Dissertation: An Analysis of the Urban Form of Washington, Tyne and Wear

ARC566: Dissertation 2

Supervisor: Carolyn Butterworth

Thomas Parker 180208405 October 2019

An Analysis of the Urban Form of Washington, Tyne and Wear How have the founding new town principles been perpetuated, eroded, renewed or replaced?

Acknowledgements

I would like to acknowledge the various people and institutions that have immeasurably helped in the completion of this dissertation.

Fistly, my supervisor Carolyn Butterworth for her guidance and diligence throughout. My family and particularly my Father, Gerard Parker, for his vast knowledge of Washington, both pre and post New Town, and his inquisitive probing of ‘how its all going’.

Thanks to Washington Millenium Centre and Washington Library - both vital community resources that accommodated a large portion of the writing of this dissertation. Tyne and Wear Archives for access to records. Thanks also to the local history website ‘Raggy Spelk’ which houses a vast amount of resources about Washington’s past (some of which have been reproduced in this document).

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Contents

01 01.01 01.02 02 02.01 02.02 02.03 02.04 03 03.01 03.02 03.03 03.04 03.05 04 04.01 04.02 05 06 07 07.01 07.02 07.03

Introduction 7 Washington and the New Town Movement 9 Urban Morphology 13 The Washington Masterplan 15 The ‘Village’ concept 15 Transport network 15 Industry and commercial 17 Development Corporations 19 Case Studies 21 Barmston 23 Sulgrave 27 Albany 31 Lambton 35 Teal Farm 39 Future Development 43 The case for new council housing in Washington 43 Future Challenges 49 Conclusion 53 Bibliography 56 Appendices 59 Appendix 1 - Frequency of New Town mentions in a sample of 9 publications 59 Appendix 2 - Location and amenities of Village Centres 61 Appendix 3 - Sample of photo survey around Washington 62

Disclaimer: This submission for ARC696 further develops my earlier research included in my ARC596 preliminary dissertation submitted in March 2019 I hereby declare that this dissertation is my own original work and has not been submitted before to any institution for assessment purposes.

Further, I have acknowledged all sources used and have cited these in the reference section.

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4

List of Figures

All figures are created by the author unless otherwise indicated. Mapping has been created using resources from Digimaps.co.uk including: Ordnance Survey Web Map Service and Historic Web Map Service

Figure 1 -: Location map of New Towns in Great Britain colour coded in ‘Waves’ by date of designation. Washington highlighted in yellow Figure 2 - Location of historic industry in Washington Figure 3 -Traditional road hierarchy adapted from ‘Street and Pattern’ Figure 4 - Modern road hierarchy (following traffic in towns) adapted from ‘Street and Pattern’ Figure 5 -Washington Road hierarchy Figure 6 - Primary roads with key nodes and interchanges Figure 7 - Secondary distributor roads Figure 8 - Tertiary residential streets Figure 9 -Locations of industrial estates and commercial centres Figure 10 - Development Corporations structures Figure 11 - Map of case study villages: B: Barmston; S: Sulagrave A: Albany L: Lambton T: Teal Farm Figure 12 - Historic Urban Morphology of Barmston and surroundings Figure 13 - Modern Barmston’s Urban Form and ‘Places’ Figure 14 - Historic Urban Morphology of Sulgrave and surroundings Figure 15 - a. Penshaw View terraces b. Pre fab housing on Usworth Green c. Elevated access deck of Edith Avenue Flats Figure 16 - Modern Sulgrave’s Urban Form and ‘Places’ Figure 17 - Historic Urban Morphology of Albany and surroundings Figure 18 - a. Blue house, built in 1802 b. The mountainous slag heap of Washington Colliery Figure 19 -Modern Albany’s Urban Form and ‘Places’

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9 14 14

14 16 16 16 16 18 20

22 24 26 27

Figure 20 - Historic Urban Morphology of Lambton and surroundings Figure 21 - Modern Lambton’s Urban Form and ‘Places’ Figure 22 - Modern Teal Farm’s Urban Form and ‘Places’ Figure 23 - Housing providers after the end of the development corporation in 1983 Figure 24 -Tenure breakdown of Washington. See footnote 36 Figure 25 - Potential achievable dwellings from development sites identified in the ‘Strategic Housing Land Availability Assessment’ for each Sunderland urban Area and associated level of vacant properties Figure 26 - House prices for each urban area in Sunderland Figure 27 -New build housing completions in Washington 2008-2017 Figure 28 - Original urban form of Glebe Village Centre with contextual photographs Figure 29 - Urban form of Glebe Centre regeneration with accompanying photographs Figure 30 - Housing supply make-up since 1945 with nominal average house price.

See footnote 44 Figure 31 -Vehicle ownership levels in Washington Figure 32 - Map of bus route around Washington. Adapted from GoNorthEast Figure 33 - Map of future proposals for Washington

34 36 38 42 42 42

42 44 44 44 46 48 48 50

28 30 31

32

5

6

01

Introduction

The urban development of Washington, Tyne and Wear tells the unique story of the town and the forces that have shaped it.

Guiding principles of design, layout and growth were laid out in the Washington New Town Masterplan compiled by architects and urban designers Llewellyn-Davies Weeks and Partners.1 In this dissertation I will argue that the founding principles of the New Town, whilst clearly apparent in the urban morphology of Washington, were not applied consistently and that subsequent development has only partially followed them. Much has been written about New Towns, both critical and favourable, but Washington has been largely absent from the conversation.2 Milton Keynes, the largest new town, dominates discussion with Stevenage, Runcorn, Harlow and Telford also regularly featured.

The North-eastern New Towns; Newton Aycliffe, Peterlee and Washington, have generated far less discussion than their southern counterparts. It is easier to speak about failure and to attempt to explain its origins than it is to speak of success.

Washington, for all its complexities, has been a success and achieved many of the goals set out in it’s original masterplan. As such, Washington is uniquely placed to accommodate some of the changing trends of urban living prompted by the climate and housing crisis. The concluding discussion will analyse this and ask: What challenges does Washington fact and how might it’s urban design help or hinder it’s future?

I have spent my life surrounded by and navigating the built environment of Washington New Town. However, much of my immediate surroundings hark from a time prior to designation.

My home is a former mine managers house built in 1902 and my primary school predates even that. It is only with hindsight that I have begun to appreciate the benefits of growing up in Washington – surrounded by generous green space yet only a short drive from cities, countryside, beaches and wilderness. An appreciation and criticism of urban design has also arisen as I have pursued studies in the built environment. What once was unquestioned, I now query and wish to analyse further to unpick the unique situation that has produced this complex and evolving urban environment.

1 Llewellyn-Davies Weeks and Partners, 1966. Washington New Town Master Plan and Report. 1st ed. s.l.:Sanders Phillips & Company.

2 Out of a sample no. of 9 publications on New Towns Washington is mentioned the least and Milton Keynes the most. See Appendix 1 for breakdown

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First Wave (1946) Second Wave (1961-64) Third Wave (1967-70) Washington (designated 1964)

Usworth Colliery High Usworth

Glebe Colliery

New Washington

Old Washington Washington Colliery

Chemical Works

Washington Station

Fatfield Harraton Colliery

8

Iron Works

Figure 1 -: Location

map of New Towns in Great Britain colour coded in ‘Waves’ by date of designation.

Washington highlighted in yellow

01.1

Washington and the New Town Movement The NewTown Movement in Britain had predecessors in the Garden Cities of Letchworth and Welwyn that implemented the theories of Ebenezer Howard from ‘Garden Cities of Tomorrow’ published 1898.3 These included self-contained communities comprised of residential, industrial and agricultural areas surrounded by a ‘green belt’ that benefitted from the best of urban and rural settings. The Barlow Report on the Distribution of the Industrial Population was published in 1940 which introduced the concept of decentralisation through large scale urban development but went unimplemented due to the onset of WW2.4 In the immediate aftermath ofThe War the need for a national rebuilding programme to alleviate strain on war-torn cities led to the formation of The New Town’s Committee – a forum for architects, town planners and politicians to define the principles of New Towns.5 This was distilled into the New Town Act of August 1946 which afforded government the power to designate areas for development as New Towns. In total 29 new towns were designated sharing common principles of urban design in a period lasting until the early 1990s.

Throughout this time changes in political leaders and economic prosperity effected the morphology of the towns and have continued to shape their ongoing development. Figure 1 shows a map of british New Towns coded by date of designation.

The North East of England underwent rapid industrialisation during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century which saw an increase in population and transformation in the settlement pattern.6 Washington was typical in this with four collieries and a chemical works with associated dense terrace housing immediately surrounding the industry. Development was focused around Washington Station, Old Washington, and New Washington(fig 2).

Washington was designated as a New Town in 1963 in the parliamentary white paper ‘The North East - A programme for Regional Development and Growth’ for three primary reasons: 1) Washington’s strategic location between the cities of Newcastle and Sunderland

Figure 2 - Location

of historic industry in Washington

3 Howard, E., 1898. To-morrow: a peaceful path to real reform. London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co..

4 Hardy, D., 1991. From Garden Cities to New Towns : Campaigning for Town and Country Planning 1899-1946. 1st ed. Oxford: Routledge.

5 Clapson, M., 2017. The English New Towns Since 1946. Histoire urbaine, 3(50), pp.

91-111.

6 Washington Development Corporation, 1964. Washington New Town. Durham: Washington Development Corporation.

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2) To promote new industries in the North East of England 3) To accommodate rising populations in the Tyne and Wear area whilst preventing urban sprawl into protected green belts.7 As part of the second wave of New Towns, Washington benefitted from the successes and failings of its predecessors. LlewlynDavies Weeks and Partners who wrote the masterplan would later go on to apply some of its principles in the largest New Town, Milton Keynes, but with a greater emphasis on a gridded road form. Stephen Holley categorised four phases of a new town’s development: 1)The planning stage: a period of intensive research and consultation; 2) The build up: Detailed preparation for construction; 3) Lift off: Construction is underway, businesses and residents arrive; 4) Run Down: the bulk of industrial, construction and engineering work is complete and preparations for handover begin.8 I would argue that two additional phases are 5) Handover: assets and management are distributed to local authority and private enterprise; 6) Renewal: after a period of years regeneration is inevitable, though no longer dictated by the original principles of the town.

Washington underwent quick ‘build-up’ and ‘lift off’ phases between 1967 to 1976, with over 9000 homes constructed and the population increasing from 20,000 to 41,500. However by the late 1970s desire for new towns was waning – both politically and socially. Whilst there is no one reason for this Alexander suggests the recalculation of population forecasts due to the impact of the contraceptive pill, economic uncertainty throughout the 1970s created by international and political forces and a realigning of funds towards improving inner cities with regeneration rather than decentralisation.9 Of course, complex urban developments cannot suddenly halt so the last of the new towns were still being constructed until the early 1990s, with Washington Development Corporation closing in 1983.

Today 2.8 million people live in new towns in the UK.10 They are subject to the same incremental forces of urban renewal and expansion yet uniquely positioned to adapt to the challenges of the 21st century.

7 Holley, S., 1983. Washington: Quicker by Quango - The History of Washington New Town 1964-1983. 1st ed. Stevenage: Publications for Companies.

8 Ibid., pp. 165-167 9 Alexander, A., 2009. Britain’s New Towns : Garden Cities to Sustainable Communities. 1 ed. Oxon: Routledge.

10 Henderson, K., Lock, K. & Ellis, H., 2017. The art of building a garden city: Designing new communities for the 21st Century. Newcastle upon Tyne: RIBA Publishing.

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Irregular

Linear

Grid Grid can provide a very even level of access though often have a hierarchy of capacity.

Rectilinear grids are common in The United States whereas irregular grids occur more prominently in Europe.

12

Tree A huge variety of forms are possible with road hierarchy decreasing along ‘branches’.

Typically ends in cul-desacs which are intimate and residential.

Typical of suburban developments from the late 1970s onwards

Loop Access is limited to fewer nodes and a mixture of hierarchies is possible.

For instance, back lanes of traditional terraces or communal greens of 1950s suburban developments.

Radburn Named after the first instance in New Jersey this layout has overlapping patterns of access for pedestrians and vehicles. Typically one side of a block faces a shared pedestrian route with the other fronting access roads and parking.

01.2

Urban Morphology A traditional urban area evolves gradually through a process of expansion and renewal with each change reflecting trends of the time. New Towns by contrast undergo rapid initial development, following explicit urban design principles, and subsequentially succumb to conventional forces of urban change. The field of Urban Morphology provides techniques to chart and analyse urban development through time and has typically focused on the gradual processes of change.11 Applying these principles to modern developments requires some adaptation of terminology due to the ‘upheaval in the classic urban form with the creation of new kinds of urban elements’.12 Washington is a combination of traditional elements – road, plot, building; and contemporary elements – high-way, roundabouts, under/over passes.

Table 1 - Street pattern typologies adapted from ‘Street and Pattern’ by Stephen Marshall

When approaching urban morphology establishing a typographical language is crucial for classification and comparison. Julienne Hanson states that ‘descriptive typologies are generally speaking either too simple to be useful… or so detailed as to be idiosyncratic’ and that, in reality, streets exist in a ‘morphological continuum’.13 Even once fundamental principles are established permutations abound through hybrids and irregularities. The difficulty in classifying street pattern is explored in ‘Street and Pattern’ by Stephen Marshall who concludes that ‘there is no single best typology’ but that typological analysis is necessarily imperfect.14 The resolution with which one examines urban morphology can also illuminate different trends. The regional urban morphology of Washington tells a different story to the street scale morphology – with the dwelling scale being different again. In order to undergo comparison classification is necessary so the matrix of street patterns in Table 1 is proposed15

11 For a detailed discussion on urban morphology please see my previous submission ‘ARC596 preliminary dissertation’ submitted in March 2019 12 Levy, A., 1999. Urban morphology and the problem of the modern urban fabric: some questions for research. Urban Morphology, 3(2), pp. 79-85.

13 Hanson, J., 1989. Order and structure in urban space: a morphological history of the City of London. London: University College London.

14 Marshall, S., 2005. Streets and patterns. Oxon: Spon Press.

15 Biddulph, M., 2007. Introduction To Residential Layout. Oxford: Elsevier Limited.

13

Market square Central area street Side street Lane – urban alley or lane leading out into countryside Notional centre of town Notional extent of built-up area

14

National motorway/trunk route (bypasses settlement) Motorway spur or link road Radial route/arterial street

Primary Road Network Secondary Road Network Tertiary Road Network

Local access street (e.g. old market square

Notional centre of town

Notional centre of town

Notional extent of built-up area

Notional extent of built-up area

02

The Washington Masterplan

This chapter will introduce the urban design concepts from the Washington Masterplan Document with accompanying illustrations. Rather than recreate illustrations from the document, they will be updated to reflect the current arrangements.

02.1

The ‘Village’ concept The basic unit of residential area is referred to as a ‘village’ and was projected to contain between 1350-1400 dwellings with a population of about 4500.This approximate size was decided based on the provision of primary schools, whereby the village centre is in easy walking distance of all residents of the respective village.

A village centre should contain shops for daily need, a primary school, a village social centre and public house promoting the idea of being ‘self-contained’.16 Each village should have a ‘consistent physical character’ which relates to resident’s ‘sense of place’ but be large enough for a socially varied population. Each village is further split into ‘places’ of around 200 houses with ‘its own character’ and then into groups which vary in size but should ‘aid in the formation of overlapping social relationships’.17 The overarching housing philosophy was to ‘provide a balanced range of dwellings sizes at low to medium densities which would result in a good social mix for the long-term benefit of the village communities’.18 It was also proposed that every dwelling ‘should have one principal means of entry’ to accommodate private gardens at the back of the house’.19 When describing the design philosophy of the development corporation Watson states: ‘there is no universal ‘style’…The best we can do is provide for enough variety to accommodate a wide range of choice. We have no predetermined solutions - each scheme must emerge from the special characteristics of its own site’.

From left to right: Figure 3 -Traditional road hierarchy adapted from ‘Street and Pattern’ Figure 4 - Modern road hierarchy (following traffic in towns) adapted from ‘Street and Pattern’

Figure 5 -

Washington Road hierarchy

02.2

Transport network The principles behind the road network in Washington were introduced in Traffic in Towns and have gone on to inform modern transport infrastructure. Fundamentally ‘there are only two kinds of roads – distributors designed for movement, and access roads 16 Llewellyn-Davies Weeks and Partners, Washington New Town Master Plan and Report.

17 Ibid.

18 Watson, E., 1983. Housing the Architectural Context. In: Washington: Quicker

by Quango: The History of Washington New Town 1964-1983. Stevenage: Publications for Companies.

19 Llewellyn-Davies Weeks and Partners, Washington New Town Master Plan and Report.

15

Primary Network

Secondary Network

Tertiary Network

Industry/Commercial

TC

Commercial Areas Industrial Areas TC

16

Town Centre

to serve the buildings’.20 Historically, development was adjacent to main roads and road hierarchy decreased with distance from urban centres(fig 3). With the advent of motor vehicles this hierarchy inversed placing the national motorway system at the apex and residential streets at the lowest hierarchy(fig 4). Vehiclepedestrian safety was also a concern in traditional urban centres resulting in a desire to separate these networks. This had been achieved previously through extensive walkways or ‘streets in the sky’21 but a more integrated approach was adopted in Washington.

From left to right: Figure 6 - Primary roads with key nodes and interchanges Figure 7 - Secondary distributor roads Figure 8 - Tertiary residential streets

The primary road network consists of a grid of roads at approximately 1 mile spacing that follow land-forms and existing infrastructure(fig 6). These link into the wider national and regional road networks that were being implemented at the time of Washington’s designation. The secondary road network branches from nodes on primary roads and dictate how vehicles navigate the town(fig 7).These roads rarely have buildings fronting them, in favour of grassy verges, and typically surround villages in a ‘ringroad’. The Tertiary network branches from the secondary roads providing immediate access to housing, commercial and industrial areas(fig 8).There are a variety of residential road forms present in the town, as will be explored later, but tertiary roads cannot be used to traverse villages in order to reduce vehicle speed in residential areas. Bus links, closed to cars, through village centres allow for an efficient public transport network. Transport interchanges are located at the town centre and historic concord high-street.

The Pedestrian network was planned on a half mile grid consisting of ‘inter-village walkways’ – either over or under passes - crossing primary roads. Therefore, the town can be traversed without crossing major traffic roads and neighbouring villages can be easily accessed.

02.3

Industry and commercial Responding to the ‘rigid separation of land uses… into one or at most two very large industrial estates’ in previously new towns, Washington looked to disperse industry around the town.

Industrial estates of varying size were planned adjacent to nodes on primary roads to maximise accessibility(fig 9).TheTown Centre was to consist of a shopping centre, administrative centre, sports facilities and later a health centre. The shopping centre, The

Figure 9 - Locations of industrial estates and commercial centres

20 Buchanan, C., 1964. Traffic in Towns. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.

21 ‘Streets in the Sky’ was a modernist idea, popular in the 1960s, that advocated the separation of vehicular roads and pedestrian streets through elevated walkways and was attempted in earlier New Towns such as Runcorn.

17

Parliament

Development Corporations

Local Authorities

18

Masterplanner Architect Surveyor Property Developer Landlord Business Promoter Landscape Management Town Marketing Social Developer

Figure 10 -

Galleries, is a covered shopping mall which expanded with a retail park in 2008. Health facilities were expanded with an additional building in 2009 and the sports centre was replaced in 2015.

Development Corporations structures

02.4

Development Corporations New Towns are delivered by development corporations, a unique quasi-non-governmental organisation (QUANGO), that act on behalf of the state, in collaboration with local authorities and private enterprise. Their remit is wide ranging; incorporating property development, business promotion, housing management and urban master planning(fig 10). They oversee the development of the town, its housing, infrastructure and industry, and stimulate social groups and community amenities.Their approach is holistic and while some critics have labelled them as ‘a non-elected autonomous branch of the state’,22 Holley argues that corporations are acutely aware of this vulnerability so are ‘sensitive to public opinion’.23 Corporations are susceptible to political change as seen in Washington with the change to a conservative government in 1979 bringing an emphasis on owner-occupation over social rents.

Holley summarises the strength of development corporations:

“A development corporation provides an intimacy of management

which cannot be exercised by central government , a continuity of purpose which is impracticable with local government and a breadth of powers that would be unacceptable if exercised by private sector. 24

”

However, corporations can only exist as long as there a town to build, so are destined to hand over their various roles to other bodies, typically ‘a combination of local authority, central government agency and private sector’.25 It is at this juncture that New Towns become susceptible to the same urban forces as conventional towns.

22 Hudson, R., 1976. New towns in north east England. Durham: Durham University.

23 Holley, S., Washington: Quicker by Quango - The History of Washington New Town 1964-1983. pp. 194-195 24 Ibid., pp. 195 25 Alexander, A. Britain’s New Towns : Garden Cities to Sustainable Communities. p. 150

19

S

A B T L

20

03

Figure 11 - Map of

case study villages: B: Barmston; S: Sulagrave A: Albany L: Lambton T: Teal Farm

Case Studies

In order to describe Washington’s urban morphology four case study areas have been selected from across the town(fig 11). Each will be assessed in terms of the New Town principles introduced previously – specifically housing typology, street pattern and village identity. Annotated historical Ordnance Survey maps will illustrate the urban morphology alongside accompanying archival and contemporary photographs. Contemporary mapping showcases the villages as they stand today which have been split into ‘places’ based on differences in urban form. Each case study will be introduced with an account of a visit to complete a photo survey, evoking the atmosphere of the village and my personal connection to it. See appendix 2 for further results of the photo survey showcasing the range of housing across the town.

21

a. 1860

b. 1920

c. 1930

d, 1950

This farming area is flanked by old Washington to the west and Washington Station to the South. Working terraces are visible at ‘Pattinson Town’

The housing around the station has proliferated in typical linear terraces along main arterial roads.

School and communal infrastructure has also been constructed

Terraces are now built around greens as well as semidetached dwellings with private back gardens

Development still hugs existing infrastructure and large areas of farmland in undeveloped.

e. 1960

f 1970

g. 1980

h. 1990

One of the first villages, Barmstion was constructed quickly on ‘greenfield’ land, Secondary and tertiary roads are constructed before the primary network.

Avebury Drive, a private development, is under construction

The primary roads have been constructed comprising a highway to the north and a single carriageway running north-south. Corporation housing is stitched into the existing built fabric at Columbia, to the South West

The single carriageway primary road is completed, linking to Station Road.

Figure 12 - Historic Urban Morphology of Barmston and surroundings

03.1

Barmston I started my photo-survey tour of Washington in Barmston passing through the underpass at the bottom of my road. Underpasses have been a constant in my life, so I don’t hold their stereotypical image of being unsafe or threatening. Moving down Waskerly Road, the pedestrianised central boulevard, I catch snippets of conversations and TVs out of kitchen windows. It’s quite easy to lose your bearings in Barmston – the housing looks quite similar – but I find them very handsome. I like the mono-pitch roofs and use of timber accents.

The village of Barmston was ‘the first area that could be developed as a complete village’ and was used to demonstrate the principles of the masterplan.26 The land on which the village sits was undeveloped farmland adjacent to the industrial station and Old Washington (figures 12.a-e). The road form of Place B.1 is exemplary of the masterplan principles. It has a ring-road accessed from high volume primary roads at two nodes. Tertiary roads turn off the ring-road leading to parking areas and garages adjacent to housing. Radburn layouts were used extensively in early villages with many dwellings facing onto pedestrianised communal space and a central pedestrian street extending from the village centre. The housing follows a rectilinear form and is a mixture of mono-pitch and pitched roofs. The road through the centre is only accessible to public transport via a bus link.

Place B.2 is an example of ‘self-build’ plots that were sold, often by auction, across the town. The intention was to develop pockets of high-quality owner-occupied housing on generous plots that would tend towards the upper range of the housing market.27 This small cul-de-sac has very varied dwellings with some backing onto Barmston Pond. Although part of the village, this development is certainly very separate – being literally on the other side of the ring road and having very different housing typologies.

To the north west of the village place B.3, a private development of detached houses, has a cul-de-sac road-form branching from the ring-road and parking on driveways. Despite the difference in house and road type this ‘place’ fits into Barmston’s identity through the use of matching brick and cladding finishes. Of all the villages Barmston has the most consistent building form and materiality, resulting in a clear identity and recognisable sense of ‘place’. The palette consists of beige-brown bricks, cream render, tile and slate roofs with timber cladding details(fig 13).

26 27

Holley, S., Washington: Quicker by Quango p. 26 Ibid., pp. 74-78

23

B.3

B.1

B.2

24

Figure 13 - Modern Barmston’s Urban Form and ‘Places’

Barmston’s urban realm is a story of two halves: Generous, open spaces feature well used parks and sports pitches but many of the pedestrianised areas feel uncomfortable. Gable walls and high fences block sight lines and awkward patches of grass are magnets for litter.

The village centre has seen changes in recent years with the demolition of flats and commercial units being replaced with a mini-supermarket. The site has yet to be developed however given that the architectural language in Barmston is so consistent, any new housing should directly reference the surroundings.

A sympathetic palette would be the most basic means, with additional consideration given to form and layout, for instance, positioning garages separately at the gable ends of terrace blocks or having pedestrianised fronts.

25

1860

1930

1960

1950

1980 a. 1860

b. 1920

c. 1930

d, 1950

Terrace housing adjacent to Usworth Colliery with the traditional village of Little Usworth Nearby

Sunderland Lane renamed Usworth Station Road and lined with red brick terraces. Further terrace construction by the Colliery and along linking roads

New Washington to the West with semi-detached pitched roof housing in loop road-form. Often around a green with small private gardens.

More looped street forms and temporary ‘pre-fab’ postwar accommodation named the Hostel Estate is visible below the station road.

e. 1960

f 1970

g. 1980

h. 1990

More ‘pre-fabs’ in the space created by Pensher View and Railway Terrace.

Edit Avenue Flats built by Washington District Council with rectilinear courtyard form. The first phase of Development Corporation Housing has a rectilinear radburn street layout. Parking is separate and houses open onto pedestrian streets

Later phases of corporation housing has a snaking stepped terrace form with private gardens and parking courts.

A privately developed estate completes the village with a tree form cul-de-sac morphology.

03.2

Figure 14 - Historic Urban Morphology of Sulgrave and surroundings

Sulgrave Sulgrave is a village I have little connection to. My social circles revolved around school, which by virtue of the village structure were close by and walkable. There are whole areas of northern Washington that I’ve rarely been to – Sulgrave being one of them. I was delighted to find neat lightly coloured houses that felt at once familiar yet new. The Edith Avenue flats stick out and I feel like they would fit better in a city environment but also anchor the village with their dominance. This village feels leafy and spacious with mature planting and communal green spaces. However, lots of the communal space is unusable; interrupted with paths, roads and parking.

This area has been chosen as a case study as it captures many phases of house building and renewal across the history of Washington. Usworth Colliery was opened in 184528 and figure 14.a shows the surrounding area circa 1860. Terrace housing directly adjacent to the colliery was present with an industrial railway linking the quarry and mine to the North Eastern Railway. By 1920 (fig 14.b) the colliery had expanded to its peak of 1,216 workers, bringing with it residential and community infrastructure.29 The terraces fronted the main road leading from Usworth Station and feature either gardens or allotments to the rear. Already a process of renewal had begun as terraces close to the Methodist Chapel were cleared to make way for a new school and church.

Figure 15 - a.

Penshaw View terraces b. Pre fab housing on Usworth Green c. Elevated access deck of Edith Avenue Flats

The inter-war development was focused around ‘New Washington’ (now Concord) and took the form of generous semi-detached houses and terraces. In figure 14.c ‘The Oval’ is under construction – a looped crescent with houses overlooking a communal green.To the south of Usworth Station Road, in figure 14.d, a development of temporary accommodation called ‘The Hostel Estate’ can be seen which housed families from nearby bombed terraces.

The space formed by ‘Pensher View’ and ‘Railway terrace’ was also filled with pre-fab housing following WW2 (fig 15.b).30 They were demolished along with Railway Terrace and replaced with development corporation housing.

Prior to the designation of the New Town the Washington Urban District Council built Edith Avenue Flats which are four stories tall and accessed via walkways(fig 15.c). The flats overlook raised communal courtyards and follow an orthogonal plan with 28 Durham Mining Museum, 2019. Usworth Colliery. [Online] Available at: http:// www.dmm.org.uk/colliery/u003.htm [Accessed 27 September 2019].

29 Ibid.

30 Historic images from http://www.raggyspelk.co.uk [Accessed: 27 September 2019]

27

S.1

S.3

S.2

S.5 S.3

S.4

28

Figure 16 - Modern Sulgrave’s Urban Form and ‘Places’

garages at ground level. Dwellings at this density are unusual for Washington with the development corporation stating ‘multistorey development is expensive and can usually only be justified where there is an absolute land shortage and high land values’.31 However, this imposing, central building has clearly informed the choice of lighter bricks in the subsequent corporation housing.

These flats were labelled ‘the cheapest place to live in England’ in 2015 and 2016 which speaks to how undesirable multi-storey developments are in Washington.32 The designation of the New Town brought radical expansion and restructuring(fig 14.f). The primary road network cuts across both Usworth Station Road and Manor Road; with the traditional primary roads now functioning as secondary distributors or completely pedestrianized respectively. The primary road grid was the most unforgiving to existing infrastructure whilst the inner roads often stitched into existing routes. For instance, some terrace houses remain on Usworth Station Road from the 1920s as well as the local primary school which enriches the identity of the village. The chief architect lamented the hasty demolition of existing buildings at the establishment of the new town as ‘later it was thought that there was merit in retaining the shells of older housing stock’.33 Modern Sulgrave can be split into five ‘places’ with distinct identities(fig 16). The largest of these is S.1 which was the first area of development housing in the village. Similar to Barmston it has a rectilinear Radburn layout with separate parking away from dwellings. Houses have flat roofs and are grouped into blocks of up to 10. Place S.2 is defined by the Edith Avenue flats while S.3 features the remaining red brick terraced housing along Usworth Station Road. This road divides places S.1 and S.4, the former of which has snaking, stepped terraced housing. This building morphology is common across Washington and was used to mix tenures and house sizes in order to stimulate a good social mix.

The dwelling frontages look inwards, towards shared green space and parking, and have private gardens to the rear. The mix of cream and red brick in S.4 place suggests a deliberate reference to the context of Edith avenue and traditional terraces. S.5 was the last place to be developed in Sulgrave and is a private estate of predominantly semi-detached suburban housing.

31 Llewellyn-Davies Weeks and Partners, Washington New Town Master Plan and Report. p. 70 32 Hodgson, B., 2016. What life is really like in Washington’s Waterloo Walk - the cheapest place to live in England. [Online] Available at: https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/ news/property-news/what-life-really-like-washingtons-11020916 [Accessed 10 October 2019].

33 Watson, E., Housing the Architectural Context.

29

a. 1860

b. 1920

c. 1930

d, 1950

Development hugs the colliery and arterial roads with farmland surrounding.

As the colliery expands so does the adjacent housing.

Schools, churches and other infrastructure have also arrived. Terrace housing constructed along Havannah Terrace.

New Washington is expanding to the north east but development near the pit has ceased

e. 1960

f 1970

g. 1980

h. 1990

The new primary road network drastically alters the morphology slicing across Village Lane and the first phases of corporation housing are complete. Parsons industrial estate can be seen to the north resulting in the demolition of Havannah Terrace

The ex-mining land has been reclaimed as parkland and the final phases of corporation housing are underway.

The final piece of the housing jigsaw is filled by a private estate just below Albany park

03.3

Albany My grandparents lived in Albany for many years, so I know it well and I was caught by a wave of nostalgia completing my photo survey. Taking a slight detour to see their old bungalow, it dawned on me how varied the houses are with many different colours and forms. It is bizarre to return to an area you know so well and understand it in a different light. A heritage festival was underway in the park next to the F-pit so I stopped to talk to the heritage society and see some old pictures from before the new town. Heritage is remarkably strong for what might seem on the surface a very modern place.

Albany sits on the site of Washington Colliery but, unlike in Sulgrave, very little of that infrastructure has survived. The only remnants are ‘The F Pit’, a pit head preserved as a museum and the now listed Blue House; built in 1802(fig 18.a).34 In 1860 (fig 17.a) there are terraced houses immediately adjacent to the colliery at Brandy Row and some along Waggonman’s Row to the North. The latter have been demolished by 1920 with development clustered towards New Washington(fig 17.b). Havannah terrace featured typical brick construction with back lanes and allotments but was later demolished to accommodate Parsons Industrial Estate(fig 17.f). Between 1930 and 1950 there is little develop in this specific region as ‘New Washington’ to the north east expands. This is due to rising living standards meaning people did not have to live directly adjacent to their employment. By 1960 housing is well established off Blue House Lane but where once the pit attracted housing it now repels it and the large slag heap can be seen directly adjacent (fig 18.b).35

Figure 18 - a. Blue

house, built in 1802 b. The mountainous slag heap of Washington Colliery

The new town development radically altered this area with the introduction of highways and complete establishment of the village. The slag heap from Washington Colliery was reclaimed and turned into Albany Park and the typical road form of ring road with bus link in the village centre was instated. The speed that Albany was realised is clear from the drastic change between 1960 to 1970(figs 17.f-g) Albany has the most variation of any village in housing typology, form and materiality. Places A.1 and A.7 feature rectilinear Radburn Layout reminiscent of Barmston and Sulgrave, with

Figure 17 - Historic Urban Morphology of Albany and surroundings

34 British Listed Buildings, n.d. Blue House Villa. [Online] Available at: https:// britishlistedbuildings.co.uk/101025424-blue-house-villa-washington-west-ward#.XYIb0ZKhPY [Accessed 2019 Sptember 28].

35 2019]

Historic images from http://www.raggyspelk.co.uk [Accessed: 27 September

31

Albany

A.2

A.1 A.3

A.7

A.4

A.6

A.5

32

separate garages. The blocks comprise of between 3-7 dwellings with private gardens and communal green spaces. A light brick tone is used with some render and both slate and tile roofs. Places A.2 and A.4 exhibit cul-de-sac form typical of the development corporation whereby housing faces towards a central vehicular court or curved road. Dwellings of multiple sizes are interspersed throughout the snaking terrace blocks with parking separate from the dwellings. Two different brick tones are used to distinguish blocks and pedestrian routes criss-cross the area. Completed latterly in the town’s development the private cul-de-sac A.3 has detached dwellings with private garages, pitched roofs and bay windows. The mix of brick tones do not match any of the surrounding places.

In the early 2000s place A.5 underwent regeneration when three apartment blocks were replaced with a mixture of detached houses and 4-dwelling terraces featuring pitched roofs and redorange bricks. The road form here reflects modern cul-de-sac development with a tree structure and generous driveways. Little effort has been taken here to align the housing with any village identity. This development introduced completely new housing typologies and materiality with no reference to the surrounding palette.

Place A.6 adopts a straight terrace form with blocks comprised of 13-15 dwellings. The blocks are rendered and painted differently to distinguish them as they have the same height and form. To the north west of place A.6 there are some two storey terraces with slate roofs and walls that follow as similar block pattern to elsewhere in the area.

The values of the New Town are both apparent and confused in Albany. The desire to create distinct ‘places’ has resulted in too much variation in form and style across the village. Collectively there is a huge variation of brick tones, roof styles and finishes, cladding, window articulation and road form. Furthermore, demolition of apartment blocks and the subsequent replacement with cul-de-sac estate housing has exacerbated the confusion.

That redevelopment was an opportunity to unite the disparate ‘places’ by taking design cues from across the village but instead introduced a contrasting language and typology.

Figure 19 -Modern

Albany’s Urban Form and ‘Places’

33

a. 1860

b. 1920

c. 1930

d, 1950

Old Oxclose Village is to the North with associated colliery. Coal pits litter the landscape which is predominantly farmland. A small row of terraces, Trafalgar Row, is also present.

This area is largely unchanged over the c. 60 years between maps; there is very little development

Trafalgar Terrace has been demolished but there is little other development

© Landmark Information Group Ltd and Crown copyright 2019. FOR EDUCATIONAL USE ONLY.

Scale 1:5000 0

0.1

0.1

0.2

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Projection: British National Grid

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© Landmark Information Group Ltd and Crown copyright 2019. FOR EDUCATIONAL USE ONLY.

f 1970

g. 1980

h. 1990

Oxclose village is being constructed to the north along with a secondary school. The highway infrastructure is in-place - for later villages the primary roads arrived before the housing.

The first phase of Lambton Village is constructed featuring courtyard blocks around shared gardens and a branching road-form. Biddick Burn (stream) dictates the extent of development.

The second phase of Lambton is complete with has more detached houses or smaller sized terrace blocks accessed via cul-de-sac roads.

© Landmark Information Group Ltd and Crown copyright 2019. FOR EDUCATIONAL USE ONLY.

03.4

Lambton The villages completed later in the life of the Development Corporation do feel different from their predecessors. They are much more subservient to the car with pedestrian routes pushed to the edge alongside main roads. On my photo survey I felt like I was surrounded by dense, suburban housing or suddenly flying along the ringroad with little warning. The tangled cul-de-sac road form was also confusing not knowing the narrow pedestrian links squeezed between high fences at the bottom of roads. Lambton village centre is instantly recognisable with its dark red-brown brick matching the surrounding housing but the deep overhanging awning of the shopping parade have always made it feel dark and uninviting.

This area historically showcased the typical mining heritage of the North East and was littered with disused pit heads (figures 20.a-d) but remained largely undeveloped until the New Town designation.There was a small village to the north called Oxclose, which would later become a neighbouring New Town village, but this area was mainly farmland with streams (burns) for drainage.

By the 1970s much of north Washington was developed with later phases being clustered in the south of the town. In figure 20.f Oxclose Village can be seen under construction, adjacent to the Town Centre, which is one of the few examples of multi storey development in the Town.

Named after the neighbouring Lambton Estate, construction of Lambton was commenced in 1979, so reflects changing opinion in housing design and delivery. Eric Watson, the corporation’s chief architect, recalls how ‘In later years the emphasis changed to owner-occupation and all forms of housing, both rented and privately owned, which were provided by government funds needed to satisfy the criterion of cost being equal to market value’. The Radburn layouts of earlier villages were replaced with exclusively cul-de-sac road forms and whilst the corporation were still experimental with building form, they favoured more traditional finishes and motifs.

Figure 20 - Historic Urban Morphology of Lambton and surroundings

The first phase of development, Place L.1, features courtyard housing around shared parking areas accessed via a shared tunnel with the room of a dwelling above. These semi-private courtyards feel enclosed but only really function as off-street parking. Due to the corporation’s dedication to providing private back gardens these spaces are sometimes surrounded by high fences that have been added by residents. A palette of complimentary bricks and roof tiles is used to have variety but also recognisability. The angularly arranged housing have pitched roofs that undulate in

35

L.3

L.1

L.2

36

height and planform resulting in streets that feel varied and have a fine urban grain.

Place L.2 is a mixture of detached and semi-detached housing and illustrates the move towards owner occupation. Dwellings sit in their own plot with back to back gardens and have driveways and garages. The housing typologies are varied but all feature pitched roofs, including hipped detailing on many. Most houses have front porches or bay windows and there is very little shared green space. The road form is a linear cul-de-sac with turning points at the end of streets and a consistent dark red brick colour is used throughout.The consistency in materials and form result in a place with a clear identity that feels at once distinct but related to L.1.

The final Place L.3 in Lambton is similar to L.2 but has a more sinuous, curved road layout. There is a variety of housing present with bungalows, detached houses and short terraces. However, there is also an abundance of building form and materiality. Rather than building with a restricted palette as in previous ‘places’ in Lambton a mixed approach has been taken here. This results in this ‘place’ feeling non-descript and lacking in identity. Where some areas of Washington are instantly recognisable no matter how deep into the housing you are, later areas of suburban cul-desac housing blend into one. Lambton is clearly divided into two halves through the secondary road cutting through it: Place L.1 to the east with L.2 and L.3 to the West. Interestingly L.1 and L.2 feel more closely related because of complimentary brick tones than L.2 and L.3 which have a closer urban form.

Figure 21 - Modern Lambton’s Urban Form and ‘Places’

37

T.5

T.1

T.4

T.2

T.3

38

03.5

Teal Farm The development of Teal Farm has been ongoing as long as I have been alive. I remember the derelict shell of the Asbestos Factory that we were told to not go near – but many others remember the bright white asbestos mound that sat on the site for many years prior. Modern Teal Farm is a far cry from its industrial heritage though residents are supposedly told they aren’t to grow vegetables in their gardens for fear of contamination. I cant say that Teal farm feels like the rest of the town, it lacks the generous green space and pedestrian routes, but is very close to parkland which offset this deficit.

Teal farm sits on the site of the former chemical works to the east of Washington. Beginning as an enclosed estate in 1990, it has since expanded to become a ‘village’ in its own right. As the most significant expansion to the new town since the end of the development corporation in 1983,Teal Farm showcases changes in housing trends both in style and delivery.

The Teal Farm Development is projected to complete in 2020 having taken nearly thirty years to construct circa 600 dwellings.

Compare this to the 16820 dwellings constructed between 19641983 and the change of pace in development becomes apparent.

The land was not originally designated for residential use as it housed a chemical works for many years. This required extensive remediation which prevented later stages of the village from progressing. On the surface Teal Farm has all the components of other villages in Washington: A road hierarchy, distinct ‘places’ and a village centre consisting of shops and a pub. However, it’s urban structure is very different. Rather than a ring-road encircling the village, a spine road cuts through the centre bringing faster traffic with it. The village centre is adjacent to this, so pedestrian crossings on the spine road are required. Pedestrianisation was at the heart of many new town layouts – particularly around play spaces. By contrast the new play areas inTeal Farm are surrounded by road, albeit low speed, tertiary roads. A cul-de-sac road form is used throughout with very little shared communal space and there is no provision for community activities such a village hall.

However James Steel Park and the wooded riverside are easily accessible.

Figure 22 - Modern

The first phase ofTeal Farm,T.1, is significant because it represents an extreme cul-de-sac situation. In the original masterplan culde-sacs of more than 600ft (183m) were advised against due to the ‘danger to public safety where many houses are served by a single

Teal Farm’s Urban Form and ‘Places’

39

40

road which could easily be blocked’.36 In this phase 385 dwellings are serviced by a single entry road leading to 2,385 metres of residential street. There are a plethora of palettes interspersed throughout T.1. These include: Dark bricks with mock Tudor cladding and dark wood window frames; Red bricks with cream brick detailing and white PVC windows; and light orange bricks with dark grey brick details amongst others(fig 22). Overall this creates a lack of identity for this place which is purely residential with no shared amenity or play spaces.

PlaceT.2, has a looped road form with smaller streets and mews branching off from it and includes the pseudo village centre. Rather than a pedestrianised centre the shopping outlets are completely encircled by road and function more as a ‘drive-through’ than communal destination. Housing is made from red-orange bricks with some cream render and typically has stone sills and brick lintels. There is a more traditional feel to these dwellings which have subtle brick details and ordered, regular window layouts.

Place T.3 branches out from T.2 but has a different feel again.

Different shades of red and orange bricks are used here with more modern detailing around windows and doors. Window frames are dark grey and stone detailing is used to frame them. Place T.4 is only half constructed at the time of writing but is similar to T.3.

Grey framed windows feature here and there is a greater variety of brick tones. The final place, T.5, also under construction, combines traditional motifs from T.2 with more modern materiality used in other places. Cladding panels and composite slats decorate bay windows and doorways.

Each phase was completed by a different private developer, so the style of housing represents typical private sale typologies. For this reason, Teal Farm had a very coherent village identity. Each place has a distinct feel, created by consistent detailing, yet they read as a whole because of their similarities. The predominant brick is reddy-orange and every dwelling has pitched roofs.The residential road forms are largely cul-de-sacs with small front gardens and paths flanking either side. Even though this consistency may have been unintentional and a by-product of mass housebuilding in the wider context of Washington’s village identities Teal Farm is very successful. However the village doesn’t align with the identity of Washington because it’s urban form is such a departure from other villages.

36 Llewellyn-Davies Weeks and Partners, Washington New Town Master Plan and Report. p. 70

41

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

Urban Sunderland Sunderland Washington 1600 Core1800 North South

Coalfield 1400

Development Corp Rent

Development Corp Sale

Local Auth Rent Vacant 2.4

Housing Authorities

Private Sale

Shared Ownership

3.9

1.9

1.6

1.4

%

25

Figure 1 - Sunderland Strategic Housing Availability by Sub-area

Living rent free

Shared Ownership, 3%

0.6%

Housing Authorities, 1% Local Auth Rent, 8%

Development Corp Sale , 2%

Private Rented Private landlord or letting agency 2,218 Private Rented Other 267

Social Rented

Social Rent Rented from Social Rent Other Local Authority 3,264 4,313

Shared ownership

Development Corp Rent, 54%

8.7%

26.6%

0.3%

73

Owned

Private Sale, 31%

Tenure

Private Rented

175

Owned Owned with a mortgage or loan 10,782

Owned Owned outright 7,398

0

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14,000

16,000

18,000

20,000

Number of Dwellings

Figure 2 - Housing Tenure in Washington26

5000 4500

Predicted Dwellings

4000

1734

Developable 11-15 years (2028/292032/33)

3500 3000 238

2500

1748

964

2000

Developable 6-10 years (2023/242027/28) Deliverable 0-5 years (2018/192022/23)

1500 1000

236

1643

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240 270 203

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Urban Core

2.4

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Vacant %

503

145 256

371

377

Sunderland Sunderland Washington North South 1.9

1.6

1.4

25

Figure 1 - Sunderland Strategic Housing Availability by Sub-area

200,000

120,000

175

0.6%

8.7%

Private Rented Private landlord or letting agency 2,218 Private Rented Other 267

60,000 40,000 20,000 0

Social Rented

80,000

Shared ownership

Tenure

100,000

Owned

House Prices (£)

140,000

Private Rented

160,000

Living rent free

180,000

Social Rent Rented from Social Rent Other Local Authority 3,264 4,313

73

0.3%

Owned Owned outright 7,398

0 2,000 4,000 Coalfield Inner Urban Communities Area Upper Quartile (£)

5000

Owned Owned with a mortgage or loan 10,782

6,000 8,000 10,000 Southern 12,000 14,000 16,000 Northern Northern Washington Coastal Number Suburbs Suburbs of Dwellings Median (£)

Figure 2 - Housing Tenure in Washington26

42

26.6%

Lower Quartile (25%)

63.8% 18,000

20,000

Figure 23 -

Housing providers after the end of the development corporation in 1983

04

04.1

Figure 24 -Tenure breakdown of Washington. See footnote 36

Figure 25 - Potential

achievable dwellings from development sites identified in the ‘Strategic Housing Land Availability Assessment’ for each Sunderland urban Area and associated level of vacant properties

Figure 26 - House

prices for each urban area in Sunderland

Future Development

The case for new council housing in Washington By the end of it’s 19-year tenure Washington Development Corporation had built 9,268 dwellings and facilitated a further 5,206 bringing the population from 20,000 to 52,570.37 At this point 63% of the housing stock was rented with 54% rented by the corporation (fig 23). At the last census 35.3% of dwellings were rented with 26.6% socially rented (fig 24).38 This is considerably higher than the 18% national average and speaks to Washington’s origins as a council house provider. However, 63.8% of tenants now own their properties, a reflection of a later push to provide housing for owner occupation and the right-to-buy scheme taking council stock into private ownership.

In 1974 Washington was taken over by Sunderland Council in a restructuring of Local Authority. As part of a larger metropolitan district, Washington fits into a wider strategy for affordable housing provision with a gross need of 2,194 affordable dwellings per year. Washington has a gross annual affordable housing imbalance of 290 dwellings yet is constrained of space for new development.39 The masterplan aimed to create a self-contained town leaving little room for expansion so Washington ‘continues to have a relatively limited supply of housing sites, as it is tightly constrained by Green Belt’.40 The current means of identifying land for development is through a Strategic Housing Land Availability Assessment. This method merely identifies possible sites and assigns an achievable housing figure. Of all urban areas in Sunderland, Washington has the fewest developable housing sites yet is the second most populous (fig 24). Washington has the lowest level of vacant properties of anywhere in Sunderland at 1.4% suggesting that the housing stock is of good quality and in high demand. Indeed, house prices in Washington are some of the highest in the region with a median house price of £119,998 (fig 26). Washington remains a magnet for industry ‘due to its location and access to the strategic road network’ with established and expanding sites in the automotive and distribution sectors. This is typical of New Towns that ‘remain centres of light industry, including high-tech sectors, and host major services such as

37 Holley, S., Washington: Quicker by Quango pp. 202-203 38 Office for National Statistics, 2011. Washington Built-up area. [Online] Available at: https://www.nomisweb.co.uk/reports/localarea?compare=E35001427# [Accessed 15 March 2019].

39 Sunderland City Council, 2017. Sunderland Strategic Housing Market Assessment Update 2017, Sunderland: arc4 Limited.

Gross annual affordable housing imbalance is the absolute shortfall in affordable provision 40 Sunderland City Council, 2017. A Housing Strategy for Sunderland 2017-2022, Sunderland: Sunderland City Council.

43

Washington New Build Completions 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0

Washington North

16/17

15/16

Washington West

14/15

Washington East

Washington South

13/14

12/13

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10/11

09/10

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Washington Central

Figure 27 -New build housing completions in Washington 20082017

distribution’.41Washington’s lowest level of new-build completions in recent years came in 2011/12 at just 30 homes but has risen to a peak of 153 in 2016/17(fig 27).42 With the demand for new housing expanding and development sites limited this modest recovery in housebuilding may falter.

Figure 28 - Original urban form of Glebe Village Centre with contextual photographs

Figure 29 - Urban

form of Glebe Centre regeneration with accompanying photographs

In a landmark case the City of Sunderland sold all 36,356 of its council houses to a newly formed housing association in 2001.43 Gentoo (formerly Sunderland Housing Group) has since heavily diversified into housing development and building technology but their rapid expansion led to ‘a combined £2.7m loss, [in 2014/15] subsidised in effect from the social housing rents’.44 They initially embarked on a controversial programme of demolition that saw 3,898 homes demolished and large sites sitting vacant for years.

The most notable of these in Washington was the demolition of Glebe Village Centre in 2006. At the time of writing a development of 59 replacement houses is being completed by Gentoo Homes, which are mainly for private sale.45 Figures 28-29 show the change in urban form alongside photographs of the dwelling styles. The new road form is that of a typical suburban cul-de-sac with parking drives and private back-to-back gardens. That area of Glebe is characterised by flat roofs and dark red brick yet the development features pitched tile roofs and lighter bricks. The aesthetics of modern mass housing development seem out of place in the context of the stepped, snaking terraces of the development corporation.

Local planning policy and publications focus on housing targets and sites for development but say very little with regards to design. There are planning vehicles that could be instigated in order to preserve and promote the values of the New Town. The Localism Act of 2011 aimed to reform the planning system and give more power to local councils and communities.46 One means are Neighbourhood Plans that give ‘communities direct power 41 Alexander, A., Britain’s New Towns : Garden Cities to Sustainable Communities.

42 Sunderland City Council, n.d. New Builds By Area 2008/09 to 2016/17. [Online] Available at: https://www.sunderland.gov.uk/media/20020/New-builds-by-area-2008-2017/ pdf/New_Builds_by_area_2008_to_2017.pdf?m=636535134113970000 [Accessed 16 October 2019].

43 BBC Inside Out, 2007. Sunderland housing. [Online] Available at: http://www.bbc. co.uk/insideout/content/articles/2007/11/07/northeast_sunderland_housing_s12_w9_feature. shtml [Accessed 29 September 2019].

44 Apps, P., 2018. Gentoo: a Sunderland story. [Online] Available at: https://www. insidehousing.co.uk/insight/insight/gentoo-a-sunderland-story-54432 [Accessed 29 September 2019].

45 Gentoo, 2017. Green light for 59 new homes to be built in Washington. [Online] Available at: https://www.gentoogroup.com/for-customers/news/2017/january/green-lightfor-new-homes-in-washington/ [Accessed 29 September 2019].

46 Department for Communities and Local Government, 2011. A plain English guide to the Localism Act. London: DCLG Publications.

45

Government

Labour

Conservative

Labour

Con

Labour

Conservative

New Labour

Coalition

£200,000 450,000 £175,000 400,000 £150,000

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£125,00

LOCAL AUTHORITIES 250,000

£100,000

200,000 £75,000

NON-PROFIT

150,000

£50,000 100,000

Washington Development Corporation Washington Urban District Council

A Brief History of Post-War Housing Housing supply (broken down into sector), average house price and political leadership since 1945. Data: Calcutt Review, Department for Communities and Local Government

46

Metropolitan Borough of Sunderland

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to develop a shared vision for their neighbourhood and shape the development and growth of their local area’.47 This relies on proactive local residents to propose the plan which on the one hand empowers them and on the other takes responsibility away from the planning authority. Each of the villages in Washington warrants a short design guide that could suggest appropriate materials, forms and detailing in order to preserve their identity.

This could be incorporated into a town-wide neighbourhood plan which defines the vernacular of each place and village.

Figure 30 - Housing

supply make-up since 1945 with nominal average house price.

See footnote 44

Figure 30 shows the breakdown of housing supply since 1945 alongside nominal average house prices and political leadership.48 It illustrates that prior to 1980 local authorities heavily supplemented the private market provided housing. The disappearance of local authority provision by the early 1990s coincided with a sharp increase in average house price. Whilst this was dictated by numerous factors the belief that market forces would rise to meet the demand for new houses is clearly false.

Parvin et al. describe the 2008 financial crash as ‘a catastrophe for the UK housing supply’ resulting in the lowest level of new housing starts since the 1929 crash.49 This coupled with a borrowing cap on the Housing Revenue Account (HRA) instigated in 2012 meant that local authorities were unable to borrow against their assets in order to build social housing.50 In 2018 the borrowing cap was lifted allowing councils to secure loans against their housing assets.This was heralded as a return to council house building with 94% of stock-owning councils looking to invest in housebuilding programmes.51 However, following its 2001 sell-off, Sunderland has zero council houses so will continue to rely on a housing association to deliver it’s affordable housing.

In May 2019 Gentoo announced a £417m five-year investment plan that aimed to add 900 affordable rented properties to its portfolio subsidised by over 200 new homes for sale each year.52 47 Ministry of Housing, Communities & Local Government, 2014. Neighbourhood planning. [Online] Available at: https://www.gov.uk/guidance/neighbourhood-planning--2 [Accessed 28 September 2019].

48 Chart: Parvin, A., Saxby, D., Cerulli, C. & Schneider, T., 2011. A Right To Build: The next mass-housebuilding industry. Sheffield: 00:/.

Data: Calcutt Review, Department for Communities and Local Government 49 Parvin et al. A Right To Build: The next mass-housebuilding industry. p. 11 50 Barker, N., 2018. The HRA borrowing cap explained. [Online] Available at: https:// www.insidehousing.co.uk/insight/insight/the-hra-borrowing-cap-explained-58486 [Accessed 01 October 2019].

51 Brady, D., 2019. Most councils to make use of HRA borrowing cap lift, finds LGA. [Online] Available at: https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2019/03/most-councils-makeuse-hra-borrowing-cap-lift-finds-lga [Accessed 10 October 2019].

52 Curry, R., 2019. Gentoo unveils £417m five-year investment plan. [Online] Available at: https://www.insidehousing.co.uk/news/news/gentoo-unveils-417m-five-year-investmentplan-61393 [Accessed 10 October 2019].

47

5% 1% No cars or vans in household

23%

28%

1 car or van in household 2 cars or vans in household 3 cars or vans in household

43%

48

4 or more cars or vans in household

04.2 Figure 31 -Vehicle ownership levels in Washington

Future Challenges I used to bike around Washington with friends all of the time and found it easy to navigate between its green expanses and quiet estates. To complete my housing photo survey I embarked on my bike once again and was surprised to find the cycling infrastructure lacking. As a road cyclist if felt jarring to move between pedestrian and vehicular routes and there is a distinct lack of segregated cycling lanes. Washington was designed for the car and the pedestrian but leaves cyclists feeling somewhat amphibian – belonging to neither system.

The debate around the future of New Towns centres on their adaptability towards sustainability given the current climate crisis and as part of the solution to the housing crisis. Kate Henderson et al. argue that ‘delivering climate-change action is increasingly complex because of the fragmented planning system in Britain’ and the ‘prioritisation of economic growth over sustainable development by successive government[s]’.53 The vast majority of New Town housing utilised traditional masonry construction, with some exceptions experimenting with panelised construction in Blackfell. This has resulted in a housing stock that is structurally robust and susceptible to modernisation to achieve contemporary standards of insulation and performance.

Increased car ownership was a key assumption in the Washington Masterplan, stating that it’s design needs ‘to enable these advantages without the congestion and dislocation now occurring in [existing settlements].54 This assumption proved correct with 71.7% of households having 1 or more vehicles(fig 31). There is certainly a question of whether this high level of car ownership is a product of changing trends or a requirement to effectively navigate the town. Has Washington’s urban design accommodated this change or created it? Although car ownership is high it is actually slightly lower than the 74.2% national average.

As we approach a future where personal car ownership is being questioned will the infrastructure of the town become a hindrance to residents? It is unlikely that society will accept a drastic reduction in mobility even if individual car ownership declines.

With the introduction of self-driving cars or, more imminently, car-sharing schemes, Washington is actually very well placed to accommodate these changes due to the prevalence of wellintegrated and accessible parking space. This change in vehicular habits could lead to an overall reduction in cars on the road and redundancy of garage space. Garage blocks are often separate from their associated properties and could be redeveloped once

Figure 32 - Map of

bus route around Washington. Adapted from GoNorthEast

53 Henderson et al. The art of building a garden city: Designing new communities for the 21st Century. p. 78 54 Llewellyn-Davies Weeks and Partners, Washington New Town Master Plan and Report.

49

Potential new village

Introduction of segregated cycling infrastructure

Metro Extension

Expansion of Mount Pleasant

50

their primary use is superfluous. Indeed, a ‘pocket development’ approach could be undertaken for large parts of Washington with an exercise looking to densify some of the villages and rationalise their public realm.

The public transport infrastructure in the town remains strong with regular bus services stretching the breadth of Washington (fig 32). With the imminent fuel crisis this strong provision can accommodate increased services as bus travel becomes increasingly common.55 Washington is one of the largest towns in the UK without a train station but plans for an extension to the Tyne and Wear Metro service are in consultation.56 Such an expansion would link the town to regional urban centres and decrease reliance on vehicles to commute however it has failed to materialise in the past.

Whilst both pedestrian and vehicular networks were designed with clear principles the cycling provision was not. Cycling was naively expected to share the pedestrian realm and a separate system was not provided. The result is that cyclists navigate the town on a hybrid system, switching between path and road. Not only is this unsafe is makes Washington difficult to navigate by bike for non-native visitors. The primary and secondary road network is unwelcoming to cyclists due to the speed of drivers and abundance of roundabouts. However, the extensive grassy road side verges mean that implementing a separate cycling infrastructure could be achievable. A holistic cycling network design process is required which could use the coast to coast cycle path running laterally through the town as an anchoring route to branch from.

There are two areas of expansion that I have identified which could mimic the principles of the New Town in road-form and housing morphology(fig 33). The first is an expansion to Mount Pleasant, the last and smallest corporation era village to the south of Washington. Existing road and service infrastructure could be expanded to create a vibrant hillside community with views across the River Wear. The second, to the far north of the town, could coincide with the development of the International Enterprise Park currently planned beside Nissan Car Factory.57This would create a whole new village for the town with accompanying school, village centre and amenities.

Figure 33 - Map of

future proposals for Washington

55 WWF, 2008. Plugged In: The End Of The Oil Age. 1st ed. Brussels: WWF European Policy Office.

56 Holland, D., 2019. North East leaders demand Government takes Metro expansion seriously in plea for funding. The Cronicle.

57 Sunderland City Council, Core Strategy and Development Plan Examination in Public - Submission Documents.

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05

Conclusion

Part of Washington’s strength is that it ‘knitted into’ the existing landscape and built environment. Whilst there was undoubtedly extensive remodelling and demolition the new town incorporated its surroundings. This rejection of a ‘blank slate’ and aim to enhance and celebrate nature and heritage has created a rich and textured town. It is these lessons that should be carried forward as New Towns are once again considered as a solution to the current housing crisis. Rather than ‘starting from scratch’, Washington offers a model of development that can be used to expand upon existing infrastructure. Identifying these pivotal locations is key to ensuring any new town compliments it’s surroundings yet instils its own sense of ‘place’.

Much of the corporation housing is very distinctive, using novel arrangements and plan-forms, yet some is also very nondescript.

Where they are most successful is in the stepped terraces, of which there are numerous types across Washington. Some are more curved, some angular and some rectilinear but they all mix dwelling sizes and materiality. This produces streets with undulating roof heights and prevents large stretches of flat front façades.These building forms create spaces that feel secluded and intimate yet also face onto more public, open streets.The desire to achieve variation between ‘places’ has ultimately made ‘villages’ feel confused and lacking in clear identity. Though there are clear distinctions in materiality and form between villages, they contain lots of variation within them. This is often due to the combination of Development Corporation and private developers. ‘Places’ differ greatly in both urban form and appearance depending on who built them. If design codes had been applied consistently across a village then identity would be easier to attribute.

The Town and Country Planning Association recommends that ‘protecting the characteristics of the new town and its villages’ are key issues for the future of Washington.58 Washington certainly has a strong sense of identity that directly relates to its urban form.

Be it the humorous folk song about George Washington’s ghost returning to the town and finding it unrecognisable59 or it’s premier architectural export, George Clarke, returning to extol the values of council housing on national television.60 Despite variety across 58 Anon, n.d. The Ballad Of George Washington. [Online] Available at: http://www. raggyspelk.co.uk/washington_pages/selections5/poem_geo_washington.html [Accessed 14 October 2019].

59 George Clarke’s Council House Scandal. 2019. [Film] Directed by Anabelle Marshall. s.l.: Amazing Productions.

60 Town and Country Planning Association, 2014. The New Towns: Five-Minute Fact Sheets. Appendix to New Towns and Garden Cities – Lessons for Tomorrow.. In: Stage 1: An Introduction to the UK’s New Towns and Garden Cities. London: Town and Country Planning Association.

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the town there is enough commonality in building and road form to ensure a town-wide identity is engendered. This combined with the primary ring-road and green belt creates a town resistant to urban sprawl. Significant expansion must be seriously considered and publicly debated because of these restrictive covenants. On the one hand this ensures that any expansion has a strong public backing but on the other greatly restricts expansion at a time of much needed housing supply.61 Where expansion is creating a whole new area, like Teal Farm, designers can define an architectural language and therefore an identity. However, in places of renewal developers are failing to sensitively respond to the surrounding context.These developments resort to stereotypical suburban housing typologies, often using forms and materiality not in-keeping with the village identity. This leads to jarring pockets that act to degrade the already imperfect village identities. Village-specific design guides that aimed to define an architectural vernacular would ensure that any further regeneration maintains the heritage and identity of Washington.

Currently Heritage listing is the only means of protecting built assets of significance but favours much older properties. Perhaps a secondary planning vehicle which recognises the value in modern design is a way of ensuring successful, innovative urban developments and their founding principles are protected.

61 Seddon, S., 2017. More than 1,500 homes could be built on green belt land in Sunderland and Washington. [Online] Available at: https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/ north-east-news/more-1500-homes-could-built-13350428 [Accessed 14 October 2019].

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06

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07

Appendices

07.1

Appendix 1 - Frequency of New Town mentions in a sample of 9 publications

Building sustainable Garden from new Building communitie citiestowns to European British New to sustainable Garden s new towns new towns communitie green cities to Town British New Towns European s politics Towns new Washington 20 3 towns 3new towns 0

Town Milton Keynes Washington 20 Runcorn 54 Milton Keynes RuncornHarlowe 18 HarloweStevenage 54 Cumbernaud Stevenage 47 Telford Cumbernaud 20 Telford Peterlee 20 Peterlee 18

54 18 54 47 20 20 18

3 3 1 0 9 1 3 1

3 3 1 11 0 1 9 16 1 10 3 1 1 2 1

Washington Washington

11 1 16 10 1 2 1

0 2 0 0 2 0 0 0

Milton Keynes

Milton Keynes

Runcorn

from new towns New to towns + garden green cities: politicslessons for

2 0 0 13 0 0 2 2 0 6 0 5 0 8 0

Runcorn Harlowe

Harlowe

tomorrow

0 13 0 2 6 5 8 0

2 121 10 7 6 55 3 4

New towns + garden cities: New towns: lessons for Transferrabl follow up tomorrow New towns: HOC e lessons from New follow up towns HOC

2 121 10 7 6 55 3 4

Stevenage

Stevenage

1 24 6 3 2 0 18 1

1 24 6 3 2 0 18 1

Cumbernaud

Cumbernaud

Telford

Transferrabl e lessons from New towns

4 86 21 15 7 0 16 3

The art of building a The art of garden city building a garden city

4 86 21 15 7 0 16 3

Telford

0 71 4 6 6 4 6 8

0 71 4 6 6 4 6 8

Peterlee

Peterlee

59

Local Shop

Hairdressers

Community Centre Public House Rest aurant/ Take Away

Health Service

SULGRAVE DONWELL USWORTH CONCORD BARMSTON WASHINGTON VILLAGE ALBANY BLACKFELL TEAL FARM COLUMBIA GLEBE OXCLOSE BIDDICK LAMBTON AYTON FATFIELD MOUNT PLEASANT HARRATON RICKLETON

60

07.2

Appendix 2 - Location and amenities of Village Centres

61

07.2

SULGRAVE

DONWELL

USWORTH

CONCORD

BARMSTON

BIDDICK

AYTON

RICKLETON

62

Appendix 3 - Sample of photo survey around Washington

ALBANY

BLACKFELL

TEAL FARM

COLUMBIA

GLEBE

OXCLOSE

LAMBTON

FATFIELD

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64