Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order - Lance Burguiere

TOWARDS A SPONTANEOUS URBAN ORDER

LANCE BURGUIÈRE

TOWARDS A SPONTANEOUS URBAN ORDER by

Lance Burguière

Chair: Frank M. Bosworth, Ph.D, AIA Co-chair: Prof. Peter E. Prugh, Emeritus Professor of Architecture

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE

at the

GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA CITYLAB-ORLANDO APRIL 24 2017

TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION 01 | Introduction

06-09

SECTION 02 | Background

10-25

SECTION 03 | Precedents

26-31

SECTION 04 | Project: Platform

32-67

SECTION 05 | Conclusion

68-71

SECTION 06 | Notes

72-73

SECTION 07 | Illustration & Photo Credits

74-75

SECTION 07 | References

76-77

ONE:

INTRODUCTION

Introduction Since the turn of the twenty-first

leftover old city structures and empty

chitecture within the old city centers, a

century, there has been an urban revival

under-performing sites. The influx of

new generation of buildings has arisen

of American cities and towns many of

people back into the urban centers of

which are markedly different from

which have, since, rapidly revitalized in

America signals a renewed demand for

those within their surroundings. Often,

that time.1 This trend of people mov-

such places. However, the supply of such

these new buildings, singularly and in

ing back towards urban centers marks

places is a fixed commodity which, for

chorus, result in homogeneous and mo-

the first mass migration reversal in

reasons further elaborated upon later

no-cultural surroundings. From these

American history since the urban flight

in this book, cannot easily be increased

observations, some questions emerge:

of the 1950’s when people, typically more

in the contemporary legal and cultural

affluent, fled cities for the surrounding

environment.

suburbs. At that time, the centers of cit-

During the initial phases of this

ies and towns were left behind unable to

urban revitalization, many newcomers

sustain themselves economically. This

are able to inhabit the vestiges of these

marked the beginning of a slow decay

old urban centers. Many of the buildings

in the urban fabric of some places, and

have survived the decay and destruction

the gutting of entire urban cores in oth-

over the decades by being occupied

ers.2 The result throughout the United

with lower order uses. At the beginning

States was that urban places, many of

of this revitalization, many of these

which at one time had an intact urban

lower order uses are displaced, among

fabric, began to disintegrate. Buildings

other things, with restaurants, bars,

were torn down leaving voids in the

boutiques, and specialty retail shops.

streetscape. Sometimes, entire city

As this transition progresses, eventually

blocks consisting of smaller clusters of

the low hanging fruit of the remnants of

buildings were razed and replaced by

the old city center are no longer avail-

larger megalithic buildings or surface

able for improvement - they are already

parking lots further exacerbating the

occupied. However, this does not curtail

disintegration of the urban fabric. But

the desires of people to move into these

the subsequent reversal of this flight out

places or for entrepreneurs to serve

of the city in recent times has produced

them with new enterprises. Thusly, it

a series of challenges and opportuni-

becomes increasingly difficult to find

ties. It is important to understand that

existing places in the old city center to

what remained in these urban centers

inhabit.

was a patchwork containing both the 8

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

1.

Why is there a disparity in the perceived quality of these places, new and old? Places which are generally older appear to be more desirable than their newer counterparts.

2.

Is there a way to evaluate the qualities of place? If there is a disparity, that is to say if the built environment is not wholly uniform, then there may be characteristics that can be used to evaluate these differences.

3.

Are there any barriers in the current building methodology which negatively affect the quality of place? If previous methods of building produced desirable places and if current methods do so to a lesser degree, then there might be reasons why the change occurred.

4.

Can a new method, which attempts to capture the qualities of older places yet works within contemporary requirements, be devised as a possible solution?

There appears to be a great desire for places produced in the spirit of older city building methodology, but if contemporary practices largely prohibit this, then a new method needs to be sought.

In an attempt to produce new arIntroduction

9

TWO:

BACKGROUND

Background

Epistemology and the Sciences

Spontaneous Order

underpinnings

ceptualization of the invisible hand,

The purpose of epistemology is to

sciences, a theory of epistemology is

of this project are informed by an idea

in which he observed that unintended

provide a theory of the validity, scope

necessary in order to construct a firm

rooted

thinking.

social orders arise due to the uncoor-

and limits of knowledge. How knowl-

understanding of the differences among

This idea will be referred to as spon-

dinated actions of many individuals.

edge is attained and verified is a central

the many categories of science.

taneous order, but may also be known

Simultaneously, Adam Ferguson noted

question when dealing with the body

In the realm of scientific inquiry,

as

self-organization,

that social orders were “the result of

of all human knowledge. Science can

there are two categorizations: the nat-

complex adaptive systems, organized

human action, but not the execution of

be defined as the methodical and sys-

ural sciences (physics, chemistry, etc.),

complexity, and sometimes collective

any design.”6

tematic pursuit of a body of knowledge.

which involve the study of determin-

in-

Historically, science was referred to

istic behaviors of physical phenomena

erally defined as the emergence of order

volve phenomena within the natural

as philosophy, but this term has fallen

and the social sciences (sociology, eco-

out of seeming chaos. The evolution

environment, while others result in in-

out of popular usage in the modern

nomics, etc.) which study purposive and

of life on earth, language, crystalline

stitutions which are unique to humans

era. However, when dealing with the

volitional human action.7

structures, the Internet and the free

and are nowhere to be found in nature.

market economy have all been pro-

Although man is a part of nature and

posed as examples of systems which

operates within it, for the purposes of

have evolved through spontaneous or-

this argument, a dichotomy between

der.3 The process in which order arises

the realms of man and of nature will be

spontaneously is gradual, incremental,

employed for the purposes of illustrat-

undirected, emergent, combinatorial,

ing the problems of scientific inquiry

selective and in the case of human ideas,

into both of these subjects. It will be

driven by natural selection among

demonstrated that the methods for in-

competing ideas.4 According to Paul

vestigating natural phenomena are not

Krugman, cities are the spatial product

appropriate for a theory of the sciences

of self-organization.5

in the human realm. Beginning with an

The

intellectual

in

Enlightenment

emergence,

intelligence. Spontaneous order is gen-

One of the early formulations of spontaneous order was espoused by Adam Smith through his abstract con-

12

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Some

spontaneous

orders

epistemological basis and an understanding of the social sciences,

The Sciences and the Environments In the study of the environments

category of the social sciences. This

(natural and built) and the sciences

book is primarily concerned with the

(natural and social), there are some

study of urbanism which can be defined

important intersections. The natural

as the study of the interactions of the

environment encompasses all living and

inhabitants of cities within the built

nonliving things which occur naturally.

environment. Based on this definition,

The built environment is composed of

urbanism is a wholly human endeavor

the surroundings which are construct-

that belongs under the category of the

ed by humans for the purposes of their

social sciences. However, as mentioned

activities. Everything which is studied

above, if the practitioners of urbanism

in the natural environment falls under

are operating from an assumption that

the category of the natural sciences.

the methods of the natural sciences are

However, many aspects of the study of

suitable as a tool for making decisions,

the built environment fall under the

they will inevitably err.

Background

13

Planning and the Social Sciences Planning in nature, absent hu-

desired public policy goals. Planners, in

mans, does not occur. Planning, that is

this sense, can operate in a wide spec-

the conscious action of choosing means

trum of activities, many of which are not

to achieve ends, is a human activity. The

related directly to urbanism. Within the

deterministic natural sciences do not

social science of urbanism is the disci-

operate according to any plan. However,

pline of urban planning and design. At

in the social sciences, which are those

times, the term “planning” will either

sciences that study purposive human

refer to urban planning or planning

actions, are dealing with planning.

more broadly. The connective thread

Planning for the purposes of this book

between urban planning or urban

has a general and a specific definition. In

design and other planning endeavors

the broader realm of the social sciences,

within other disciplines is the element

it refers to the attempts of authorities to

of purposive human action.

Praxeology: Human Action One social theoretician and pre-

the logical implications of human action.

eminent economist, Ludwig von Mises,

The role that knowledge plays in human

constructed an entire field of study on

action is essential to understanding the

human action which he called praxeol-

broader social sciences. Praxeology is

ogy. Human action, contended Mises,

an a priori epistemological approach

when systematically studied provides a

which begins with the axiom: humans

basis from which to construct a theory of

act. Any attempt to refute this is itself a

the social sciences which are themselves

contradiction. And from this axiomatic

based on purposeful and volitional ac-

position, an entire system of thought

tions. Mises’ theory of knowledge rests

can be deduced.

upon a foundational understanding of

This system relies on a chain of

choice-making in human behavior. The

reasoning recounted in an abridged

study of praxeology provides one with

form here as:

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

2.

Many of these conditions put him into a constant state of uneasiness.

3.

Acting man, therefore, seeks to eliminate this uneasiness.

4.

His success depends on understanding causal relations between ends sought and the available means at his disposal.

5.

Because man lives in a world of causality, he is confronted with making choices, which he believes will best achieve his desired ends.

6.

Among these choices, man is always evaluating and grading different available options.

7.

He is operating within an inter-temporal framework by acting in the present to dispel his current feelings of uneasiness in order to achieve a future which he perceives will be more favorable.

8.

As man acts to satisfy his needs, new needs arise. Man can never attain a state of perfect satisfaction. Only in a Utopian fantasy could such a state be conceived.

If such a thing were possible, the need for action would not exist.

carry out actions aiming achieve their

14

1.

Man lives in a world where the conditions of nature compel him to act.

9.

Therefore, he is constantly planning, adapting to new states of uneasiness, and viewing beyond the current time horizon.

10. Human action is the fundamental basis of human planning.

Planning is an activity in which every individual must engage. Mises deliberately begins from the very smallest unit of society employing methodological individualism to analyze the actions of individuals: First we must realize that all actions are performed by individuals. A collective operates always through the intermedi-

ary of one or several individuals whose actions are related to the collective as the secondary source. It is the meaning which the acting individuals and all those who are touched by their action attribute to an action, that determines its character … If we scrutinize the meaning of the various actions performed by individuals we must necessarily learn everything about the actions of collective wholes. For a social collective has no existence and reality outside of the individual members’ actions.

The life of a collective is lived in the actions of the individuals constituting body. There is no social collective conceivable which is not operative in the actions of some individuals … Thus the way to a cognition of collective wholes is through an analysis of the individuals’ actions.8

He goes on to caution: Those who want to start the study of human action from the collective units encounter an insurmountable obstacle in the fact that an individual at the same time can belong and-with the exception of the most primitive tribesmen-really belongs to various collective entities. The problems raised by the multiplicity of coexisting social units and their mutual antagonisms can be solved only by methodological individualism.9

Using Praxeology (the study of human action) as the fundamental insight and methodological individualism as the starting point, Mises was able to construct a theory of the social sciences which conveys the complexity of emergent social orders from the actions of many individuals. The emergence of highly complex entities from smaller individual entities, in which the whole displays characteristics not found in its constituent parts, is spontaneous

Background

15

order. Human action does not occur only in isolation. When many individuals begin to act and interact, complex social networks emerge, none of which were designed or consciously planned.

Moreover, this led Mises to the conclusion that authorities would not be able to recreate these orders through heavy top-down planning scenarios. In his book, Planned Chaos, Mises starts with

experience of complex phenomena, of the joint effects brought about by the cooperation of a multiplicity of elements.

The social sciences are never in a position to control the conditions of change and to isolate them from one another in the way in which the experimenter proceeds in arranging his experiments. They never enjoy the advantage of observing the consequences of a change in one element only, other conditions being equal. They are never faced with facts in the sense in which the natural sciences employ this term. Every fact and every experience with which the social sciences have to deal is open to various interpretations. Historical facts and historical experience can never prove or disprove a statement in the way in which an experiment proves or disproves.10 [emphasis mine]

the methods of the natural and social sciences It is, first of all, necessary to comprehend that in the field of purposive human action and social relations no experiments can be made and no experiments have ever been made. The experimental method to which the natural sciences owe all their achievements is inapplicable in the social sciences. The natural sciences are in a position to observe in the laboratory experiment the consequences of the isolated change in one element only while other elements remain unchanged. Their experimental observation refers ultimately to certain isolable elements in sense experience. What the natural sciences call facts are the causal relations shown in such experiments. Their theories and hypotheses must be in agreement with these facts.

But the experience with which the social sciences have to deal is essentially different. It is historical experience. It is an

Purposive human action is what planners omit when they attempt to create order of their own. Mises states that, “[w]hatever people do … is the execution of their own plans. In this sense every human action means planning.”11 The logical implication derived from the praxeological project, then, reinforced the understanding that complex order can arise from the actions of many individuals none of which was consciously coordinated.

the theory of spontaneous order came from Misesian student F.A. Hayek when he wrote “The Use of Knowledge in Society” in which he set out to ask

16

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

best way to utilize knowledge, which initially, is dispersed among the popula-

It is only if all knowledge could be possessed but this is not so according to Hayek. “The reason for this is that the ‘data’ available ... are never for the whole society ‘given’ to a single mind which could work out the implications and can never be so given.”13 Knowledge, according to Hayek never exists in a concentrated or integrated from, but is dispersed into bits of incomplete and often contradictory knowledge which only separate individuals possess.

Hayek refers to planning as the “complex

of

interrelated

decisions

about the allocation of our available resources”.14 In a society where a great many people are collaborating, knowledge, which is dispersed among the population and not given to the planner, will somehow have to be transmitted to the planner, nonetheless. This leads

tion? And, who will do the planning? For him, it is not a question as to whether or not planning ought to be performed, but rather in what form it shall be done.

It is whether or not planning ought to be conducted by a centralized authority or divided among individuals in society.

Given these choices, he posits that the most successful approach will be the one which more fully utilizes the available knowledge.

The dispute between the modern planners and their opponents, is, therefore, not a dispute on whether we ought to choose intelligently between the various possible organizations of society; it is not a dispute on whether we ought to employ foresight and systematic thinking in planning our common affairs. It is a dispute about what is the best way of so doing. The question is whether for this purpose it is better that the holder of coercive power should confine himself in general to creating conditions under which the knowledge and initiative of individuals are given the best scope so that they can plan most successfully; or whether a rational utilization of our resources requires central direction and organization of all our activities according to some consciously constructed “blueprint.”15

Hayek to ask two questions: What is the

Knowledge & Order Another important milestone in

the available means is implicit in our assumptions.12

What is the problem we wish to solve when we try to construct a rational … order? On certain familiar assumptions the answer is simple enough. If we possess all the relevant information, if we can start out from a given system of preferences, and if we command complete knowledge of available means, the problem which remains is purely one of logic. That is, the answer to the question of what is the best use of

Spatial Order If Hayek produced the theory of

order. In his seminal essay, “The City

spontaneous social order, Christopher

is not a Tree”, he differentiates between

Alexander in parallel was espousing a

cities which arose organically and those

similar idea of a spontaneous spatial

which suffered at the hands of central

Background

17

planners. At the outset of the essay he

ceptively complex. Alexander contends

tures was designed from the top-down,

ordering many, many more systems si-

states:

that natural cities have an organization

each fulfills Alexander’s definition of an

multaneously than a tree.20 In modern

resembling a lattice structure while

artificial city, and each is a tree. When a

planning and architecture methodology,

artificial cities have an organization

designer sets out to design a city, they

there has been a tendency to identify all

resembling a tree structure.

organize what can be seen. However,

human activities and then isolate each

Relying on mathematical sets as

what is not seen, is eliminated from the

of them from all others. The separation

a way to conceptualize all of the vari-

designer’s simplified abstraction. For

of pedestrians from moving vehicles,

ous interconnected elements of a city,

example, the designer might imagine

the separation of recreation from every-

Alexander begins to demonstrate the

that a city will hold in it several thousand

thing else, separation of old people in

limits of human cognition. The critical

families, of which the physical require-

retirement from the rest of society, and

part is the degree of interconnected-

ment in the built environment will

the separation of land uses (zoning) to

ness found in each structure. The tree

naturally lead to the need for clusters of

name a few.21 All of these were deliberate

exhibits relatively little interconnected-

housing. Or he might imagine that com-

design decisions which were made from

ness while the semilattice can exhibit a

merce and the need for free movement

the top. What was not readily apparent

profoundly larger number connections

will lead to a need for another physical

to those who made these proposals was

among all of the variables. Consider

manifestation, a freeway.19 But the de-

that the overlap between these systems

what Alexander has to say:

signer will have difficulty discovering all

is what makes a city a natural city and

of the requirements as Alexander notes:

not an artificial one. Isolating each of

I want to call those cities which have arisen more or less spontaneously over many, many years natural cities. And I shall call those cities and parts of cities which have been deliberately created by designers and planners artificial cities. Siena, Liverpool, Kyoto, Manhattan are examples of natural cities. Levittown, Chandigarh and the British New Towns are examples of artificial cities.16

Figure 1. A Semilattice Structure

Immediately, Alexander has created a powerful dichotomy between cities which arose spontaneously and those which have been centrally planned.

The problem he states is, “[i]t is more and more widely recognized today that there is some essential ingredient missing from artificial cities. When compared with ancient cities that have acquired the patina of life, our modern

Figure 2. A Tree Structure

attempts to create cities artificially are, from a human point of view, entirely unsuccessful.”17 To illustrate the reason why cities are of either the natural or artificial types, he employees two abstract diagrams. One is a semilattice (See Figure 1) while the other is a dendritic-like tree

Still more important is the fact that the semilattice is potentially a much more complex and subtle structure than a tree.

We may see just how much more complex a semilattice can be than a tree in the following fact: a tree based on 20 elements can contain at most 19 further subsets of the 20, while a semilattice based on the same 20 elements can contain more than 1,000,000 different subsets.

This enormously greater variety is an index of the great structural complexity a semilattice can have when compared with the structural simplicity of a tree. It is this lack of structural complexity, characteristic of trees, which is crippling our conceptions of the city.18

(Figure 2).

In terms of complexity, the latter

18

Moreover, this lack of compre-

is a simpler structure while the former,

hension

with its interconnected parts is de-

understanding that each of these struc-

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

prevents

designers

from

However, in every city there are thousands, even millions, of times as many more systems at work whose physical residue does not appear as a unit in these tree structures. In the worst cases, the units which do appear fail to correspond to any living reality; and the real systems, whose existence actually makes the city live, have been provided with no physical receptacle.20

these systems appears to the designer to produce more order but has the opposite result. “The existence of these units, and their overlapping nature, indicates that the living systems of [natural cities] form a semilattice. Only in the planner’s

The orderly tendencies of de-

mind has it become a tree”.22 This raises

signers means that their designs will

an important question: why do design-

necessarily reduce complexity which

ers, and people more generally, have

appears chaotic (semilattice) in favor

a tendency to simplify the semilattice

of more understandable and simplis-

structure of a city into a tree?

tic designs (tree). However, in reality

Alexander tested this theory for

the semilattice is more orderly as it is

physical patterns at Harvard University.

Background

19

An experiment was set up where par-

What these experiments begin to

scientific problems as espoused by Dr.

like independent molecules but acted

ticipants were shown a pattern for a

suggest is that humans are naturally

Warren Weaver, in which he categorized

and interacted with each other in a

fraction of a second and then asked to

predisposed to take complex organiza-

them into three different types. Firstly,

complex interconnected system. She

draw what they were shown. “Many peo-

tion and reorganize it mentally so that

there were problems of simplicity

concluded that planners, in the best

ple unable to grasp the full complexity

no overlapping units occur. They re-

wherein physical science learned how to

case scenario, tended to treat cities as

of the pattern they had seen, simplified

duce semilattice structures into trees.24

analyze two-variable problems. Second,

problems of disorganized complexity.

the patterns by cutting out the overlap”.23

Therefore, cities which have been

there were problems of disorganized

Cities she contended were clusters of

Figure 3 shows the original pattern fol-

centrally planned are vastly simplified

complexity that involved too many

rationally acting people and, therefore,

lowed by two typical copies where most

versions of cities which emerged more

variables to track but could nonetheless

were problems of organized complexity.

overlap was cut out.

or less spontaneously.

be modeled statistically. Lastly, there were problems of organized complexity

Cities & Organized Complexity The preeminent urban theorist,

As in the case of central planning, she

Jane Jacobs expressed similar views

points out that simple ratios of open

regarding the complexity of cities in the

space to ratios of population do not at

Another important figure in the

use as a means of identity. In order to

final chapter of her seminal book, The

all take into account all of the variables

discussion of place making is Kevin

have such an image, a city must have a

Life and Death of Great American Cities.

needed for success.27 In this case, the

Lynch. In his book, The Image of the

certain degree of legibility. When Lynch

The chapter, “The kind of problem a city

planner has produced an abstract re-

City, he conducted a five year experi-

writes about the legibility of a city, he

is”, states that,

quirement which does not accord with

ment which asked observers in Boston,

is referring to the ease at which parts

the reality of the thing he is planning.

Jersey City, and Los Angeles to diagram

of the city can be both, recognized

The planners of her day and today have

from memory their perceptions of the

and organized, into a pattern which is

not treated cities as problems of orga-

city. This experiment, relying heavily

coherent. Regarding the importance of

nized complexity, resulting in simplified

on empirical data, revealed something

legibility, Lynch says:

methods of solving these complex prob-

which had not yet been discovered. The

lems. Jacobs describes the Garden

diagrams that had been produced by the

Jacobs is making the argument that

City movement and the visions of Le

observers, which Lynch called mental

many factors are at play simultaneously,

Corbusier’s Radiant City as attempts

maps, had recurring elements.

where some are successful others may

to solve the problem of the city in this

fail to perform properly. She uses the

simplistic framework.

Cities happen to be problems of organized complexity, like the life sciences. They present situations in which a half-dozen or even several dozen quantities are all varying simultaneously and in subtly interconnected ways. … The variables are many, but they are not helter-skelter; they are interrelated into an organic whole.26

Figure 3. Reproduced Patterns

example of a park as such a problem.

20

where the many variables did not act

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Jacobs discovered an approach to

Imageability

Figure 4. Long Blocks

Figure 5. Short Blocks

Although clarity or legibility is by no means the only important property of a beautiful city, it is of special importance when considering environments at the urban scale of size, time and complexity. To understand this, we must consider not just the city as a thing itself, but the city being perceived by its inhabitants28

This study was conducted in order to better understand the mental image of the city which its citizens hold and

Furthermore: In the process of way-finding, the strategic link is the environmental image, the

Background

21

generalized mental picture of the exterior physical world that is held by an individual29

Ultimately, Lynch arrives at what he calls imageability defined as, “ ... that quality in a physical object which gives it a high probability of evoking a strong image in any given observer.”

30

Places

When asked to describe or symbolize the city as a whole, the subjects used certian standard words: “spread-out”, “spacious”, “formless”, “without centers.” Los Angeles seemed to be hard to envision or conceptualize as a whole. An endless spread which may carry pleasant connotations of space around the dwellings, or overtones of weariness and disorientation, was the common image. Said one subject[,] It’s as if you were going somewhere for a long time, and when you got there you discovered there was nothing there, after all.”31

which are highly imageable facilitate the making of highly useful mental maps. mental

fer this problem. Lynch found both to

maps of many observers in the three

be highly imageable according to those

cities, several recurring elements ap-

who observed them. What was the rea-

peared. These five recurring elements,

son for this? Very little is written about

path,edge, district, node and landmark

it in the conclusion of Image of the City.

are the elements which people use to

Lynch hints at “a new scale” in which

way-find around the city. (See Figure

he is presumably referring to the many

7) Rather than to arbitrarily suppose a

changes which were happening in cities

theory of the image of the city, Lynch

when this book was written in the late

collected these mental maps and from

1950s.

After

Figure 6. The Five Elements of the City – Path, Edge, District, Node & Landmark

22

Boston and Jersey City did not suf-

collecting

the

them concluded that people understood

Why, in the outcome of the ex-

the form of the city based upon recalled

periment, is there such a disparity of

images of the past.

imageability? Boston and Jersey City are

Do mental maps vary according to

products of the traditional method of

place? Recall that, in the experiment,

place making. Los Angeles, however, is

Lynch tested Boston, Jersey City, and

a new city which has served as an exam-

Los Angeles. He found that, based on

ple of 20th century modernist planning

the test subjects observations, all three

principles. This suggests that the tradi-

cities exhibited different levels of im-

tional method of place-making results

ageability, with Boston being the most

in places that are more imageable than

imageable and Los Angeles the least. He

those which adhere to the modernist

noted that:

orthodoxy which has prevailed.

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

In an era when many cities were being rebuilt, where the vibrant texture of historic neighborhoods was being replaced with the sweeping sleekness of massive modernist buildings, the ability to understand the far-reaching implications of such actions was limited.

With the new tools provided by Lynch, however, one can better understand what makes for a vibrant place.

Background

23

Urbanism is a

Human Social Science that requires the study of

Human Action

to better understand the emergence of

Spontaneous Order

that is the basis of building places which exhibit

Diversity

which is necessary to produce

Vibrant Urban Places

24

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Background

25

THREE:

PRECEDENTS

Borneo-Sporenburg

by West8, Amsterdam, Netherlands 1993-1996 The Borneo & Sporenburg dock-

Figure 7. Use Plan of the Borneo-Sporenburg Redevelopment

lands are two artificial peninsulas in

since

the eastern docklands of Amsterdam.

low-rise buildings, 60 lots on the

The

of

Scheepstimmermanstraat (Shipwright’s

several other peninsulas and islands

Street) were set aside for an experi-

which, from the 19th century, served

ment. Each of the 60 lots were sold to

as major centers of maritime trade and

individuals for private development.

industrial activities until World War II.

West8 oversaw the work of 37 different

Following the war, port and industrial

architectural firms who designed each

activities began relocating to the west-

of the 60 canal houses into what would

ern docklands which were better suited

become

to modern shipping operations. The

spectacular achievement. The result

introduction of the shipping container

was 60 uniform height rowhomes on the

radically changed the shipping indus-

canal each with individuality that all tie

try and by the 1970s all of the eastern

together into a cohesive project.

eastern

docklands

consist

the

17th

century.

Of

Borneo-Sporenburg’s

these

Soon after, other areas in the

ing in widespread abandonment and

eastern docklands came under rede-

dereliction.32

velopment with other planning firms

During the 1990s, the eastern

opting to revert to the status-quo of de-

docklands came under redevelopment

velopment – large scale housing blocks

starting with the Borneo-eiland and

– except for nearby Java-eiland.

Today,

the

eastern

house about 17,000 people at one of

firm West8 was hired to design the

the highest population densities in the

proposal.

Netherlands – a country which ranks among the most dense in the world.33

high-density low-rise buildings for 80%

This strategy of redevelopment in

(1550 units) of the project with the rest of

the city, where smaller lots are provided

the units being placed into three land-

for individual development has since

mark high-rises. Many of the low-rise

spread to other places in Northern and

buildings front canals within the devel-

Central Europe.

opment echoing the heritage of canal

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Figure 9. Borneo and Sporenburg as Redeveloped

docklands

planning and landscape architecture

West8 devised a scheme involving

Figure 8. Canal House Facades

most

docklands had fallen into disuse result-

the Sporenburg peninsulas. The urban

28

houses built throughout Amsterdam

Figure 10. Historic Image of the Docklands

Borneo-Sporenburg

29

Berlin Townhouses

by Brnd Albers, Berlin, Germany 2001 The Berlin Townhouses are a part

Figure 11. Friedrichswerder District

Figure 12. Friedrichswerder West

Townhouses.

of a larger redevelopment project in the

The concept calls for a series of

district of Friedrichswerder, Berlin. The

deep city lots standardized at 6.5 meter

district was built in 1658 as an exten-

widths (although there are occasional

sion to the medieval core of Berlin. By

exceptions from 4.5 meters to 9.75 me-

the early 20th century, it was a thriving

ters). Each of these city lots were sold

business district.

to private individuals to encourage a

The district suffered greatly as a

diversity of housing in what is other-

result of the Allies extensive bombing

wise a dead district. Albers’ plan called

campaigns in 1945.34 Aerial photographs

for the townhouses to front the street at

from just after the war confirm that

a full five stories, and then step down

nearly every structure was demolished.

towards the rear of the lots, where a

To make matters worse, the district is

series of private courts and backyards

located in what would later become East

are achievable.

Berlin falling under Soviet control. The

In total, there are 43 townhouses,

district remained desolate even as sur-

which take up the majority of build

rounding districts were redeveloped,

space, typically populating the center

albeit poorly, in the German Democratic

of the blocks. At each of the corners of

Republic. After reunification, the district

both blocks are mixed-use buildings

remained in the same condition. At the

which act as bookends to the townhous-

end of the 1990s, the Senate Department

es. To achieve an architectural diversity,

for Urban Development decided the dis-

five architecture firms were invited to

trict needed redevelopment; therefore

produce a series of townhouse proto-

several projects within the district were

types for the project leading to variety of

planned.

interesting designs.

One

of

those

Figure 13. View of the Berlin Townhouses

Figure 14.

Aerial View of Berlin Townhouses from Google Earth

projects,

Friedirchswerder West, designed by Brnd Albers, occupies three blocks between Oberwallstrasse and Kurstrasse.

Two of the blocks are predominantly

Figure 15. Longitudinal Section Through Type A Townhouse Prototype

Figure 16. Longitudinal Section Through Type I Townhouse Prototype

populated by what Albers calls Berlin

30

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Berlin Townhouses

31

FOUR:

PROJECT - PLATFORM

Platform Project Introduction

34

This project proposes a subter-

be free to focus on producing better

garage is wrapped with a narrow build-

the fundamental unit of a city block in

ranean platform that is comprised of

places. These rules and regulations have

ing intended for human occupation.

North America, will not be able to park

various

components.

assured that only large players, making

Typically, liner buildings are residential

its own occupants according to typical

It is sited on a large tract of land near

large scale moves in the urban fabric

or mixed-use structures.

Although

parking regulations. To start, there will

downtown Orlando. The platform pro-

can participate in this endeavor. Parking

these are better solutions than a naked

be a 24 feet wide hole in the facade at

vides parking (above & below ground),

requirements, alone, have made human

parking garage, the results have been

street level leaving no room for any kind

vehicular and pedestrian pathways,

scale development impossible. In order

lackluster. Often, the end result is a

human occupation at the sidewalk. This

vertical circulation, transit integration,

to get over the hurdle of providing the

massive building encompassing an en-

24 feet wide drive aisle will only allow

public amenities (such as a park and a

minimum parking as required by the lo-

tire city block which if poorly designed

vehicles to circulate in and out without

public square), provision for a civic place

cal authority, a developer would have to

is a large mistake. If the same city block

an acceptable turnaround space. There

adjacent to the square, utilities (such as

devote large portions of their available

were to have a dozen smaller buildings,

will be no room for parking. In order to

telecommunications, electricity, water,

land surface to parking lots. Or worse,

then the magnitude of any one poor de-

accommodate a row of parking on one

sewer, stormwater retention, and solid

they would have to build an expensive

sign on the surrounding area would be

side of the drive aisle, the lot will have

waste removal), and a series of empty

multi-level

The

significantly reduced. According to the

to be widened an additional 20 feet To

building parcels awaiting development.

dimensions of such a structure would

research presented earlier in this book,

park on the other side of the drive aisle,

Once the platform has been completed,

easily cover most or all of a typical city

the increased granularity of human

an additional 20 feet widening of the

these parcels will be available for many

block. This one fact is already at odds

scale development would lead to more

lot will also have to occur. The result is

independent third-parties to acquire

with the aims of this project which

vibrant urban places. But the automo-

that the traditional city lot now has to

and begin plugging new buildings into

seeks to populate city blocks with many

bile does not allow for such granularity

be widened from 25 to 64 feet – nearly

an evolving urban place. This strategy

diverse buildings. When parking struc-

to occur precisely because of its area

two and a half times the original width

of building in the city empowers many

tures face the public street, the result

and volume storage requirements which

– just to fit a standard double-loaded

individual decision makers to take an

is a dead and lifeless streetscape. Many

are mandated by law.

parking configuration. But at a 75 feet

active role in producing urban places. In

attempts have been made to counteract

aggregate, these new places will exhibit

infrastructural

parking

structure.

hypo-

depth, including a turnaround in the

this problem. One solution is for the

thetical situation. If a small developer

rear, the lot can only accommodate 12

greater vibrancy than those produced

ground floor of the parking structure to

attempts to produce a building that is

parking spaces. So far, this hypothetical

by any one entity alone.

have leasable tenant space where shops

in the spirit of traditional city making,

has not taken into account the actual

The purpose of proposing this

and restaurants face the street while

they will find that parking makes this

building which humans will need to

platform is to provide all of the condi-

automobiles are parked above. Another

task impossible.

The traditional 25

occupy. Ostensibly, the actual building

tions required by contemporary rules

solution is to produce what is called a

feet wide by 75 feet deep narrow urban

will be constructed above the parking.

and regulations so that individuals can

“liner building” in which the parking

city lot, which has historically been

But no space yet exists on the ground

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Consider

the

following

Platform

35

floor for vertical circulation to the above

lots could easily fit into the same space

pen, President Eisenhower authorized

the effects of the interstate on the

floors, requiring an additional widening

as the parking garage. If the developer

the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956

surrounding urban fabric, a series of

or deepening of the lot. The density of

wants to hide the parking structure, a

which set into motion the construction

figure-ground drawings were prepared

the building, that is how many dwell-

40 feet wide liner building can wrap all

of a vast network of superhighways

based in historic aerial photographs of

ing units or how many square feet of

or part of the structure. Assuming the

throughout the United States.

the downtown Orlando area (See Figure

habitable space, is determined by the

latter, the building is now 200 feet wide

Planning began on the first seg-

19). The figure-grounds begin in the

number of available parking spaces.

by 260 feet deep and because of the lin-

ment of I-4 in 1958 and construction

year 1954, before the interstate had been

Recalling the research conducted ear-

er building needs additional land at the

was completed in 1965. Like many other

planned. In this diagram, the urban fab-

lier in this book, density is a necessary

periphery for windows, balconies, etc.

cities, a vast swath of privately owned

ric is tightly-knit comprised of mostly

condition for vibrant urban places. As

Almost 24 traditional city lots fit within

homes and businesses near the down-

small & medium scale structures.

density increases though, more park-

the same space as the liner building/

town core were appropriated through

Overall, it is highly granular, dense and

ing spaces are required. In the current

parking garage configuration. The de-

the use of eminent domain laws. The

intact. The next diagram of 1963, shows

hypothetical example, where the de-

veloper may be able to produce a high

north-south route chosen by planners

the interstate during the later stages of

veloper has achieved 12 parking spaces

density outcome, but the building will

bisected downtown Orlando. The his-

construction. The result is a linear void

and a lot that is approximately 75 feet

be massive and will likely consume most

toric Parramore neighborhood to the

with the urban fabric lining the edges of

squared, the maximum density would

or all of a city block. Along each step of

west was permanently severed from the

the interstate. The next available aerial

be one to two floors of dwelling units or

this hypothetical situation, parking re-

central business district and historic

image from 1980 produced a diagram

office space above with no opportunity

quirements alone have created a ratchet

neighborhoods to the east.

that confirmed a disturbing trend.

for commercial space at the sidewalk.

effect where the size and scope of the

Aerial photographs show the mas-

Deterioration along the urban fabric

If the developer wanted to increase

project is rapidly transformed from a

sive scale of such infrastructure standing

adjacent to the interstate with patches

density, they would have to increase

traditional human scale development

in stark contrast to the historic hu-

of empty land where many buildings

the lot further and eventually consider

to a large building centered around the

man-scale urban fabric it displaced (See

once stood. The urban fabric by this

a stacked parking configuration. In

automobile. The competing scales of

figures 17 & 18). When completed, the

time had become much less granular

order to get an automobile up a ramp

automobile infrastructure and human

new interstate which was clean, bright

as many smaller buildings had been

comfortably, the typical prefabricated

needs are at odds. Today, urban places

and, shining must have been a spec-

consolidated into buildings with much

parking garage has to be 120 feet wide

are designed to accommodate automo-

tacular sight to behold. Undoubtedly,

larger footprints. By 1994, the urban

by 180 feet long. Ten traditional city

biles first, and humans second.

many of the local residents had never

fabric is nearly unrecognizable from it-

seen a such a superstructure in person

self forty years prior. Vast swaths of the

before. Yet, today this type of structure

urban fabric have decayed with large

is ubiquitous.

holes opening up farther away from

Urban Decay

36

The selection of the site stems from

the effects of Interstate 4 on the urban

a prior investigation which questioned

fabric of Orlando. With a stroke of a

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

In order to better understand

Figure 17.

Aerial View of Interstate 4 During Construction. Downtown Orlando and Lake Eola in the Distance.

Figure 18. Aerial View of Interstate 4 During Construction Looking South

the interstate than before. Entire city

Platform

37

1954

1963

1980

1994

Prior to Interstate 4, Orlando had an intact

The construction of the interstate in the

By the 1980s, the areas adjacent to the in-

By 1994, the urban fabric is nearly unrecog-

urban fabric comprised of mostly small & medi-

early 1960s created a chasm in the urban fabric

terstate are showing signs of deterioration with

nizable from itself forty years prior. Vast swaths

um scale structures. Overall, it is highly granular,

bisecting the downtown area. Parramore and

patches of empty land where many buildings

of the urban fabric have decayed with large holes

dense, and intact.

the Central Business District were permanently

once stood.

opening up farther away from the interstate than before.

Figure 19. Urban Decay Figure Ground Diagrams

38

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Platform

39

blocks, which had once hosted many

fabric prior to the interstate, had suf-

smaller, diverse and imageable build-

fered urban decay as a direct result

ings had been torn down and replaced

of its placement in the center of the

by single structures.

downtown area. This exercise provided

The evidence was deemed conclusive. Orlando, which had a diverse,

Figure 20. Orlando Map

a valuable understanding of the existing conditions in and around the city.

granular and well-established urban

Site Selection The site for the platform is a 20

Quarter has intensified significantly

acre tract with a sprawling complex of

adding hundreds of new households.

low-rise buildings serving as the head-

The site, in contrast is under-perform-

quarters for the local newspaper, the

ing when compared to both districts.

Orlando Sentinel. Recently, the media

From this perspective, the site acts as a

organization signaled its intent to sell

linchpin providing the missing connec-

the land and downsize its operations

tive link between the Central Business

locating itself in a new facility off sit.

and North Quarter Districts.

To the south of the site, is the

40

To the east is Lake Eola Heights,

Central Business District which has

a

seen much development over the past

consisting of mostly single family res-

decade. Many high-rise condos and

idential housing. To the west is the

apartments have been erected, and with

disruptive Interstate 4. Beyond that is

it much needed density has been added

the old Orlando Centroplex, a now most-

to the downtown area. To the north of

ly defunct civic arts and sports complex.

the site is the North Quarter District

Plans are underway to redevelop the old

which was virtually empty a decade

Centroplex into a downtown mixed-

ago. Since then, a flurry of develop-

use college campus for the University

ment activity has seen many mid-rise

of Central Florida called the Creative

mixed-use buildings, some of which are

Village. This promises to bring another

examined in the next section. The North

1000 households and 10,000 students

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

historic

bungalow

neighborhood

Enlarged map on next page

Platform

41

PARRAMORE

FUTURE UCF CREATIVE VILLAGE

INTERSTATE 4

LYNX BUS STATION SUN RAIL STATION

EAST-WEST EXPRESSWAY

AMELIA STREET

DOWNTOWN ORLANDO

COLONIAL DRIVE

ORANGE AVENUE

NORTH QUARTER

MAGNOLIA AVENUE

LAKE IVANHOE

Figure 21. Enlarged Map of Downtown Orlando

LAKE EOLA 42

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

LAKE EOLA HEIGHTS Platform

43

within walking distance of the site.

At nearly 20 acres, the site itself could

All of these surrounding areas,

act as the beginnings of an intermedi-

which are up and coming, are putting

ate district between the central core of

redevelopment pressures on the site.

downtown and the North Quarter.

Contemporary “Solutions” to Urban Redevelopment Due to its close proximity to

consisted mainly of mid-rise residential

Interstate 4, the site and much of the

and mixed-use buildings, typically of

surrounding area has suffered ur-

the kind described earlier in this book.

ban decay. By the 1990s, many large

(see figures 23-27) Many of these de-

swaths of land were vacant. The area

velopments have been celebrated for

surrounding the site, and the North

being “mixed-use”, increasing density,

Quarter in particular were hardest hit.

and promoting walkability – all things

Within the past decade, many of these

which planners have recently come to

vacant properties have been rede-

embrace. However, when one is on the

veloped. The North Quarter has been

ground in these new places, particularly

almost completely redeveloped. The

in the North Quarter, the experience is

prevailing trend for redevelopment has

underwhelming. Despite being able to

Figure 23. Camden Orange Court Apartments

Figure 26. Crescent Central Station Apartments

Figure 29. Lexington Court Apartments

Figure 24. Steel House Apartments

Figure 27. Skyhouse Luxury Apartments

Figure 30. 420 East Apartments

Figure 25. The Sevens Apartments

Figure 28. Nora Apartments

Neighborhood Density Facts Name

DU

Site SF Site AC DU/AC

Central Station Camden Orange Court Steel House The Sevens Sky House Nora Lexington Court 420 East

279 268 326 325 320 246 109 299

50,024 174,179 209,697 112,804 75,711 109,333 50,011 79,793

1.15 4.00 4.81 2.59 1.74 2.51 1.15 1.83

Average DU/AC

243 67 68 126 184 98 95 163

Commercial SF 12,000 0 0 9,500 7,245 11,500 0 6,000

130

Figure 22. Neighborhood Density Chart

Platform 44

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

1440

559,553

12.85

112

Platform

45

claim that they fulfill all of the require-

To better understand the degree of

is to propose an alternative type of

developments which have been dropped

their vision of the city on the downtown

these redevelopment attempts, it was

ments for great urbanism, the resulting

density these new developments pro-

development at parity with the level of

into the North Quarter and other parts

area. They did not envision a system that

determined that they would serve as a

urban places are lifeless.

vide, an analysis was performed. (See

density found in the current projects

of downtown are more like the former

invites many in droves to participate in

guide on how not to proceed.

Planners may have embraced Jane

Figure 22) These developments range

being erected.

rather than the latter example. The

creating place.

Jacobs call for density, but they have not

from 109 to 326 dwelling units. Their

One of the largest impediments to

ensured that diversity would be equally

sites are as small as 1.15 and as large as

producing a viable community within

emphasized. These buildings which only

4.81 acres. The densities provided are

and among these developments is the

promote density are monocultural in

anywhere from 67 to 243 dwelling units

limited number of stakeholders. The

both social and architectural terms. The

per acre. Overall, the average density of

ownership and tenant structure for a

result is to have density without urban

all of these developments, in aggregate,

single building with 200 apartments

vibrancy. One professor quipped that

is 130 dwelling units per acre. With this

will, by necessity, be more homoge-

these buildings, “...are the gated com-

information, a target density of 130 units

neous than for that of 20 separate

munities of the city”.

per acre was established. The challenge

buildings with 10 apartments each. The

owners of these vast buildings imposed

Considering the shortcomings of

Site Views One of the overwhelming features

its current state offers nothing of visual

This experience revealed that the

of this site is its vastness, especially for

interest. It took the author of this book

site has two very hard edge conditions.

an inner-city redevelopment. Being

nearly 25 minutes to walk the periphery

As indicated on view #3 of aforemen-

nearly 20 acres, and having a sprawling

in order to take the photographs used to

tioned figure, the southern edge along

complex of low-rise buildings which ex-

illustrate the viewsheds looking into the

Amelia Street faces a naked 7 story

hibit an insular disposition, this site in

site. (See Figure 31)

parking garage which serves the county

46

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Platform

GARLAND AVENUE

GARLAND STREET

MARKS STREET

MARKS STREET

COLONIAL DRIVE

PARK LAKE STREET

CONCORD STREET

COLONIAL DRIVE

AMELIA STREET

HILLCREST STREET

LIVINGSTON STREET

CONCORD STREET

ROBINSON STREET

AMELIA STREET

JEFFERSON STREET

LIVINGSTON STREET

WASHINGTON STREET

ROBINSON STREET

CENTRAL BOULEVARD

WASHINGTON STREET

PINE STREET

CENTRAL BOULEVARD

CHURCH STREET

PINE STREET

SOUTH STREET

CHURCH STREET

SOUTH STREET

ANDERSON STREET

Figure 31. North-South Transect Plan Diagram Through Site

47

Figure 32. View Shed Diagram of Site

1 View of the site at Colonial Drive & Orange Avenue. Camden Orange Court Apartments can be seen opposite the site establishing the scale of existing structures on site. In the distance, the Orlando skyline can be seen with the Orange County Courthouse in the center of the image.

2

1

View of the site at Orange

6

Avenue & Concord Street. Nothing of a considerable scale occupies the site in its current condition. Most of its lowslung buildings are set back into the site.

3

View of Livingston Street. The

site is opposite the formidable naked parking garage wall.

4

View of the site at Magnolia

Avenue & Concord Street. In the distance, lies the Orlando Sentinel building,

2

low and unarticulated.

5

5

View of the Orlando Sentinel

building on Magnolia Avenue. The closest facade of the inward-looking Sentinel building happens to be a loading dock which fronts this important thoroughfare indicating the priorities of the people who built this place.

6

View of Colonial Drive looking

towards the Interstate. This environment is strictly for the automobile

48

3

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Platform

49

4

Coincidentally, the MS Allure of

Chinatown, with its’ narrow blocks

the Seas, the largest cruise ship in the

and dark alleys has a highly granular

world, fits into the site. The ship can

urban structure.

house 6,296 people when loaded at double occupancy.

Figure 33. MS Allure of the Seas

Figure 35. Chinatown, San Fransisco

Approximately one and a half

Six full blocks and two half-blocks

Savannah wards can fit into the site. The

of the Bourbon Street could fit into the

original city only consisted of four. The

site – enough for an entire district to

predetermination to set aside a high

emerge.

proportion of public space

Figure 34. Savannah, Georgia 50

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Figure 36. French Quarter, New Orleans Platform

51

Boston’s North End is an exemplar

Hoboken, New Jersey is an example

of the medieval street network and hu-

of a not so famous place that has a high

man-scale buildings which make it one

performing urban fabric composed of

of the most desirable places in the city.

many small buildings. Private green

It is unclear what fits into the site but it

space for each homeowner is possible at

can be assumed that a lot of stuff would

an urban density.

result from such a fabric.

Figure 37. North End, Boston

Figure 39. Hoboken, New Jersey

According to Jane Jacobs, the

Portland’s 200 feet squared blocks

Greenwich Village of her day was the

fit into the site almost exactly. The scale

apotheosis of good urbanism. High

is human and availability of many inter-

density and diversity with a complex

sections invites more opportunity for

social network which she believed was,

possible nodes of activity to arise.

in part, due to its form.

Figure 38. Greenwich Village, New York City 52

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Figure 40. Portland, Oregon Platform

53

Figure 41. Abstract Conceptual Diagrams

1

2

3

4

1.

Existing Orlando Sentinel Buildings

2.

Site Subdivision

3.

Streets

4.

Parcelization

5.

Building Blocks

5

Figure 42. Urban Fabric 54

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Platform

55

courthouse. The experience at street

The experience is noisy and dangerous.

of buildings facing the site. In contrast,

level is unpleasant. The other major

The east and west edges of the site

the east edge at Magnolia Avenue, is

edge along the northern boundary as

are less intense but both are unique

the border for an adjacent residential

seen on view #6 is Colonial Drive – a

from one another. The west edge of the

neighborhood, Eola Heigh

major arterial for all of Central Florida.

site, Orange Avenue, has its own scale

Urban Substitutions and loved by many such as Savannah,

the USS Allure of the Seas fitting exactly

site, a series of diagrams were pre-

Georgia and the French Quarter in New

from bow to stern within the site. These

pared in order to visualize what kind

Orleans. This author’s favorites were

diagrams, which this author has named

of places could fit into the site. Using

the Greenwich Village, New York City

urban substitutions, provide the unini-

Google Earth, aerial imagery of sev-

and Portland, Oregon. Coincidentally,

tiated with a clear understanding of the

eral recognizable cities were placed at

a full 15 Portland-sized blocks fit within

scale at which this project is operating.

scale into the site (See Figures 21-28).

the site. The most interesting diagram

This included places which are known

showed the largest cruise ship in world,

Figure 43. Basic Street Grid Before Adaptation

Figure 44. Livingston Street Linear Park Buffers Site From Courthouse Parking Garage

Following the urban substitution

site into 15 blocks (a direct translation of

city blocks in the spirit of traditional

exercise, an abstract conceptual over-

the Portland Oregon grid was used as a

cities. Figure 41 shows how such a set

lay of a possible design solution was

result of the urban substitutions exer-

of structures fit within the existing ur-

prepared. In this case a series of pla-

cise). Thirdly, a grid of public streets is

ban fabric. It must be stressed that this

nometric diagrams showing phases of

imposed to allow for circulation within

is only an abstract idea and not a plan

thought. (See Figure 40) The first step

the site. The fourth step is to subdivide

which yet responds to the external cir-

deals with the decision to remove the

each of the blocks into many individual

cumstances and conditions associated

existing buildings at the site. As men-

parcels of land which are similar to the

with the site. The platonic forms do not

tioned previously, the buildings are

traditional 25 by 75 feet lots found in

exhibit the messy and variegated out-

more suited to a sprawling suburb than

older cities throughout North America.

comes which occur in the real world.

a dense urban district. The second step

Lastly, is to imagine that the parcels will

proposes a subdivision of the 20 acre

be outfitted with buildings resulting in

x

x

x

x

x x

In order to grasp the scale of the

Abstract Concept

1 Push grid away from parking garage 2 Delete street connections to Colonial Drive

56

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Figure 45. Colonial Drive Elongated Block Buffers Site From Major Arterial

Figure 46. Street Connectivity

Figure 47. Public Square & Civic Place

3 Adjust street grid connecting to

4 Remove a block for a public square

5 A semi-regular grid with buffers

existing streets at site edges

at hard edges of site and provision for public spaces

Platform

57

Figure 48. Underground

58

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

UP TO STREET

DOWN TO GARAGE

UP TO STREET

DOWN TO GARAGE Figure 49. Site Plan

Platform

59

Adaptation: Responding to Local Conditions

The Platform - A Neighborhood in the City

To achieve a better fit of concept

scapes. In Figure 44 the southern edge

in this location is suitable for a larger

The platform is intended to foster

the future stakeholders may decide to

a sewage pipe or the thickness of the

to site, another series of diagrams were

facing the dismal municipal parking

and taller structure to further buffer

the individual actions of hundreds of

produce. On the contrary, many deci-

platform in order to withstand any po-

produced to demonstrate adaptation.

structure had to be mitigated. Seeing it

the arterial road. Next, in Figure 46, the

future stakeholders. The primary rule of

sions are made ahead of time which put

tential structural loads placed upon it.

Starting with Figure 43 is the basic

as an opportunity, the entire grid was

internal street grid is shifted to connect

the platform is this: All necessary infra-

limitations on what can be built. The

If a future stakeholder wants to build

street grid unresponsive to site con-

shifted up and a linear buffer was insert-

to existing city streets. Lastly, it was

structure needed to fulfill a reasonable

decisions made for things such as park-

on the platform, they have to build

ditions.

The intense edge conditions

ed providing a much needed park space.

determined that a development of this

level of modern rules and regulations

ing, vehicular and pedestrian pathways,

something which adheres to those stan-

mentioned previously were considered

In Figure 45, the northern edge against

scale in this location would need a civic

will be provided. After that, people will

vertical circulation, transit integration,

dards. This applies to all of the other

of paramount importance. And one of

the arterial road was disconnected by

space. In Figure 47, one of the blocks is

be free to build whatever it is they need

public amenities, civic space, utilities,

decisions. The parameters of these can

the things most needed in this area are

consolidating the three northern blocks

given over to a public square and civic

or want. It is this central idea, that giv-

and the size and location of the empty

be changed as needed when designing

parks and public spaces beyond street-

into a one. The increased scale of block

building.

en the chance, people know what their

building parcels have been made well

the initial platform. Many of these, may

communities need better than their

in advance. Some decisions are a mat-

even be changed after the platform has

bureaucratic overseers. This does not

ter of following established standards.

been fully populated. And it is likely that

mean that there are no limits on what

For example, the required diameter of

new standard for everything mentioned

Figure 50. Site Section Showing Possible Full Development

60

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Platform

61

above would arise.

Figure 51. Waffle Column Structure

both humans and their automobiles.

series of 11 light wells centered in each

What planning entity could provide

Having the desire for small urban blocks

square block. (See Figure 43) The wells

all of this? As mentioned earlier in this

is impossible concurrent with parking

bisect each block in the north-south di-

book, there a land developers that pro-

requirements. The roughly 180 feet

rection and act like a three dimensional

vide all of this in the suburban fringes of

squared blocks would not be able to fit

alley. Each light well is open to daylight

America. But none as of yet provide this

parking garages in the center. As a re-

with the intention of enticing people out

in the central cores of American cities.

sult, parking was pushed underground.

of the dark cavern of the underground

The proposed plans for this proj-

This meant that each block was going

garage and up onto the streets. In the

ect have been drawn in such a way as

to receive an underground garage at

center of the light well is a public ele-

to present a conception of what the

which point it made sense to excavate

vator to carry passengers up to street

platform might look like when finished.

the entire site and a central parking

level. At the ends of the wells are stair

It is important to indicate what parts of

megastructure resulted. There was

towers. The elevator and stairs need not

the project are considered the respon-

something about this arrangement that

stop at street level. An additional cat-

sibility of the author and what are not.

seemed fitting for the research which

walk level has been added at each light

In general, all buildings in this design

criticized modernism and the proclivity

well allowing for the usage of the public

are of little concern except for those

of its advocates for megastructure. The

elevator to the second floors of adjacent

which have a specified use ahead of

juxtaposition of Christopher Alexander

private buildings.

time. Being able to turn over the design

and Le Corbusier was not understood

Each square block has a series of

of buildings to others is a difficult task

until this happened. The traditional vil-

75 feet deep lots which front the street

for some. But it is essential for this proj-

lage over the modernist megastructure.

and back up to the light well/alley..

ect once the platform is completed and

Although traditional streets with

The fundamental standard lot width is

ready to receive buildings. Otherwise,

parking exist on the site plan, the un-

25 feet, but many variations and some

one designer will not be able to produce

derground plan provides the majority.

exceptions exist. In response to various

the much needed variety.

There are 1800 parking spaced below

edge conditions previously mentioned,

Figures 50-67 are the final design

ground and another 360 on the site at

lot sizes are increased. For example,

illustrations and diagrams for the pro-

grade. The garage is accessed by two

at the western edge of the site, the lot

posed platform. The term platform was

sets of ramps at southern and northern

widths are much larger to address the

originally meant in the metaphorical

edges of the site. Large vehicles such as

larger scale of the Orange Avenue cor-

sense, but as design began, it soon be-

buses, firetrucks and semi-trucks are

ridor while on the eastern side, the lots

came a literal platform. This is because

capable of traveling below.

are the smallest width to step down to

of the competing scales of the needs of

Figure 52. Enlarged Block Section

62

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Vertical circulation is handled by a

Platform

the residential scale of the Eola Heights

63

neighborhood. And an intermediate

might even lead to interesting things.

scale is used at the edge of the park

There are three buildings in the

on the southern side of the site. There

plan which are considered part of the

is a relationship between the size of

platform. Due to the unpleasant condi-

a building’s footprint and it’s height.

tions of Colonial Drive, a decision was

Generally, the smaller the footprint, the

made to place a larger scale building

lower the building. Although technol-

with a predetermined use not suitable

ogy can thwart this, it is the exception

to smaller lots. A mix-use atrium hotel

and not the rule. Choosing the size of

and conference center with commercial

a particular lot is a subtle way to in-

space at the street level is proposed. The

troduce limitations or incentives for

hotel, at the corner of Colonial Drive and

height. It may be possible that some

Orange Avenue (see Figure 41) provides

individuals will not follow this lead and

an opportunity to act as a landmark and

build something that doesn’t fit within

gateway into the project from the North

the surrounding contextual height cues.

Quarter.

This is to be expected occasionally and

Figure 54. View of the Park & Tea House

Another predetermined building is

Figure 55. View of the Public Square & Civic Space

Figure 53. View of the Hotel

64

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Platform

65

a tea house on the park, allowing for an experience not found elsewhere in the project The last building which is not a spontaneous construction is for a civic space which commands a prominent position in the public square.

The section drawings (see Figures 38-39) illustrate the relationship of structure and the notions of utilities to the future buildings on the platform.

For this platform, a waffle transfer slab was chosen as the primary structure.

A column design (See Figure 51), which resolves the waffle slab to the ground taking advantage of the structural properties of the arch between spans was chosen. The distance between columns is 60 feet. Each block on the platform is based on this 60 feet increment, typically 180 feet squared, resulting in a seamless transition from the scale of the automobile to that of traditional place making.

Figure 56. Section-Perspective of the Platform Through a Typical Block

66

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Platform

67

FIVE:

CONCLUSION

Conclusion

70

What has been the greatest diffi-

from the individual to a hypothetical de-

Missing from this project is the

culty in this project is the conception

veloper. The platform was conceived as a

historic narrative of the modernist re-

of spontaneous order in the built en-

way of maximizing individual freedoms

gime of planning. Though Jacobs and

vironment. In the beginning, it seemed

with the aim of unleashing vibrancy in

Alexander both addressed it at length

as if the outcome would resemble a

urbanism. To that end, I am reasonably

in their writings, I have found that it is

medieval city or a squatter’s settlement.

confident that it was a success.

necessary to define, in more than words,

The question , “who would plan if not

New York City is an example of

what it is. I found that the differenc-

the authorities?” was the question most

place where a skeletal system of initial

es between modern architecture and

asked during this project. The question

infrastructure and foresight resulted in

modern urban planning and design was

has never been whether or not planning

the emergence of a spectacular metrop-

unclear to most. This produced an un-

must occur. It has always been about at

olis. The Commisioner’s Plan of 1811,

necessary hurdle in trying to convey the

what level and by whom the planning is

which laid the famous gridiron plan of

better ideas of traditional city making.

to be done. The tendencies of central

Manhattan laid the basic framework for

The most important area left for

powers to co-opt the responsibilities

what we know of that city today. They

investigation is taking the notion of

of those they rule over is easy to un-

built a grid of streets, subdivided the

spontaneity in urbanism to its logical

derstand. The ease, at which a planning

land, and turned over the place making

conclusion: total anarchism. Absent the

authority can accumulate new powers

to private individuals. This project did

current authority, how might ordered

beyond its original intent should give

the same thing, but in a 21st century

places arise?

pause to all citizens. It may be that the

context where automobiles and a zoning

original actions of those who created

regime are indispensable to the majori-

the planning apparatus were pure and

ty of people today.

well-intentioned. However, we should

The final imagery produced for this

not judge the state of things by the

project yielded a pleasant result. My at-

intentions of those who set about de-

tempts to “randomize” the places which

stroying our cities. Judgment must be

would be built by the hands and minds

made by their results.

of many others achieved a vibrancy not

If there is to be a plan, then it ought

at all typical of today’s large scale urban

to operate at a level where individuals

developments. A more playful approach

cannot competently make decisions. In

could have been taken if I had attempted

this project, personal responsibility for

to introduce artificial topography into

large scale infrastructure was abrogated

the platform.

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Conclusion

71

Notes 1. United States Census Bureau, “Growth in Urban Population Outpaces Rest of Nation, Census Bureau Reports,” Accessed November 17, 2016. https://www.census. gov/newsroom/releases/archives/2010_census/cb12-50.html.

21. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 61.

2. Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States.

New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.

23. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 62.

3. Norman Barry, The Tradition of Spontaneous Order. (Menlo Park: Inst. for Humane Studies, 1982).

22. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 61.

24. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 62.

25. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 62

4. Matt Ridley, The Evolution of Everything: How New Ideas Emerge. (New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, 2015).

26. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities. (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), 433

5. Paul Krugman, “How the Economy Organizes Itself in Space: A Survey of the New Economic Geography”. Report. Department of Economics, Stanford University.

1996.

27. Jacobs, Death and Life, 434

6. Adam Ferguson, An Essay on the History of Civil Society, 5th ed. (London: T. Cadell, 1782). [Online] available from http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/1428; accessed 11/30/2016; Internet.

29. Lynch, The Image of the City, 4.

7. George H. Smith, “What are the Human Sciences?,” Libertarianism.org, November 5, 2013, , accessed November 18, 2016, https://www.libertarianism.org/ columns/what-are-human-sciences.

8. Ludwig Von Mises, 1949. Human Action: A Treatise on Economics. (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1949), 42.

9. Mises, Human Action, 42.

10. Ludwig von Mises, Planned Chaos. (Foundation for Economic Education, 1970), 80-81.

28. Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City. (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1960),3.

30. Lynch, The Image of the City, 4.

31. Lynch, The Image of the City, 40.

32. Jane Szita, “Straat of Dreams,” Dwell, April 2002, 65.

33. Szita, “Straat of Dreams”, 63.

34. “Plans for the Friedrichswerder,” Berlin.de, , accessed February 15, 2017, http:// www.stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/planen/staedtebau-projekte/friedrichswerder/ de/plaene/index.shtml.

Lynch, Kevin. 1960. The Image of the City. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.

11. Mises, Planned Chaos, 10 12. F.A. Hayek, “The Use of Knowledge in Society,” American Economic Review XXXV, no. No. 4 (September 1945): 519.

13. Hayek, “Knowledge in Society”, 519.

14. Hayek, “Knowledge in Society”, 520.

15. F.A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom, (Chicago, IL: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1944).

16. Christopher Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree,” Architectural Forum, April 1965, 58-62.

17. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 58.

18. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 59.

19. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 60.

20. Alexander, “A City Is Not a Tree”, 60.

72

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Notes

73

Illustration & Photo Credits Figure 1 (page 18) A Semilattice Structure Alexander, Christopher. Semilattice Structure. In “A City is not a Tree,” Architectural Forum, April 1965 Figure 2 (page 18) A Tree Structure Alexander, Christopher. Tree Structure. In “A City is not a Tree,” Architectural Forum, April 1965 Figure 4 (page 21) Long Blocks Jacobs, Jane. Life and Death of Great American Cities, 179

Figure 16 (page 31) Longitudinal Section Through Type I Townhouse Prototype “Longitudinal Section” Digital Image. Senate Administration for Urban Development and Housing. 2001. http://www.stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/planen/ staedtebau-projekte/friedrichswerder/de/townhouses/gruenes_haus.shtml Figure 17 (page 37) Aerial View of Interstate 4 During Construction. Downtown Orlando and Lake Eola in the Distance.

“Aerial Photograph of I-4” Digital Image. I-4 Ultimate Improvement Project.

Accessed January 22,2017. http://i4ultimate.com/project-info/overview/.

Figure 5 (page 21) Short Blocks Jacobs, Jane. Life and Death of Great American Cities, 181

Figure 18 (page 37) Aerial View of Interstate 4 During Construction Looking South “Aerial Photograph of I-4” Digital Image. I-4 Ultimate Improvement Project.

Accessed January 22,2017. http://i4ultimate.com/project-info/overview/.

Figure 6 (page 22) The Five Elements of the City – Path, Edge, District, Node & Landmark Lynch, Alexander. The Image of the City, 47-48

Figures 18-54 produced by author

Figure 7 (page 28) Use Plan of the Borneo-Sporenburg Redevelopment “Borneo Sporenburg Program” Digital Image. SiG Sigit.Kusumawijaya. Accessed December 1, 2016. http://sigitkusumawijaya.com/?p=229.

Frontispiece 1 (page 6) Le Corbusier’s Ville Radieuse “Ville Radieuse” Digital Image. Le Corbusier. 1933. http://www.archdaily. com/411878/ad-classics-ville-radieuse-le-corbusier.

Figure 8 (page 29) Canal House Facades “Free Parcels” Digital Image. SiG Sigit.Kusumawijaya. Accessed December 1, 2016. http://sigitkusumawijaya.com/?p=229.

Frontispiece 2 (page 10) Pruitt-Igoe Aerial Photogrpah “Pruitt-Igoe” Digital Image. United States Geological Survey. Accessed November 7, 2017. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pruitt%E2%80%93Igoe#/media/File:PruittigoeUSGS02.jpg.

Figure 9 (page 29) Borneo and Sporenburg as Redeveloped “The Area After Intervention” Digital Image. West8. Accessed December 1, 2016. http://www.west8.nl/projects/all/borneo_sporenburg/

Frontispiece 3 (page 26) Mashup of New & Old Canal Houses in Amsterdam “Free Parcels” Digital Image. SiG Sigit.Kusumawijaya. Accessed December 1, 2016. http://sigitkusumawijaya.com/?p=229.

Figure 10 (page 29) Historic Image of the Docklands “The Area Before Intervention” Digital Image. SiG Sigit.Kusumawijaya. Accessed December 1, 2016. http://sigitkusumawijaya.com/?p=229.

“Amsterdam-Prinsengracht” Digital Image. MorBCN. 2006. https://flic.kr/p/uWhd5

Figure 11 (page 30) Friedrichswerder District “Detail from the Planwerk Innenstadt” Digital Image. Senate Administration for Urban Development and Housing. 2001. http://www.stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/ planen/staedtebau-projekte/friedrichswerder/de/plaene/index.shtml.

Figure 12 (page 30) Friedrichswerder West “Urban Development Concept of Brnd Albers” Digital Image. Senate Administration for Urban Development and Housing. 2001. http://www. stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/planen/staedtebau-projekte/friedrichswerder/de/ friedrichswerder_west/index.shtml

Frontispiece 4 (page 32) Platform Section Perspective Produced by Author

Frontispiece 5 (page 68) Aerial Photograph of Suburban Home Development Garnett, William A. “Lakewood Park House Frames.” Digital image. Places Journal.

February 2013. Accessed November 15, 2016. https://placesjournal.org/assets/legacy/media/images/waldie-garnett-lakewood-9_525.jpg.

Figure 13 (page 31) View of the Berlin Townhouses “Berlin Townhouses” Digital Image. Archidose. 2012. archidose.blogspot. com/2012/05/blur-worthy.html Figure 14 (page 31) Aerial View of Berlin Townhouses from Google Earth Figure 15 (page 31) Longitudinal Section Through Type A Townhouse Prototype “Longitudinal Section” Digital Image. Senate Administration for Urban Development and Housing. 2001. http://www.stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/planen/ staedtebau-projekte/friedrichswerder/de/townhouses/transparenz.shtml 74

Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order

Illustration & Photo Credits

75

References Alexander, Christopher, Sara Ishikawa, and Murray Silverstein. A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977.

——— The Timeless Way of Building. New York: Oxford University Press,1979.

——— “A City Is Not a Tree.” Architectural Forum, April 1965, 58-62.

Barry, Norman. The Tradition of Spontaneous Order. Menlo Park: Inst. for Humane Studies, 1982.

Corbusier, Le. The City of To-morrow and Its Planning. Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, 1971.

Smith, George H. “What are the Human Sciences?” Libertarianism.org. November 5, 2013. Accessed November 18, 2016. https://www.libertarianism.org/columns/ what-are-human-sciences.

Talen, Emily, and Andres Duany. City Rules: How Regulations Affect Urban Form.

Washington, DC: Island Press, 2012.

Szita, Jane. “Straat of Dreams.” Dwell, April 2002, 62-69.

“Plans for the Friedrichswerder.” Berlin.de. Accessed February 15, 2017. http://www. stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/planen/staedtebau-projekte/friedrichswerder/de/ plaene/index.shtml.

Adam Ferguson, An Essay on the History of Civil Society, 5th ed. (London: T. Cadell, 1782). [Online] available from http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/1428; accessed 11/30/2016; Internet.

Hayek, F.A. The Road to Serfdom. Chicago, IL: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1944.

——— “The Use of Knowledge in Society.” American Economic Review XXXV, no.

No. 4 (September 1945): 519-30.

Jackson, Kenneth T. Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States.

New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.

Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities: Orig. Publ. 1961. New York: Vintage Books, 1992.

Krugman, Paul. “How the Economy Organizes Itself in Space: A Survey of the New Economic Geography.” Report. Department of Economics, Stanford University.

1996.

Lynch, Kevin. 1960. The Image of the City. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.

Mises, Ludwig Von. 1949. Human Action: A Treatise on Economics. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1949.

——— Planned Chaos. Foundation for Economic Education, 1970.

——— Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth. Auburn, Ala.: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, Auburn University, 1990.

Ridley, Matt. The Evolution of Everything: How New Ideas Emerge. New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, 2015.

Scott, James C. Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998.

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References

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Towards a Spontaneous Urban Order