Kayode Tokede
foreign exchange liberalisation, the federal government’s removal of fuel subsidy, banking sector recapitalisation, and robust
Chuks Okocha in Abuja
Ahead of the 2027 general election, the Senator Nenadi Usman-led
Secretary
George Okoh in Makurdi
Benue State Governor, Hyacinth Alia, has decried the killing of 76 security personnel who were on active duty in the state in the last year, promising that their sacrifices would not be in vain.
The governor, who made this known while receiving the families of the deceased security personnel in Makurdi, the state capital, at the weekend, doled out N5 million to each of the
As the November 16, 2025 National Convention of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) approaches, the governors elected on the party’s platform and the loyalists of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Mr. Nyesom Wike are in fresh battle of wits for the positions of the National Chairman and the National Secretary of the main opposition party, THISDAY’s investigation has revealed.
THISDAY gathered that both the PDP governors and Wike’s camp are of the view that the next national chairman of the PDP should be a former governor, to command respect from party faithful.
However, following the failure of the Governor Douye Diri-led zoning committee of the party, which zoned the position of the national chairman to the North, to micro-zone it to any geopolitical zone, the governors may have settled for the former governor of Kano State, Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, from the North-west.
On their part, Wike’s loyalists,
of the federation showed that the ruling party was positioning its moles to infiltrate the party structures through the scheduled party congresses at the ward, local government, state, zonal, and ultimately, the national level.
Akeni said, “We have been made aware of the heinous plot by the ruling APC to infiltrate our ranks at all levels to derail our forthcoming congresses.
“If they fail, they plan to get a seat on our party’s table to continue from where they stopped after failing to use our former National Chairman, Julius Abure, to distract us from our goal of rebuilding our party.
“Nigerians are also aware of what the current administration has turned our institutions, such as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), into.
“We all witnessed to what
Analysts have noted that for the first time in years, exchange rate stability has eliminated the huge FX losses that plagued listed firms, significantly boosting market sentiment.
Data from the NGX shows that equities remain the dominant contributor to market capitalisation, accounting for N88.57 trillion or 63.8 per cent of the total.
Debt instruments, including corporate bonds and government securities, made up N50.21 trillion (36.2 per cent), while ETFs contributed a modest N31.65
families of the deceased.
The victims include: Personnel of the Nigeria Police, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), military, the Benue State Civil Protection Guards, and the Operation Zenda joint security team.
Alia, who acknowledged the selfless sacrifice rendered by the deceased security personnel, said they paid the supreme price to ensure peace in the state.
The governor appreciated
who were formerly considering Hon. T.J. Yusuf from Kogi State as their candidate, are said to be rooting for the former governor of Benue State, Samuel Ortom, from the North-central.
Ortom was a former Benue State secretary of PDP, former deputy state chairman, and the National Auditor before he became a minister and governor for eight years.
THISDAY gathered that Ortom’s national chairmanship ambition is the reason the Wike's camp is insisting that the national chairman should be retained by the North-central, and rejected the micro-zoning of the office to Shekarau’s North-west.
Investigation also revealed that the PDP governors and Wike's group disagreed on the zoning of the office of the national secretary.
The three zonal chairmen of the party from the South have zoned the office of national secretary, which is currently in the South-east, to the South-west.
The party’s stakeholders are contending that since Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State could emerge as the presidential
transpired during the by-elections, which were held in 16 out of the 36 states recently, and the manipulation of the ongoing voter registration exercise.
“Our nation cannot afford to have a repeat of the era where the American boxer, Mike Tyson, the late pop star, Michael Jackson, and Lionel Richie appear on our voters' register.
“As a party, we will continue to urge Nigerian voters to be vigilant. Eternal vigilance, as they say, is the price we all must pay to protect our democracy.
“The body language of INEC as presently constituted gives it away as an institution which is only ready to pander to the whims and caprices of the ruling party.
“We can only pray that whosoever is coming into office after the tenure of the current INEC boss expires in November
billion, representing 0.02 per cent.
The equities market alone gained N25.8 trillion during the period under review, rising from N62.77 trillion at the close of 2024 to N88.57 trillion by August 2025.
Debt securities also grew by N3.74 trillion in eight months, while ETFs added N2.46 billion.
Afrinvest (West Africa) forecasts that capital importation could reach $19.3 billion by year-end, a 56 per cent jump from 2024 levels.
This projection builds on the National Bureau of Statistics’ firstquarter report showing $5.64 billion
President Bola Tinubu, the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), and the Service Chiefs for their concerted efforts to ensure that peace returned to the state.
He said, “We appreciate the sacrifice made by these fallen heroes to defend the territory of the state and ensure that the citizenry lives in peace.
“It is a heavy burden, but we will continue this journey with you. Their memories will continue to be a blessing to us
candidate of the party, it would be unfair to zone the office of the national secretary to the South-west.
Consequently, this position was swapped with the office of the deputy national chairman.
It was also for this same reason that the office of the national chairman was moved from the North-east, which is the zone of the outgoing national chairman, Ambassador Illya Damagum, due to the presumption that the Governor of Bauchi State, Bala Mohammed, who is from the same zone, could aspire to become Makinde’s running mate.
With these developments, the office of the National Chairman was zoned to the North-west, while the zoning of the National Secretary to the South-west was also being reviewed.
In a document sighted by THISDAY, the zoning arrangement was formalised in a memo dated September 1, 2025, and signed by the three National Vice Chairmen from the South - Dr. Ali Odefa (South-east), Ajisafe Kamorudeen (South-west), and Chief Emmanuel Ogidi (South-
or December is not going to throw the confidence of Nigerians down the drain,” he explained.
Speaking on the kind of person the LP would like to head INEC in the foreseeable future, he said the person must be above board, fairminded, God fearing, incorruptible, and most of all, must possess all that it takes to tell truth to power.
In a statement later issued by Akeni on behalf of the party, he criticised Tinubu’s seemingly unending love for foreign travels amidst Nigeria’s growing security and economic challenges.
He said the president’s trip this time around indicated that he was increasingly becoming allergic to staying at home to tackle the nation’s problems.
President Tinubu left Nigeria for a 10-day working vacation in France and the United Kingdom as part of his 2025 annual leave
inflows—the highest in five years.
Analysts attributed the upbeat outlook to favourable domestic interest rates, stable currency, global investment rebalancing, and the potential for a rate cut by the United States.
However, they cautioned that the quality of inflows, not just the volume, would determine the sustainability of growth.
The Debt Management Office (DMO) has been active in the capital market, listing new borrowings to finance the 2025 budget.
and our state. I sat and saw a mother breastfeeding her baby. That means the child did not know its father because he paid the supreme price.
“We will continue to support their widows, and you will be visited from time to time. We will ensure your children continue their education through scholarships. We will not leave anyone behind. You will be on the State protocol list. I assure you that the lives your loved
south).
In the document, the South-east was allocated the office of the National Financial Secretary (NFS), Deputy National Secretary (DNS), National Women’s Leader (NWL), and Deputy National Youth Leader (DNYL).
The South-west got the positions of the National Secretary (NS), National Auditor (NA), and Deputy National Organising Secretary (DNOS)
Also, the South-south was allocated the positions of the Deputy National Chairman–South (DNC-S), National Publicity Secretary (NPS), Deputy National Treasurer (DNT), and the Deputy National Legal Adviser (DNLA).
But the outgoing National Secretary, Senator Samuel Anyanwu, has kicked against the proposals by the three zonal chairmen.
He said he was unaware of the said zoning agreement in the South-east.
Anyanwu, who is Wike’s close political ally, told THISDAY that one of the signatories to the said letter, Ali Odefa, is no longer a member of the party.
on Thursday.
Akeni noted that available records show that 135 million Nigerians fell into poverty within the first 18 months of Tinubu’s administration due to difficult economic policies.
He equally pointed out that galloping inflation, weakening of Nigeria’s currency, the naira, and insecurity have been the hallmark of Tinubu’s rule since he took power in 2023.
Akeni said, “President Bola Ahmed Tinubu departed Nigeria for yet another of his many overseas trips.
“This time, the trip is officially explained as a 10-day vacation and part of his 2025 annual leave, which he will spend in France and the United Kingdom.
“As President Tinubu takes to the sky, he leaves behind a country ravaged by economic hardship
Consequently, corporate and government entities together raised nearly N5 trillion within the eight months under review, underscoring the market’s central role in funding economic and infrastructure projects.
Within the debt space, the federal government’s securities dominated, climbing from N44.93 trillion in December 2024 to N48.96 trillion in August 2025.
State and local government debts, however, slipped from N348.99 billion to N298.77 billion, while corporate bonds and
ones sacrificed would not be in vain because peace must return to the state.
“I also appreciate the first lady and the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) for their humongous support, and I assure the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) that the committee set up is working to ensure fairness in the distribution of money given to the IDPs. We will not rest on our oars until they all return to
But reacting to Anyanwu’s claim, Odefa, who signed the letter as the South-east zonal chairman, also told THISDAY that he would not join those who decided to go so low.
THISDAY gathered that Anyanwu kicked against the move to zone the party’s national secretary to the South-west, arguing that it could effectively tilt the balance of power in the party’s secretariat in favour of the South-west and boost Makinde’s presidential ambition.
Makinde is locked in a supremacy battle with Wike.
Wike’s loyalists described the zoning of the offices as unfair and unacceptable.
The FCT minister’s camp had rejected any form of micro-zoning and called for an inclusive national convention where all would be allowed to contest in line with the zoning arrangements by Governor Diri’s zoning committee.
Competent sources told THISDAY that Makinde and the South-east stakeholders are lobbying to retain the office of the national secretary in their respective states.
where 135 million citizens fell into poverty in the first 18 months of his administration, caused by his difficult economic policies.
“Tinubu also leaves behind an insecurity of historic proportions, where 57 Nigerians die every day from various forms of violent death.
“This amounts to seven deaths more than Ukraine’s war casualties, which lose 50 citizens per day in its full-scale war with Russia, according to research by Mediazona and The Book of Memory Group, corroborated by a similar BBC study.
“The Nigerian casualty figures exclude deaths from daily traffic accidents, Nigeria’s frequent boat mishaps, and other civil hazards.
“You will recall that President Tinubu had only sat in office for four months after his swearing in on May 29, 2023, when he
debentures declined to N952.15 billion from N1.19 trillion.
The Group Managing Director of NGX Group, Temi Popoola, credited structural reforms, regulatory clarity, and deeper collaboration with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) for creating an enabling environment.
The Exchange, he added, is investing heavily in digital platforms such as NGX Invest and forging partnerships with global exchanges, including in Ethiopia and Asia, to expand
their ancestral homes.”
Announcing financial support to families of the deceased security personnel, the governor said: “Each of the families will receive a cash donation of the sum of N5million. For those injured, too, we will support them. Let us support these families. Be kind to them, be charitable to them. Share with them and visit them, and work with them. Give human kindness and face to them.
The contest for the national secretary was what nearly marred the recent stakeholders’ meeting of the PDP in Lagos.
THISDAY gathered that the South-west is plotting that the deputy national chairman, Taofeek Arapaja, becomes the new national secretary, thus moving the deputy national chairman to the South-south
The three zonal chairmen of South-east, South-west, and South-south in their jointly signed sharing letter have agreed to this.
THISDAY was told that the South-south is also rooting for the office of the National Publicity Secretary, which is currently held by Ondo State.
The office of the National Auditor currently held by Anambra State is said to have been zoned to Abia State.
The position of Wike’s camp is that Odefa can’t negotiate for the zone to the extent of signing the letter, having been sacked by an Ebonyi State High Court.
The minister’s loyalists also noted that Odefa has not challenged his sack by the High Court.
flew overseas on his first annual vacation. This was on October 2, 2023.
“This means that under the APC governance manual, four months made up one year for the Nigerian president to go on an annual vacation. This is historic for a post-inaugural president because it doesn’t happen anywhere else in the world.
“Since assuming office on May 29, 2023, President Tinubu has travelled and virtually 'lived' outside Nigeria for nearly 160 days. This is almost half of an entire year in only two years of office.
“Tracing this unproductive trend backwards to Buhari’s days, records show that APC produces dinner and toothpick presidents who eat breakfast in Abuja, have lunch in Paris, and belch in London.
its reach and integrate Nigeria’s market with international flows.
“This growth is deliberate. It is the product of reforms, stronger investor protections, and the confidence that Nigeria’s capital market is becoming future-ready,” Popoola said.
Market watchers point to the resurgence of big-name stocks as key drivers of the rally. Blue chips such as Airtel Africa, Nestlé Nigeria, Nigerian Breweries, Cadbury Nigeria, and MTN Nigeria have all enjoyed renewed interest.
Africa’s wealthiest man and President of Dangote Industries Limited, Aliko Dangote, has called on Africans to leverage on internal strengths and global opportunities to fill existing gaps.
He also called for the adoption of a deliberate re-orientation toward industrialisation of Africa’s manufacturing sector, as a panacea against the current global economic instability.
Dangote made the
recommendations in his welcome address at the company’s Special Day at the ongoing 4th IntraAfrican Trade Fair holding in Algiers, Algeria, where he was represented by his Special Adviser, Ahmed Mansur.
The renowned entrepreneur encouraged operators in the manufacturing and industrial sectors across the continent to embrace a fundamental shift in mindset and develop robust regional value chains and deepen intra-African trade
Onyebuchi Ezigbo in Abuja
The Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC) yesterday issued a public health advisory following the confirmation of a new outbreak of Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) in the Democratic Republic of Congo, (DRC).
In the advisory, the NCDC said no case has been recorded in Nigeria.
The DRC Ministry of Health had announced that 28 suspected cases and 15 deaths, including four health workers, have been recorded in Kasai Province as of September 4, 2025. Laboratory tests in Kinshasa confirmed the Ebola Zaire strain as the cause of the outbreak.
Although no case has been reported in Nigeria, the NCDC said surveillance has been heightened, especially at borders and points of entry, while healthcare facilities across the country are being strengthened to improve infection prevention and control.
“Early recognition, isolation of patients, and supportive treatment reduce the risk of death,” the agency warned.
It urged Nigerians to
maintain strict hand hygiene, avoid contact with persons showing symptoms of fever, diarrhoea or bleeding of unknown cause, and avoid direct contact with wildlife or raw bushmeat.
The NCDC also cautioned health workers to maintain a high index of suspicion, adhere strictly to infection prevention measures, and report suspected cases immediately.
The Ebola Zaire strain responsible for the latest outbreak has an approved vaccine — Ervebo — and response teams supported by the World Health Organisation (WHO) have been deployed to affected communities in DRC.
Travellers are advised to avoid all but essential trips to countries with confirmed Ebola cases. Those arriving Nigeria from such countries within the last 21 days who experience symptoms like fever, vomiting or unexplained bleeding have been urged to call the NCDC’s toll-free number, 6232, for immediate assessment.
Nigeria has continued to battle multiple outbreaks, including Lassa fever, meningitis, diphtheria, measles and anthrax.
as inward solutions to boost overall development across the continent.
Dangote, who noted that current geo-political tensions and trade wars have caused major economies to reevaluate their traditional trade partnerships with a view to diversifying their supply chains, also urged African exporters to benefit from the current process to fill the gap by competitively supplying the required products.
“I am glad to be here at the 4th Intra-African Trade Fair (IATF). I am immensely grateful to the organisers - not only for inviting me and giving me the opportunity to speak - but also for going a step further by dedicating this remarkable day to my organisation, Dangote Group. To have today officially set aside as Dangote Day is both an honour and a privilege.
“I thank the conveners - The African Export Import Bank, the African Union Commission and the Africa Continental Free Trade Area Secretariat - for organising this event. We appreciate the invaluable contributions you have made and the excellent work you continue to do in promoting, facilitating, and deepening trade and investment across the continent”, Dangote stated.
According to him, this year’s theme, “Gateway to New Opportunities,” resonates deeply as a powerful reminder of the huge potential and prospects that abound across the African continent.
For too long, he noted that Africa’s resources have been exported as primary commodities in their raw and unrefined state with limited domestic processing or beneficiation.
“There must be a fundamental shift in mindset and a deliberate re-orientation toward industrialisation and the development of Africa’s manufacturing sector. While this was always necessary in the past, it is even more urgent today, given the alarming rise in youth unemployment, and the need for sustainable, inclusive growth”, he added.
The business tycoon observed that current geo-political tensions and trade wars have caused major economies to reevaluate their traditional trade partnerships with a view to diversifying their supply chains.
Dangote said African exporters could benefit if they could fill the gap by competitively supplying the required products.
Furthermore, he noted that
global instability has encouraged African nations to look inward and actively pursue greater regional self-reliance, pointing out that this inward focus can catalyse the development of robust regional value chains and significantly deepen intra-African trade.
At Dangote Group, he said the team was very proud of their Afrocentric posture, driven by an unwavering commitment to the continent’s growth and industrial transformation.
Dangote explained, "We have added value to limestone and created the largest cement company in sub-Saharan Africa with an aggregate cement production capacity of about 52MMtpa across 10 countries.
“Similarly, our 3MMtpa urea plant has contributed to the attainment of fertiliser self-sufficiency. Nigeria, once solely reliant on imports, is now a net exporter of granulated urea to destinations in Africa as well as to South America, North America and Europe.
“More recently, we have witnessed the commencement of operation of Africa’s biggest oil refinery - also the world’s largest single-train facility, with a capacity of 650kbpd. This landmark project is gradually reducing the region’s
long-standing dependence on imports of refined petroleum products, particularly from Europe, while also generating surplus for export to global markets. As Africa becomes more self-sufficient in energy it should reduce our vulnerability to external shocks and supply disruptions.
“Africa’s potential and prospects are immense. However, this potential will only be fully actualised if individual nations take deliberate steps to improve their business environment. Unlocking new economic opportunities requires the implementation of appropriate policy reforms, investment in infrastructure, and attractive sector wide incentives to facilitate the inflow of private capital."
At the Dangote Special Day, which drew admirers and various attendees, various Business Units of the conglomerate such as Dangote Cement, Dangote Sugar, Dangote Salt (NASCON), Dangote Fertiliser, Dangote Polypropylene, and Dangote Packaging did presentations and urged greater collaboration among trade partners and manufacturers across Africa for the development of the continent.
Kasim Sumaina in Abuja
The National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) has confirmed 231 persons dead, 607 injured and 315,762 affected by floods this year.
The agency also added that 114 persons were missing as a result of the flood, which affected 86 local government areas (LGAs) in 25 states.
houses destroyed and 46,304 farmlands affected.
The updated 2025 flood dashboard released by NEMA yesterday also indicated that 10 states were most impacted by the flood.
most affected.
The data reads: “143,683 children; 100,079 women; 60,408 men; 11,592 elderly, and 2,265 disabled persons have so far been affected by this year’s flood.
The 10 most impacted states are: Lagos, 52,013; Adamawa, 51,713; Akwa Ibom, 46,233; Imo, 29,242; Taraba, 26,722; Rivers, 22,345; Delta, 14,057; Abia, 11,907; Borno, 8,164; and Kaduna, 7,334.
“Some States affected are: Abia, FCT, Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Anambra, Bayelsa, Borno, Delta, Edo, Gombe, Imo, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Kogi, Kwara, Lagos, Niger, Ondo, Rivers and Sokoto states.
incidence are resource shortage, inaccessibility, community resistance and security risk.
“Resource shortage accounts for 69 per cent of the challenges,16 per cent inaccessibility, 7 per cent community resistance and 6 per cent security risk.”
The data by the agency also indicated that 113,367 persons were displaced with 40,493
The priority needs of the affected persons according to NEMA include; food, shelter, WASH, health, livelihood, nutrition, education, protection and security. NEMA Confirms 231 Persons Dead, 607 Injured, 315,762 Affected in 2025 Flood in 86LGAs, 25 States
According to the data from the agency, children were the
The key challenges identified in the aftermath of the flood
Ejiofor Alike, Peter Uzoho in Lagos and Onyebuchi Ezigbo in Abuja
The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has placed its branches and affiliates on a nationwide alert to mobilise for a united front of resistance against alleged Dangote Group’s anti-worker agenda, stressing that it will support the proposed industrial action by the Nigerian Union of Petroleum and
Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG).
This is as the Petroleum Tanker Drivers (PTD), a critical branch of NUPENG, have launched a fierce attack on the union’s national leadership, calling for immediate arrest of key executives over what they described as “reckless and destabilising” actions that threaten Nigeria’s oil and gas sector.
Similarly, truck drivers under the umbrella of Direct Trucking Company Drivers Association
(DTCDA) have also opposed the industrial action called by NUPENG from tomorrow, describing the action as a disservice to the country.
Also, the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), Western Zone, yesterday said it would shut down operations from Monday to protest what it described as attempts to monopolise the downstream sector.
NLC in a statement signed by its president, Joe Ajaero, condemned what it described as the anti-union, anti-worker, and monopolistic practices of the Dangote Group and its affiliates.
It said that NUPENG's complaint was not the first one it will be receiving against Dangote group.
"We have received several from other unions with jurisdictions over the companies owned by
The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) yesterday said that the Air Component of Operation Hadin Kai (AC OPHK), in collaboration with surface forces, eliminated over 30 insurgents during a decisive joint operation.
This is just as troops killed one armed herder during clearance operations, in Logo LGA of Benue State, and recovered weapons.
A statement by the Director of Public Relations and Information, NAF, Air Commodore Ehimen Ejodame, stated that the decisive joint operation was a demonstration of the troops' unwavering commitment to defending the nation.
This comes as the Nigerian Army Resource Centre bade farewell to its former Director General, Major General Garba Wahab (rtd.), in a colourful send-off ceremony in Abuja.
Ejodame said the operation, conducted on Friday, took place at Dar-el-Jamal village in Bama Local Government Area of Borno State, following reports of a heavy insurgent engagement against friendly forces.
"Acting swiftly on the situation report, the Air Component of Operation Hadin Kai deployed an Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) and Air Interdiction (AI) mission. En route, the aircrew established contact with ground forces in Banki, who confirmed
that reinforcements were already moving to support troops.
"On arrival at Dar-el-Jamal, the aircrew visually identified friendly forces before ISR scans revealed insurgents fleeing northwards from the town towards nearby bushes.
"In a series of three precise and successive strikes, the fleeing terrorists were decisively engaged, resulting in the neutralisation of over 30 insurgents. Shortly afterwards, reinforcement troops arrived at the location, secured the area, and stabilised the situation," he said.
Ejodame further revealed that this coordinated success highlights the seamless synergy between air and ground forces, underscoring the effectiveness of
joint efforts in counterinsurgency operations.
This, he said, also reinforces the Nigerian Armed Forces’ resolve to dismantle terrorist networks, protect vulnerable communities, and restore lasting peace to the North-east and beyond.
He reassured the public that the NAF, working closely with sister services and other security agencies, will continue to take deliberate and collaborative actions to ensure the safety and security of all citizens across the country.
In a related development, the troops of Operation Whirl Stroke killed one armed herder during clearance operations in Logo LGA of Benue State.
Postal traffic to the United States plunged more than 80 per cent following Washington’s imposition of new tariffs, with 88 operators worldwide fully or partially suspending services, the Universal Postal Union said yesterday.
The UPU, the United Nations’ postal cooperation agency, is working on “the rapid development of a new technical solution that will
help get mail moving to the United States again”, its director general Masahiko Metoki said in a statement.
US President, Donald Trump’s administration announced in late July that it was abolishing a tax exemption on small packages entering the United States from August 29.
The move sparked a flurry of announcements from postal services, including in Australia,
Britain, France, Germany, India, Italy and Japan, that most USbound packages would no longer be accepted.
The UPU said data exchanged between postal operators via its electronic network showed that traffic to the United States was down 81 percent on August 29, compared to a week earlier.
“Furthermore, 88 postal operators informed the UPU they have suspended some or
all postal services to the US until a solution is implemented,” it said.
These included Germany’s Deutsche Post, Britain’s Royal Mail and two operators in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Based in the Swiss capital Bern, the UPU was established in 1874 and counts 192 member states. It sets the rules for international mail exchanges and makes recommendations to improve services.
the group. All of them verges on the same acts of impunity and unfair labour practices".
"We call on Dangote group and entities within the group to cease all anti-union, anti-workers practices.
“We place the entire Nigerian workers, state Councils and industrial unions in Nigeria on red alert.
"We demand the immediate unionization of not just Dangote Refinery but all the other entities within the group," the union said.
Meanwhile, in a statement jointly signed by Chief Blessing Dafinone (Warri PTD) and Comrade Joseph Dagogo-Jack (Port Harcourt) branch, the drivers accused NUPENG’s President, Williams Akporeha and General Secretary, Afolabi Olawale of mismanaging the union, alleging intimidation of its members and undermining
national economic progress.
“This strike threat is insensitive and wicked. A responsible union explores negotiation, not sabotage,” the statement read. “NUPENG leaders are economic saboteurs using the union to pursue personal interests.”
The PTD also accused the leadership of NUPENG of corruption, claiming the union has become a shadow of its former self, plagued by lawsuits, factionalism, and administrative failure.
The PTD also advised the federal government, National Assembly, and security agencies to intervene decisively, including arresting NUPENG leaders to prevent further unrest.
“No union is above the law. NUPENG must not be allowed to destroy the peace and progress in the oil sector,” they warned.
Ahmad: Tinubu Approved N158bn to Empower 650,000 Youths With Technical, Vocational, Digital Skills
Onuminya
Innocent in Sokoto
The Minister of State for Education, Prof. Suwaiba Ahmad, yesterday disclosed that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had approved N158 billion for the advancement of education in Nigeria.
Ahmad stated this in Sokoto at the 42nd convocation and 50th anniversary of Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto.
According to her, the approved amount will be utilised to enhance the country's education sector, with a focus on technical and vocational education training (TVET).
This initiative, she said, will empower at least 650,000 youths with technical, vocational, and digital skills required to meet emerging industrial and labour needs.
The minister explained that the federal government's investment in education was a demonstration
of its commitment to improving the welfare of Nigerian youth. She further disclosed that the provision of electricity to some select universities in the country through the rural electrification agency is a testament to this commitment. Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, is one of the beneficiaries of the initiative, which is expected to improve the learning environment and enhance academic productivity.
As part of the celebration, the university conferred honorary degrees on two distinguished personalities: Sheikh Muhammad Aminu Ibrahim Daurawa and former Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lt. Gen. Faruk Yahaya (rtd.).
Emeritus status was also bestowed on Prof. Dejo Abdulrahman.
The university also named some of its infrastructure after notable individuals.
L-R: Director General, Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, Dr Dayo Mobereola; Consultant, Dr. Gabriel Ojegbile; and Executive Director, Finance and Administration,
Offodile, during the agency’s management retreat in Lagos…recently
Adibe Emenyonu in Benin City Gunmen suspected to be kidnappers on Friday night killed eight officials of the Edo State Command of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) and abducted a Chinese expatriate in Okpella, Etsako East Local Government Area (LGA) of the state.
The assailants also injured four NSCDC officials and one civilian, who are receiving treatment at an undisclosed hospital.
The officers, who were attached to BUA Cement Company, were reportedly escorting five Chinese expatriates back to base following a routine patrol when they were ambushed near the company’s entrance gate.
Sources said the attackers, armed with sophisticated weapons, opened fire on the operatives, killing eight of them on the spot. One of the expatriates was abducted, while four others were rescued.
Confirming the incident, a senior official at the Edo Command of NSCDC, said the operatives were on routine escort duty when the gunmen struck at about 10:00 p.m.
“Eight officers were killed, while five others, including a civilian, sustained injuries. One Chinese expatriate was abducted, while four others were rescued unhurt,” the official said.
The source explained that the gunmen, who laid an ambush at the company’s entrance, engaged
Former Minister of Education, Dr. Oby Ezekwesili, yesterday decried the spread of corruption in Nigeria, warning that it has become “democratised”.
She also likened it to a cancer that is eating away at the country’s institutions.
She spoke at the official opening of the Citadel School of Government and the onboarding of the pioneer class of its Advanced Diploma in Public Leadership and Statecraft, a programme in partnership with the University of Lagos Business School (ULBS).
Ezekwesili stressed that leadership remains the bane of Africa’s development, but insisted that the continent “has no business with failure.”
“Corruption is corrosive. It corrodes. It starts gently, and when you don’t do anything about it, it becomes a monster,” she said.
“That is why we call it the cancer of corruption. It has now become systemic and, before we knew it, it became democratised.”
She urged the new students of the school to live above board, cautioning against repeating the same practices that have destroyed public trust.
“I can’t imagine you going
through this programme only to become what you have despised,” she told the students. “We have no business to fail. Failure is not our destiny.”
The former minister also recalled her long collaboration with Pastor Tunde Bakare on governance issues, commending him for setting up the institution to build a new generation of ethical leaders.
In his remarks, Founder and Board Chairman of the Citadel School of Government, Pastor Bakare, said the initiative was designed to provide solutions to Nigeria’s leadership and developmental challenges.
He explained that the school was established to “equip a new breed without greed” with the tools, vision, and values required to drive transformative governance.
“With your admission into this programme, I am confident that Nigeria is about to experience a new wave of transformative leadership across sectors,” Bakare told the pioneer class.
“Our mission is to raise nation builders — leaders grounded in values and equipped with the competencies to champion cuttingedge governance across diverse spheres of public leadership.”
the NSCDC operatives in a gun duel before fleeing into the bush with one of the expatriates.
According to the official, joint security operations involving sister agencies have been launched to comb the surrounding forest, rescue the abducted expatriate, and bring the perpetrators to justice.
The State Commandant of the NSCDC, Gbenga Agun, has since
visited the scene of the incident as well as the injured officers in hospital.
A statement later issued by the NSCDC’s Public Relations Officer in the state, Efosa Ogbebor, confirmed the attack.
"The suspected kidnappers, armed with sophisticated weapons, ambushed the NSCDC personnel attached to BUA Cement Company, Okpella,
Etsako East LGA, Edo State.
“The attackers laid an ambush at the company’s entrance. They opened fire sporadically, engaging NSCDC operatives in a gun duel.
Despite the loss of personnel, NSCDC operatives successfully rescued four expatriates.
“The armed group escaped into the bush with one abducted expatriate.
“The surviving NSCDC
personnel repelled further assault and secured four expatriates safely.
“The injured officers were evacuated and are receiving medical care,” the statement added.
Efosa said that the Edo State Commandant of the agency, Agun Gbenga, has long visited the scene of the crime and the hospital where the injured were being treated.
The federal government has explained the proposed five percent surcharge on fossil fuel is designed as a dedicated fund to finance road infrastructure and maintenance.
He said it is aimed at creating safer travel conditions, reducing logistics costs and boosting overall economic efficiency.
Chairman of the Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee, Mr. Taiwo Oyedele, explained the purpose of the surcharge in a WhatsApp platform yesterday.
According to him, the measure will provide lasting solutions to Nigeria’s persistent road infrastructure funding gap if effectively implemented.
“If implemented effectively, it will provide safer travel conditions,
reduce travel time and cost, lower logistics costs and vehicle maintenance expenses, which will benefit the wider economy,” Oyedele said.
He pointed out Nigeria’s model aligns with international practice, noting that more than 150 countries currently impose various levies on fuel products ranging between 20 and 80 percent to guarantee regular investment in road infrastructure.
“While subsidy savings will provide some funding, they are insufficient to meet Nigeria’s huge and recurring road infrastructure needs among other public finance needs.
“A dedicated fund ensures reliable and predictable financing for roads, complementing the budget and ensuring roads are not left underfunded,” he stated.
Oyedele also addressed concerns around the timing of the surcharge, stressing its inclusion in the new tax laws is not about immediate implementation but about creating a clear and effective framework for sustainable road financing in the future.
“The surcharge is not new. It already exists under the Federal Roads Maintenance Agency (Amendment) Act, 2007 (FERMA Act). The new Tax Act only restates it for harmonisation and transparency. Hence, it was not part of the original tax reform bills submitted by the president to the National Assembly,” he clarified.
He further explained that the surcharge will not take effect automatically with the passage of the new tax laws. Instead, it would only commence after the
Minister of Finance issues an order published in the Official Gazette as stipulated under Chapter 7 of the Nigeria Tax Act, 2025.
“This safeguard ensures careful consideration of timing and economic conditions before implementation,” Oyedele added. The reform, he said, is also consistent with the government’s tax harmonisation drive, which has already removed or suspended several charges that directly affect households and small businesses, including Value Added Tax (VAT) on fuel, excise tax on telecom services, and the proposed cybersecurity levy.
“By harmonising earmarked taxes, the government is reducing duplication and ensuring a more efficient tax system,” Oyedele noted.
Segun James
The 2023 governorship candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in Lagos State, Mr. Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, yesterday formally joined the African Democratic Congress (ADC), declaring that the party represents a strong coalition to rescue Nigeria ahead of the 2027 elections.
Speaking shortly after his defection, Rhodes-Vivour said:
“We are not holding a political rally but a political meeting, which we have constitutional rights to
do. “However, we will meet with the Commissioner of Police to know why his men are here and whether they are carrying out their duty of providing us protection or otherwise.”
He stressed that his decision to join ADC was rooted in the need to unite the opposition.
“This coalition is meant to rescue Nigeria. Since the 2023 elections, I have said we cannot afford to divide the opposition ahead of 2027. We must come together through a robust, strong coalition that can deliver Nigeria
from those who hold power through thuggery, violence, and intimidation,” he said.
Rhodes-Vivour added that if such practices continue unchecked, governance will remain ineffective, leaving the people without a voice.
“I am happy to become part of this family. My prayer is that God will grant our leaders the wisdom to come together and define a new path for Nigeria,” he concluded.
Earlier, the ADC Chairman in Lagos, Mr. George Ashiru, described the defection as a
significant step in building a broad-based coalition.
“We are not affirming one man; we are affirming a movement. What Rhodes-Vivour represents is the leadership of a movement that shook Lagos in the last election. The coalition did not start three months ago—it began two years ago, and today we are celebrating it,” Ashiru said.
He added that ADC’s vision is for “a global Lagos — Lagos for everybody, where citizens and their children have opportunities for the future.”
John Shiklam in Kaduna Kaduna State Governor, Senator Uba Sani has faulted the position of his predecessor, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai on tackling insecurity, saying that only the use of firearms against bandits cannot address the challenges of insecurity.
El-Rufai had in a recent television interview, accused the Kaduna State Government and federal government of paying bandits.
"My position has always been that any repentant bandit is a dead one. Let’s wipe them. Let’s bomb them until they are reduced to nothing…."
However, speaking yesterday in Kaduna at the presentation of a book titled: "Where I Stand’’, written by the late Sheikh Abubakar Mahmud Gumi, which
was translated by into Arabic by Sheikh Ibrahim Jalo Jalingo, the governor said whoever claimed the use of firearms to fight bandits can solve the problem "is on only playing politics".
Sani, who represented President Bola Tinubu as Special Guest at the event, argued that the insecurity in the North-west region is not the same as the Boko Haram insurgency in the North-east, which is ideologically-driven.
He added that poverty, unemployment, and neglect of rural communities were the causes of banditry.
“Insecurity can’t be resolved solely through the use of firearms. Whoever makes such a claim is only playing politics. We must fear God and stop deceiving the people because that approach will not work,” the governor said.
Segun James
The 2023 presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP), Mr. Peter Obi, has announced a brief medical rest and suspended his scheduled engagements within and outside Nigeria this weekend following an undisclosed illness.
This is just as the Lagos State Chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has condemned the former Anambra State governor over his criticism of President Bola Tinubu’s vacation.
Obi, in a statement shared yesterday on his X handle, said he fell ill while attending a tourism event in Enugu on Friday.
“Earlier in Enugu, I was not feeling well. I visited the hospital where the doctor gave me some medication and advised me to take a day or two days’ rest.
“In obedience to the doctor’s advice, I will not be able to meet up with all my scheduled engagements this weekend.
“I sincerely apologise for any inconveniences this might cause and humbly plead for understanding,” he wrote.
Despite his health setback, Obi
disclosed that he visited the Good Hope Specialist Hospital in Isulo, Orumba South LGA, Anambra State, where he donated N10 million towards its acquisition and revitalisation by the Aguata Diocese of the Church of Nigeria.
“Healthcare remains one of the most meaningful investments we can make. Together, we can build a healthier Nigeria,” he stated.
Obi, who has been consistently critical of the president’s handling of the country’s socio-economic and security challenges, expressed reservations about Tinubu’s latest trip abroad.
Tinubu had departed Abuja on Thursday for a 10-day working vacation in Europe, as part of his 2025 annual leave.
According to Obi, the president’s frequent foreign travels give the impression of a leader who is becoming increasingly uncomfortable in his own country—“at a time Nigeria is in dire need of his presence to deal with myriad challenges.”
In response, the Lagos State APC spokesperson, Mr. Seye Oladejo, in a statement yesterday, said Obi should refrain from commenting on every action taken by the president.
According to him, Nigeria’s security manpower has reduced despite the country’s massive population growth in the last 45 years.
“In 1970, after the civil war, Nigeria had about 300,000 soldiers, but today they are less than 250,000 while our population has increased by over 100 million.
"How then can anyone say that
guns alone will solve the problem? It is impossible,” he said.
The governor lamented the absence of security presence in large parts of the North-west, saying ‘’if you travel to Zamfara, Birnin Gwari, or the forests of Katsina, you can go for about 50 kilometers without meeting a single policeman, not to talk of a soldier.
"We have vast areas in this country without any security personnel,” he explained.
According to him, the Kaduna Peace Model, which emphasises a non-kinetic approach to tackling insecurity, was initiated by the affected communities, involving traditional, religious leaders, and other stakeholders.
Citing the case of Birnin Gwari,
the governor disclosed that the emir spearheaded the return of peace in the area.
"We spent six months trying to understand the root causes of insecurity.
"We discovered that poverty, unemployment, lack of schools, hospitals, and commerce in rural areas pushed people into crime.
Wale Igbintade
An oil and gas exploration and production company, MSM Group, has filed a N10 billion defamation suit at the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court against the Oduduwa Transparency Network (OPN) and its President, Mahmud Adebayo, over allegations linking the firm to money laundering of funds allegedly diverted from the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL).
In the suit marked FCT/HC/ CV/3468/2025, MSM Group, through its lawyer Prince O. Aniukwu, is asking the court to compel the defendants to issue a public apology and retract what it described as a “malicious and defamatory” publication made during a press conference.
In the disputed statement made on August 6, 2025, and entitled: ‘Brazen Plan to Whitewash Stolen NNPC Billions into Legitimate Seeming Investment’, Adebayo, had accused the former NNPC Group Managing Director, Mele Kyari of using MSM Group as a front to launder $2.8 billion earmarked for the rehabilitation
of the Port Harcourt, Warri, and Kaduna refineries.
MSM Group said the press conference, streamed live on YouTube channels such as Voice TV Nigeria, News Update Report, and Viable TV, and amplified by mainstream outlets including The Guardian, Daily Post, and Champion Newspapers was calculated to damage its reputation and global business standing.
The claimant is seeking "a declaration that the press conference was defamatory and injurious to its reputation.
"An order directing the defendants to publish an unreserved apology in Daily Trust and three other national dailies, as well as on the YouTube channels where the allegations were aired.
"A perpetual injunction restraining the defendants from making similar statements in the future.
"The payment of N10 billion in damages, jointly and severally, against OPN and Adebayo".
In a sworn statement of claim, MSM Group’s Business and Communications Associate, Terkuma Isaac Ikyurior, described
OPN as “an unregistered association with no clear leadership or verifiable mandate,” alleging that it falsely parades itself as a civil society watchdog.
The company maintained that the allegations were false, malicious, and intended to derail its legitimate business ventures, including a $2.4 billion cement plant project in Kebbi State.
According to the claimant, the timing of the press conference coincided with sensitive milestones, including its planned U.S. Stock Exchange listing to raise $225 million (with projections of scaling to $2.7 billion annually) and a strategic financing deal with Chinese partners for its cement operations.
“The publication recklessly presented unsubstantiated speculation as established fact, creating sinister connections between MSM Group’s legitimate businesses and fabricated criminal conduct,” the deponent added.
The company further revealed that its founder, who began as an agricultural entrepreneur before expanding into fintech,
energy, and manufacturing was recently recognised as a UN SDGs Peace Ambassador, but had since suffered public ridicule, distress, and investor unease due to OPN’s allegations.
At the August 6 press briefing, OPN President, Adebayo, claimed that MSM Group’s cement project was a cover for laundering refinery funds under Kyari’s tenure, citing the appointment of former NNPC executives, Henry Ikem Obih and Aisha Katagum to MSM’s board. Adebayo questioned: “What is Kyari not telling Nigerians about how funds were passed under the table to his proxies in MSM Group?”
He urged the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to probe the company, saying its meteoric rise mirrored the unaccounted billions from refinery rehabilitation. MSM Group insisted the allegations had devastating consequences for its reputation, noting “disturbing calls from global investors” and the “mental distress” suffered by its executives.
Okon Bassey in Uyo
The federal government has vowed to sanction those involved in food adulteration and the use of chemicals to ripen fruits in markets.
The Executive Vice Chairman of the Federal Competition and
Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC), Mr. Olatunji Bello, made the declaration while addressing market women in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State capital.
Bello, who spoke at a oneday sensitisation programme on ‘Forced Ripening of Fruits, Adulterated Palm Oil,
Contaminated Meat and Grains’, stressed that any food seller who places profit above the safety of Nigerians will face the wrath of the law.
Bello, who was represented by the Director of Quality Assurance and Development, in the commission, Dr. Nkechi
Mba, explained that the FCCPC, being the apex consumer protection body in Nigeria, has the statutory mandate to promote consumer interests to ensure fair market practices and prevent dangerous conduct in all sectors of the economy and the agricultural sector.
Ahmad Sorondinki in Kano
The Kano State chapter of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) has announced the expulsion of the member representing Kiru/Bebeji in the House of Representatives, Abdulmumin Jibrin, accusing him of anti-party activities and failure to meet his financial obligations to the party.
In a swift reaction, Jubrin said he has accepted the expulsion in good faith.
The Chairman of NNPP in Kano, Hashim Sulaiman Dungurawa, who disclosed this while briefing journalists in Kano yesterday, said the decision followed Jibrin’s repeated media outbursts against the party and its leadership.
This is coming barely 24 hours after Jibrin said it should not come as a surprise if he dumps the party.
Reacting, Dungurawa described Jibrin as a “weak politician” whose electoral success was only made possible through the Kwankwasiyya movement and NNPP platform, and not his personal strength.
“If he were truly strong politically, he would have won his election under the APC, but
he failed. It was when he joined the NNPP through Kwankwasiyya that he became a House of Representatives. Now he is deceiving himself, thinking he is strong,” Dungurawa said.
He explained that a reconciliation committee had initially been set up to engage Jibrin after his interview with Channels Television, but said a subsequent media outing proved he had crossed the line.
Dungurawa said Jibrin’s expulsion followed repeated media outbursts against the party and its leadership, as well as his public association with political opponents of former Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.
“Instead of dialogue, he went further to work against our interests, openly declaring loyalty outside the party. That is why we expelled him. He has no value to add,” the chairman said.
Dungurawa further accused Jibrin of defaulting on the payment of mandatory party dues, vowing that NNPP would institute legal action to recover the funds.
“We will drag him to court to recover what he owes the party.
Nigeria has become the top source of asylum seekers in Ireland, according to new figures released by the country’s Department of Justice (DoJ), Home Affairs and Migration.
The department’s August report revealed that Ireland received 1,164 new asylum applications in July 2025, down from 1,735 in July 2024 — a sharp decline year-on-year. Between January and July 2025, applications totaled 7,207, representing a 42 per cent drop compared to 12,236 during the same period last year.
It is a constitutional requirement for every member to pay dues, but he has consistently failed to do so,” he added.
On speculations that Jibrin may return to the APC, Dungurawa said such a move would not affect
NNPP’s strength, stressing that “politics is about groups and coalitions” and Kwankwasiyya remains solidly behind its leader, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.
Meanwhile, in his response, Jubrin said he has accepted his
expulsion in good faith.
In a letter written by the lawmaker and made available to journalists in Kano, he said his last interview on issues pertaining the NNPP should not warrant such a penalty.
“It came as a surprise and a rude shock, my sudden expulsion from the NNPP. I strongly believe the contents of the interview I granted few days ago in English and Hausa should not warrant such heavy penalty.”
michael olugbode in Maiduguri
Borno State Governor, Babagana Zulum, has visited Darajamal, a community in Bama, to condole with families of the 63 people killed by Boko Haram insurgents on Friday night.
The victims comprise five soldiers and about 58 civilians that were earlier displaced by the insurgents but have been resettled in Darajamal for two months now.
Zulum, visibly moved by the
incident, met with community leaders and consoled the bereaved families. He expressed grief and condemned the brutal attack in the strongest terms.
Speaking to newsmen, the governor said, “We are here to commiserate with the people of Darajamal over what happened last night that has claimed the lives of many people. It is very sad. This community was settled a few months ago and they go about their normal activities, but unfortunately, they experienced
Boko Haram attack last night. Our visit is to commiserate with them and build their resilience.”
On the casualties, the governor said, “at this moment we have confirmed that 63 people lost their lives, both civilians and military, although the civilian casualties are more. Close to about 60 civilians and 5 soldiers lost their lives.”
Governor Zulum, while noting the challenges faced in the fight against insecurity, also called for the immediate deployment of the newly trained Forest Guards
to complement the military in safeguarding vulnerable communities.
He said, “We have to take note that the numerical strength of the military is not enough to cover everywhere, so far so good, two sets of Forest Guards have been trained, therefore one of the solutions that we need to implement immediately is to deploy the trained Forest Guards to most of the locations that are vulnerable, they will protect the forest and communities.”
The Edo State Police Command yesterday said that 16 passengers abducted along Benin-Auchi Road on Friday had been rescued.
A video yesterday morning showed an empty Edoline bus and a Toyota Corolla car with the narrator, a male, saying that kidnappers had taken about 18 people into the bush.
The narrator noted that the
abduction had just happened, and the police were also spotted at the scene of the incident, apparently launching a rescue operation.
The video also showed several cars and heavy-duty vehicles parked along the road as the drivers were not sure whether to continue their journey.
However, the narrator, who had left the scene, encouraged them to
continue as the police were already at the scene of the incident.
It was gathered that the victims in the Edoline bus were on their way to Abuja when they were forced into the bush by the kidnappers before men of the Nigerian Police Force came.
The state Police Public Relations Officer, SP Moses Iyamu, when contacted, confirmed that 16 of the victims have been rescued so far. He was, however, silent on the number of people kidnapped. He said that police have intensified the search and rescue operation in collaboration with local vigilantes and hunters to ensure the release of the other passengers in the kidnapper’s den.
The report also highlighted progress in reducing Ireland’s backlog of asylum claims. At the end of September 2024, there were 23,863 pending cases at the International Protection Office (IPO). By July 2025, that number had dropped to 18,323.
Authorities noted an increase in resolved cases, with 1,755 applications concluded in July 2025 compared to 1,294 in July 2024. However, the department stressed that the figures, extracted on August 8, remain operational and subject to updates as cases are processed.
Nigeria topped the list with 1,083 applications, followed by Pakistan (945), Somalia (933), Afghanistan (767), and Georgia (462).
In line with Governor Alex Ottiled administration’s unwavering commitment to achieve qualitative healthcare, Abia State Government has granted an indigenous construction, infrastructure and property development consortium, KCHAqua Investment Limited, approval in principle (AiP) for the construction, equipping and management of the state owned coordinated wholesale centre (CWC) that is aimed at realising federal government’s quest to end
wholesale of drugs in unregulated environment across the country.
In a letter conveying the approval, dated September 1, 2025 and signed by the Director General/Chief Executive Officer, Public Private Partnership and Investment Promotions Office, Chinedum Chijioke, the KCHAqua consortium is partnering the Abia State Government to build the CWC at Umuimo in Osisioma Ngwa Local Government Area of the state.
The state government listed a number of conditions that must be met before groundbreaking and they include: submission of evidence of financial capacity; submission of architectural and engineering drawings; bill of quantities specifications for the project and Implementation plan.
Others include submission of environmental and social impact assessment report; submission of Off-Takers Agreement; Agreement
on Abia State Government’s stake and payment of administrative & other applicable fees.
“The above-named project is hereby granted Approval in Principle (AiP) by the Chairman, Governing Council, Abia Public Private Partnership and Investment Promotions Office, subject to further review and refinement. This AiP confirms that the project concept aligns with the State’s strategic intent, goals and aspirations,’’ Chijioke said.
Editor: Festus Akanbi
08038588469 Email:festus.akanbi@thisdaylive.com
Kasim Sumaina examines the impact of gift card trading in Nigeria with many Nigerians using them for online shopping, gaming, and even as a form of currency
the Nigerian gift card market is quietly gathering steam, riding on the back of the country’s booming digital economy, the explosive growth of e-commerce, and the cultural shift toward more cashless transactions.
What once felt like a Western indulgence is steadily becoming part of everyday financial conversations in Nigerian schools, offices, and households. Yet, beneath this rising tide lies a paradox: while the market is surging in value, many Nigerians still have no idea what gift cards are, or how to use them.
A market research report estimates that Nigeria’s gift card industry will reach $3.59 billion by 2029, growing at a double-digit compound annual growth rate. this is no small feat for a financial instrument that remains shrouded in misunderstanding among much of the population.
to put things in perspective, some surveys suggest that up to 60% of Nigerians have never heard of gift cards, let alone owned one. the disconnect is striking, but it also underscores the massive growth potential in the years ahead.
Gift cards, in their simplest form, are pre- paid cards loaded with a specific value. They can be physical or digital and are redeemable for goods or services from a designated retailer or platform. Globally, they have become synonymous with convenience and flexibility, whether for online shopping, streaming subscriptions, gaming, or even corporate rewards. In Nigeria, however, their story is still being written.
Cardtonic and the Digital Wave
One of the biggest drivers of the local gift card revolution has been the rise of platforms like Cardtonic, which have stepped in to fill a gap left by traditional banks and payment systems. Cardtonic allows users to buy, sell, or exchange gift cards at competitive rates, providing the trust and convenience that the Nigerian market desperately needs.
the appetite for international platforms like Amazon, itunes, Google play, Steam, Netflix, among others, has skyrocketed with the digital lifestyle of young Nigerians. Online shopping is no longer limited to luxury; it has seeped into everyday con- sumption. Add the allure of global gam- ing communities and the rise of content streaming, and gift cards have become a passport of sorts, giving users access to a borderless consumer experience.
Yet, the sector is not without its challenges. Access, awareness, and trust remain the three hurdles slowing down broader adoption.
The Campus Pulse: Young Nige- rians Speak
In an informal survey across two Abuja- based institutions, the Nigerian Law School and Veritas University, the story
of Nigeria’s gift card adoption came to life in miniature. Students reflected the broader contradictions of the market: curiosity, pockets of enthusiasm, but also unfamiliarity and skepticism.
For Yusuf Abigail, a 200-level student at Veritas, the biggest barrier is not the card itself, but the locations tied to their usage.
“most designated malls are either too far away or only accessible to the rich. that makes it discouraging,” sheYet,explained. she also admitted that when she owned one, the convenience stood out. Unlike a debit card that risks transfer failures or endless pIN demands, a gift card was predictable. “It gives confidence. I can even hand it to a friend to pick up an item for me,” she said.
miss Akindele Anipke, however, was more critical. In her eyes, gift cards are still the preserve of Nigeria’s elite.
“An average Nigerian who is struggling for two square meals won’t think of gift cards,” she quipped.
but she acknowledged the role of platforms like Cardtonic in demystifying the process. the problem, in her view, is awareness and accessibility.
“more enlightenment should be carried out,” she stressed, pointing to the scams that plague unregulated vendors.
Indeed, fraud remains a sore point. From partially loaded cards to outright fake ones, many users have horror stories.
Inflation has also added another layer of complexity, with fluctuating exchange rates altering the resale value of cards. For these reasons, students like Akindele insist on sticking to “reputable platforms only.”
Trust, Fraud, and the Inflation Factor
Nigeria’s inflationary pressures are no longer news, but their effect on niche sectors like gift card trading is often overlooked. As prices soar, consumers lean on gift cards both as a spending tool and, at times,
a hedging mechanism. When bought at the right rate, gift cards can provide some insulation from currency volatility. But fraud has the opposite effect, eroding trust. In the absence of regulatory safe- guards, too many Nigerians have been burnt by unscrupulous vendors selling already used or tampered cards. platforms like Cardtonic, which emphasise security, are trying to fill this trust vacuum. their success, or failure, will likely shape the sector’s long-term credibility.
The Bigger Picture: Adoption, Policy, and the Youth Market beyond anecdotal stories lies the unde- niable macroeconomic truth: Nigeria’s youthful, digital-first population is the gift card industry’s greatest asset. the average Nigerian is under 20 years old, lives a significant portion of life online, and is increasingly comfortable with digital payments.
this demographic reality is why analysts project the market to grow from $2.34 billion in 2025 to $3.59 billion in 2029, sustaining annual growth rates above 11%. What began as a niche option is on the verge of becoming mainstream, especially if awareness campaigns gain traction.
A law student who spoke anonymously in bwari captured this paradox well: “I’m a heavy spender, that’s my problem. If I have a gift card, it will help me save. platforms like Cardtonic should reach out to campuses.”
His comment illustrates both the demand potential and the untapped opportunity for targeted education. policy will play a central role here. regula- tors have a chance to both protect consumers and encourage innovation. by establishing clear guidelines for trading, enforcing antifraud measures, and supporting digital infrastructure, policymakers can unlock a new layer of financial inclusion. Without such oversight, the risk of scams and user distrust could slow adoption.
The Creative Economy Connection the conversation about gift cards is not only about consumption; it is also about creation. Nigeria’s creative economy, music, film, gaming, fashion, and content creation, is a natural ally for the expansion of gift card usage. For creators, gift cards represent a way to reach global markets, receive payment securely, and monetise audiences beyond Nigeria’s borders. by integrating gift cards into payment
systems for streaming, digital art, or even merchandise, Nigeria’s creative sector could both expand access and boost GDp contributions. the linkage between gift cards and the creative economy may well be the engine of growth that pushes the market beyond projections.
Why Gift Cards Matter
For sceptics, gift cards may seem like an indulgence, another financial tool designed for a small, privileged class. but a closer look reveals why they matter to Nigeria’s economy.
Gift cards offer a simple, low-barrier entry into the world of digital payments for those without traditional bank accounts.
With the rise of online shopping, gift cards serve as both a payment method and a driver of consumer engagement. businesses are increasingly turning to gift cards for employee rewards, promotional campaigns, and customer loyalty programs. they allow Nigerians to tap into international platforms, bypassing local currency and infrastructure limitations.
Opportunities and Risks the gift card story in Nigeria is still un- folding. On the one hand, the numbers suggest undeniable momentum: billions in projected growth, rising youth adoption, and expanding corporate interest. On the other hand, the structural challenges, low awareness, fraud, and infrastructure gaps remain formidable.
Companies like Cardtonic are well-placed to capitalise, provided they continue to build trust, integrate user education, and innovate around customer needs. meanwhile, government regulators face the task of crafting policies that protect users without stifling growth.
Ultimately, the trajectory of Nigeria’s gift card market will hinge on trust and awareness. If more Nigerians come to see gift cards not as an elitist tool but as an accessible, everyday payment option, the surge predicted for the next decade will not only materialise but perhaps even exceedFromexpectations. the bustling malls of Lagos to the quiet lecture halls of Abuja, the buzz around gift cards is growing louder. Whether as a tool for online shopping, a hedge against inflation, or simply a convenient way to gift, the market is carving out a space in Nigeria’s digital economy.
Besides the Presidency, there is need to hold the states and local governments to account, argues SONNY
IROCHE
In the intricate tapestry of Nigeria’s federal republic, the structure of governance is designed to distribute power and responsibilities across multiple layers, fostering development from the grassroots to the national level. With one President and one Vice President at the helm, 36 states each governed by elected executives, and 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs) tasked with delivering services closest to the people, Nigeria boasts a system that, on paper, promises efficiency and inclusivity. Add to this a bicameral National Assembly comprising 109 senators and 360 representatives, and the framework appears robust, with extreme high running costs. Yet, beneath this veneer lies a colossal burden: an exorbitantly high cost of governance that drains the nation’s resources while ordinary citizens grapple with unprecedented hardships. It is time for Nigerians to shift their gaze from the Aso Rock Villa and scrutinize the profligacy at state and local levels, where accountability remains alarmingly absent. And review the bicameral legislation, to consider a much cheaper unicameral parliamentary system.
The Nigerian federation, established to balance power between the center and the sub-national units, has instead become a breeding ground for inefficiency and extravagance. Public office holders at all three tiers, federal, state, and local, surround themselves with a bloated retinue of special assistants, advisers, and aides, many of whom serve redundant roles. This entourage culture extends to lavish perks: imported luxury vehicles from foreign manufacturers, often SUVs and sedans that could easily be sourced from local assemblers like Innoson Vehicle Manufacturing or other indigenous firms. Patronizing made-in-Nigeria vehicles would not only cut costs but also create and sustain jobs in the automotive sector, stimulating economic growth. Instead, billions of naira are funneled abroad, exacerbating unemployment and underdevelopment.
This extravagance is particularly galling when juxtaposed against the stark realities faced by the masses. Teachers in public schools endure months of unpaid salaries, workers in both public and private sectors battle inflation that erodes their purchasing power, and university lecturers frequently embark on strikes over poor funding and welfare. Multidimensional poverty afflicts over 133 million Nigerians, according to recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics, manifesting in food insecurity, lack of access to healthcare, and crumbling infrastructure.
The common citizen, from the farmer in Sokoto to the trader in Aba, Onitsha and Lagos, bears the brunt of these failures. Yet, the narrative in public discourse disproportionately heaps blame on the President and the central government, as if they alone orchestrate the nation’s woes. This fixation on the federal executive is understandable but misguided. Presidents, from Olusegun Obasanjo to Muhammadu Buhari and now Bola Tinubu, have been vilified as scapegoats for systemic ills. Social media reactions, protests, and editorials often portray the presidency as the epicenter of corruption and inefficiency. While the federal government must indeed be held accountable, especially for macroeconomic policies, security, and foreign affairs, it is not the sole culprit. The 1999 Constitution (as amended) devolves significant powers to states and LGAs, including education, agriculture, health, and local infrastructure. Why, then, do we spare the governors and LGA chairmen the same scrutiny?
Consider the funding streams that
empower sub-national governments. Each month, states receive hefty allocations from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), derived from oil revenues, taxes, and other national earnings. In 2023 alone, states shared over N10 trillion from FAAC, with some like Delta, Rivers, and Lagos receiving billions due to their oilproducing status or high internally generated revenue (IGR). IGR itself has surged in recent years, with states like Lagos boasting over N500 billion annually from taxes, levies, and investments. Additionally, governors access “security votes”, opaque funds allocated for security purposes but often unaccounted for, running into billions per state without audits or transparency. These votes, justified as necessary for combating insurgency and crime, have become slush funds for personal enrichment, with little empirical evidence of their impact.
Local governments, the third tier closest to the people, are equally flush with resources yet fail spectacularly in their mandate. The 774 LGAs receive direct allocations from FAAC, amounting to trillions over the years, intended for grassroots development: building primary schools, maintaining rural roads, providing potable water, and supporting agriculture. Chairmen and councilors, elected to represent community interests, instead oversee a system rife with ghost workers, inflated contracts, and embezzlement. In many cases, state governors hijack LGA funds through joint accounts, rendering local administrations mere appendages of state houses. The result? Dilapidated markets, non-functional health centers, and abandoned projects dotting the landscape, while citizens languish in poverty.
This disparity breeds a culture where public office is synonymous with stupendous wealth. Governors and their deputies live like monarchs, flying in private jets for routine trips, acquiring choice real estate in Abuja, Lagos, Dubai, and London, and funding opulent lifestyles that belie their official salaries. Allegations abound: a former governor reportedly owns properties worth billions abroad, while another is accused of diverting funds meant for flood victims. LGA chairmen, though on a smaller scale, mirror this excess, with convoys of imported cars and unexplained wealth. Where is the accountability? The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) occasionally probe, but convictions are rare, often stalled by political interference and the legal challenges. Nigerians must awaken to this imbalance. Yes, citizens have a civic duty to hold leaders accountable, but this must extend beyond the presidency. We need to demand empirical evidence of how funds are spent: audited financial statements, project completion reports, and transparent procurement processes.
SOLA ONI pays tribute to Chief Osunkeye, former MD/CEO of Nestlé Nigeria Plc
Ihave been fortunate to have several mentors in my life, each with their own unique qualities. One of the most outstanding among them is Chief Olusegun Oladipo Osunkeye, a consummate UK-trained Chartered Accountant, the Babalaje of Egbaland, and notably, the first and so far, only Nigerian to serve as Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of Nestlé Nigeria Plc.
In December 2023, while I was on vacation in England, I received a call from Chief Osunkeye requesting a conversation. The following week, I got a message from him via WhatsApp: he wanted to host my family for lunch at a designated venue in Central London and asked me to confirm how many guests would attend.
This was an extraordinary gesture, one I could never take for granted. I confirmed our attendance: my wife, Olufunke, our daughter, two sons, and our grandson. I told my wife we had to arrive early, knowing Chief Osunkeye’s impeccable sense of punctuality. She agreed but believed that we would be there before him. She thought she had won the argument until we arrived to find that Chief Osunkeye, then already in his 80s, was there ahead of us, table secured, simply waiting for his guests.
The lunch was a buffet, with an impressive spread of dishes and drinks. We were treated with warmth, elegance, and generosity. More importantly, Chief Osunkeye took time to speak to my children about the values of hard work, integrity, and character. He also promised to send me a document he had written, and one he required all his children to read at a certain age. True to his word, he later sent it, and I shared it with my children as well.
At the end of the meal, Chief Osunkeye did something that left my wife and me speechless: he gifted my wife, and children with a cash gift, individually. To show such generosity abroad, without ceremony or self-glorification, speaks volumes of his character.
Chief Osunkeye is a rare breed: a thoroughbred professional, ethical to the core, and a firm disciplinarian. He is a fearless advocate for good governance and never shies away from speaking truth to power. Yet, he embodies humility, integrity, wisdom, and the rare ability to inspire without dominating. He listens more than he speaks, and when he does speak, his words carry clarity and conviction. He once said during a public lecture: “ We will not be remembered for how we managed the quarter, we will be remembered for how we stewarded the future.”
This ethos defined his leadership at Nestlé Nigeria, where, under his stewardship from 1991 to 1999, turnover rose from 609 million to 7 billion, and profit before tax increased from 98 million to 1.6 billion.
Beyond Nestlé, he served as Chairman of several prominent companies, including GlaxoSmithKline Consumer Nigeria Plc, Lafarge Africa Plc, and currently Omnibus Business Solutions and Pilot Securities. His contributions to institutions such as the International Chamber of Commerce (Nigeria), Society for Corporate Governance Nigeria, NECA, and Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) have been significant and enduring.
A valuable leadership lesson I learned from Chief Osunkeye is the need to separate personal relationships from professional obligations. I recall helping to plan his 80th birthday in 2020. When he asked for my professional fee, I told him not to worry. He immediately objected, saying, “If you won’t charge me, then don’t do the job. I do not believe in such charity.” It was only after a warning from one of his other mentees, Mr. Olawale Oyedele, Chairman of Kaduna-based frontline Agro-business company, NIKOY Nigeria Limited, that I quickly rectified the situation. I later discovered that Mr. Oyedele shares the same principle; absolute integrity in business, regardless of personal ties.
Chief Osunkeye is a visionary leader, known for strategic thinking and selfless mentorship. Through his “Town Meets Gown” initiative, he championed partnerships between the corporate world and academia, notably with the University of Agriculture, Abeokuta (UNAAB). He supported research, farm development, scholarships, and infrastructure projects, all aimed at fostering development and capacity building.
Born on September 7, 1940, Chief Osunkeye is an alumnus of King’s College, Lagos, Staffordshire College of Commerce, Wednesbury, England, and the International Management Development Institute in Lausanne, Switzerland. He also trained with Messrs Akintola Williams & Co. and Peat Marwick, Cassleton Elliott & Co., grounding his career in some of the finest institutions in the profession.
Today, at 85 years old, Chief Olusegun Osunkeye remains intellectually vibrant, ethically grounded, and a source of inspiration to many of us who have had the privilege of learning under his guidance.
Happy birthday, Sir. May your days be long, your impact enduring, and your legacy evergreen.
Editor, Editorial Page PETER ISHAKA
Email peter.ishaka@thisdaylive.com
When the Baro Inland Port in Niger State was commissioned by the late President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019 with much fanfare, it was hailed as a milestone that would unlock the economic potential of that part of Nigeria. Six years later, the facility stands as a symbol of Nigeria’s chronic failure to translate infrastructure projects into tangible economic benefits. As of September 2025, the port remains dormant, its equipment rusting and its promise fading into yet another national disappointment.
The tragedy of Baro Port is that it was built at enormous cost. The structures are there. The warehouses exist. The cranes were installed. The problem lies in the absence of the basic support systems that would make the port functional. Despite repeated assurances, the port has been crippled by neglect, poor planning, and bureaucratic inertia. The obstacles are glaring. The roads leading to Baro are dilapidated, barely passable for trucks, and unsuitable for large-scale cargo movement. The historic railway line that once connected Baro to Kano has long collapsed, with restoration plans stalled for lack of funding. The River Niger itself — the artery meant to carry goods — is choked by silt, awaiting dredging that has been promised but never delivered.
State Government has gone as far as seeking a sovereign guarantee to lure investors.
But Nigerians have heard this story before. Without clear timelines, adequate funding, and a binding framework for accountability, these renewed promises risk becoming yet another round of empty rhetoric. Baro Port cannot be revived by speeches alone. It requires deliberate policy action, sustained investment, and political will strong enough to break through the inertia that has kept it idle for nearly a decade.
What should have been a flagship example of inland waterway transportation has instead become an expensive monument to inefficiency
Too often, projects like Baro are launched without a clear operational framework, resulting in duplication of efforts, wasted resources, and finger-pointing when things fail. In Baro’s case, what should have been a flagship example of inland waterway transportation has instead become an expensive monument to inefficiency. At every level, the infrastructure needed to breathe life into the port is missing. Equally damaging has been the lack of coordination between government ministries and agencies.
Meanwhile, the current administration of President Bola Tinubu has promised action. In mid-2025, the House of Representatives established an ad-hoc committee to investigate the port’s non-operation. The Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola, appeared before lawmakers in August to restate the administration’s commitment. Plans have been floated to dredge the Niger, rehabilitate connecting roads, revive rail links, and even attract private investment through public-private partnerships (PPP). The Niger
SUNDAY NEWSPAPER
editor DAviDSoN iRiEkPEN
deputy editors FESTUS AkANBi, EJioFoR ALikE
Managing director ENioLA BELLo
deputy Managing director iSRAEL iwEgBU
chairMan editorial Board oLUSEgUN ADENiYi
editor nation s capital iYoBoSA UwUgiAREN the oMBudsMan kAYoDE koMoLAFE
THISDAY NEWSPAPERS LIMITED
editor-in-chief/chairMan NDUkA oBAigBENA
group executive directors ENioLA BELLo, kAYoDE koMoLAFE iSRAEL iwEgBU
divisional directors SHAkA MoMoDU, PETER iwEgBU ANTHoNY ogEDENgBE
deputy divisional director oJogUN viCToR DANBoYi snr. associate director ERiC oJEH
associate director PATRiCk EiMiUHi controllers ABiMBoLA TAiwo UCHENNA DiBiAgwU, NDUkA MoSERi
director, printing production CHUkS oNwUDiNJo to send eMail: first name.surname@thisdaylive.com
The economic potential of Baro is too significant to ignore. An operational inland port could decongest Apapa and Tin Can ports, lower transportation costs, boost trade in the North-Central and beyond, and create jobs in logistics and supply chain industries. At a time when Nigeria is desperate for growth and diversification, leaving such a facility to rot is a betrayal of national interest. The cost of doing business in Nigeria ports ranks amongst the highest in the world with high demurrage charges as a result of a delay in cargo clearing process; high insurance premium of vessels coming to Nigeria and trucks conveying containers to and from the ports and higher shipping and terminal charges.
As part of the long-term solution to the crisis, the federal government must embrace intermodal transportation, which includes rail, inland waterways transportation. Also, the government must speed up the construction of port access roads, get the terminal operators and shipping companies to invest in holding bays where trucks can part pending when they are notified via a call up system to come to the port to drop empties or load cargo. Most importantly, the government must urgently collaborate with the private sector to build deep seaports. The handling capacity of ports in Nigeria is put at 60 million metric tonnes, while demand and usage are about 100 million metric tonnes. These are expected to rise with the increasing population, urban expansion and attendant demand for more markets.
On the Baro Port, the choice before the government is clear: either make it work or admit to Nigerians that it was never more than another white elephant project. The country deserves better than all these abandoned dreams and broken promises.
Letters in response to specific publications in THiSDAY should be brief(150-200 words) and straight to the point. interested readers may send such letters along with their contact details to opinion@thisdaylive.com. we also welcome comments and opinions on topical local, national and international issues provided they are well-written and should also not be longer than (950- 1000 words). They should be sent to opinion@thisdaylive. com along with the email address and phone numbers of the writer
Leadership is a sacred agreement between a leader and his people, and it must be stated that a leader must learn to honor every promise made to the people, as it is a commitment unto death. Before the people demand accountability, every leader must develop and demonstrate a higher level of accountability in all their dealings.
A leader must always prioritize the sufferings of his people, as exemplified by President de Gaulle, who deliberately fled his presidential palace during the 1968 riots to avoid bloodshed. This is the hallmark of leadership, constantly prioritizing the people. In contrast, the handling of the EndSARS protests in Nigeria did not demonstrate the same level of consideration for human life. Accountability is about holding a
leader to their words and moral conduct. The recent controversy surrounding Angela Reyna, the Deputy British Prime Minister, who resigned her roles for underpaying taxes, is a testament to the importance of accountability. However, it would be unrealistic to compare the level of accountability in the UK to that in Nigeria.
In this piece, I demand some level of accountability from President Bola Tinubu based on his unfulfilled promises. Firstly, regarding Compressed Natural Gas (CNG). After the removal of the fuel subsidy on inauguration day, President Tinubu touted CNG as a tool to cushion the hardship caused by the increase in fuel prices. On October 22, 2022, he reportedly advised Nigerians to purchase CNG, stating that a liter of
petrol could be purchased at N1,000, while the equivalent of a liter of petrol in CNG could be purchased for N200.
However, what President Tinubu failed to disclose was that the N200 CNG rate was subsidized, and the subsidy would be removed by September 2025.
As reported by The Punch, the price of CNG has now increased to over N450 per standard cubic meter. This raises questions about the leadership’s commitment to saving Nigerians.
How will motorists who have converted their cars to CNG cope with this increase? Furthermore, during his engagements with labor leaders, President Tinubu consistently assured that the refineries owned by the NNPC would work to reduce imports of petroleum products.
However, it has become apparent that the refineries are not functioning, and the NNPC is seeking an additional $60 billion for expansion. This is despite the fact that the government has failed to account for the initial $3 billion investment.
Additionally, while President Tinubu celebrated the launch of the Dangote refinery, which has helped to increase local refining capacity, the government’s decision to increase the price of petroleum products refined locally with a 5% tax to take effect in Jan 2026 will only exacerbate the suffering of Nigerians. With the multiple taxation, heightened borrowings, and increased prices, it begs the questions: How will Nigerians cope? When will Nigerians truly feel hope? When will the suffering be over?
Rufai Oseni, rufaioseni@gmail.com
He has lifted steel to the skies, survived bullets in the dark, and built a company that outlasted multinationals. Now, Managing Director at Kresta Laurel Limited, Dideolu Falobi, the engineer who made elevators a Nigerian export, is turning his gaze to politics. Adedayo Adejobi chronicles his journey and incursion into governance
Dideolu Falobi has spent his life building things that rise. For over two decades, the quiet but determined Managing Director of Kresta Laurel Limited has helped cranes, elevators and industrial systems redefine Nigeria’s skyline. Now, at the height of his corporate career, the engineer finds himself drawn to a different kind of architecture—the fragile scaffolding of governance. It is a pivot that feels at once natural and paradoxical: a man who has made steel dance to precision turning to the infinitely messier business of politics.
Falobi speaks with the calm conviction of someone who has outlasted storms. Oil price crashes, regulatory hurdles, hostile multinationals—he has seen them all and survived. His secret, he insists, lies in learning to play the long game.
“When you’re young,” he once quipped, “you’re like Jay-Jay Okocha at his peak, dribbling past everyone and scoring. But as you mature, you let the ball do the talking—you look for the right pass. Management is much the same.”
For him, leadership has become less about heroic solo runs and more about building a team that will carry the game forward.
That philosophy has served Kresta Laurel well. Founded in the late 1980s, the company has weathered decades of turbulence to become Nigeria’s undisputed leader in the crane and elevator industry. “When we started, there were only a handful of local players,” he recalls.
“Thirty-five years later, we’re the only ones still standing at the top of the game.”
Today, Falobi’s firm installs and maintains equipment in some of the country’s tallest buildings—projects once thought the exclusive preserve of multinational giants. The company’s journey from scrappy indigenous outfit to ISO-certified industry benchmark is not just a business story; it is a parable of persistence in a landscape that too often rewards shortcuts.
But behind the steel and certifications lies a man marked by fragility. Twice in his life, Falobi has stared down the barrel of armed robbery, once with bullets fired in his direction. These moments, he admits, left him permanently sensitised to risk.
“When you’ve gone through neardeath experiences twice, you become instinctively alert,” he reflects.
“In an industry where my teams work at dangerous heights, my obsession with safety is no mere compliance. At Kresta Laurel, every employee is trained as a safety officer, with daily talks and rituals drilled into the culture.”
To Falobi, survival—personal and corporate—is never accidental; it is engineered.
Yet, it would be misleading to cast him only as the hard-nosed technocrat. At heart, Falobi is a man of attachments, not least to family. For decades, he maintained a ritual of visiting his late aging parents at least twice a month, sometimes for hours, sometimes just for moments. He speaks tenderly of his wife, whom he credits with teaching him patience and money management.
“She is an amazing partner, friend and lover,” he says, in words rare among buttoned-up corporate chiefs.
And his eyes still brighten when he recalls the communal effort of refurbishing his old secondary school in Ilesa, where he and fellow students raised funds, reroofed 42 classrooms and built laboratories without a single moneybag in sight.
For him, the work of building— whether steel towers or human institutions—has always been deeply personal.
That personal commitment has spilled over into his civic roles. As a Fellow of the Nigerian Society of Engineers and twoterm Chairman of the Board of Fellows at the Institution of Safety Engineers, Falobi has spent years advocating for better tooling, curriculum reforms and the integration of “town and gown.”
He is candid about the poor remuneration of engineers in Nigeria, and has urged colleagues to build companies that pay properly rather than lament.
His lectures, delivered in Nigeria and abroad, often strike a balance between
technocratic precision and moral urgency. There is, in his words, a need to “marry the gown and town” and rescue engineering education from decades of neglect.
If engineering has been his profession, strategic thinking has become his passion.
In 2021, he convened the Think Tank of Nigeria, a collective of over 300 professionals who analyse national challenges and issue communiqués to the government.
“Whatever bad happens in governance, everyone bears the pain,” he explains.
“You must be part of the conversation, offering support so that good governance can happen.”
It is a worldview shaped less by partisanship than by a sense of obligation: the belief that the governed must not leave the governors alone.
“I have written personal letters to presidents and vice presidents, offering unsolicited advice.”
He speaks admiringly of leaders who combine courage with strategy, citing President Bola Tinubu’s willingness to make unpopular but necessary economic decisions as evidence that politics need not always be bereft of planning.
Yet for all his proximity to power, Falobi long resisted the lure of politics. In a 2014 interview, he famously said “never say never,” but dismissed speculation of a political career.
At the time, he was consumed with building Kresta Laurel and mentoring a generation of engineers. But with the company now “almost on autopilot,” he has begun to see politics not as a distraction but as the next frontier of
service.
=Three weeks ago, he declared his intention to contest the governorship of Osun State under the banner of the AllProgressives Congress (APC).
It is, by his own admission, a daunting leap. Osun’s incumbent governor, Ademola Adeleke, is popular and entrenched. The political terrain is littered with landmines, from internal party squabbles to a sceptical public weary of elites. Yet Falobi is undeterred.
“Never underestimate anybody, least of all a sitting governor,” he concedes.
“But I have a conviction that I could do better. He has done his bit, put in his best. Now it is time to retire him— respectfully.”
There is no malice in his voice, only the certainty of a man used to planning projects down to the last nut and bolt.
If elected, his vision is straightforward: keep every citizen of Osun usefully engaged. He frames unemployment not just as an economic problem but as a moral hazard.
“If you have able-bodied people waking up daily with no jobs to do, they are negatively impacting society,” he warns.
“My remedy is a cocktail of tools—healthcare, agriculture, food security, industrialisation and youth empowerment—all anchored in the same philosophy that has guided my approach to business: that what you give must be more than what you take.”
Critics will no doubt point out that business success does not automatically translate into political skill. Falobi counters by invoking his apprenticeship under Otunba Gbenga Daniel, the
businessman-turned-governor who mentored him for decades.
“You can’t find a better tutor,” he says with quiet confidence.
Indeed, one senses that his entire career has been a rehearsal for this moment: the early crowdfunding for classrooms, the alumni association projects at the University of Lagos, the daily risk management at construction sites, the think tank communiqués—all strands of a life preparing for the messy work of governance.
Still, the paradox remains. Here is a man who insists he is not wealthy “in naira and kobo” but radiates contentment. A man forged by brushes with death who chooses to speak of gratitude. A man whose professional life revolves around lifting machines, yet whose personal mission has become lifting people. The steel is real, but so is the softness.
His legacy, he says, will not be measured in skyscrapers but in leaving “wherever I find myself better than I met it.”
In the end, Falobi’s leap into politics is less about ambition than continuity. The boy who once mobilised classmates to repair a dilapidated school has become the man who wants to repair a struggling state. The engineer who spent decades hoisting steel now seeks to hoist society itself.
Whether Osun voters will trust him with that mandate remains to be seen. But even if the ballot proves less forgiving than the boardroom, Falobi has already built something rare: a life that rises from steel to statecraft, always guided by the same invisible machinery—gratitude, resilience and faith.
lifestyles of Nigeria’s rich and famous
Seventy-three candles do not burn quietly when they belong to Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah. The Head of the tiny Diocese of Sokoto commands influence far beyond his flock, shaping conversations that stretch from Aso Rock to Rome, from think tanks in Abuja to policy tables abroad.
Kukah’s secret is hardly a secret at all. He blends the priestly robes of a scholar with the tenacity of an activist. Trained in Jos, Rome, Bradford, and London, with stints at Oxford and Harvard, he amassed a toolkit few Nigerian clerics could claim. The result is intellectual firepower wrapped in pastoral calm.
Presidents have noticed. So have Popes. President Bola Tinubu marked his 73rd birthday with praise for his tireless work in promoting democracy and fostering interfaith dialogue. Five years ago, the late Pope Francis tapped him for the Dicastery on Integral Human Development. Kukah has moved easily between pulpit, commission,
ogunlewe
It is not every day that politics serves up a familiar surname wrapped in fresh energy.
and conference, carrying ideas like lanterns into Nigeria’s dimmest corners.
It is a curious paradox: Kukah’s diocese remains one of the country’s smallest, yet his initiatives multiply like seedlings after rain. He founded a think tank, steered reconciliation efforts between Ogoni and Shell, and helped craft electoral reforms. Always, his compass has tilted toward justice, inclusion, and peace.
Those close to him recall a man unafraid to prod politicians, but never forgetting the poor who gather quietly at his door. His words can sting, yet they arrive softened with wit, making him both a critic and a confidant to Nigeria’s powerful. Can a single priest really bend the nation’s course?
At 73, Kukah seems to think so. He shows no signs of retreat, no hunger for a quieter life. Perhaps that is the paradox of faith and politics in Nigeria: sometimes the smallest pulpits resound the loudest. And sometimes one candle is enough to make a cathedral glow.
Moyosore Ogunlewe, son of the seasoned Adeseye Ogunlewe, wears his lineage like a tailored jacket, yet his stride feels distinctly his own.
A very young man, as the chairman of Kosofe Local Government, Ogunlewe has built a reputation as a quiet force. He has distributed exam forms to hundreds of indigent students, met regularly with market women, and made security a headline priority. The gestures are not grandiose, but they ripple outward.
His approach is methodical, almost bankerlike, a trait perhaps borrowed from his academic detours through business administration and law. Still, there is whimsy in the way he speaks of community, as though politics were less about power and more about tending a restless garden.
The weight of family name looms, of course. His father once held the keys to the
Ministry of Works. Critics might say Moyo benefits from that sturdy scaffolding. Yet history shows that it is normal for political heirs to stumble, and Moyo has already faced defeats at the ballot box. Twice. He kept going.
Today, he is not just “the son of.” He is the chairman residents approach when schools leak, when streets darken, when opportunities for their children seem impossibly slim. His Kosofe Edu-Support Initiative, run with the SOHCAHTOA Foundation, has lifted educational burdens for families who once had no way in.
Politics in Lagos is a crowded theatre, noisy with ambition and rivalry. But every so often, a young actor finds the spotlight not by shouting, but by listening. That seems to be Moyo’s script: a patience that hints at longevity.
So, is he the heir apparent, or something else entirely? The answer, like a seedling pushing through Lagos soil, will only reveal itself in time.
Political comebacks rarely arrive with such quiet confidence. Yet Adefunmilayo Tejuosho, once deputy speaker of the Lagos Assembly and now freshly named Executive Director of the South West Development Commission, has reemerged as if she never left the stage at all. Expectations, of course, are sky-high.
The Ogun State Commissioner for Women Affairs and Social Development, Motunrayo Adeleye, called her appointment a victory for capable women in governance. Others describe it as long overdue.
Tejuosho is no stranger to the public square. She made her mark as a fourterm legislator, lawyer, and advocate who championed the landmark Lagos Domestic Violence Law of 2007.
Her career has not been without turbulence. She was impeached as deputy speaker in 2009, yet even that setback did not blunt her drive. In fact, it seemed to sharpen her resolve. By the time she stepped away from the Assembly, she had left a legislative footprint that still shapes lives across
Lagos and beyond.
Born in Lagos to a family of public servants, schooled in West Virginia and Buckingham, and later earning a PhD from the University of Lagos, she stitched together an education that feels almost global. Perhaps that explains the poise with which she moves around politics’ sharp edges and the patience to draft laws from academic papers.
Now, at the South West Development Commission, she inherits a different canvas: infrastructure gaps, social programs, and the perennial challenge of aligning six states under one vision. Will she bring the same tenacity that turned a dissertation into a law protecting women from violence? Allies insist she will. Sceptics wait. Politics loves a comeback story. Yet Tejuosho’s reentry feels less like a return and more like a reinvention. The woman who once battled through impeachment now carries a mandate tied to the “Renewed Hope Agenda.” For those watching closely, the question is no longer whether she can deliver, but how brightly she chooses to shine.
It begins not with Wall Street skyscrapers but with the glow of a phone screen in Lagos. A tap, a swipe, and suddenly a young trader in Yaba can own a slice of Apple or Tesla. That is the new promise Olugbenga Agboola has stitched into Flutterwave’s latest creation.
The Nigerian-born engineer, better known in fintech circles as “GB,” has spent a decade designing bridges where none seemed possible. First, payments across Africa’s fractured banking systems. Now, a pathway for everyday Africans to buy U.S. stocks in their own currencies, without the suffocating rituals of traditional finance.
The service, launched in June, is powered by a partnership with U.S. brokerage API provider Alpaca. It supports fractional trading, so an investor in Nairobi or Ibadan can start with a few shillings or naira. Real-time settlement in local money makes it feel native, almost homely, despite its global reach. At stake is more than convenience. The micro-investing market, worth $1.2 billion last year, could swell to $4.5 billion by 2033, according to Verified Market Reports. Competitors like Chipper Cash and Bamboo are circling, but Flutterwave’s grip on 34 African markets and 30 currencies gives it a distinctive edge.
Agboola himself is no stranger to global corridors. A graduate of MIT Sloan, a former engineer at PayPal and Google, he now sits on councils from the Wall Street Journal to the Milken Institute. Nigeria awarded him the Officer of the Order of the Niger medal, a nod to his role in the digital economy’s rise.
Critics ask if this dream is too bold, too fragile. But the numbers tell their own story: $475 million raised, a valuation above $3 billion, licenses spanning Africa and the U.S. Even President Bola Tinubu has praised Flutterwave for empowering small businesses and opening doors for youth.
Now, the naturally occurring question: when the world is folded into a palm-sized device, what new kinds of ambition take root? For Agboola, the answer seems simple. The stock ticker is no longer far away; it hums in the rhythm of African cities, like a new kind of heartbeat.
Some men arrive at milestones quietly, but Dauda Lawal’s 60th birthday landed with the noise of admiration. On September 2, Zamfara’s governor was celebrated not only by his people at home but by Nigerians everywhere, who seemed to see in him a reflection of the leader they wished for. It is not simply his office that draws this chorus. His career has stretched from classrooms in Ahmadu Bello University to the marble halls of First Bank, where he rose with a reputation for hard work and unusual focus. By the time politics called, Lawal’s résumé already had the texture of achievement.
The 2023 election was his moment of transformation. In a state long wrapped in the grip of insecurity, he unseated an incumbent, a victory many called improbable. Suddenly, Zamfara had a new face at its helm, one that promised change. And remarkably, for once, the promise has not wilted in office. Roads have been paved, hospitals equipped, and classrooms built. In Gusau, streetlights now glow where darkness once ruled. Beyond the capital, health centres in Maru and Shinkafi shine with new equipment, while schools in Gummi and Kaura Namoda carry the mark of reform. The fabric of daily life is slowly stitched back together.
Those who know him call him calm, almost reserved. Yet behind the measured tone is a
governor reshaping how people see themselves. A state once regarded as a synonym for despair now appears in the mirror as capable, striving, renewed. As someone mentioned, whereas sociologists might call it the “looking glass self,” his constituents would simply call it hope. Of course, questions linger. His years in banking were not without controversy, and critics still demand clarity on old allegations. But birthdays are for stocktaking, and in the present balance, his people appear content. At 60, Dauda Lawal wears the title “people’s governor” lightly, as though it belongs more to the crowd than to him. Perhaps that is the secret. Leadership, at its rarest, is not possessed. It is borrowed, held briefly, until the people decide it fits.
Lagos rarely sleeps, yet lately it feels as if the city is stretching its limbs after a long, heavy nap. The hum of trains, the sweep of new bridges, and the widening of roads tell a story: Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has been busy.
Six years into his stewardship, Lagos wears a new attire. The Blue Line Rail, once a dream passed from one administration to another, now carries passengers from Mile 2 to Marina with a grace that feels almost futuristic. What was once a punishing commute is now a swift, almost scenic ride.
Not far behind is the Red Line, rising in steel and speed, delivered in record time. For a city where minutes are measured in lost opportunities, the line’s arrival feels less like infrastructure and more like liberation. It bends the tempo of Lagos, turning chaos into rhythm.
Then there is the Opebi-Ojota bridge, arching over Odo Iya Alaro like a quiet promise of order. To make its path seamless, adjoining roads— Allen, Toyin, Opebi—are being expanded, reshaped, and reimagined. The city, notorious for gridlock, is learning new choreography. Even
traffic seems to pause and reconsider.
Beyond transport, the list stretches further: 376 public health centres and 26 general hospitals open to the weary, a logistics hub unrivalled in West Africa, and programs sharpening the skills of Lagosians for an uncertain future. It is ambition laid brick by brick, project by project, until the city itself feels renewed.
Critics remain, as they always will in Lagos, but even they must concede the visible. Bridges do not hide. Rails cannot be whispered away. The changes cut across the skyline and street corners, felt by commuters and traders alike. The city is louder for it, yet also strangely calmer.
Perhaps Lagos has been lucky in its governors since 1999. Or perhaps it is luck no longer, but design. Either way, SanwoOlu seems determined to leave Lagos not only larger, but lighter. And in a city that never stops moving, that may be the greatest gift of all.
The easy story about Mohammed Bago is farming. Rows of green fields, tractors rolling across Niger’s soil, grain rising like a hymn. Yet Bago, banker-turned-politician, is stitching a larger quilt. Agriculture may be the loud drumbeat, but there are softer, subtler notes in his governance symphony.
Born in Minna in 1974, Bago carries the cadence of both banker and lawmaker. He once managed bank floors, then spent twelve years in the House of Representatives. Politics, to him, is not a sudden career switch. It is a long river, fed by many smaller streams.
Now governor since May 2023, he is not afraid of reshuffling the deck. Just last week, he dissolved his cabinet after what he called a “performance appraisal.” Some commissioners soared, while others faltered. His reasoning felt clinical, almost corporate: growth requires fresh energy, portfolios reimagined, leadership recalibrated. His governance mantra, the “New Niger Agenda,” aims for more than crops and silos. Under his watch, roads stretch further, education inches higher, and
conversations about health sharpen. Even when wielding the axe of cabinet dissolution, he framed it as pruning for fresh growth, not punishment.
Curiously, his personal politics have always held a generous streak. He once purchased a thousand JAMB forms for students, offered rice to families during the pandemic, and speaks of governance in terms of opportunity rather than control. For him, leadership appears to be part arithmetic, part empathy.
Yet perhaps his boldest quality is restlessness. He refuses to be boxed in as the “agriculture governor.” Agriculture is crucial, yes, but Bago is sketching a broader canvas: finance, education, governance reform, all under one wide sky. The rows of crops are only the opening stanza.
And so Niger waits, fields stretching, people watching, wondering. Will this bankerpolitician’s quilt of reforms hold together through the seasons? Or will agriculture’s loud drumbeat drown out the subtler melodies he hopes to compose? For now, the music is still
All Eyes on Odeh…
The story of a man can sometimes read like the story of a continent. For Akinwumi Adesina, who stepped down this September after 10 years at the helm of the African Development Bank (AfDB), his journey seems stitched into Africa’s own restless quest for growth and dignity.
Raised in Ibadan by farming parents, Adesina was no stranger to hardship. He spoke often of classrooms where poverty was as real as chalk dust. Those early lessons carried him through First Class honours at Ife, a doctorate at Purdue, and eventually, into the nerve centre of development finance.
When he assumed the presidency of the Bank in 2015, he promised more than balance sheets. “Not just numbers, but lives,” he said. A decade later, the results sparkle: 565 million people touched, power grids expanded, food security strengthened, and investments mobilised at scales once thought fanciful.
The Bank’s capital base swelled from $93 billion to $318 billion. A coveted AAA rating was preserved. An $8.9 billion replenishment of the
African Development Fund broke records. And the African Investment Forum drew billions in private capital, proof that hope can be bankable.
Yet the years were not without shadows. In 2020, allegations of misconduct threatened to derail his career. Cleared of wrongdoing, he emerged re-elected with unanimity. His reply was sharp: “Just because you are African doesn’t mean you are corrupt.” It was both a defence and a manifesto.
Through it all, Adesina leaned on faith, family, and purpose. His wife, Grace, remained a constant, his speeches laced with scripture. “This is not a job,” he liked to remind audiences. “This is a mission.” And the inconspicuous silver hair he now carries tells its own story of unrelenting service.
At 65, his tenure ends, but the ripple continues. Like seeds planted in fertile soil, the reforms he championed may take root in places unseen. And perhaps, in quiet fields across Africa, a farmer’s child will one day look up and find their own horizon widened.
The sky in Nigeria’s business industry is currently heavy with ambition, especially in Kano, where Muazzam Mairawani first learned the rhythm of commerce. Now, the billionaire chair of MSM Group is particularly spellbound with the desire to stir up Nigeria’s cement industry with a $600 million plant in Kebbi State.
It is a daring plunge into waters already ruled by two leviathans, Dangote and BUA. Their combined production towers over the market, yet Mairawani insists there is room for another titan. His factory, expected to churn out 12 million tons a year, signals more than rivalry. It signals intent.
MSM Group was not always this bold. It began modestly in fertiliser before fanning out into logistics, shipping, agriculture, fintech, and oil. Oil discoveries worth $15 billion have recently fattened its reserves, giving Mairawani the kind of capital heft that makes a cement adventure seem almost logical. Almost.
Barely a week before unveiling his Kebbi project, he announced plans for a $225 million Nasdaq IPO through MSM Frontier Capital. If successful, it could draw $2.7 billion in yearly investments back into Nigeria. “To God be the glory, we didn’t let him down,” he said, tipping his hat to presidential support.
Educated in London and Singapore, Mairawani pairs boardroom polish with streetwise instincts. His early bet on Tangaza mobile pay, during Nigeria’s first push toward cashless banking, marked him as a man with an eye for timing. Recognition has followed: a UN SDGs Peace Ambassador title, and quiet philanthropy whispered more than shouted. Still, cement is a stubborn trade. Market capitalisations above N5 trillion for BUA and N7 trillion for Dangote show just how steep the climb will be. Yet Mairawani thrives on steep climbs. He calls the Kebbi plant “a cluster,” as if building an empire were simply a matter of assembling bricks.
This story does not open in Abuja’s glass towers but in a circle, Andy’s Mentoring Circle, where teenagers on Bonny Island are urged to dream bigger than their postcodes. That detail matters because the man who now holds NNPC’s megaphone has always believed communication begins with people, not press releases.
Andy Odeh, freshly named Chief Corporate Communications Officer of NNPC Limited, inherits a microphone once held by Femi Soneye, who stepped aside in June to tend to family. Odeh is hardly a newcomer. He comes with three decades of navigating oil rigs, advertising boards, and boardrooms.
For 26 years at Nigeria LNG, Odeh wore many hats: corporate communications, government relations, and sustainable development. He helped rebrand NLNG, managed community programs, and even championed the NLNG Prize for Energy Reporting. His reputation is one of polish balanced with grit, and vision softened by empathy.
It is telling that Odeh’s parting gift at NLNG was not a farewell gala but a mentoring initiative. The circle he founded gathers youth for immersion in soft skills: the subtle arts of listening, adapting, and persuading. In his mind, soft skills are not fluff. They are survival.
NNPC itself needs that survival instinct. The company stands at the crossroads of energy transition, regulatory scrutiny, and the daunting task of funding Nigeria’s future. To manage that storm, Odeh must do more than speak; he must persuade, reassure, and occasionally charm sceptical audiences at home and abroad.
He will not walk alone. Alongside him is Morenike Adewunmi, a former Shell executive now appointed Chief Relations Officer. Together, they are expected to sharpen NNPC’s voice and smooth its dealings with regulators, ministries, and communities. If Odeh holds the megaphone, Adewunmi steadies the stage.
And yet, one suspects Odeh relishes the turbulence. After all, a man who once sold Royco seasoning and rolled out Panadol campaigns knows how to make the ordinary feel essential. In Kebbi or Bonny, in Lagos or Abuja, his gift has been the same: turning sound into story.
So, all eyes may indeed be on Odeh. But perhaps he will return the gaze, asking a quieter question: are Nigerians ready to listen differently?
lIbrArIAN
Last week I called her hubby the Marketer-in-Chief, this week I now want to hail mummy. If I continue like this, Reno will soon reach out and invite me to lunch. But truth be said, Remi - if I can call her that - has been a very bright spotlight in this “regime.” If you ask me, she has leveraged her experience from years of public service to design a critical inroad towards supporting Nigerians in the soft areas. Her philanthropic interventions hit the mark and leave a lasting impression. Let me unashamedly say it here that I am her fan and would like to meet her one day. She has undoubtedly won my admiration.
Well, I have seen reports where she has allegedly asked all the sycophants that surround her to move monies meant for gifts and advertorials for her upcoming birthday towards the completion of the National Library. I say God bless you, my dear mummy, and if you were single or divorced, I would have toasted you today. The last time this kind of thing happened was when Obasanjo moved his own hordes of
It is this visa cancellation matter—and the restrictions being imposed across the world by countries that believe they are “all that”—that is particularly troubling. To be clear, these policies affect not just Nigerians but nearly all third-world countries. What makes it especially painful for us is how we have turned this “japa” phenomenon into a national pastime. In my context, “japa” is not limited to economic refugees; it also speaks to our habit of jumping on a plane for any reason at all. Over the years, Nigerians have developed an almost irresponsible obsession with travel. From the president who hops on a jet at the drop of a hat, to the slay queen planning a destination wedding, to the economic migrant searching for greener pastures, and even the genuine traveller seeking medical or educational opportunities, we have become, in effect, an “Ajala travel round the world” nation.
Now all we are getting is disgrace up and down. Mumu countries are restricting us, disgracing our citizens at airports and
sycophants to Abeokuta and made them build a Presidential Library.
So, my mummy, God bless you, let all the people that have been empowered by your husband’s agbado policies come and donate to a worthy cause.
God bless you, madam, and I do really wish you a happy birthday. Please send me the account details. I have N5,000 to send to you. Ema binu ma, but this my donation is not selfless o. When you guys want to appoint Chief Librarian, please remember this my donation o. kai. Well done, ma.
NASIr el-rUfAI AS oppoSITIoN
perSoNIfIeD
No matter what you want to call him, El-Rufai personifies a bold and courageous bulwark against the marauding train that President Tinubu and his mandate represent in Nigeria today.
See, let’s be very serious here –President Tinibu is simply the most powerful president, or should I even say leader, that we have had since independence.
See, carry all those so-called military despots and put them together, dem no reach one
“catching” our youths on street corners, handcuffing them and throwing them on planes and deporting them just like that.
Let me share a story. One day, I received a call from one of those countries, cancelling my visa – just like that. They advised I reapply, and I wondered why they were asking me to do so when it was just renewed and I had just returned from a trip. I ignored them. Me? Edgar, reapply? I know even answer them.
Then their ambassador now invited me to dinner to mark their national day – I tore the letter. You humiliated me on one side, as in I’m not good enough to enter your country and spend my money, so why are you inviting me to come and drink tasteless tea in your Ambassador’s house? Crap. It’s time for Nigerians to start respecting themselves abeg and siddon in one place. Lebanese, Indians and Chinese are fighting to be our citizens, and here we are running into slavery. We no just get sense, I swear. We should all boycott these embassies and remain and build our country, abeg. Enough is enough.
The evidence is there. How many of them could remove the fuel subsidy? With all their gra gra did they, could they? Even Obasanjo, was he able to cow the National Assembly? See the National Assembly we now have – full choristers in the Tinubu orchestra. My brother, Tinubu today can fold Nigeria and put us in one portfolio and sell us to Mexicans and collect the money for an extended boat cruise to enjoy his retirement. In all of these, one man now stands up and says NO. I no gree, and that man is Nasir El-Rufai. The man has, in all intents and purposes, refused to be cowed and went ahead to build a coalition to fight to a standstill.
I know that he will not win the elections, he will not succeed because this Tinubu train has gone very far. Let’s not kid ourselves, with the kind of electoral apathy which I want to say may be deliberate, to this INEC or judiciary or police or Army, where do you really think you can use to dislodge?
Then again, he went to build a coalition and added Atiku, thereby
ensuring an inevitable loss because that one will carry his usual gra gra into the matter and will refuse to step down for a better candidate who has a better chance.
Despite all of these, I salute his courage, I swear. The man has never been known to be a weak sycophant who bows to any government in power. This is why some of us really admire him.
Remember how he took Emefiele to court to fight the naira redesign policy, which literally gave Tinubu the presidency, after which he was humiliated during the ministerial hogwash.
Kudos to El-Rufai, my brother. I have huge respect for you, and I stand tall to proclaim it. Anybody wey no like am, can come and beat me. Thank you.
DINo MelAYe: A rookIe lAwYer oN THe looSe
This one does not want to do apprenticeship first before he enters market. Less than one year after graduation, he has carried himself to the NBA conference, walking around with Kanayo-Kanayo, a celebrity “juju man” and lawyer. As if that was not enough, he has gone to open a big
law chamber and is yet to argue any case o.I saw a clip of the office and I must tell you that it was expansive. He was even recorded as saying that he bought N50million worth of law books.
My brother, the law profession – not this one that we are seeing today o, but that of Rotimi Williams, Ademola Adetokunbo, Darnley Alexander used to be a profession of processes, long apprenticeship and sturdy learning with a very high entry barrier.
Today, clowns are now being made SANs and even the bench, we don’t even know the kinds of muppets we are seeing in wigs. The barrier for entry has been so lowered that just anybody can literally just stroll in and call themselves lawyers, donning wigs, and doing skits.
I just pity anybody who has a serious case and goes to Dino to represent them. This whole thing just reminds me of one of my matters o. I owed a client N150million, and he threatened me with EFCC. I took my lawyer to negotiate and plead my case. My lawyer wore a very expensive suit, and I thought I had carried a human being.
When we got to the client, within seconds, I just heard my lawyer shout, “I will deal with you, aghhhhh.” I had to quickly stop him. “Oga, please na, we are begging.” The next thing the lawyer told my client was, I will slap you. My client also hot-tempered, stood up and promised to beat up my lawyer. Before I could say ‘Jack’, my lawyer removed his suit and shouted, “I will shoot you, I have a gun in my car.” I just ran away, and needless to say, I found myself inside the EFCC cell a few days later. I offered to defend myself before the lawyer would do the one that would fetch me treason charges for my debt.
I congratulate the Nigerian Bar Association on its new member, a worthy addition.
NYeSom wIke: THe LAST STAND I know for a fact that this one will not be sleeping well at night, and it shows in his physical outlook. I think he has dribbled himself into a cul-de-sac. As a very distant observer, I can boldly say that these are the last days of the reign of the “gin warrior.”
Oya, let’s analyse. A PDP member in an APC government who didn’t get there in any power-sharing or coalition formation initiative. He has done his best to be more loyal to his president and, in the process, has worked very assiduously to weaken the PDP. In the last election, his PDP was roundly trounced while his master, the APC, emerged. Now that is the contradiction of his celebrations. PDP now wants to find their feet, and he has come again with all sorts of hurdles. He will most likely succeed in destabilising those ones so that their weakness will continually be assured, and then the inevitable will happen – Tinubu will be reelected, and then his own demise will be sealed.
If Wike really sees himself in a Tinubu second term, then he must truly be drunk. Even me, sitting down here in Shomolu, know very clearly that there is nothing for him once we get to that dispensation. Like a wet rag, he will be discarded because, truth be told, he is more of a burden for them than an asset. His relevance is keeping PDP wobbly, and that is all.
Let’s be serious, can Wike win an election in any part of this country? Can he mobilise votes outside of Rivers State? Can he deliver a candidate in Sokoto, and can he hold an international position representing Nigeria at the UN, for example or discussing economic issues at Davos or negotiating debt relief with the Paris Club?
Tinubu that I know is not beholden to anybody; once your relevance is, that is it. I do not see a Wike apparition post-2027, and that will be a total relief to all stakeholders. I wish him well. I really do like him, though, you will not believe, but I like him.
kASHIm SHeTTImA: HAppY
BIrTHDAY, BoSS
Aghhh!!! I just realised that oga is just three years my senior, and I immediately felt like a failure. Kai, bro has not even hit 60 and he is the
Vice President of a whole Nigeria, and I am here wearing “tear tear” trousers and calling myself Duke of Shomolu all over the place. Mbok, which one is the Duke of Shomolu when my generation is the Vice President o? Kai, if not for the office, I would call him Kashi Baba or Shetty Baby. But as na our Vice President, the respect for the office kicks in.
His Excellency has been very quiet recently, as we are not sure if he will be on the ballot or not, and that is why he took out a full-page article to hail his oga for wishing him a happy birthday. That is what they call emotional blackmail. I am sure he must have gotten a near Nobel Laureate to conjure those words.
But Baba Tinubu will take more than those words to make him do what he does not want to do. The boss will have to show real value,
Tosin, or Tosh as some of us call her, is curating “talk.” What most of us have not realised is that the podcast industry is a multi-billion naira one employing thousands of Nigerians and generating billions in advertising and streaming revenues. Tosh and her team have now decided to curate all of these stories and personalities into a large village of talkers. She has called it Podfest, and as we speak, some of the biggest Podcasters like Chudi, me, Patrick Doyle and the rest have confirmed attendance. It promises to be a biggie as the level of interest and
confirmations are beating all projections.
Tosin is an enigma; she is a major player in the PR space and has veered a little bit towards storytelling and, in a very short time, delineated a space for herself where she is better at curating “talk” and giving it a sense of directional purpose.
I remain very excited about this event as it will not only pull in the crowd but will, as designed, better position the space as a veritable tool for social cohesion with its varied platforms engaging and sensitising Nigerians on so many issues –a powerful “exhale machine.” Well done, ma.
or better still, he should quickly donate to the National Library and put a plaque at the main gate announcing his donations. Happy birthday, boss. Don’t worry, no matter what comes, you have tried. At least, some of us your age mates are still in Shomolu touring the brothels when you have reached Vice President level. Well done for representing our generation so well, well done, my brother, His Excellency.
I JUST Love pATIeNce JoNATHAN I am just crazy about this mummy. She doesn’t ever waste time. She will just say it as it is and move on. Anybody who does not like it can go and get a hard brush and scrub their bum.
In a video that I have seen, she said she would not follow her Oga back o. That she is looking fresh and young with no stress, and that if God has taken you there and back safely, what else are you going to look for.
This, in a humorous way, delineates the way the true Nigerian feels about President Jonathan’s insinuated ambition.
This is the problem with leaders with no vision. Even if they are pushing you, you cannot be bold and firm and say NO. Mbok, what exactly is President Jonathan coming to do if this is true, if not to balkanise the southern votes?
The man simply has nothing to offer in any area of national development. He is weak, slow to make a decision and has no convictions whatsoever, and this is not the kind of leader we need in this country right now.
I am saying it one more time, I will vote Tinubu one thousand times instead of voting for Jonathan just once. So Mummy always remind him that Nigerians don’t want him, and if he insists, ignore him. Do it for Nigeria, it’s the patriotic thing to do. Thank you.
SImoN ekpA: oNe DowN, How mANY To Go?
During the week, this one was sentenced to six years imprisonment for sundry charges bordering on terrorism and the rest. My only issue now is that they will now go and put him inside air condition cell with a fridge and Netflix.
What has transpired in Nigeria has been heinous, I tell you. People have died in their hundreds, families dislocated, and a whole sub-region of the country remains desolated with dislocated economies, all because one man is playing computer simulations.
The Finland authorities have shown a spark that our own authorities are bereft. His senior brother is still here, entangling with our legal system years after and telling lawyers to shut up and attempting to decide which judge will preside over his matter.
The Finnish people just delivered a quick judgment, and pronto, oga is in prison. I wish him well, I really do wish him well. Nigeria remains one, not by accident but as prescribed by God and man. Thank you.
ApprecIATIoN To SoNTA
Let me thank the Society of Nigeria Theatre Artists (SONTA) for the honour they bestowed on me the other day. They say that for my contributions to theatre, they decided to line up professors in full regalia to give me an award. Kai, I was so happy and humbled.
With witty stories and plain language, Oluwatodimu Ige, better known as Oga_theLawyer, is reshaping how Nigerians see the law, stripping it of jargon to educate the public and build a legacy rooted not in profit, but in people. Vanessa Obioha writes
Scroll through Instagram long enough and you’ll likely stumble upon Oga_theLawyer’s page — the lawyer and serial entrepreneur translating legal jargon into everyday language for his more than 34,000 followers. From consumer rights in Nigeria to landlord–tenant disputes, Oga_ theLawyer, born Oluwatodimu Ige, has built a reputation for turning the law into stories that stick.
“Storytelling is everything,” he said in a recent interview. “The human brain remembers stories more than statutes. When I post online, I don’t just say, ‘Section this of the Act says that.’ I wrap it in a story. People might forget the section, but they’ll remember the narrative.”
He illustrated with a scenario: “For example, instead of explaining landlord-tenant law in abstract terms, I’ll narrate a scenario about a tenant who came home one day and found the landlord had thrown his belongings outside. Instantly, people relate, share, and engage. Storytelling has made my brand approachable and trustworthy.”
For Ige, legal practice has always been about service, not spectacle. He waves away the idea that law begins and ends in the courtroom.
“Law is not just about litigation and drafting contracts; it’s about service,” he said. “A lot of people think law begins and ends in the courtroom, but that’s just one aspect. The courtroom is where disputes are resolved, but the public space is where those disputes can be prevented in the first place.”
Education, he argued, is a simplifying tool for his profession. “A more informed society creates fewer avoidable conflicts.”
According to him, knowledge flows freely when justice is more accessible. Therefore, his social media posts are not distractions from his profession but extensions of it. They are tools to build a more informed society where conflicts are avoided before they ever reach a judge’s bench.
“I see myself as standing at a bridge between legal practice and public enlightenment.”
Simplifying the law, however, comes with its own risks. Oversimplification can dilute meaning, but Ige avoids this by reminding himself that the law was written for people, not just lawyers. “The temptation for lawyers is to hide behind Latin phrases and technical language, but the real test of mastery is whether you can explain a principle to a non-lawyer and they grasp it immediately.”
Hence, he strips law of its Latin clutter and dresses it in relatable narratives.
“For instance, instead of quoting the tort of trespass verbatim, I’ll say, ‘If someone eats your meat in the fridge without permission, that’s trespass.’
Instantly, the concept lands. If a trending Nollywood movie has a contract dispute, I’ll reference it. That way, the audience sees the law not as something abstract but as something alive and connected to their daily realities.”
Away from the camera, Ige’s professional affiliations cut across arbitration, debt recovery, and corporate governance. Each, he said, offers a different lens for problem-solving.
“Arbitration sharpens my ability to resolve conflicts without unnecessary hostility. Debt recovery trains my resilience because you often have to chase payments diplomatically but firmly. Corporate governance, meanwhile, broadens my horizon by forcing me to always ask the “big picture” questions.”
He brings the same clarity to negotiations. For him, the best deals are not won by shouting but by patience, preparation, and empathy.
“Negotiation is not about who can shout the loudest or pound the table the hardest,” he explained. “It’s about listening deeply, reading the room, and knowing when to press and when to pause. A good negotiator doesn’t just push for his client’s interest blindly; he studies the other side’s pain points. If you understand what the other party is afraid of losing, you can craft a win-win solution.”
He cited a negotiation where the other party resisted an aggressive payment plan. “It wasn’t that they couldn’t pay,” he recalled. “They were worried about cash flow stability.”
Once he recognised their fear, he restructured the deal into staggered payments. Both parties walked away satisfied.
Ige is also vocal about the shortcomings of legal education in Nigeria.
“Our legal education is still too theoretical,” he said. “We must move from classrooms overloaded with statutes to practiceoriented training. Imagine if law students regularly participated in simulated court sessions or drafted mock corporate contracts; their transition into practice would be smoother.”
For him, the next generation of lawyers must also be trained in digital tools. “A lawyer without digital fluency,” he warned, “is already outdated. Nigerian law schools need to prepare students for a future where artificial intelligence, blockchain, and data privacy will dominate legal discourse,” he added.
Sitting on boards across real estate, healthcare, aviation and energy, Ige has learned to apply the law as both shield and compass. He is the voice that says, “Should we do this, and if we do, how do we protect ourselves legally?”
“Take healthcare, for example.
your bond.”
Beyond profit margins, there are ethical, regulatory, and liability concerns. My legal training ensures those concerns are considered before decisions are made. That foresight is law’s greatest contribution to business,” he continued.
His choices of where to serve are guided not by money alone but by values. “I’ve turned down offers where the money was attractive but the long-term vision was vague or ethically questionable. Legacy matters more to me than quick profit,” he insisted.
That belief is anchored in faith. His mornings begin with scripture; his evenings are spent in quiet journalling or with his family. His Christian values, he said, remind him that the power law gives must be exercised with compassion. “Clients feel safe when they know your word is
But perhaps nothing grounds him like fatherhood. Raising two daughters, Ige has found leadership lessons more profound than any courtroom battle. “Fatherhood has been my greatest leadership school,” he said. “It reminds me daily that legacy is not what you leave in the bank but what you leave in people, starting with your children. Titles will fade, but impact endures.”
From drone regulations in aviation to the global shift toward renewable energy, Ige’s practice touches evolving frontiers. Yet his message to Nigerians is refreshingly simple: “The law is not your enemy. It is your shield. Don’t run from it; understand it, use it, and it will protect you.”
This perhaps explains why many follow him online, why his short, witty videos and posts spark conversations about rights and justice. As Oga_theLawyer, Ige is committed to making justice not an abstract promise, but an everyday reality. ige
amsterdam-based Nigerian artist Tyna adebowale treats motherhood like an encrypted code—one she is determined to crack open. okechukwu Uwaezuoke writes
Behind the gabled façades and in the mist along the canals, Amsterdam’s secrets are kept in plain sight. If its cultural division had a dossier of assets—individuals shifting the paradigm under deep cover—the file on Tyna Adebowale would be marked essential. The Nigerian-born artist, for some time now a restless presence on the Dutch art circuit, is resolutely making a career out of dismantling conventional notions of motherhood—prying it loose from biology, smuggling it into the realms of memory, community, and survival. Her language is encrypted not in words alone, but in brushstrokes that map emotional landscapes, in lenses that capture stolen moments of truth, in projections that cast shadows of the unsaid, and in soundscapes that intercept raw, psychic frequencies. Each medium is a different weapon, a tailored tool for a specific phase of the campaign.
Only yesterday – on Saturday, September 6 – her latest solo exhibition, They Call You Mother; They Call Me Mama (#thereisalwaysamother), opened at Amsterdam’s Ellen de Bruijne Projects. On paper, the show runs until October 18. In practice, it feels untethered to calendars, as if it had been fermenting for lifetimes before its unveiling. The title itself—half proverb, half hashtag—sets the tone: a dialogue between ancestors and algorithms, between a Nigerian village square and the scroll of a smartphone feed. Adebowale has learned to walk both roads without snapping the cord that binds them.
At the heart of her exhibition, numbers are irrelevant. When asked for a headcount of the number of works she has on view, she deflects with a laugh. “I do not quantify my works in numbers,” she states, with the absolute certainty of someone who knows arithmetic cannot measure a storm. To step into her exhibition is akin to walking into a family gathering where no one waits for introductions: classified paintings engage in silent, heated argument with flickering video terminals, performances lean in from the edges, and collaborative pieces swagger into the room like relatives who have long since lost the invitation but know the door will open anyway. Disorder is the point, and somehow so is harmony.
The seed of this chaos is biographical. In Akoko-Edo, Edo State, where she grew up, motherhood was never confined to biology. Her great-aunt, Mama Nii Dezedo, bore no children but mothered entire communities. Adebowale, still young, absorbed the lesson: motherhood is not a possession, but a public trust. It echoes a far older injunction—“Thou shalt honour father and mother!” This commandment, as Abd-ru-shin the Author of The Grail Message, expounds, elevates fatherhood and motherhood into sacred offices, ennobling human life and binding marriages to a spiritual anchor. In such a light, women like Mama Nii embody not absence but abundance, turning the role of mother into a communal inheritance. Years later, in 2019, Adebowale returned from Europe and saw again the women who mother without children, and the realisation bloomed into Motherwomb—her ongoing research project and the subterranean current of her work.
This new exhibition is not all tribute and tenderness; it also bristles with protest. Adebowale names the systems—capitalism, patriarchy—that feed on women’s care while denying them rest. Against such theft, she stages rest not as indulgence but as a demand,
enjoyment not as frivolity but as justice. Her works reveal that the sacred office of mothering – long exalted yet endlessly exploited – cannot survive without recognition of its right to renewal. Thus, the women in her art do not merely nurture—they claim the dignity to sit, to breathe, to live.
Her preparation time? “FOREVERRRRR!” she exclaims, as if parodying herself. But the exaggeration is its own kind of truth. This show was stitched together not in months but across seasons of memory, across fieldwork in Nigerian villages, across the persistent ghost of women like Mama Nii who refuse to fade.
Adebowale’s trajectory has been steady, unflinching. Her first solo show, She Called Me Woman, opened in the same gallery in 2020, under the spectral quiet of lockdowns. It honoured a Nigerian queer activist and unfolded without the bustle of openings, without the cocktail glasses clinking. Yet she counted it a triumph—not because of sales or reviews, but because the right eyes and ears found it. Resonance is her currency.
Now, the resonance swells. Even as Amsterdam hosts her second solo, her work threads itself into group exhibitions elsewhere: Good Mom/Bad Mom at Centraal Museum Utrecht, and earlier, Vrouwen van Amsterdam – Een Ode at Museum Amsterdam. Each one feeds into Motherwomb, a project that has slipped out of the studio and into the public, accumulating voices, songs, fertility dolls, soundscapes from Dam Square, stories of women who raised nations without raising children of their own.
Kinetic and multifaceted, the artist herself is unpinned, unboxed. Painter, videographer, installation artist, performer—yes. But also trickster, storyteller, griot in the gallery. Her shows feel like carnivals of mediums, noisy yet deliberate, anarchic yet disciplined. At their core lies the narrative drive of African night-time storytelling: the cadence of memory, the insistence on communal inheritance, the refusal to let silence claim what must be said. If her most radical gesture is to demand rest for women, it is also her most intimate. Rest as reparations. Leisure as resistance. Her altar to care doubles as a manifesto against its theft.
And yet, for all the acclaim in Europe, Adebowale’s gaze does not drift far from home. “OF COURSEEEEEE,” she declares when asked if she intends to exhibit in Nigeria. The insistence is both patriotic and practical. Her soil is AkokoEdo; her ghosts are Nigerian; her art may travel, but its anchor has never left.
From her grandmother’s compound to Amsterdam’s cobbled streets, from Dam Square to Utrecht, the threads weave a tapestry not yet finished. Each exhibition is another knot, another stitch, another layer. She works in “forever”—the time signature of memory, of care, of maternal inheritance.
So when visitors step into Ellen de Bruijne Projects this September, they are not only stepping into a gallery. They are stepping into Adebowale’s Motherwomb—a chamber of stories and ghosts, a protest staged as art, a reminder that in her world there is always a mother. The question that remains is whether the rest of humanity will finally grant her what she demands: a chair, and the right to sit.
Recognition in international law is an important subject area for various reasons. First, it is an attribute of national sovereignty. Every sovereign state has the right to recognise or not to recognise the existence of another state as sovereign. An act of recognition is preparedness to enter into relationship with the recognised state. Refusal to recognise is non-preparedness to relate. Secondly, recognition has been admitted as a fourth condition for the existence of a state. Normally, only three conditions were required for a state to exist under international law before the December 26, 1933 Convention of Montevideo was done. They were a) existence of a government that has the capacity to enforce internationally-contracted obligations b) existence of a permanent population over whom jurisdictional authority is exercised, and c) available territory over which to also exercise authority.
Put differently, a people without territory or land is meaningless as a territory without people is also meaningless. Contrarily to the principle of terra nullius (nobody’s land) which was used to justify colonial occupation, there is no land without ownership. A people must own land to exist as a state. In the same vein, people-to-people or government-to-government relationship also requires representatives to act on their behalf. In spite of this, the Montevideo Convention has added recognition as a fourth condition without which a state cannot enter into international relations.
When this postulation is explicated in the context of US foreign policy on recognition of the State of Palestine, there is no disputing the fact that a State of Palestine already exists. Several sovereign States have already recognised it, but Israel and United States have refused to recognise it. The US is not only using its right of veto to intimidate, but to also block, other Member States of the United Nations from recognising the State of Palestine. This is most unfortunate, because it is a violation of International diplomatic law. The violation is loaded with multidimensional implications.
Recognition in International Law and Practice
Theoretically speaking, there are two types of recognition in international law: declarative and constitutive. Both of them are explained as the process of formally accepting the existence of a State or government. Declarative recognition admits the existence of a state in the sense that the three basic requirements of statehood had already been met, and therefore, the act of recognition only acknowledges the existence of the state. On the contrary, constitutive recognition says that a state can only become a subject of international law or enter into international relations and acquire international personality through the act of recognition by other sovereign states.
Put differently, recognition by other states is nothing more than a declaration of acceptance, which does not create the state but only confirms its existence. This implies that declaratory recognition is not part of the constitutive criteria for the formation of a state. Declaratory recognition is more of a political act. As such, what makes recognition particularly significant in international law and relations is that it enables a state to have international personality. Without declarative or constitutive recognition, even if the state has already met the requirements of statehood, a state does not have and cannot enjoy the privileges of international personality.
It is against this background that the current international controversy surrounding the Palestinian State should be explained and understood. The State of Palestine already exists. Some have recognised it constitutively and declaratorily. Some are preparing to do so this month at the UN General Assembly, and very few countries, basically the State of Israel and the United States of America, have refused to recognise the State of Palestine as a sovereign state.
In this regard, it is useful to note that the recognition of a state is different from the recognition of government. In a different vein, the rights of a state before and after an act of
recognition remain the same. First, at the level of recognition of state, as noted earlier, and as stipulated in Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention which was done on December 26, 1933 and entered into force on December 26, 1934, a state is considered ‘a person’ and exists when there is a union of a permanent population, a well-defined territory, a functional government to ensure law and order at the municipal level, as well as having the capacity to enter into international relations or enforce international law.
Article 3 of the Montevideo Convention provides further that ‘the political existence of the state is independent of recognition by the other states. Even before recognition the state has the right to defend its integrity and independence, to provide its conservation and prosperity, and consequently to organise itself as it sees fit, to legislate upon interests, administer its services, and to define the jurisdiction and competence of its courts…’ Put differently, the point of emphasis is that the political existence of a state has nothing to do with its being recognised or not. With or without recognition, a state that exists constitutively has the right to defend its independence and integrity. Additionally, and perhaps more importantly, Article 6 of the Convention stipulates that ‘the recognition of a state merely signifies that the state which recognises it accepts the personality of the other with all the rights and duties determined by international law.
The argument of the US is quite different and more disturbing. The United States not only ‘believes the establishment of a Palestinian State on the West Bank would be destabilising and harmful to the peace process’ but also that it will create more problems. This explains why President Reagan ‘continuously opposed the establishment of a Palestinian State or negotiating with the Palestinian Liberation Organisation.’ This also explains why he proposed a Palestinian authority under the Jordanian supervision. The US recognises the PLO as the legitimate representative of Palestinians but does not recognise the State of Palestine. What does this really mean? United States wants to be a mediator in the Israelo-Palestinian conflict but has partisan interests. US supports Israel. The US wants ceasefire but has sanctioned three Palestinian human rights organisations that wanted the International Criminal Court to investigate and arrest Israeli leaders for war crimes in Gaza. The US revoked visas given to the Palestinian leader, Mahmoud Abbas, and 80 others to prevent them from attending the 80th UNGA contrarily to the UN-US Headquarters agreement. All these acts are not more than foreign policy intrigues that have the potential to militate against the maintenance of international peace and security in the foreseeable future. If about 150 countries have already recognised the State of Palestine, the warning or threatening by US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, to France and others intending to recognise the Palestinian State are nothing more than policy intrigues that should be stopped
Recognition is unconditional and irrevocable.’
This Article 6 not only strengthens Article 3 but also underscores the importance of recognition and why thinking twice is always necessary before engaging in any act of recognition. The article says that recognition is ‘unconditional,’ that is, the act of recognition is done freely. There is no country under any obligation to recognise. When an act of recognition results from a sovereign decision, it eventually becomes ‘irrevocable.’ It is at this juncture that the recognition of a state should be differentiated from the recognition of a government which has a transient character. Recognition of a government can be revoked.
One other article of the Montevideo Convention relevant to our discussion here is Article 11. It requires the contracting States to ‘establish as the rule of their conduct the precise obligation not to recognise territorial acquisitions or special advantages which have been obtained by force whether this consists in the employment of arms, in threatening diplomatic representations, or in any other effective coercive measure. The territory of a state is inviolable and may not be the object of military occupation nor of other measures of force imposed by another state directly or indirectly or for any motive whatever even temporarily.’
When this particular article is examined in the context of the Israelo-Arabo-Palestinian conflict, when we also factor into our analysis the policy stand of the United States, and when we also recall the fact that the United States is a signatory to the Montevideo Convention even if its involvement is with reservation, under no circumstance should any state be violated. In this regard, and without whiff of doubt, entering into international relations or enforcing international law is an act that creates obligations that every state must also implement: preventing its domestic conditions from threatening international peace and security. For instance, a state is required to settle all its disputes with other sovereign states peacefully to avoid endangering global peace and security. This is one major rationale for the existence of a state and also for the establishment of the United Nations.
Secondly, at the level of recognition of government, recognition has a discretionary character. It is a political act that acknowledges the competence of a body to act on behalf of the state regardless of whether it even possesses the constitutive requirements of statehood. From the foregoing recall of some theoretical postulations and relevant convention, there is no disputing the fact that the State of Palestine exists declaratorily and constitutively, at the level of the majority of the countries of the world. For the United States and Israel, the State of Palestine does not even exist constitutively, not to even go to the extent of its recognition declaratorily. Why have the majority of the Member States of the international community recognised the State of Palestine and the United States and Israel, in particular, have refused to recognise it?
US Foreign Policy Intrigues and Implications
The existence of the State of Palestine dates back to 15 November, 1988 when the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) declared it and claimed sovereignty over the West Bank, which includes East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip. West Bank and the Gaza Strip are internationally recognised as Palestinian territories. East Jerusalem was earmarked to be the political capital. And true enough, when the State of Palestine was declared on 15 November, 1988 not less than 78 countries recognised it immediately. Countries like Algeria, Bahrain, Indonesia, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Malaysia, Mauritania, Morocco, Somalia, Tunisia, Turkey and Yemen recognised the State of Palestine on 15 November, 1988. Twelve countries recognised it on the 16th, five countries did so on the 17th, nine countries, including Nigeria, did so on the 18th five countries recognised it on the 19th, and only one country, China, did so on the 20th. Six countries did so the following day. The recognitions have continued since then. It is useful to remind here that in 2011, the State of Palestine was admitted into UNESCO, as well as admitted as an observer State of the UNGA following the vote on UNGA Resolution 67/19 on the Status of Palestine. 138 Member States voted in favour. As at the time of the adoption of the Resolution, 132 countries had already recognised the State of Palestine. The resolution was therefore nothing more than the codification of the situational reality on the ground. For instance, Article 1 of the Resolution ‘reaffirms the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to independence in their State of Palestine on the Palestine territory occupied since 1967.’ This Article 1 is a reflection of the constitutive recognition of the State of Palestine. It is also a reflection of the fact of existence of the State.
More important, paragraph 2 of the Resolution stipulates the decision of the UNGA ‘to accord to Palestine a non-member observer State status in the United Nations, without prejudice to the acquired rights, privileges and role of the Palestine Liberation Organisation in the United Nations as the representative of the Palestinian people, in accordance with the relevant resolutions and practice.’ In our view, a State that does not exist and also duly recognised cannot be given an ‘observer status.’ Thus, the State of Palestine is already a fait accompli in the eyes of the UNGA. It has been recognised declaratorily and constitutively.
As the 2027 general election draws nearer, the National Assembly’s lukewarm approach to electoral reform has raised concerns about lawmakers’ commitment to ensuring credible polls, Davidson Iriekpen writes
Since May 12, 2025, when the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Mahmood Yakubu, disclosed that the commission had forwarded 142 postelection recommendations to the National Assembly, with eight of them requiring amendments to the 1999 Constitution or the Electoral Act 2022, nothing has been heard from the lawmakers on the matter.
Some of the recommendations centred on voter accreditation, result transmission and stronger sanctions for electoral offences—issues that tainted the credibility of the 2023 polls.
However, the 10th National Assembly has been somewhat lukewarm on legalising these antielectoral fraud tools, even when they are more than halfway through their tenure.
While the lawmakers are busy holding debates on constitution review, they are silent on issues bordering on electoral reforms which many Nigerians consider a priority.
Analysts have argued that if the lawmakers were truly sincere and determined, the process should have been completed within the second year of their tenure to allow for proper test runs through a series of by-elections and off-season gubernatorial polls. They fear that the delay in ensuring the speedy passage of the Act is a plot to manipulate the process ahead of the 2027 elections.
Ironically, the opposition political parties are daily boasting to send President Bola Tinubu back to Lagos in 2027 without proper focus on and intensifying their clamour for improvement on the Electoral Act.
While the current Electoral Act 2022 was adjudged as the most progressive electoral legislation in Nigeria’s recent history, several loopholes such as widespread vote manipulation, voter suppression, compromised technology, legal ambiguities, and post-election injustice, were exposed. These ambiguities were the grounds for extensive legal fireworks after the elections. Even when INEC was vested with the power to review declarations/returns made involuntarily or contrary to law, regulations and guidelines, the modalities and procedures for exercising this power were not prescribed in the Act or INEC guidelines, leaving room for controversies and uncertainty.
A cumulative reading of Section 65(1) of the Electoral Act 2022 and Regulation 90 of INEC regulations does not indicate who can file a report, nor does the procedure for filing a report indicate a declaration/return made under duress
or contrary to law, regulations and guidelines.
Analysts have posited that, though to some extent, the IREV and BVAS helped in improving the 2023 and 2024 elections, the fact that the judiciary did not deem them as adequate electoral legal tenders is a red flag for future elections, which the National Assembly needs to fix quickly. This should have been done long before the series of state elections and by-elections that usually precede the general election.
Because the BVAS and IREV were not made compulsory by the 2022 Act, the new amendment needs to include such a mandatory clause. The contents of BVAS must be made compulsory for the determination of election results.
The failure to grant legal teeth to both BVAS and IREV led to the protracted battle among the trio of President Bola Tinubu, Atiku Abubakar, and Mr. Peter Obi over the 2023 presidential election, a battle that dragged up to the Supreme Court.
The apex court held that the non-availability of election results on the IReV portal was not a legal ground for the nullification of the February 2023 presidential election as canvassed by opposition parties.
Since 2015, the courts have maintained that innovations like Smart Card Reader, BVAS and IReV require statutory enactment to enjoy the force of law. This position of the Supreme Court creates
contradictions in the electoral system.
Analysts point out that when a principal legislation confers powers on an institution to issue guidelines for its operations, such guidelines should have a binding effect because they derive from the principal Act, especially where the institution exercises the power within its scope.
It is illogical, they argue, for the courts to maintain that electronic transmission into the IReV portal is not a legal requirement simply because it was introduced in the guidelines rather than in the Electoral Act.
However, the courts, in several cases such as Jegede v. INEC and Wike v. Peterside, have established that INEC regulations and guidelines have no binding effect.
It is these judicial positions that INEC seeks to address with its proposal to amend the Electoral Act, explicitly providing for the electronic transmission of results to enhance the credibility of future elections.
Another reform that enjoys wide public support is the unbundling of INEC into separate bodies — the Political Party Registration and Regulation Commission, the Electoral Offences Commission and Tribunal, and the electoral body itself. This proposal, which has also received the backing of several past reform panels, aims to relieve INEC of multiple responsibilities so that it can focus
solely on conducting elections.
Notably, both the Mohammed Lawal Uwais Electoral Reforms Committee and the 2014 National Conference made similar recommendations. The committee, established by the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, and led by the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Uwais, proposed sweeping changes to strengthen the electoral process, including the creation of the Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission and the Electoral Offences Commission and Tribunal.
The Political Party Registration and Regulatory Commission will be saddled with the responsibility to register political parties, monitor the organisation and operation of the political parties, including their finances, monitor political campaigns and provide rules and regulations which will govern the political parties, among others.
On the other hand, the Electoral Offences Commission will be saddled with the responsibility of investigation, coordination, enforcement and prosecution of all electoral offences as well as enforcement of the provisions of the Electoral Act, the constitution of registered political parties and any other Acts or enactments.
As part of its work, the commission, according to the Uwais report, is to adopt measures to identify, trace and prosecute political thuggery, electoral fraud, political terrorism and other electoral offences, among others.
Other reforms being sought include allowing Nigerians in the diaspora the opportunity to be part of the electoral process by casting their votes during elections in the country, and early voting for those involved in election duties, such as reporters, security agents and inmates in correctional centres.
Whether deliberately or inadvertently, all these have been ignored in all previous amendments to the electoral Acts, which many Nigerians feel should be incorporated into the new Act for sanity in the country’s electoral process.
The appointments and imposition of cardcarrying members of political parties as national commissioners are flagrantly in violation of Section 14(2a) of the Third Schedule of the 1999 Constitution, as amended which states that “a member of the commission shall be non-partisan and a person of unquestionable integrity.”
Nigerians have continued to witness the biases exhibited by these INEC National Commissioners and RECs during elections, thereby tainting the polls and embarrassing the commission.
Democracy is not all about casting ballots; it also includes those who manage the process, their level of credibility and integrity.
The trial, conviction and sentencing of the Biafran separatist agitator, Simon Ekpa, to six years in prison by a Päijät-Häme District Court in Finland on Monday, have exposed the rot in the Nigerian courts and the administration of the criminal justice system.
Ekpa’s speedy trial has justified the sustained calls for the Nigerian courts to sit up and end their snail speed nature.
The court found Ekpa, a self-styled Prime Minister of Biafra, guilty of terrorism-related charges and ruled that he had participated in a terrorist organisation and publicly incited crimes for terrorist purposes.
Delivering judgment, the court held that he had used his significant social media following to stoke
tensions in the “Biafra region” between August 2021 and November 2024.
The Finnish court also held that Ekpa encouraged his followers on his X handle to commit crimes in Nigeria.
Ekpa was arrested on November 21, 2024 and charged in May 2025 on suspicion of terrorist activities. The Finnish police had said that Ekpa “contributed to violence and crimes against civilians in South-eastern Nigeria.”
In his first appearance in court on May 30, the Biafra agitator denied terrorism charges against him.
In far less than one year after he was arrested, Ekpa was convicted and sentenced.
It is common knowledge that if he had been arrested and tried in Nigeria, the trial would have
dragged on for years while he remained incarcerated. President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN), used the opportunity commend the speedy trial and conviction of Ekpa, saying it should be a source of lesson to the Nigerian judiciary and the prosecuting agencies.
Osigwe noted that the key takeaway from the case was the time it took to commence and conclude the trial. He flayed unnecessary delays in the hearing and conclusion of terrorism-related trials in the country, stressing that some of the cases pending in courts have dragged on for years.
He said he hoped that the Nigerian judiciary and investigating and prosecutorial agencies watched and took notes of the speedy and thorough disposal of the case and replicate same here.
To end banditry in Nigeria, ejiofor Alike writes that the federal government should probe the sustained allegation that bandits were primed to destabilise former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration, which was re-echoed recently by the former vice-presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Datti Baba-Ahmed, as well as the claim by former Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai that bandits were being paid monthly allowance by the government
The vice-presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 general election, Datti BabaAhmed, recently challenged the federal government to question former governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State over his allegation that the government is paying bandits. El-Rufai had sparked controversy when he alleged that both the federal government and the Kaduna State Government were worsening insecurity by empowering bandits.
Speaking in a television interview, the former governor claimed they paid about ₦1billion to criminal groups.
“The policy of the federal government now is to give bandits money and incentives. And it is being coordinated by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA),” El-Rufai added.
As a former governor, El-Rufai is believed to have privileged information on security issues.
Therefore, many Nigerians had expected the security and intelligence agencies not to dismiss the allegation but to invite him and conduct an open and transparent investigation.
But the ONSA resorted to denial and dismissal of such weighty allegations.
The military also dismissed claims that the Nigerian Armed Forces supported the payment of terrorists.
The Chief of Defence Operations, Major General Emeka Onumajuru, said the military’s approach to insecurity was anchored on the national Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration programme, coordinated under Operation Safe Corridor in Gombe State and Zamfara State for the North-east and North-west regions, respectively.
“The essence of this national framework is for bandits who clearly want another route out of criminality. You surrender your weapons, and you are profiled in detail.
“Those found culpable face the law, while others who were forcibly conscripted or not directly involved in violent crimes are admitted into DDR centres for rehabilitation,” he explained.
But Baba-Ahmed condemned the reactions of the ONSA and insisted that El-Rufai should be invited to help security agencies in their investigation of his allegation.
He accused the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) of using insecurity as a political tool.
“El-Rufai cannot run away because he is part of it … My grudge with Nasiru’s
statement is that he was part and parcel of the APC from 2013. Like he told you, he was one of the architects of it all. All of a sudden, he has to come and absolve himself. No! Nasiru is part and parcel of all that has been going on. We suffered; we are victims of Nasiru’s misrule in Zaria.”
According to media reports, Baba-Ahmed alleged that “insecurities were brought into Nigeria in the pre-2015 elections.”
“I think he (Nasiru) is right; the government has been paying them. Insecurity has been the APC’s way of staying in power,” he said.
Baba-Ahmed is not the first to allege that bandits were surreptitiously brought to Nigeria in the run-up to the 2015 general election.
During his 70th birthday, in February 2021, a former chieftain of the APC, Alhaji Abubakar Kawu Baraje, had traced the origin of the current insecurity in the country to the influx of Fulani, who were brought into the country to help facilitate victory in the 2015 election.
“We are not asking the right question on how the same Fulani we have been living with suddenly turned out to be a menace.
“We also must ask how they had access
to their guns,” he added.
Baraje said that the Fulani men wreaking havoc in the country are not the Nigerian Fulani.
“The security agencies have not been open about the nature of the problem.
“They have made arrests. Why haven’t they told the public who the terrorists are?” Baraje queried.
“After the election, the Fulani have refused to leave. I and other like minds wrote and warned those we started APC with that this was going to happen but nobody listened,” he added.
The curious silence of Buhari’s administration to Baraje’s claim had made many Nigerians to conclude that the bandits were primed to soak innocent “dogs and baboons in blood” in the event that Buhari did not win that election.
Speaking in Hausa, when the members of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), from Niger State paid him a courtesy visit in his Kaduna residence in May 2012, Buhari, who was the presidential candidate of the CPC in the 2011 election, warned that 2015 would be bloody if the elections were not transparent
“God willing, by 2015, something will happen. They either conduct a free and fair election or they go a very disgraceful way.
“If what happened in 2011 (alleged rigging) should again happen in 2015, by the grace of God, the dog and the baboon would all be soaked in blood,’’ Buhari had stated in what was described as subtle threats to Nigeria’s security.
Though Buhari won the 2015 presidential election, Nigeria has not known peace since then, fuelling the allegation that the foreign bandits imported to destabilise Jonathan’s government in the event of his refusal to relinquish power are responsible for the insecurity in the country.
It is high time the APC government ended the politicisation of insecurity and all forms of hypocrisy in the fight against insecurity. It should investigate both El-Rufai’s allegation and Baba-Ahmed’s claim in an open and transparent manner.
The APC administration should come clean about all these allegations and counter allegations.
Zamfara State Governor, Dauda Lawal ‘s recent statement that he knew the location of bandits in the state validates the allegation that the security agencies deliberately allowed banditry to linger to sustain the humongous annual defence budgets.
Lawal stated that he knows the exact locations of bandit leaders terrorising the state but is powerless to act because he does not control security agencies.
Citing a viral video, media reports quoted Lawal as saying: “I swear to Almighty Allah; wherever a bandit leader is located within Zamfara State, I know it and if he goes out, I know.
“With my mobile phone, I can show you where and where these bandits are today. But we cannot do anything beyond our powers,” he said
“If today, I have the power to give orders to the security agencies, I can assure you, we will end banditry in Zamfara State within two months. Most of the time, I shed tears for my people because I can see a problem but I cannot order the security operatives to act in time.”
“There was a time the bandits invaded Shinkafi and the security operatives were alerted, but they refused to go simply because they were not given orders from Abuja,” Lawal added.
The federal government should take up Baba-Ahmed’s challenge and probe these claims and counter claims.
Last week, a food vendor named, Amaye, was reportedly burnt to death by a mob at Kasuwan Garba Market in Mariga Local Government Area of Niger State, after she was accused of alleged blasphemy. According to reports, one man approached Amaye, where she was selling food and asked her hand in marriagetoenablehim(man)fulfillreligiousinjunction. It was in the process, according to reports, that an argument ensued between the duo leading the woman whose faith is not known to make the alleged blasphemous statement.
Consequently, she was said to have been led to the district head’s palace where, under interrogation, she repeated the blasphemy, and as a result, the youths who were there took her away and stoned and burnt her to death.
It was laughable for the police to say that they were overpowered by the youths before re-enforcement could come, when in fact, they should have anticipated what would happen.
Such killings are not uncommon in north, where a minor disagreement or argument often leads to accusations of blasphemy, and then the mob would lynch the accused instantly.
In 2022, a student of the Shehu Shagari College of Education, Sokoto, Deborah Samuel, was beaten and burnt alive after being accused of making blasphemous comments.
Last year, a butcher, Usman Buda, was stoned to death in the same state under similar circumstances.
It is shocking that the police have not arrested any of those who carried out the jungle justice.
The lynching of Amaye is one too many, and it is
condemnable and deplorable.
Though the 1999 Constitution upholds freedom of religion and freedom of speech, many Nigerians have lost their lives for exercising these rights.
The Supreme Court had in the past ruled that blasphemyallegationsmustbeproveninacourtoflaw.
Above all, Section 10 of the 1999 Constitution prohibits adoption of any religion as a state religion. Unfortunately, state government officials who should ensure that religious fanatics responsible for these deaths are immediately arrested and brought to justice, aid and abet these killings.
Since the state governments have failed to protect lives, the federal government should end this barbarism by investigating all cases of mob killings in the country and arresting all those involved in these reprehensible acts.
Faced with orchestrated political landmines and tough leadership choices, can the PDP rediscover itself before the 2027 general election? wale Igbintade asks
When the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) convened its long-awaited 102nd National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting in Abuja a couple of weeks ago, casual observers might have dismissed it as just another routine gathering.
But for veterans of Nigeria’s political terrain, this was no ordinary assembly. It was a statement of survival, a fragile rebirth for a party once dismissed as politically extinct. Unlike the previous NEC sessions that collapsed into chaos, rancour and dramatic walkouts, the 102nd NEC meeting held firm.
For a political organisation battered by post-2023 recriminations, sabotage and bitter internal feuds, the very fact that the NEC convened and ended in one piece was extraordinary.
In Nigerian politics, where the optics could be as decisive as the outcomes, that survival was itself a victory. The PDP has always lived dangerously, walking the thin line between collapse and resurgence. Its history is fraught with crises that would have killed lesser parties.
In 2006, the “Third Term” saga nearly tore it apart. In 2014, the dramatic walkout of governors at the Eagle Square convention gave birth to the All Progressives Congress (APC). After the 2019 elections, leadership feuds once again paralysed its national secretariat.
The 2023 elections represented another low. The G-5 rebellion led by Nyesom Wike openly defied the party’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar. The PDP lost not only at the federal level but also its claim to being Africa’s largest political party. Many analysts wrote its obituary.
Yet, the 102nd NEC showed that, true to form, the PDP retains a survival instinct. Each cycle of crisis has forced a reinvention. The party’s resilience lies not in the absence of fractures, but in its ability to patch them together enough to remain relevant.
The path to the 102nd NEC 2025 was strewn with landmines, explosive issues that could have sunk the party if mishandled. Three things stood out. The National Secretary, Samuel Anyanwu, became the lightning rod of factional anger.
A determined push to unseat him threatened a constitutional crisis, one that could have crippled the party’s organisational framework. Saraki’s committee diffused this by insisting on compromise, revalidating Anyanwu’s mandate, and avoiding a destabi-
lising legal showdown.
Former Rivers governor and current FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, loomed over the PDP like a storm cloud. His defiance in 2023 was still raw. His sympathisers within the PDP remained influential and outright confrontation risked another split.
Saraki’s strategy was containment, not confrontation, keeping Wike’s bloc engaged without letting it dominate until the amiability leading to the NEC.
Perhaps the most critical fault line was between PDP governors and the National Working Committee (NWC). Without their cooperation, no opposition party could stand.
Saraki recognised that APC’s strength in 2023 was rooted in the unity of its governors behind Bola Tinubu. He worked to rebuild consensus between PDP governors and the NWC, a task that paid off at the 102nd NEC when both camps spoke with rare unison.
The meeting did not just avoid implosion; it produced outcomes that could shape PDP’s future. Both the National Chairman and Secretary were affirmed in their positions, silencing rumours of imminent removal and ending months of uncertainty.
The NEC resolved to proceed with its convention plans, signalling organisational readiness rather than paralysis. For the first time since 2023, PDP governors spoke with one voice. This unity was described by Bauchi governor Bala Mohammed as “a new beginning.”
The gains trickled down. Disillusioned members, long weary of elite quarrels, began to see the PDP as a party once again capable of renewal.
National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, hailed the NEC as “a demonstration of internal democracy and resilience.”
Symbolically, the PDP showed it could still conduct orderly meetings. Beyond resolutions, the NEC carried emblematicweight: it proved the PDP was not condemned to irrelevance. Survival itself became a rallying point for members.
At the heart of this turnaround was Bukola Saraki. When he was tapped in the late 2023 to chair the reconciliation and strategy commit-
tee, many thought it a poisoned chalice. But his leadership style, consultative disposition, patience and strategic thinking became the stabilising force.
Saraki did not impose; he mediated. He did not crush dissent; he absorbed it. He struck balances between ambition and survival. In doing so, he revived PDP’s tradition of consensus and accommodation – the very traits that once made it Africa’s largest party.
This “Saraki Doctrine” offers a blueprint the PDP can institutionalise: dialogue over decrees, inclusion over exclusion, and prioritising survival above individual ambition.
Yet, even after the NEC, a fresh test emerged. A coalition led by Wike and other heavyweights released six preconditions for what they termed a “legitimate” national convention:
Conduct fresh congresses in Ebonyi and Anambra as mandated by court judgments. Hold a new South-East Zonal Congress immediately. Respect the outcome of the South-South Congress in Calabar, already upheld by courts.
Conduct Ekiti State LGA congresses promptly, in line with legal orders. Reject “micro-zoning” beyond the zoning formula adopted by NEC. Retain the National Chairmanship in the North-Central, consistent with the 2021 zoning scheme.
Signed by Nyesom Wike, Samuel Ortom, Ayo Fayose, Okezie Ikpeazu, and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, the communique, read by Ortom, warned that failure to comply would delegitimise the convention.
At first glance, these demands seemed divisive. Yet they reflected something else: engagement. Wike’s bloc has not abandoned PDP; it has staked terms for inclusion.
That posturing, while confrontational, was also an admission that PDP was still worth salvaging.
What makes Wike’s demands more potent was their legal foundation. Many hinged on court judgments, Ebonyi, Anambra, Ekiti, and Calabar congresses. This highlightedhow judicial pronouncements had become decisive in PDP’s internal politics, sometimes more binding than NEC resolutions.
The danger is obvious: mishandling these court orders could invalidate a convention. But the opportunity is also clear: resolving them provides a structured path to harmony.
Zoning has always been PDP’s adhesive. From 1999, power rotation between North and South kept the party broadly balanced. Today, disputes over whether the chairman-
ship should remain in North-central or move elsewhere revive old ghosts.
Handled wisely, zoning can be the bridge to unity. Handled poorly, it can reopen fractures. The 102nd NEC managed to hold the line; the convention will be the real test.
PDP governors remain the party’s lifeblood, financiers, grassroots mobilisers, and power brokers. Their renewed alignment with the NWC is perhaps the single strongest indicator of a rebirth. If they maintain this collective responsibility, the PDP stands a chance of repositioning. If they splinter again, the party risks sliding back into irrelevance.
The NEC should be remembered not just for its resolutions but for its symbolism. It restored the idea that PDP is still a national party. Images of leaders seated together, communiques issued without rancour and governors speaking in unison carried psychological weight.
For grassroots members, symbolism matters. It told them their party was not finished. For the wider electorate, it suggested PDP could still be a credible opposition.
Yet the road ahead is treacherous. With Wike’s bloc pressing hard, and unresolved grievances lurking, the PDP must recognise that reconciliation is not an event but a continuum.
The Saraki blueprint must be institutionalised into a mechanism for harmonisation, a standing framework where grievances are absorbed and resolved without derailing the party.
Without such a mechanism, every congress, every convention risks reopening old wounds. With it, the PDP can transform friction into fuel for consolidation.
The NEC may not be perfect; it was a possibility. It marked a shift from paralysis to motion, from bitterness to fragile consensus. It showed that even in its weakest moment, the PDP could still hold together.
But the true test lies ahead. If leaders confront Wike’s demands with unity and institutionalised reconciliation, the November convention could become a milestone of rebirth. If not, the landmines could still explode.
What is undeniable is that the PDP is no longer writing its obituary. It has begun, tentatively yet resolutely, its slow march toward rebirth. And at the heart of this fragile revival is Saraki’s steady hand, a doctrine of dialogue, and the recognition that survival, in politics as in life, is the first step toward renewal.
those who want power back in the north by 2031 believe he is the natural choice since he can only do one more term (I will come back to this presently). Unlike Amaechi and Peter Obi who are having to swear that they will do only one term, Jonathan does not need to promise anything: he has done one term already and the constitution does not allow a third. The alternative for those canvassing the one-term option is Tinubu, who also cannot go beyond 2031 if he is re-elected in 2027. The one-term proponents are left to choose between Tinubu and Jonathan.
There are northerners, even in the African Democratic Congress (ADC), who are uncomfortable with an Abubakar Atiku presidency in 2027. Aside the fact that it will effectively terminate the ambition of northern politicians who want to contest in 2031, they do not want another toxic polity that followed Jonathan’s decision to run in 2011 which inevitably truncated the northern turn in Aso Rock. It clearly poisoned the political atmosphere. Cutting short the southern tenure in 2027 may create a similar animosity. That is why some northern strategists are genuinely looking southwards to maintain the balance. But assumptions that any southerner would willingly do only one term would be a gamble.
Tinubu is no longer an option for many northerners who accuse him — rightly, even if it is all politics — that his appointments have been heavily tilted towards his Yoruba kith and kin and that his geo-political zone has had an unfair share of federal projects. There will be many northerners who would argue that Tinubu should be supported to just do his second term “and go home” — but so also are those who think Jonathan is a more even-handed leader who would not hurt the interests of the north. We may not like these lines of reasoning but politics has always been about interests. Even in the world’s most
FEDERAL CHARACTER
President Tinubu has been accused of favouring the south-west, his home zone, in the distribution of federal projects. In trying to counter the narrative, the administration released a list of projects that embarrassingly misidentified locations (confusing the northeast for the north-west). The interesting bit is how Lagos state was cleverly left out of the south-west as if Nigerians are dumb not to notice. I don’t even know what amuses me the most: south-westerners who criticised President Buhari for favouring the north but have now safely gone quiet under Tinubu — or northerners who kept quiet under Buhari but have now found their voice under Tinubu. There is an English word for it. Hypocrisy.
advanced democracies, politics is about interests. It is time for us to get used to it!
Another reason some Nigerians want Jonathan back is the nostalgia about the “good old days”. They consider him a better manager of the economy and are sure that the “good times” will return if he gets another chance to preside over Nigeria in 2027. They say under Jonathan, petrol was N87/litre but is now N900; the exchange rate was N160/$ but is now N1,540; and a bag of rice was N10,000 but is now N150,000. This comparison business is a favourite pastime of some on social media. Many Nigerians don’t know the link between high oil revenues and our economic fortunes/misfortunes. But that is a different matter altogether. Remember we are discussing politics, not economics.
I have also spoken to quite a number of people — although I don’t know how non-aligned they are — who are of the opinion that the ongoing undeclared Yoruba/Igbo war can be toned down by a “neutral” like Jonathan, who is of the southern minority stock. There was the regular Igbo vs Fulani fixture when Buhari was in power. It has shifted to an Igbo vs Yoruba derby since the 2023 elections. Jonathan, it is argued, can help defuse the tension. I don’t know how logical this position is because many would argue that Jonathan identified as “Azikiwe” in 2011 and was well accepted and loved by the Igbo when he was president — whereas south-west politicians complained of marginalisation.
But this begs the question: is Jonathan qualified to contest? Section 134 (3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended in 2017) states: “A person who was sworn in as President to complete the term for which another person was elected as President shall not be elected to such office for more than a single term.” Jonathan was sworn in to complete the term of the late
President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in May 2010 and was elected in his own right in the 2011 presidential election. Since he has been elected once and sworn in twice, doesn’t that mean if he wins in 2027, he will be sworn for a third term? Doesn’t that automatically bar him from running in the next presidential election?
Olorogun Festus Keyamo, a senior lawyer and minister of aviation and aerospace development, thinks any party that fields Jonathan will be risking disqualification. “One of [PDP’s] attractive targets as a Presidential candidate is ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, because of his purported eligibility to run for only one term. But, if he is fielded, the Party runs the RISK of NOT HAVING A CANDIDATE AT ALL by virtue of section 137 (3) of the 1999 Constitution (Fourth Amendment). The constitutional amendment was made AFTER the court judgment which cleared him to run in 2015, so nothing is decided yet on that new amendment, hence I use the word ‘RISK’ advisedly,” Keyamo wrote on X.
The minister was referring to a court judgment delivered by Justice Mudashiru Oniyangi in March 2013 which cleared Jonathan to run in 2015. Mr Cyriacus Njoku, a PDP member, had gone to court to argue that section 137 (1) of the 1999 Constitution barred Jonathan because it said: “A person shall not be qualified for election to the office of President if - (b) he has been elected to such office at any two previous elections.” The judge pointed out that Jonathan had only been elected once — in 2011 — as his inauguration as president after Yar’Adua’s death did not amount to an election. I believe this influenced the amendment of the 1999 Constitution in 2017 to reflect “sworn in”, not just “elected”.
But Keyamo’s position has also been countered. As reported by THISDAY, the issue was settled in May 2022. Two APC members had gone to court to enforce
CURRICULUM VITAL
Federal government has announced a “revolutionary” curriculum for basic education. Students will experience “a lighter, more skill-driven curriculum designed to improve quality of instruction and ensure that learners are well-prepared for the global economy”. JSS 1 students will now have to pick a trade subject “to boost practical skills”. Beautiful and long overdue. However, I am amazed that the new curriculum will take “immediate effect”, which raises vital questions about our preparedness. Have instructional materials been developed for the curriculum? Are the teachers up to speed? Or should we say another Nigerian case of “good policy, bad implementation” is the making? Troubling.
that committee. Importantly, Shettima’s choice was reportedly blessed by the late President Buhari.
In the end, the APC won the election. Asiwaju and Shettima were inaugurated as president and vice president.
After more than two years in the saddle, they are moving on, united by a shared vision to engender a strong economy, deliver prosperity, and improve the living standards of Nigerians based on the Renewed Hope Agenda.
This relationship has not been without its challenges. However, the union has continued to weather the storms.
It is always the case in a political environment that power mongers and schemers will seek to throw spanners in the work to upset political relationships or any union, for that matter. Indeed, relationships between a principal and deputy, like that between governors and their deputies or presidents and vice presidents, can be very testy, as suspicion and mistrust can sometimes creep in.
Deputies are endangered species. Like Caesar’s wife, they must be above board at all times, politically correct, and ensure
they do not swim against the tide.
Writing in “Deputising and Governance in Nigeria,” former deputy governor and later two-term governor of Kano State, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, contends that “the role of a vice president in government depends largely on his relationship with his boss, and could be expanded to make him influential, if positive and collaborative.”
According to the constitution, the vice president chairs the National Economic Council. However, the vice president has no special powers except those delegated to him by the President, which is entirely at the President’s discretion.
The marriage between President Tinubu and VP Shettima is strong and vibrant. There is no doubt that Shettima has demonstrated absolute loyalty to President Tinubu. He has shown he is a worthy partner who believes that both of them must work together for the good of the country they both love.
If anyone doubted the bond between them, President Tinubu cleared the doubts in his 59th birthday message to Shettima on September 2, 2025. VP Shettima also responded with matching words of gratitude.
the Fourth Alteration of 2017. Justice Isah Dashem of the Federal High Court, Yenagoa, Bayelsa state, ruled that Jonathan was not sworn in after the amendment and it did not apply to him. My little knowledge of law is that a new provision does not take retroactive effect. Those sworn in after the amendment are, however, affected. The first will be Chief Lucky Aiyedatiwa who, as Ondo deputy governor, was sworn in when Rotimi Akeredolu died in 2023. He has now been sworn in twice, after winning his own election in 2024.
It may also interest us to know that there had been a judicial pronouncement on this matter in 2003. Chief Segun Osoba (Ogun), Prince Abubakar Audu (Kogi), Rev Jolly Nyame (Taraba) and Alhaji Bukar Abba Ibrahim (Yobe) were elected governors in 1991 under the 1989 Constitution. In 1999, they contested again and won, this time under a new constitution, but a question arose in 2003 if they could go for a second term since that would amount to being elected thrice. The Court of Appeal ruled that the provisions of the 1989 Constitution could not apply to elections conducted under the 1999 Constitution. In other words, a new constitutional provision does not apply to past events.
The undertone of the Jonathan debate should not be lost on us, though. If he decides to run and gets the backing of critical segments of the core north in addition to his fan bases in the south and Christian north, he will stand a good chance. That is why I think supporters of Tinubu will try to scare him out of the race while fans of Atiku/Obi will do everything to discourage him from throwing his hat in the ring. As for me, as long as he is eligible and he is persuaded in his mind that he has what it takes to go the whole hog, he should go for it. But Jonathan is, I suggest, loss-averse. The Jonathan we know will not run except he gets iron-cast assurances. But who can give him such assurances?
Simon Ekpa, the Finland-based Biafra advocate, has been sentenced to a six-year imprisonment by a Finnish court for his terrorism rhetoric, thereby casting doubt on speculation that he had international backing. Ekpa, a triple jumper who represented Nigeria at the 2003 African junior championships, created the Biafra Republic Government in Exile (BRGIE) in 2023 and declared himself prime minister, raising the hopes of millions of supporters of the want-away region. But his imprisonment will not end the agitation for Biafra. Let us be clear about that. However, I think people can genuinely want away and not be engaged in or supporting violence and terrorism. Extreme.
In the stirring message, the President said, among others, “Every day as vice president, you have justified that choice by strengthening our work, bringing fresh perspectives, and upholding our commitment to Nigerians. Your dedication reassures me that I did not make a mistake in choosing you as my deputy.”
Responding, the vice president promised not to take his bond with President Tinubu for granted. In a message of gratitude on the birthday, the Vice President said: “The bond we share, anchored in loyalty and service, is one I will never take for granted. I have watched you shoulder the burden of difficult choices at critical moments, steering our nation through turbulent waters into a harbour of stability that promises abundance.”
The opposition politicians and top political office aspirants have important lessons to learn from this harmony, mutual trust and tolerance, which is at variance with what obtained in the early part of the Fourth Republic.
Though frosty relationships between governors and their deputies have been recurring since 1999, former President
Senator Elisha Abbo, former senator for Adamawa north, says he is on a one-month fast to seek God’s guidance on his next political steps. He was once in the PDP but defected to the APC along the line. “In 2020, I left PDP for APC without praying and asking God’s direction on which party to join,” he wrote on X. “I left for tangible reasons and raw instincts and joined APC out of human judgment and to flow with the tide. This time around, I undertook 31 days of fasting and prayers, seeking direction among other things I asked God to do for me.” I can now understand why he assaulted that lady at a sex toy shop in Abuja in 2019: he didn’t ask God for direction to the right shop. Hahahaha.
Obasanjo and his deputy, Vice President Atiku Abubakar, took the matter to a frightening level. They engaged in a war of attrition.
Atiku tried to undercut and oust his principal from office because of his presidential ambition. Both of them dragged each other in the mud, almost literally, leading to tensions in governance and a protracted crisis. The country’s renewed democratic experiment was severely tested. It was an ugly situation many would rather not be reminded of. The nation was on the edge, with fault lines being dangerously toyed with. It was indeed a dark moment in our political history! But that is no longer the story as Tinubu and Shettima are handling their relationship with maturity.
On this occasion of his 59th birthday, I commend Vice President Shettima for his loyalty to the President and his commitment to nation-building. I wish him many more years and continued life of impact. Happy birthday, Sir.
•Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media & Special Duties
Edited by: Duro Ikhazuagbe
email:duro.Ikhazuagbe@thisdaylive.com
Super Eagles to depart Uyo today for the must-win clash with
Duro Ikhazuagbe
Substitute tolu
Arokodare scored a 51st minute Super eagles lone goal winner against rwanda yesterday evening to keep Nigeria’s dream of a place in the 2026 World Cup alive.
the lone striker by the new Wolves forward has now moved Nigeria to third on the log with 10 points but still six points adrift of Group C leader, South Africa, who hammered Lesotho 3-0 on Friday evening.
benin republic who beat Zimbabwe 1-0 also on Friday to move to 11 points are second behind bafana bafana with the same number of seven matches.
Now, Super eagles will need to up their ante in order for them to get a decent result in tuesday’s clash with bafana bafana in bloemfontein.
A repeat of this below average scrappy performance by eagles against South Africa in the next three days may resort in Nigeria saying good bye to playing in the 2026 mundial! eagles laboured against the Amavubi from Kigali and ended the first half barren. Before the end of the first half however, Star boy, Victor Osimhen who scored twice against rwanda in Kigali in march, got injured by a rwanda defender.
All attempts for Osimhen to continue the match failed as he had to be replaced by former Glasgow rangers striker, Cyriel Dessers in the 35th minute.
As expected, Nigeria applied the early pressure on rwanda in a game they needed to win. the home fans thought the Super eagles had gone ahead in the eighth minute when Osimhen slotted home from the near post but the effort was chalked off for offside.
In the 14th minute, rwanda goalkeeper Fiacre Ntwari did well to keep out a tricky shot. Nigeria goalkeeper Stanley Nwabali was booked on 25 minutes following a scuffle with a rwanda player.
On the half hour mark, moses Simon’s shot from inside the box came straight at the goalkeeper and minutes later, Alex Iwobi’s dipping shot from distance tipped over by the goalkeeper for a corner. to the credit of rwanda they defended well with the occasional incursions into the Nigerian half of the pitch. the Super eagles will depart Uyo for South Africa today ahead of tuesday’s World Cup cracker with the host country. earlier on Friday, SouthAfrica beat Lesotho 3-0 to preserve their lead at the top. mohau Nkota put bafana bafana ahead in the 15th minute with a controlled volley across goal from a narrow angle.
Lyle Foster made it 2-0 in the 63rd minute, tapping in the rebound after Crocodiles goalkeeper Sekhoane moerane could only parry Aubrey modiba’s strike into the air, and the burnley striker set up the third for Oswin Appollis four minutes later.
South Africa have not played at the World Cup since hosting in 2010.
Substitute Tolu Arokodare (left) and Cyriel Desser battling out ball possession with a Rwandan defender during last night’s World Cup qualifier against Rwanda in Uyo
beats host Delta to 2nd position
Omon-Julius Onabu in asaba
At the end of the 9th National Youth Games on Saturday, Lagos State clinched the top spot with 52 gold, 32 silver and
Nigeria 1-0
Rwanda
Congo vs Eritrea (Cancelled)
Today
C’Africa Rep. vs Comoros
NPFL
(Match-day 3)
Katsina Utd vs K’Pillars
Remo Stars vs W’Wolves
Kwara Utd vs Kun Khalifat
Wikki vs Abia Warriors
Enyimba vs Nasarawa
El-Kanemi vs Rivers Utd
Shooting vs Ikorodu City
Tornadoes vs Bayelsa Utd
Barau vs B’Insurance
Rangers vs Plateau Utd
26 bronze medals, thus halting the about eight years of winning streak by host Delta State.
Delta finished second with 37 gold, 38 silver, and 39 bronze while edo State settled for third place with 33 gold, 18 silver and 28 bronze.
bayelsa and Kwara completed the top five finishers with 18 gold, 12 silver and 25 bronze, and 15 gold, 10 silver and 19 bronze to occupy the fourth and fifth places, respectively.
president bola tinubu and Governor Sheriff Oborevwori
Oof Delta State commended the athletes, their handlers and administrators for actively participating in the games, saying the event greatly engendered the unifying spirit in the country. president tinubu, who was represented by mallam Shehu Dikko, Chairman of the National Sports Commission (NSC), lauded the Games as a shining example of Nigeria’s future as it provided a good ground for discovering young talents who will fly the country’s flag in the nearest future.
He said, “What we have witnessed here in Asaba is the triumph of unity, resilience, and youthful potential. these young athletes are the heartbeat of our nation’s future, and the Federal Government remains committed to nurturing their dreams and investing in grassroots sports development.”
the Governor of Delta State, Elder Sheriff Oborevwori, in his closing remarks, expressed pride at Delta’s role as host and praised the athletes for their commitment and discipline.
He said that Delta State was proud to have successfully hosted the 9th National Youth Games, where the nation once again witnessed the strength of the Nigerian youth and the power of sports to unite the nation.
However, the governor urged the country’s sports authorities to work harder at eliminating age cheats in future tournaments.
the Chairman of the main Organizing Committee and Director-General of the NSC, Hon bukola Olopade, commended all stakeholders, athletes, and officials for the success of the Games:
ne of the biggest football Derby in the country will hold this Sunday at the muhammed Dikko Stadium in Katsina between hosts, Katsina United and former champions, Kano pillars.
Dubbed the Northwest Derby by the media, the fixture draws a blockbuster crowd, a huge dose of the travelling Sai masu gida
fans and the usually dominant home fans. On a typical matchday, the stadium and it’s surrounding areas witness heavy vehicular and human traffic as early as 10am. there’s the rivalry that brews tension, sometimes rising to physical violent confrontations that spill onto the streets and leaving lots of injuries and damage to vehicles.
Last season, fans of the two clubs reached a peace pact and videos circulated online of fans
of both sides cheering players of opposing teams before kickoff. It started with pillars players going round the stands to greet the fans and it turned to a carnival of sorts as the fans beat drums and blew trumpets singing the praises of individual players by their names.
Katsina United Chairman, Surajo malumfashi has moved to sustain the new found love between the supporters of both clubs, inviting them to turn our
in numbers and recreate the carnival-like air of the last season. In his message to the players and coaches, malumfashi charged them to be passionate about the game in order to ensure success for the team. to the teeming supporters, he solicited discipline, urging them to conduct themselves in good manners to maintain the already existing established relationship between the two Northwest Giants.
Since he was defeated in the 2015 presidential election, President Goodluck Jonathan has remained very visible in the public eye. Moreover, his unspent second term keeps hovering over the political waters. Because Jonathan conducted himself with dignity in the aftermath of his loss — even conceding the election to Candidate Muhammadu Buhari before the results were officially declared — there has always been some sympathy for him in the political arena. There was once a rumour that Buhari favoured Jonathan as his successor because he was disgusted with almost every aspirant in his own party. That will remain a rumour forever as Buhari can no longer confirm or deny it.
Jonathan’s dream return started looking real in 2022 after he met with Buhari’s nephew, Mallam Mamman Daura. He was reported to have joined the All Progressives Congress (APC) in his Otuoke ward,
cheque. Nothing came out of the drama and the former president later denied all the rumours. The reading then was that if he was sure of getting the ticket, he would have gone all the way. But with no such assurances, he could not have defeated established APC members such as Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Rt Hon Rotimi Amaechi in an open primary.
The rumour of Jonathan’s quest to return to Aso Rock was strong for a long period before 2023. The word in town was that he was romancing with the APC and that, as part of the deal, he supported APC’s David Lyon in the 2019 Bayelsa governorship election, although he was officially a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Despite winning the election, Lyon was disqualified because of his running mate, Senator Biobarakuma Degi, whose certificates bore different names without any affidavit to explain why. Chief Douye Diri, the PDP candidate who came second, was declared winner by default, and Jonathan
immediately embraced him, describing him as “my former commissioner”. As we are getting set for the 2027 presidential election, the rumour is all over town again that Jonathan wants to run. As usual, he has said nothing and given no hint whatsoever. All we are left to do is speculate. But those who circulate regularly within the Nigerian political flow are swearing that he is indeed very much interested. There are politicians, such as Governor Bala Mohammed of Bauchi state, who are openly canvassing for him. Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the man some analysts tip to inherit a chunk of Buhari’s fanbase, is also reported to have held meetings with Jonathan but so also are his associates meeting with President Bola Tinubu regularly. It is the way of politicians. Why do some people want Jonathan back? There are various reasons. The immediate one is what I call political mathematics:
Long before President Bola Tinubu decided on Vice President Kashim Shettima, who turned 59 last week, as his running mate in the last presidential election, both of them had first collaborated across boundaries and different political parties several years ago to the present, when they are working together at the helm of Nigerian affairs. President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima continue to march on in harmony and deep partnership. Their relationship is borne of mutual respect and trust and fired by patriotic zeal and the need to promote democracy, good governance, and economic development. That bond has continued to wax stronger. I do not feign any knowledge regarding the exact time the two leaders encountered each other. It’s on record, however, that both worked together, alongside other like minds, to merge the legacy parties that eventually formed the APC in 2014.
Indeed, the torchbearers of the merger were President Tinubu – leading the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria from the South-west – and the late President Muhammadu Buhari, who led the Congress for Progressive Change from the North-West. However, Vice President Shettima of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party and other party leaders, among others, also played an important role in the consummation of the merger that brought together progressive forces from across Nigeria’s North and South.
By the time of that historic event, the relationship between Shettima and his political leader and former governor of the state, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff (SAS), had gone frosty. Although up until that point, SAS dominated the ANPP structure in Borno State almost to the total exclusion of then Governor Shettima, a battle line was being drawn between supporters of the Godfather and the Governor. The merger therefore emerged like a rescue avenue for
Shettima, and Asiwaju supported him greatly to successfully wrest the party structure and assume full leadership.
Asiwaju also came to his support when the Chibok girls were abducted, and the Goodluck Jonathan government saw Shettima like a villain. Shettima had to take his story and efforts to rescue the abducted girls to the international community. Asiwaju helped in all of that and also facilitated his quick return to Maiduguri. Many will recall that celebrated interview Shettima granted CNN’s Christian Amanpour at the time.
As governor of Borno State, Shettima’s admiration for Asiwaju Tinubu and his politics was well known. He would often invite him to inaugurate some legacy projects of his administration, even while they were in different parties. On one such occasion, Asiwaju arrived in Maiduguri, Borno State capital, along with his entourage, in the heat of the Boko Haram insurgency. He spent two days in that city, inaugurating
the Doctors’ Quarters, which were built by Shettima and named after Tinubu, among other projects.
With that visit, it was evident that both leaders had become political soul mates – akin to a political father and son. In the run-up to the 2023 election, Shettima pitched his tent with Asiwaju Tinubu. He rooted for Tinubu during the APC primaries and criss-crossed the country with him while the campaign lasted. Given his competence, leadership experience, dynamism, and loyalty, it was no surprise that Asiwaju picked him as his running mate. Indeed, it is an affirmation of his competence and good qualities that the committee set up by Asiwaju to recommend a suitable running mate for him had Shettima at the top of its list. Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and former ally of President Tinubu, Babachir David Lawal, headed