution, as Norway isnt a P5 member state, your vote cannot veto a resolution It simply adds or subtracts to/from a tally when seeking to pass or block a draft resolution (But maybe you can leverage other facets to help your British cousins? Russia, like China, will initially be predisposed to vote against the resolution Maybe Russian mining companies can be offered lucrative mining contracts on Norways Svalbard Archipelago in exchange for a Russian abstention in the UNSC? – this is how states engage in diplomacy at the UNSC and other forums to lobby for desirable outcomes Be creative know your country have fun!) An important thing to remember for Saturdays United Nations Security Council debate on The 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis –you are simulating a debate as if its 1962 This is not a retrospective You are representing your member state’s position, as it was held then, by its government of the day – during the height of the Cold War For example: if representing Peru in the UNSC, youre representing Peru from a 1962 perspective, when Peru was an active member of the Organization of American States (or O A S ) – a continental union – which, for the most part, sought to isolate and excise Cuba for its newfound revolutionary machinations and increasing reliance on the Soviet Union (U S S R /Russia1 ) Part of the rationale here was a concern among many Latin American states at the time that the Cuban Revolution was a dangerous idea one they

Debating in the OHCHR

Now let’s look at the 2nd debate taking place as a simulation in the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights or OHCHR The structure will be essentially the same, though as the OHCHR has a more specialized function that often looks at issues relating to human rights, injustice and misgovernment arising inside of state(s) rather than conflict and security issues occurring between states, the OHCHR lacks many of the emergency protocols found in the UNSC There are no veto powers in the OHCHR universal consensus must be built if a motion is to pass and solutions to be found Have a sense of what this forum does – the mandate of the OHCHR is to work to promote and protect human rights that are guaranteed under international law and stipulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 This mandate should shape your vision on how to formulate a diplomatic strategy inside this forums debate context, but again, frame your positions on ones aligned solely to your states current posture on the topic/issue at hand There is sometimes present an unfortunate difference of opinion among states, and their national governments, as to what qualifies as a ‘human right You are, for all intents and purposes, representing that government’s opinion in this forum On Saturday the OHCHR will be hosting only member states belonging to one organization – another continental union – the African Union (A U ) The agenda item under discussion is Racism in South Africa: Racism and Xenophobia While the emergency protocols present within the UNSC are not relevant here the OHCHR’s structure means you can come up with new initiatives and tangible/implementable solutions to help reconcile the agenda item to a greater (and more meaningful?) extent than you would have scope to do in a UNSC setting When looking to do this, keep some of the key objectives of the OHCHR in mind: (1) Promote universal enjoyment of all human rights by giving practical effect to the will and resolve of the world community as expressed by the United Nations (2) Play the leading role on human rights issues and emphasize the importance of human rights at the international and national levels

(3) Promote international cooperation for human rights

(4) Stimulate and coordinate action for human rights throughout the United Nations system (5) Promote universal ratification and implementation of international standards (6) Assist in the development of new norms (7) Support human rights organs and treaty monitoring bodies (8) Respond to serious violations of human rights (9) Undertake preventive human rights action (10) Promote the establishment of national human rights infrastructures (11) Undertake human rights field activities and operations (12) Provide education, information advisory services and technical assistance in the field of human rights

Being a Delegate

In either the UNSC or the OHCHR your objective is to act as the highestranking diplomatic representative sent by your allocated state to one of these bodies and push for your states agenda to be adopted via a resolution, or resist the adoption of an agenda that will be counterpoised to your countrys policy objectives as they pertain to the topic at hand As you may gather, states often have very different agendas and foreign policy objectives on issues brought before these bodies – and this is where the fun comes in! You want to aim to understand the topic well enough to know which countries delegates you can approach in order to try and build consensus with, when in session Or who you can look to when wanting to draft a resolution together and who to watch out for as potential opponents of your agenda (so as to prep criticisms to their policy aims and the implementation of those aims) during the debate Dont be afraid to poke holes in another delegations diplomatic strategy

Scenario 3:

Another example: if I am allocated the United States of America in the Security Council, and the issue requiring resolve is the ‘2022 Ukraine Crisis, I will understand going into the debate that my main policy objective here is to achieve the immediate withdrawal of Russian armed forces from internationally recognized Ukrainian sovereign territory I’ll use the session, as the U S delegate to criticize Russian policy and the invasion on humanitarian grounds and highlight it as transgressive of international law and maybe take the opportunity to criticize recent Russian foreign policy initiatives more generally (by suggesting a reoccurring pattern of belligerence citing previous military interventions in Georgia, Syria, etc ) I should also aim to go into this UNSC session knowing that my main allies, with very similar policy aims and views, would be the United Kingdom and France, so I should aim to build a good rapport with their delegates and support their agenda items and discussion points I will increase my personal interaction with those delegates as we should aim to work together when it comes time to draft a resolution or lobby others In a similar way, I may also seek to know that one of my main opponents who will probably assume a position reflexively supportive of the Russian position would be the Peoples Republic of China They will act as an obstacle to me building a consensus against the Russian position Countries with seeminglyambivalent or neutral positions may be able to be swayed during the course of a debate to take one position or another and I should aim to lobby them –for instance, I should aim to convince the South African, Brazilian, or Saudi Arabian delegations to co-sign or vote for my resolution, or one that I find agreeable (should those states be sitting in the UNSC for that session) One thing to note here, the idea isn’t to try and implement the most just or morally defensible policy, or even one that is necessarily rational or reasonable The idea is to implement the specific aims of your allocated state so you want to understand what that governments view/policy aims on that issue/topic are as well as you can through your own research (or in the least relay a basic impression of what you think your states stance would be in a similar hypothetical scenario – for example, if you need to wing it a bit, it may be safe to assume that the P R C very rarely looks favourably upon the idea of interventionism and their delegation should be very hesitant about criticising governments on the basis of internal public policy, even when human rights considerations are at play More often than not, a delegation taking this stance will likely ensure a correct alignment to actual P R C policy on a relevant issue – even if you don’t know the specific stance re the specific issue being debated in a session) As a delegate there are a litany of minor procedures and protocols that you will be reminded of by your moderators when you begin dont stress too much over these Focus on knowing what to debate vs knowing how to debate Youll learn the How as you progress and watch other delegates

Try to have fun, I didnt know what I was doing during my first MUN either, but I had a blast anyway ��Good luck!

THIKESON

A year full of dedication and words...

JESSICA CHUANG

2022 was a year full of many things. It was a year full of events, a year full of challenges, a year full of adapting and a year of success. Needless to say, the many different talks, discussions, events, soup kitchens and collaborations that the UNASA-UCT 2022 Team hosted throughout the year provides a true testament to the amount of work that we did this year. And although it was a tough battle due to the transition from Covid19 back to normal, the hardships that we faced were worthwhile. One of the most stressful periods for the Express team was in May when we held our opening event. Being a team under the research portfolio, we didn't have a lot of events planned for the year. Actually, we only had the one event planned. Hence, it was very understandable as to why there was so much pressure to make sure that this once in a lifetime opening event went extremely well. Unfortunately, like all events have, we had our various ups and downs which we had to work through as we tried to get through that Saturday. In spite of the fact that we had sat for hours in the Beattie building before the actual event to try and figure out the logistics of the evening, we only found out on the day that we had somehow managed to schedule our opening event right after one of the major mid-year accounting exams. That had done wonders in throwing our schedule off-track, and although it added even more stress to the planning of the event, we hope that the accounting students who wrote that day received a kind paper with good questions. Despite the event proceeding with a delay in our schedule and having a lower-than-hoped-for turnout, it was a great success in our eyes. We had started the night off with some introductions and then we had swiftly moved onto the audience-participation segment. My editors and I had sat down that afternoon before the event to come up with ideas on how to incorporate audience participation - which led us to the brilliant idea of asking the audience members to write down their thoughts and opinions about either, or both, of the topics that were provided for discussion. Next to this article, you will be able to find the answers provided by the audience members and the topics which we had provided for them to discuss. The reason why I had decided to have my editors be the guest stars of the night, as opposed to inviting guest speakers, is because I wanted the audience to be able to receive a first-hand narration of the experiences of my editors and the process in which they had to undergo to make these last two editions possible. From the birthing of the topic for their articles to the hard work poured into their research process to the journey of finalising their writing and finally to the publication - I wanted the audience to be able to experience what we went through to make the Express possible. I had mistakenly thought that the second volume would be easier to make than the first, and as I am writing this before 2022 comes to an end, I have realised that I was very wrong with that assumption. There are some things that one needs to learn through first-hand experience and heading a publication as student is one of those experiences. It's no secret that there's a clear change in momentum when we move from the first semester to the second semester. Students become busier as exams close in on us and everything else in our schedules shift to revolve around academics. Additionally, there were so many extra activities and hand-overs for societies that take place in the second semester.

I had told myself that I would not let this change in momentum slow me down, but as exams rolled by and this paper sat somewhat edited and formatted in bits and pieces, I knew I was fighting a losing battle in trying to get it done and published before the start of exams. Nonetheless, my amazing editors submitted their articles on time as we had planned and I finally found the strength to properly and edit through it after the chaos of this year finally died down a little. The last two months which I had spent working on this paper - moving the paragraphs to find the best format and getting frustrated when nothing was fitting or when everything was spilling over - was probably one of my most tiring periods of supervising and running this paper this year. This was all merely due to the added fatigue of exams and the work that had been slowly piling up as the year progressed. However, I can guarantee you that the quality of the content within this volume is no different than that of the first volume.

I want to end off by thanking my amazing team of editors and designers, and my colleagues of the 2022 UNASA Executive team, for helping me make this paper a reality. I truly could not have done it without you all. I am deeply grateful for each and every single one of you, from the bottom of my heart. To the readers of The UNASA Express, I hope that you enjoy reading through this paper as much as we enjoyed writing and making it.

On behalf of my team, thank you to everyone for your support.

Yours in service and research, Jessica Chuang UNASA-UCT 2022/3, Director of Research

Jessica Chuang UNASA-UCT 2022/3 Director of Research

QUOTES FROM THE OPENING EVENT

We asked the audience from the opening event to contribute to this volume by doing a little exercise We provided the audience with two topics and we asked them to give us their thoughts regarding either one, or both, of those topics. Here are the responses we received:

Topic 2: What are your thoughts about the Roe v Wade case?

Being pro-choice is about choice itself It allows people the CHOICE to abort if need be Those that do not support it have the choice not to abort [Anon]

The idea that females are not allowed bodily autonomy goes against every right promised to females [Anon]

It is interesting to see how a first world’ nation such as the USA is so backward with their laws It is clear that bodily autonomy does not matter if it does not align with white Christian values I hope that women all over the world will be given the right and access to their own bodies [Anon – third year LLB student]

The possible and likely altering of Roe v Wade proves that America championing itself as the bastion of freedom is patently false Women have always been treated as secondclass citizens, given less autonomy than even children as if incapable of making decisions about their own bodies Honestly, this is nothing new and part of degradation of women s right worldwide It’s time for women and their allies worldwide to take to the streets in protest If it takes anarchy to prove that 3 5 billion people won’t be silenced, so be it Let it burn [Anon]

The mere fact that there is a discrepancy between the express will of the people and the policy proposed by a judiciary calls into question the legitimacy of what is being described as democracy [Alessandro]

It will not stop abortions It will just make the average abortion so much more dangerous (e g backroom abortions) If the rationale of overturning Roe v Wade is to “save lives” it will do the opposite Women across the US will be put at risk because they will not be able to get safe abortions [Anon]

Women should be allowed to make decisions about their own bodies It s extremely hegemonic and patriarchal to prohibit women from getting abortions and still not advocating for male birth control [Anon]

The National provision of Abortion rights allowed for in the judgment can be viewed as unconstitutional, the provision can be struck down with rights (or lack thereof) returned to the states within the federal system A remedy would be to enshrine the right to abortion in the statute or through legislation passed in the states [Anon]

Definitely support pro-choice I agree with the first judgment However, we should not close debates with the right wing side since this matter only dialogues can resolve the impasse [Anon]

I support the overturning of the Roe v Wade Judicial courts are not meant to provide legislation, but rather apply it Therefore, I support Roe v Wade being overturned [Anon]

An unwanted child terminated during pregnancy is preferable to an unwanted living fully form child being neglected or abused (post birth) [Lee G]

Equality Man has no such concerns Women s pregnancy may come from an “accident” They should have the right to choose before it is too late There are so many cases that may hurt the family more if women have no choice Women’s life may turn upside down if they do not have the right to choose [Anon]

The Roe v Wade case is a very big case that allowed women to have abortions In my view such a big case should not be overturned as it limits women s rights [Anon]

Make sure USA gets stricter on gun laws [Anon]

As an American, I am deeply angered I studied US politics and have a full understanding of the blood, sweat and tears that went into this case As a woman, I am outraged by the disrespect that people continue to show towards women Only us women have the right to choose what happens to our bodies I lived through the Trump era and even though he is not in power anymore we can still feel the effects of his power And this is an example of such He tipped the scale on the Supreme Court and gave power to this line of thought It’s always been there, in the shadows, hiding but Trump provided a foundation to be executed [Olivia Stock]

Topic 1: What is something that you think should be included or changed in the workspace?

Follow Spain s motion to allow for menstrual leave! [Anon]

I believe that something which should be included in the workspace/society is emphasis on mental health Weekly therapy and counselling sessions should be offered freely by companies in the way that healthcare is provided [Anon]

There should be positive energy, culture (company culture and values), inclusion and acknowledgement of all religions/cultures, and celebration of achievements and hard work [Anon]

The law in Portugal of prohibiting the act of an employer contacting an employee after working hours, for a work related matter [Anon]

We need to incorporate more equality within our international law community Look at how the international community and the media has reacted to the Ukraine Russia crisis vs how they have reacted to the Israel Palestine conflict Norms relating to equality should be adopted in society in order to avoid issues of doublestandards that are currently being faced in the world [Nadine Nyamangrazi]

I am a very emotional person and that usually gets in the way of my work as an advocate, and a student of law I would therefore like to have some sort of seminars (mandatory) for dealing with situations where one gets attacked or emotionally invested in clients as is the case with me All you learn in law school is do not get emotionally invested but how does one with a nature like mine manage all that? [Mpeo Matsipe]

Sleeping/siesta/ nap rooms from 12h30 to 14h30 [Anon]

Include disability inclusion curriculum and accessible environment for all at UCT articles [Msa]

I think we should have debates/talks in the workspace that would allow workers of different backgrounds/races/gender etc where different topics are talked about that would not only educate but bring workers together I think this would be helpful because we find that ignorance at the workspace is very prevalent [Anon]

I strongly feel that in the pursuit of productivity and efficiency, society/workplace does not place enough priority on mental health More support should be provided in the workplace with emphasis on erasing the stigma associated to taking a break for mental health [Anon]

Workspaces should also incorporate creating spaces for queer bodies [Anon]

Scholarships to start with and practical experience [Anon]

Actual cultural integration in the workplace is required for POC especially women the 4-day work proposal (or practice) is only a start i e Women s rights in the workplace need not be infringed with; and economic equality – equal pay – will be the necessary 2nd step; and Transformation such as putting black women in positions of significant change, rather than playing [Anon]

PHOTO BY NICOLE

CassandraChishiri

WayneTachiona

JessicaChuang

Thandolwethu Nkopane

Retsepile Monatsi

DaleVanReenen

ThabisoPhiri

Phumzile Gubanca

CaleighPlaatjes

Photographs taken by Nathan Courtney and Hannah Wyatt from firebird photos

TajmeMaharaj

The End of “Roe v Wade”: Where Does South Africa’s Abortion Laws Stand?

DALE VAN REENEN

SOURCE: https://www.cfr.org/blog/women-week-us-supreme-courtstrikes-down-roe-v-wade

Introduction

By now many will be familiar with the case of Roe v Wade as being the socalled “abortion case”. This is indicative of the polarising nature of this case. The topic of abortion finds itself at the centre of this debate. In the year 1930, prior to Roe v Wade, 18% of all maternal deaths were related to unsafe abortions.[1] This issue primarily affected women from poorer backgrounds with eight in ten women having attempted a self-induced procedure.[2] In 2019, 38% of all abortions were performed on Black women representing the highest percentage amongst the racial groups.[3] The majority of these abortions occur within the first initial weeks of pregnancy. Only one in ten abortions are believed to have taken place within the second trimester and onwards.[4]

However, problems occurred when pregnancies, after reaching the point of viability, posed a medical risk for the woman. The situation was further complicated by the fact that individual States governed reproductive health care differently. As a result, conservative States such as Texas began to criminalise abortion and heavily stifled access to reproductive health care. In comparison, more liberal states such as New York had legalised access to abortion years before Roe v Wade.

This stark contrast between differing States represented a problem of Americans being treated differently, largely due to the politics of the areas in which they resided. It should also be noted that medical doctors who assisted women in any reproductive health matters became increasingly subject to criticism, primarily in conservative States. A well-known example of this was the murder of George Tiller, a medical doctor who provided abortions to

women and was subsequently murdered by a Christian fundamentalist.

Roe v Wade – The Case[5]

The case was brought forward by one Jane Roe (this term was used to conceal her true identity) and her legal representatives. Jane Roe, who was unmarried, pregnant, and not of the socio-economic means to care for a child, had sought an abortion yet was prevented by Texas laws which criminalised abortion. The counsel of Roe stated that the strict anti-abortion laws in Texas infringed of the right to liberty of Americans as contained in the 14th Amendment. The counsel also argued that the anti-abortion laws of Texas infringed on the right to privacy of Americans as it prevented these individuals from making their own personal medical conditions to suite their own needs. Finally, the argument was advanced that the right to abortion should be absolute and should be made available at any time during the pregnancy. The State of Texas retorted with various arguments. The State was adamant that it had a duty to protect medical standards as well as pre-natal life.

The State argued that a foetus should be interpreted as being a “person” and thus be protected by the right to life. They also argued that the protection of the right to life should begin from the moment of conception.

The Supreme Court then had to interpret these arguments and make a valid judgement. The Court found that the right to privacy should extend to the control over one’s pregnancy. The Court noted various challenges that women might face by being forced to continue a pregnancy such as physical health risks, mental health risks as well as financial burdens.

In terms of the views on when life begins, the Court noted that different faiths have different answers to such a question. Ultimately, they viewed the question as being inappropriate for a Court to determine.

The Court however rejected the claim that the right to abortion is absolute. As such, the Court noted that regulations should be in place rather than allowing a carte blanche on the termination of pregnancy. As such, the Court found that NO STATE may regulate abortion within the first trimester. States may however provide regulations in the second and third trimester.

The Political Fallout – Stacking the Court Due to the very nature of the Roe decision, political upheaval was bound to ensue. Abortion and the fight to repeal the Roe decision quickly became a political standpoint which conservative Republicans used when campaigning for political positions. Most notable was Ronald Reagan who showed clear hypocrisy on the issue. In 1967 during his time as the Governor of California he helped to ease access to abortion. However, as soon as he began to run for presidency in the late 1970s, Reagan began to tout an anti-abortion rhetoric to the conservative voting base. Regan helped to popularise the “single issue voter” trend where, as a political candidate, he encouraged voters to vote on specific moral issues rather than political allegiance.[6]

Many claim that a process of “court packing” had occurred over the years. This refers to tactical manoeuvres done by Republicans to increase the conservative, anti-abortion rhetoric on the Supreme Court by nominating judges who were in alignment with such views. Three of

The Fall of Democracy!

RETSEPILE MONATSI

Democracy, as we know it, has come to a collapse! There is a subtle yet noticeable move towards autocratic democracy, a system of governance in which absolute power over a state is concentrated in the hands of the elite while the rest of us are just tools swindled back and forth like pawns in a chess match. Post colonisation and dictatorship many countries have adopted democracy as a form of governance. Democracy, defined by Abraham Lincoln in his book, is known as a rule “of the people, by the people, for the people.”

Democracy implies that there is active participation of civic society that contributes to the overall decision making and governance of their respective states. To date, various states practice autocracy with the veil of democracy which fools people into believing that they contribute towards decision making while in actual fact the contrary is occurring. The rise of civil unrest and political instability point to the unsatisfaction of the people with regard to how they are governed. The reaction of governments towards such protests portrays an unequivocal stance that the opinions of the voters who elected the government is of zero importance. A functional democracy is one in which the people are able to keep the government in check, sometimes using violence as a means which has been the common trend globally. Civil unrest and political instability have ascended, many commentators aver that it is due to

the nine current Supreme Court justices were nominated by Donald Trump. All of whom would be instrumental.

What About South Africa?

South Africa is fortunate to have one of the most progressive Constitutions in the world. Having come out of Apartheid, the need for a set of legal values that valued the life, dignity and expressions of its citizens were of utmost importance.

The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act 92 of 1996 was enacted to allow women greater control over their own reproductive choices relating to pregnancy. This act allows a woman to terminate her pregnancy at any point during the first 12 weeks. This decision is that of the woman alone and other parties cannot attempt to influence such a decision. Between the 13th week and 20th week a medical practitioner may terminate the pregnancy if they are of the opinion that the pregnancy would; pose a risk to the physical or mental health of the women, is a result of rape or incest or would pose a risk to the socio-economic status of the woman. After the 20th week a medical practitioner may only terminate a pregnancy after consultation with another medical practitioner or midwife and is of the opinion that the pregnancy would; endanger the woman’s life, result in severe malformation of the foetus or pose risk of injury to the foetus.

In subsequent cases which attempted to render this Act unconstitutional, the Constitutional Court confirmed that the rights of the women in question has greater importance than that of the foetus. The Court also noted that foetuses do not share the same rights as persons who have been born. It is generally agreed that legal personality and the accrual of rights as such occurs after the birth of the foetus. As such, South Africa has a strong, constitutionally recognised right to abortion with adequate regulations in place to balance the interests of the women as well as the unborn child. Thus, South Africa would likely not see a repeal of women’s reproductive rights any time soon.

References:

[1] https://www.guttmacher.org/gpr/2003/03/lessons-roe-willpast-be-prologue.

[2] https://www.guttmacher.org/gpr/2003/03/lessons-roe-willpast-be-prologue.

[3] https://www.kff.org/racial-equity-and-health-policy/issuebrief/what-are-the-implications-of-the-overturning-of-roe-v-wadefor-racial-disparities/

[4] https://www.kff.org/racial-equity-and-health-policy/issuebrief/what-are-the-implications-of-the-overturning-of-roe-v-wadefor-racial-disparities/

[5] https://supreme.findlaw.com/supreme-court-insights/roe-v-wade-case-summary--what-you-need-to-know.html [6] https://time.com/6047987/peanuts-history-reagan-abortion/ [7] Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization para 2.

covid 19 and a decline in world economies. But could this just be a cry for help by nations that have been continually oppressed by their own ‘democratically’ elected leaders? Or rather an expression of dissatisfaction with modern democratic governance by politicians who do not follow through with service delivery after being duly appointed.

One such country where we can see the expression of dissatisfaction for democratic governance is Sri Lanka wherein protests have been ongoing since March 2022. The government has been condemned for mismanaging the Sri Lankan economy. This shortfall of the government led to a subsequent economic crisis involving severe inflation, daily blackouts, and a shortage of fuel, domestic gas, and other essential goods. Protestors demanded the resignation of their president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and key officials from the Rajapaksa family who occupied senior positions in the Sri Lakan state.

The protests are youth led campaigns which strive for genuine freedom of Sri Lanka from the clutches of condescending leadership. Amongst their key demands is the petition for a new constitution that embraces the sovereignty of the people and the reduction of presidential executive powers while democratic institutions are strengthened. These are sound propositions which reflect that all protestors want is for the country to be governed in a democratic manner as opposed to having autocratic democracy that only benefits the elite of the country.

Moreover, the state of democracy has worsened to the extent that due to the ignorance of elected governments, civic society is often coerced to take matters into their own hands to achieve what their democratically elected leaders are failing to do. South Africa is but one state in which the citizens aver that they constantly asserted their grievances regarding the issue of illegal foreigners entering and living in South Africa with their government, but this was to no avail. Due to failure of the government to acknowledge their lamentations, the society decided to take matters into their own hands and formed an organization called ‘Operation Dudula’ that is purposed to chase out illegal immigrants.

The core of this movement emanates from the high rise of criminal activities committed by such foreigners which includes illegal mining, fraud, and corruption. Operation Dudula calls for a more controlled restrictive movement of people into South Africa. All these are valid opinions which the voters are entitled to. However, the lack of action or dormant response from the government has caused this movement to sprout violence and unrest within the country. This is again a clear example that as long as the interests of a few autocratic leaders are protected the views and opinions of the public regarding how they ought to be governed matters less. It defeats the whole purpose of a functioning democracy.

One question remains, what is a new form of governance that will truly reflect the voices of the people? The failed state of democracy is worrisome and it is made more intense by the indication that the world might be walking into dictatorship which is yet again disguised as oppressive democracy. Instead of a one sovereign power – e.g., the monarch of a dictator – ruling over the country, a few elite authorities and politicians who keep tossing people back and forth whilst using them to achieve their own vendettas hold the power in the country. This is what the world is, and this is what it has always been.

Continental news

The Erasure of Indigenous South African Food Systems

Culinary Colonialism:

PHUMZILE GUBANCA

Food can connect us through time, across geography from one generation to the next. Food has history, it can tell us about where we have been, where we are and where we might be heading. The history of South African cuisine is complicated, contested, and unresolved. On the one hand it is a history about community, celebration, healing, influence, and endurance and on the other hand it is a history about survival, politics, capitalism, and conquest. Today, if we were to tell the indigenous South African story through the lens of food the story would be based on cultural erasure because there is not much left of indigenous South Africa on our plates. This is the legacy of colonialism’s project. Colonialism’s project was an attempt to figuratively eat the Other, to erase and replace the Other. The ‘Other’ referring to South African folk’s indigenous knowledge systems and traditions about cuisine and agriculture.

Detailing Dispossession

Without land there can be no food, so it is important to highlight the dispossession of African land as a major factor to the erasure of African indigenous food systems. White domination spelt disaster for the African not just on a political and economic level but also on a level that affected African food systems and agriculture. Apartheid began in 1948 but there were centuries of settler colonialism and occupation before that by the Dutch and the British. The Cape fully ceded to the British in 1806 after Dutch control from 1652.

The British consolidated their power in the Cape and the Natal and thousands of British settlers were invited by the colonial government with offers of huge leases for the most fertile land in the country. The Dutch moved away from the British in search of a free and independent homeland and this led to the ‘Great Trek’.

The ‘Great Trek’ was the movement of ‘Afrikaners’ or Boers to the interior of South Africa. The Boers consolidated their power in the Free State and the Transvaal. The consolidation of power by the British and Dutch was a period of violent dispossession and bloodshed for the indigenous African people.

Indigenous populations in South Africa like the Xhosa people of the Eastern Cape had an extremely successful peasantry in the 19th century. The peasantry was able to compete and outperform white farmers in the region and the white farmers resented this. Mostly, they were resentful of the fact that the indigenous people refused to leave their land and work on settler farms whereas they had successful family farms of their own.

The discovery of diamonds in the 1860 launched the mineral revolution which motivated the colonial powers to violently expropriate the land, seize livestock and other indigenous assets making it impossible for the indigenous people to continue their successful peasantry life. The production of native grains, seeds and various other indigenous foods associated with a myriad of health benefits was disrupted. Without a source of livelihood indigenous people were forced to work for white settlers. The goal had been achieved, divide, conquer, and establish a population of labourers to extract and mine resources for the colonial empires.

Peasant modes of production that sustained the indigenous people and that was also based on a respectful and balanced relationship with nature was replaced with capitalist modes of production based on extraction. White settlers introduced commercial agricultural production as the backbone of the colonial economy. Industrial farming methods with intensive application of chemical fertilizers, pesticides, and corporate-owned seeds were unethical, unsustainable, and unfriendly to the environment and caused immense ecological destruction.

The colonialists ruled first by blood and destruction and then they set law to maintain their order which brings us to the segregationist policies.

Segregationist policies were simply a refinement, formalisation, and cementing of black people’s dispossession which had already been taking place. When the colonial government wrote segregation into law, the result was the Native Land Act of 1913 which created a deliberate land shortage for black people. Black people initially only had access to 7% of land and they were restricted from owning land anywhere else. Also, there were gendered implications of land dispossession because women were not allowed to control land at all which suited the state because it meant less people vied for the land.

Revealing the Shackles of The Mouth Colonialism and the history of racialized policies and practice fundamentally altered the way of life of indigenous communities. Whole communities were removed from their viable and fertile lands. Viable and fertile land was a critical resource for cultivating food, economic power, and self-reliance. African culinary habits along with the health and longevity associated with them were eradicated. African farming systems were forever altered, traditional practices were lost, and cultural norms were destroyed.

Kenyan policy analyst Joe Kobuthi explains that colonialism was not just an imperial project but also a civilising mission By the early 19th century, British missionary schools and other church institutions attempted to obliterate African knowledge systems and traditions. There was a racist belief that African people had inferior culinary habits and only European diets would maintain the superior nature of European bodies, so part of the civilising mission was to eradicate traditional food habits and ensure that African people adopted a European diet.

Verena Raschke and Bobby Cheema label this shift from traditional to global food systems as a nutrition transition This term defines the transition to global food systems as a transition in dietary practices that have resulted in the increased consumption of refined sugars and flour, toxic food additives and cheap vegetable fats. The consumption of these products has been associated with the development of obesity, diabetes, heart disease and various other non-communicable diseases. The colonial project reconfigured culinary habits as a means of ensuring effective economic control over the indigenous people. Global food systems rely on mouths to feed to make a profit and indigenous African people have come to rely on global food systems to survive. He who feed you controls you – Thomas

Sankara

When Sankara said ‘let us try eat what we can control ourselves’, he was making a point about Burkina Faso’s dependency on food aid and about how Burkinabè wages enrich the French’s economy rather than enriching Burkina Faso itself This statement made by Thomas Sankara more than 30 years ago still finds resonance today amidst the global food crisis affecting millions of Africans. Ukraine is Africa’s major supplier of wheat, corn, and sunflower oil and since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February the African continent has faced food and cooking oil shortages affecting an estimated 400 million people on the continent. The situation has stirred discussions about Africa’s lack of food sovereignty and an over reliance on European countries to supply African needs which has eroded Africa’s economic will power and political direction.

The beginning of all African economies starts with food. Without food there is no strength and energy to produce a working economy. Seeds and food have been used to colonise Africa. We have not had the ability to produce for centuries, so we have had to depend on the West for food. For marginalized people to take up space and take control of land, then produce food on that land, is something that would be a huge step toward liberation.

Food can be a powerful instrument to redress the trauma of dispossession, restore dignity to every African that has experienced cultural erasure, tackle better health and environmental outcomes and reimagine culinary habits that embrace indigenous vegetables, fruits, and herbs. It is important that as we embark on this decolonial and re-imaginative project that we think about models of food justice and how they may intersect with environmental

The Value of an (African) Girl

As I write this, I am currently continuing my studies in the United States. Living abroad is truly a privilege, one that as a woman, I do not take for granted. However, considering the recent legal fight for Roe v Wade, I find myself more concerned at the somewhat stagnant progress in achieving access to reproductive rights. I worry for the international implications of that staggering progress. In my discussions with my new Yank acquaintances, they find weak comfort in residing in a “Blue” state. They are not entirely stripped of their reproductive access, yet that fear lingers over their heads as well as of the rest of menstruating women across the United States. As a South African woman, this prompted me to look even further at the importance of reproductive and contraceptive access in my own home. What is the impact on African women, of the worsening of access to reproductive rights for women around the world? How does the regression of developed nations impact the developing and if so, why should we look to our “first-world” counterparts as an aspiration of freedom and gender equality?

In June of this year, the United States Supreme Court reversed Roe v Wade, a case that constitutionally upheld the right to an abortion within the United States. In his reply on behalf of the conservative court majority, Justice Alito argued that the 1973 ruling was ‘egregiously wrong’. One could sit and argue the religiosity among much of the conservative Supreme Court majority. One could also debate the supposed separation of church and state within the United States. This article could become an exhaustive conversation surrounding the theological view of abortion. However, against popular opinion, Roe v Wade goes much further than the topic of abortion. It surpasses society’s narrow focus on the United States and the West. Reproductive rights do not solely constitute a woman’s access to a termination of pregnancy but rather it extends to a woman’s inalienable autonomy over her body. It constitutes the choices that she makes over her own self, for her own safety and her own well-being. Sexual and reproductive rights are crucial to the progress of economic and political development around the world. At the 1994 International Conference for Population and Development in Cairo, for the first time, governments from around the world recognised that reproductive rights are grounded within human rights. Later, in 2005, the African Charter solidified the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Informally known as the Maputo Protocol, the protocol was ratified by 42 African nations and was the first of its kind to reaffirm reproductive choice and bodily autonomy as a human right. While the presence of this protocol provides some comfort in its existence, Sub-Saharan Africa continues to hold the worst indicators of women’s health. The same nations who ratified and acknowledged this protocol continue to recklessly ignore the reproductive right violations they claim to eliminate.

Various African nations continue to have very high Maternal Mortality Ratios (MMR), resulting in 553 maternal deaths per 100 000 births Unsafe abortion remains prevalent within Sub-Saharan Africa, accounting for the highest incidence of deaths of 185 to 100 000 abortions. Alternatively, Sub-Saharan Africa maintains to uphold the highest fertility rates among women, with unfortunately most of the Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) operations occurring in the same region. While the protocol aims to ensure cultural, political, economic and medical rights to all women in Africa, some African states continue to enforce their own limits to the outlined provision on abortion within the protocol.

The Maputo Protocol addresses the explicit need for access to contraceptive services, safe abortion services as well as increased sexual and reproductive education. It is extensively highlighted that states have the obligation to provide access to reproductive services that are free from discrimination, coercion and violence. In addition to this, the commission stresses the importance of a woman’s own choice regarding her fertility. A woman should be allowed to decide if she wants children and how many children she wants, should she have the capacity to care for them. The state is obliged to inform her of her options through the access to family planning facilities as well as to abortion services, so should she choose. In doing so, access to these reproductive and contraceptive services are an essential human right.

However, one cannot dismiss the religious, cultural and traditional practices that impact the view of women in African society. These practices are rooted in history and culture, spanning multiple generations. One treads a fine line in criticising these practices, in that one must remain respectful of other’s beliefs but also has the obligation to a woman’s life. When certain traditions benefit one group but harm another, how can an equitable society be achieved? Traditionally, women are seen as caregivers who only serve to bear children and take care of the household. Young girls are taught this during their prepubescent years, to which the ability to make choices for their own bodies is effectively non-existent. Thus, practices such as early child marriage as well as FGM are direct violations of human rights, as they put the lives of young girls and women at a threatening risk.

The ratification of the Maputo Protocol took place in 2005. 17 years later, the slow, lacklustre acknowledgement of these realities are superficial and simply disappointing. Women, who have undergone these damaging practices, have done so without the knowledge of their own rights. This is directly caused by states’ inability and hesitancy to provide comprehensive contraceptive and reproductive education to women and young girls, a necessity that they have ratified to ensure. Victims of these practices have suffered detrimental trauma and unnecessary pain, creating long term implications on their physical health and mental well-being. These victims are also automatically placed at a social and economic disadvantage. Often, girls in early child marriages leave school thus resulting in high dropout rates within these regions. Preventing girls from receiving an education prevents the economic development of Africa. Ultimately, women constitute half of the global working force and thus, the economic value of the educated, working woman cannot be understated. A 2020 Brookings Report found that increasing women’s participation in the labour market results in large gains in economic growth, something that Africa strives for.

The inability to provide a woman with reproductive and contraceptive access is the inability to empower a woman to make choices for her own body. Removing that access, negating the impact of reproductive education is not only morally abhorrent but emphasizes a government’s incompetence. This is truly shameful as women and girls tirelessly contribute to the growth of its economy and society, both informally and formally. An infringement on a woman’s rights is simply an unforgivable violation of her human rights. The empowerment of women is essential and necessary for the development of a free, equitable society. This must be urgently addressed as empowered and valued women uplift and fortify the continuation of humanity.

PHOTOGRAPH BY CONSTANCE STUART LARRABEE

CALEIGH PLAATJES

20 MILLION GIRLS IN NIGERIA HAVE UNDERGONE FGM (HTTPS://WWW.THEGUARDIAN.COM/SOCIETY/2016/OCT/11/FGMNIGERIA-20-MILLION-WOMEN-AND-GIRLS-UNDERGONE-FEMALEGENITAL-MUTILATION)

Current Affairs

The Rainbow Nation is more Rain than Nation.

TAJME MAHARAJ

Section 7(1)

“This

For a country that has been affectionately referred to as the “rainbow nation” by several of the prominent members of its society (Archbishop Desmond Tutu & Nelson Mandela) on account of its diverse cultural richness, South Africa has severe ongoing issues with rhetoric that reeks of intolerance. Ineffective (and inept) policing, poor administrative service delivery, combined with high rates of poverty, drug addiction and unemployment have left many South Africans gatvol. Unfortunately, this combination has also led to another uptake in xenophobic rhetoric in various areas across the Nation. As a country with one of the highest wealth disparities in the world, with 10 percent of the population holding 80 percent of the wealth of the Nation (World Bank Report), the frustrations of South Africans are evident.

The tension in South Africa is palpable and xenophobic clashes are nothing new. 2008 saw horrific acts of violence against migrant peoples in South Africa, with one of the most widespread incidents being the burning of Mozambican national Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuave. Although the incident made international headlines, the investigation yielded no suspects and no witnesses (Al Jezeera).

In fact, during May of 2008 62 people were killed in an upsurge of xenophobic attacks in South Africa. Then, in 2015, violent xenophobic attacks began to occur more frequently in Soweto. The attacks resulted in many migrants closing their businesses in South Africa and requesting voluntary repatriation back to their home countries.

The xenophobic sentiment held by some South Africans has resulted in the formation of groups like Operation Dudula This group denies being violent and holds that it means to ensure the creation of a better South Africa. In fact, the group has shared their sentiment that they intent on restoring law and order given the failure of the current law enforcement authorities.

It is no secret that the South African Police Service does little to uphold the law, but surely, we can all see the danger in allowing frustrated citizens to take up arms and to seize “justice” for themselves? Earlier this year the leader of Operation Dudula, Nhlanhla Mohlauli, was arrested on the charge of housebreaking. The relevance? Operation Dudula members have taken it upon themselves to raid the homes of suspected thieves and drug dealers and have gone so far as to demand identification and valid permits from suspected illegal immigrants.

Whilst these actions may seem to come from a righteous place, one can only see them as reminiscent of the actions to enforce the restriction of movement of Black South Africans during Apartheid. Does the punishment fit the crime?

These actions are not free of consequences, no matter how well-meaning they may be. Spreading xenophobic rhetoric emboldens people

In April this year these actions led to the brutal assault and eventual murder of Elvis Nyathi, a Zimbabwean father of four, who was working in South Africa as a gardener. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) stated that Nyathi was the victim of indiscriminate door-to-door raids by a group that targets African foreign nationals. In fact, the EFF go so far as to say that the group responsible took it upon themselves to enforce a “dompas system” in Johannesburg.

Everyone residing in South Africa has the right to life, the right to safety and security, the right to dignity, and the right to a fair trial. The xenophobic rhetoric being circulated and acted upon not only disregards these rights but disrespects them as a whole.

To say that this xenophobic sentiment does not spark violence is dangerous. Violence is not a prerequisite of xenophobia. Only recognising xenophobia when violent outbreaks occur, is ultimately irresponsible and ignorant.

Are we really a country that uses the lack of a passport to justify what amounts to grotesque discrimination, harassment, and assault?

Load Shedding: The Future of Power Supply in South Africa. Is privatizing a brighter solution?

constant shifting of whom to blame for the failure of Eskom does not lessen the effects of power cuts on South Africans, businesses, and the economy at large.

The great Eskom privatization debate

Amid rampant corruption and a national unemployment rate of 27%, many South Africans held on to the promises made by the then electoral candidates as they headed to voting stations. With a promise of radical transformation and reform of struggling government entities and better service delivery, four years after the 2019 elections, South Africa is teetering on the brink of its most severe power cuts. In its latest report on the energy crisis, Eskom admitted to the failure of several power stations resulting in its inability to distribute power as expected daily. After receiving an international award at the Financial Times Global Energy Awards for exhibiting technical excellence in plant production, and maintenance and an ability to provide the world’s lowest-cost electricity, the future of Eskom has become a negative theme that crops up in every discussion. How did we get here?

Currently sitting on the fifth period of load shedding, South Africa has experienced power cuts for the past 12 years. The first period of failure to supply power that would then lead to chronic power shortages was on the 27th of July 2007. The failure of Eskom to supply power was alleged to be a result of exporting electricity to neighboring states while it could not meet South Africa's demands due to problems around the supply of coal and coal-fired plants, skills shortages, and increasing demand for electricity in the country. Four years later after the first period of load shedding, the Majuba power plant which generated power for approximately 10% of the Country lost its capacity to generate power for the first time on the 1st of November and later on the 20th of November, as a result of the collapse of cola storage silos. This marked the second period of load shedding and the beginning of stage 3 load shedding, which lasted for approximately two years. This dark period was succeeded by the third period beginning in February 2019, the fourth period in December 2019, and the fifth period in March 2021. Within September 2022, approximately 45 units at Eskom’s power stations failed resulting in the failure of 50% of power stations. The question of whom to blame for the failure of Eskom has shifted from issues relating to coal supply to the political allegations of sabotage and neglect. On the 16th of November 2019, the ruling party alleged that the reason for load shedding was due to sabotage by an Eskom Employee. However, the Eskom chief operations officer publicly held that the failure to provide power was due to a lack of maintenance and neglect over the preceding twelve years. Opposition parties shift the blame to the ruling party for not handling the crisis at an early stage. Unfortunately, the

The effects of power cuts on businesses and ordinary South Africans cannot be disputed. It is also not disputed that Eskom needs financial support in building additional power stations and maintaining the current ones. What is in dispute, however, is whether independent power producers can be the solution to the live power crisis. Before delving into the debates for and against privatizing the entity, it is important to first define what privatizing an entity means in the context of power supply. “Given Eskom’s constrained balance sheet and the government’s constrained fiscal position, there is a need to explore all options. Consideration is being given to ring-fencing and selling in Eskom’s non-core business or power stations as well as into Eskom’s business as a whole” Treasure Director General Eskom[ii]

The idea of privatizing state-owned is usually based on the need to expand the private sector, provide infrastructure and attract investments. It is a process that involves the operations and property owned by the government becoming owned by a private party partly or completely. One of the African states that privatized power supply was Nigeria in 2013. The Power Holding Company of Nigeria was privatized through the selling of distribution companies and seven generating companies to different private companies while retaining control of the Transmission Company of Nigeria. The privatization of its power sector was to establish a competitive market and attract private investment and provide a reliable cost-efficient power supply.[iii] The question of whether or not this was an effective measure toward rebuilding the power supply in Nigeria is outside the scope of this paper, however, may be an argument either in support or rejection of the idea of privatizing.

When dealing with a national crisis, it is important to acknowledge that not every measure in curbing the crisis will be pleasing and perfect therefore pro-privatization advocates argue that although there are risks, the benefits of privatizing power supply outweigh the risks. They argue that partly privatizing Eskom by allowing private parties to buy its assets will generate revenue that may be reinvested into the remaining publicly owned part of the entity. They further build an argument similar to that of Nigeria when it privatized its power sector, holding a view that privatizing expands the market to allow competition. Competition between investors and future private power suppliers has a “possibility of raising standards while driving down costs for consumers”. Recognizing the lack of accountability and the constant shift of guilt between political parties, pro-privatization advocates argue that privatizing removes some control over the entity by politicians who make poor economic decisions. Lastly, it is argued that private companies have inherent policies that are aimed at creating profit “through driving down costs” and making operations more efficient.[iv]

Anti-privatization advocates on the other partially reject the arguments made above, centering their arguments on the ability of the poor to access electricity after privatization. Minister in Employment and Labor captured the essence of this argument by saying privatizing Eskom “would rule out access to electricity for most South Africans because it would be too expensive”.[v] This argument leans towards the duty state parties have to

protect minorities and vulnerable groups. In implementing measures to solve Eskom's crisis it is indeed important to ensure that those measures will not lead to certain groups of people being unjustly deprived of their fundamental rights. Although there is no distinct right to access to electricity, the right to access electricity is closely linked to several human rights including but not limited to, the right to food, the right to equality, and the right to human dignity. The right of all persons to access electricity flows from statutory obligations South Africa’s power utility has to provide reliable electricity supply and ensure just administrative action when taking actions that result in the deprivation of electricity.

It is further argued that privatizing the entity to remove politicians from controlling it will not solve management issues. Private companies are not an exception to bad management. It is further argued that profit-driven private parties could adopt measures to increase revenue while incurring fewer costs. This then results in skilled workers losing their jobs, depending on government welfare programs thus increasing costs for the state.[vi]

Where to from here?

Eskom has adopted a crowd-sourcing method in an attempt to deal with the power crisis. This is a practice of enlisting the services of a large number of people, to obtain information or input into a task or project.[vii] The crowdsourcing initiative is meant to address maintenance problems due to a lack of appropriate skills and experience needed to address the power issues. Individual municipalities have also adopted unique measures in an attempt to contribute to solving the power failures crisis. The Municipality of EThekwini for instance has laid out plans to attract billions in power plant investments by 2035.

As it stands the future of Eskom remains a mystery. Whether or not the entity will be privatized in an attempt to raise funds for solving the majority of its financial issues and extension rebuilding the power station remains an issue receiving appreciable attention.

Resources:

[i] Luphet Chilawane The Great Eskom privatization debate 2019 accessed 2022/08/22

[i ] South Africa The Good News Eskom Consider ng Partial Privatization accessed 2022/08/22

[i i] The Conversation Nigeria's post-privatization energy sector s a mess: here are some solutions” February 22 2021

[iv] Mahlokoane Percy Ngwato "Four reasons to Privatize Eskom" May 19

2020 Accessed on 2022/08/22

[v] Amogelang Mbatha “Forget about electricity for all f Eskom is privatizedNxesi” News 24 11 Jul

[vi] Mhlokoane Percy Ngwato “four reasons not to privatize Eskom” May 19

2020 Accessed on 2022/08/22

[vii] BusinessTech “Eskoms plan to find the cr tical skills it needs to end load shedd ng” 16 September 2022

OPERATION DUDULA MARCHES IN ORANGE GROVE, JOHANNESBURG, 13 FEBRUARY 2022, TO CALL ON THE REMOVAL OF ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS FROM WITHIN THE ECONOMIC SECTOR. PICTURE: MICHEL BEGA.

of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996:

Bill of Rights is a cornerstone of democracy in South Africa. It enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality, and freedom.”

THANDOLWETHU NKOPANE

SOURCE: DAILYMAVERICK.CO.ZA

In-depth

66th Anniversary of the 1956 March: What are we celebrating?

Every year, in August, South Africa marks Women’s month, where it pays tribute to more than 20 000 women who marched to the Union Buildings on 9 August 1956 in protest against the extension of Pass Laws to women. Professor Schmidt’s description of one of the most significant protests in the history of South Africa is worth mentioning;

“The militancy of the women, their level of organization in the urban areas, and the ease with which they discarded their expected subordinate role came as a shock to many of the men and even to some women.”[i]

The 1956 march consisted of women ranging from all backgrounds and cultures including, Blacks, Colored, Whites, and Indians united to protest against a system that was abusive towards women. Led by Lilian Ngoyi, Rahima Moosa, Sophia Williams and Helen Joseph the peaceful aggressive nature of this march lead to the repeal of Pass Laws. Without using violence these women “illustrated strength, determination, and power that women possess”.[ii]

Celebrating the 66th anniversary of the march, this year’s theme was titled "Women's Scio-Economic Rights and Empowerment: Building Back Better for Women's Resilience". This theme is intended to call to action all of society, government, and partners to take tangible steps in responding to the most persistent challenges affecting the lives of women and girls. It is however rather sad and a tragedy that in the same month of celebrating the resilience and strength of women and victories toward recognizing women’s rights, on the 3rd of August eight women in Krugersdorp were gang raped, and two grade 12 pupils were hacked to death in the Kwazulu Natal, on the 24th of August we remembered the brutal murder of Uyinene Mrwetyana and on the 22nd of August UNICEF reported that 243 children and 855 women had been murdered in South Africa between April and June 2022. These are just a mild representation of the conditions South African women and young girls live under, not feeling safe in a country fought for by the 20 000 women in 1956.

Commenting on violence against women and children at the annual conference gala dinner of SACIWJ, the president of South Africa said violence against women and children is a far greater crisis than most health emergencies South Africa has faced. “Even as we take a step forward in women’s representation and the advancement of women’s rights, GBV takes us many steps back”[iii]

In the plight of violence against women in South Africa, it is worth questioning the purpose of celebrating women’s month while not taking active steps toward eradicating violence against women. Lucinda Evans the founder of the Philiza Abafazi Bethu organization, a group that advocates for the rights of women who are victims of violence in her interview with IOL held that nothing

has changed for women since 1956 it is more dangerous to be a woman in South Africa now than it was in 1956. Many women shared the same sentiments with Lucinda, holding the view that the state is continuously failing to protect them.[iv] “I am not ungrateful, nor am I unaware of the sacrifices that have been made by many women who have lived before me, my aching dread comes from the realization that there are still a lot of women’s issues that need to be addressed. And sometimes I feel that they never will”. [v]

It would be out of ignorance for one to believe that nothing has been done toward advancing of fundamental human rights of women. However, it would be oblivious for one to believe that effective measures have been adopted towards advancing women’s rights.

Acknowledging that the Constitution guarantees women several fundamental human rights also means recognizing that there is a need for the adoption of special measures to ensure that women’s rights are protected. These measures go beyond an annual promotion of women’s rights during women’s month. They go beyond the inclusion of women’s rights in statutory instruments. The state does not only have an obligation to prevent women’s rights from being violated but it has a positive duty to put in place measures that ensure that those rights are protected.

It is interesting to note that this year’s theme, “Women's SocioEconomic Rights and Empowerment: Building Back Better for Women's Resilience”, is similar to the 2021 one “the year of Charlotte Mannya Maxeke: Realizing Women’s Rights” and the 2020 one “Generation Equality: Realizing Women’s Rights for an Equal future” and 2019 one “25 Years of Democracy: Growing South Africa Together for Women’s Emancipation”. What is similar about these themes is the constant use of the 1956 march by the state to "encourage boldness in women, to state without any fear, what they want".

In the spirit of celebrating the 66th anniversary of the 1956 march, and recognizing the strength women possess, this article argues that the strength, bravery, and courage of the 20 000 women who marched to the union building should not be used as a tool to motivate women to fight against gender-based violence and this system that fails to protect them. It should not be used as a tool to encourage any form of boldness and bravery in an environment where women are killed daily for living their lives boldly, an environment that silences the victim for speaking out, and an environment that oppresses women who are not scared to say what they want.

Violence against women and girls is a human right violation. A woman’s right to live free from violence is not only contained in the Constitution but in international human rights instruments such as the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women and the 1993 UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women. This inclusion of women’s rights in domestic and international instruments is what differentiates these two generations of women.

The 1956 women successfully fought for women’s rights to be recognized, a fight that benefited generations of women after them. It can therefore not be a women’s duty to ensure that the very state that recognized women’s rights enforces those rights. The burden of enforcement is on the state and not women. If the state is to celebrate and honor women who were part of the 1956 march, it should do so by effectively protecting and enforcing the human rights these women fought for. The right of women to walk freely without fear of harassment, freedom from violence, and the right to equality. If the state is to celebrate the anniversary of the 1956 march in August annually, it should do so by providing concrete proof of what it has achieved in protecting the rights these heroines fought for. If we are to celebrate the bravery and strength of the 1956 march should we also not equally acknowledge the bravery of mothers who leave their homes every day to different workplaces where they continuously fight to be recognized as equal to their male counterparts, the bravery of young girls who leave their homes to higher education’s institutions while the #AmINext is a concept they can’t ignore, or the strength of victims of GBV who have not accessed justice, who live with their abusers in their communities, workplaces, and educational institutions because the system is failing to protect? Maybe this is what the state should celebrate on women's month, its failure to protect women, and how women have learned to live with that failure.

As Mariclair said, women are not ungrateful for the sacrifices that were made by women before them it is based on those sacrifices that women are saying the state is obliged to enforce human rights. With that being said, we hope the 67th anniversary of the 1956 march will be one celebrating better conditions for women and children with a decrease in GBV cases and an increase in enforcement of human rights.

[i] S.Schmidt “African Women’s Resistance to the Pass Laws in South Africa 1950-1969”.

[ii] Idara Akpan” The 1956 Women’s March in Pretoria”

[iii] President Cyril Ramaphosa. South African Chapter of International Association of Women Judges Annual Conference Gala Dinner 2022.

[iv] Xolile Mtembu “women’s month should not be celebrated due to SA’s gender-based violence” 3 August 2022 accessed 2022/09/24

[v] Mariclair Smit

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