Edun hails ‘defining moment for Africa’ as Elombi assumes leadership Dangote lauds seamless transition, commends bank’s role in Africa’s transformation
Festus Akanbi
The outgone President of the African Import and Export Bank (Afreximbank), Professor Benedict Oramah, has said the
Governors: Removal of Nigeria from Grey List of FATF Evidence of Tinubu’s Financial Discipline, Integrity…Page 5
Kalu
Sunday Aborisade and Adedayo Akinwale in Abuja
In a historic decision that could redefine Nigeria’s political architecture and deepen democratic inclusivity, the Joint Committee of the National Assembly on Constitution Review has approved the creation of an additional state for the South-east geopolitical zone. The committee also recommended independent candidacy for future elections and an extra elective seat for women in every state of the federation.
Continued on page 5
the President in Aso Rock Villa…weekend
Chuks Okocha and James Emejo in Abuja
The Nigerian governors yesterday described the removal of Nigeria from the financial grey list by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) as evidence of financial discipline and integrity introduced by the
The far-reaching resolutions were adopted at the committee’s closed-door retreat held at the Lagos Marriott Hotel, Ikeja, yesterday.
This is just as the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Okezie Kalu, has emphasised the need for the constitution review process to be guided by national interest, rather than individual or party interests.
The joint committee, comprising one senator and one member of the House of Representatives from each of
Democratic Party (PDP) scheduled for November 15 and 16 in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, the main opposition party yesterday appointed a 13-member committee to screen aspirants seeking elections headed by a former Ondo State governorship candidate of the party, Mr. Eyitayo Jegede (SAN).
This is just as the PDP in Kebbi State has rejected the reported nomination of Kabiru Tanimu Turaki as the consensus candidate for the party’s National Chairman, citing a lack of consultation with stakeholders in the North-west zone.
led a chorus of continental optimism as they hailed the inauguration of Dr. George Elombi as the new President and Board Chairman of the Afreximbank.
Elombi was sworn in as the fourth president and board chairman of the financial institution at an investiture ceremony held in Cairo, Egypt.
He was officially appointed by Afreximbank stakeholders on June 28.
The newly inaugurated president, a Cameroonian, has been with Afreximbank since 1996, joining as a legal officer.
Giving his final presidential speech at the weekend during a farewell conference and investiture ceremony, Oramah said the bank also paid out $1.4 billion in dividends to
administration of President Bola Tinubu.
This is just as the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) yesterday welcomed the country's removal from the list of jurisdictions under increased monitoring, known as the "grey list", describing it as a strong affirmation of Nigeria’s reform trajectory
the 36 states, deliberated on key constitutional proposals and reached consensus on three transformative reforms.
For decades, leaders and stakeholders from the Southeast have clamoured for a sixth state to ensure parity with other regions of the federation.
The zone currently has only five states: Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo, while most other zones have six, and the North-west has seven.
The meeting, which began around 4:00 p.m., was jointly presided over by the Deputy
Justice James Omotoso of the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja has fixed October 31 to deliver judgment in the suit, marked FHC/ABJ/ CS/2120/2025, seeking to stop the PDP’s planned convention.
The suit was filed by the PDP chairman in Imo State, Austine Nwachukwu; Abia State chairman of the party, Amah Abraham Nnanna; and South-south secretary of the party, Turnah George, all allies of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Mr. Nyesom Wike.
The presiding judge fixed the ruling date last week after hearing final arguments from
shareholders during the same period.
“We kept a sharp focus on institutional strength and financial health and grew the balance sheet and guarantees almost eightfold from $6 billion in September 2015 to almost $44 billion in September 2025,” he said.
“We grew revenues and net income equally and paid out an aggregate of almost $1.4 billion to shareholders as dividends for the same period.”
Oramah, who ended a two-term leadership stint that started in 2015, further spoke of the bank’s achievements under his stewardship.
He said the intra-African trade fair, which has been held four times, attracted 180,000 visitors and generated
and the growing integrity of the country’s financial system.
In a statement issued yesterday by the Director of Media and Strategic communications of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF), Yunusa Abdullahi, the governors said the removal of Nigeria from the list was a
President of the Senate, Senator Jibrin Barau, and the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Kalu, who also chairs the House Ad Hoc Committee on Constitution Review.
The motion for the new state’s creation was moved by Senator Abdul Ningi (Bauchi Central) and seconded by Hon. Ibrahim Isiaka (Ogun State).
After a robust debate, the proposal received unanimous backing from members of both chambers after spirited deliberations anchored on equity, justice, and fairness.
the parties in the case.
However, the main opposition party seems unfazed by the pending judgment as the Chairman of the Convention Organising Committee (NCOC) and Governor of Adamawa State, Ahmadu Fintiri, announced the setting up of a 13-member committee.
While former Governor of Osun State, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola; former Governor of Imo State, Achike Udenwa; Mrs. Josephine Anenih; Hajiya Mariam Chiroma; Felix Hassan Hyat; Emmanuel Enoidem; Mrs Aduke Maina; and Zainab Maina are members of the
$170 billion in trade and investments.
The outgoing president said the pro-African payment and settlement system, which is backed by Afreximbank’s $3 billion clearing and settlement facility, is operational in 20 countries and counting.
“After more than 60 years of political independence, we are finally on the verge of integrating the continent’s 42 payment systems into a single payment rail,” he said.
“And finally, we have made African currencies legal tenders across African borders.
“The AfCFTA Adjustment Fund, aimed at supporting AfCFTA participating states to adjust in an orderly manner to the new trading regime, is today a reality.
“Thanks to the partnership
product of years of thorough investigation and review of Nigeria’s financial systems.
“This remarkable result was predicated on the diplomatic and political efforts of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, governors of the thirty-six states of the federation, notable institutions like the Federal Ministry
In addition to the creation of an additional state for the South-east, the joint committee also recommended the institutionalisation of independent candidacy and the establishment of gender-based legislative seats.
The committee also agreed to revisit the over 278 pending requests for new local government areas and 55 proposals for new states, noting that additional reviews would be handled by a newly formed subcommittee.
The resolution, once ratified by the National Assembly and endorsed by at least 24
committee, Hon. Mohammed Diri is the deputy chairman.
The secretary of the committee is Asue Ighodalo, with Jacob Otorkpa as his deputy.
The screening, according to the NCOC, begins on Tuesday.
Meanwhile, the PDP in Kebbi State has rejected the reported nomination of Turaki as the consensus candidate for the party’s National Chairman, citing a lack of consultation with stakeholders in the North-west zone.
PDP leaders from the Northern part of the country, including governors, had unanimously endorsed Turaki,
between the AfCFTA and the African Central Bank, as well as the bank’s $1 billion commitment to support a fund,” he added.
Oramah highlighted that the Africa trade gateway, the bank’s digital platform, uses digital technology to break down information barriers, while Afreximbank’s Africa trade centres offer a solid foundation for interAfrican trade and investment information.
“About 700 standards for pharmaceuticals and medical equipment, agriculture, automobiles, textiles, and so on, have been harmonised, enabling smoother interAfrican trade,” he said.
“We are building test and certification centres across Africa to ensure that there is
of Finance, Central Bank of Nigeria, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and the Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU),”
Nigeria was placed on the FATE grey list in 2023 after the global body found deficiencies in Nigeria’s anti-money laundering and
state Houses of Assembly, as required by the 1999 Constitution, would finally bring the South-east to parity with other regions.
Reacting to the decision, Senator Ali Ndume (APC, Borno South) described the move as “a long-overdue act of fairness and justice.”
According to him, “No region should be structurally disadvantaged. Giving the South-east an additional state restores balance and reinforces national unity.”
Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu, who has been a consistent advocate of the
a former Minister of Special Duties, as their consensus candidate for the position of national chairman ahead of the party’s November convention.
However, Adamawa State Governor, Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri, after a meeting of Northern PDP leaders held on Wednesday night in Abuja, clarified that the endorsement did not preclude other aspirants from contesting.
But while addressing journalists in Birnin Kebbi yesterday, the PDP Publicity Secretary in the state, Sani Dododo, rejected the endorsement.
infrastructure to implement the standards we have helped to harmonise.
“Working with the AfCFTA secretariat and commissioner, we have launched the Africa collaborative transit guarantee scheme, supported by $1 billion in guarantee payments from Afreximbank.
“So, today, and one day, it will be possible for goods to move from Cape to Cairo with just one transit fund,” Oramah added.
Oramah said the bank has supported the emergence of heavy industries, such as the Dangote Refinery and Petrochemical facility, which is exporting within Africa and internationally. He said the bank has supported industrial parks and special economic zones across
financing of terrorism in West Africa Framework.
The NGF spokesman said ''Since then, through a combination of legislative reforms, institutional strengthening and enhanced inter-agency coordination, Nigeria has demonstrated sustained political will to achieve full compliance.
initiative, lauded the decision as “a significant milestone for equity and inclusion in Nigeria’s federal structure.”
Equally momentous was the committee’s approval of independent candidacy—a reform that will, for the first time, allow qualified Nigerians to contest elections without the sponsorship of political parties.
The proposal seeks to dismantle the dominance of party oligarchies and expand access to the democratic space, giving room for credible, non-partisan individuals to vie for public office on merit.
He noted that the decision to reject Tanimu as PDP’s national chairman was based on the speculations that he was handpicked for the position without consultation.
He said, “The party decided that the North-west zone should be allowed to select its own candidate for the position in line with the party’s zoning arrangement.”
Dododo added that the party’s leadership in the state had distanced itself from Turaki’s reported nomination because they did not consult with PDP members in the state before throwing his hat into the ring.
Africa, creating manufactured exports and processing goods that were previously exported as commodities.
According to the outgoing president, Afreximbank provided $10 billion for COVID-19 containment and $2 billion for vaccine procurement for Africa and the Caribbean.
Speaking at the ceremony, Edun, who described the seamless transition as a “defining moment for Africa” also described Elombi’s assumption of office as “a moment when the universe aligns for Africa’s progress.”
The minister, who also chairs the Afreximbank General Meeting for 2025/2026, said the appointment symbolised both continuity and renewal for the continental lender.
Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja
The Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) has revealed that it is targeting about $10 per cost per barrel of oil in the medium term, especially with the deployment of technology to cut inefficiency.
Besides, the Gbenga Komolafe-led upstream regulator, stated that fresh exploration activities have led to the discovery of a potential 9 billion barrels of oil as well as 10 Trillion Cubic Feet (TCF) of gas off the coast of the Niger Delta.
The Executive Commissioner in charge of Economic Regulation and Strategic Planning, Babajide Fasina, spoke with the in-house
magazine to mark the 4th anniversary of the establishment of the organisation.
With the deployment of enterprise solutions incorporated with Artificial Intelligence (Al) analytics, Fasina stated that anomalies are being flagged before they become losses, combined with the NUPRC's integrated data hub, which has consolidated seismic, reservoir and fiscal information.
The executive commissioner said that these have led to faster approvals, proactive oversight and lower uncertainty for investors, as regulation is now digital, predictive and investor-friendly.
The commission, he said, is leveraging data analytics to make strategic decisions, and
Omon-Julius Onabu in Asaba
The Asaba people of Delta State, Nigeria, are poised to make good their vow to draw the attention of the global community to the monumental injustice of the Nigerian State to chilling massacre of hundreds of Asaba people by federal troops on October 7, 1967 during the Nigerian Civil War.
A special film documentary on the Asaba will be formally released today, 26th October in London, the United Kingdom, Chief Chuck Nduka-Eze, the Isama Ajie of Asaba, has revealed.
Nduka-Eze, a legal luminary who was the official convener of recent 58th anniversarycelebration
of the massacre, told THISDAY in Asaba that the epochal event was in furtherance of the Asaba people's drive for not only in furtherance of the call for justice in respect of the cold blooded killing of the innocent citizens, but also to bring on the global space great lessons that could inspire the international peace-process in the Middle East and other areas of inter-etnic and interracial crises in the world.
The response of the Asaba people to the 1967 massacre has been stoic and reflective rather than bitterness and confrontational, NdukaEze noted, saying that the international community stood to learn a lot from the Asaba post-massacre experience.
has signed agreements with international oil and gas data providers (Rystad) to optimise access to key data points for its analysis.
“Our near-term focus to keep Nigeria competitive involves a regulatory approach that ensures optimal value for all stakeholders given the reality of the global energy transition campaign,” the top NUPRC chief stated.
Citing the commission's Regulatory Action Plan (RAP)
2024-2026, he stressed that this encapsulates the key objectives which include: enhancing regulatory predictability and transparency; streamlining licensing rounds and reducing entry barriers and optimising unit cost of production through automation.
“To streamline licensing rounds and ease entry for new players in accordance with Sections 73 of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), we are preparing for another licensing
round. This process will target proven and fallow oil and gas assets with the objectives of accelerating the maturation of petroleum reserves, increasing reserve volumes, deepening indig-enous participation, promoting wealth creation and enhancing resource valorisation for national economic benefit.
“In the last bid round, the signature bonus was lowered to reduce entry costs for small operators and free cash to accelerate development. To
optimise cost, the commission is implementing an Open Access regime for upstream pipeline infrastructure and ancillary facilities.
“Our goal is to reduce the average unit operating cost per barrel to below $10 in the medium term. This will be supported by a standardised tariff model and strategic industry collaborations to embed cost-benchmarking and improve operational efficiency across the board.
Former US Vice-President Kamala Harris has revealed that she may run again for the White House.
In her first UK interview, Harris said she would "possibly" be president one day and was confident there will be a woman in the White House in future.
Making her strongest suggestion to date that she will make another presidential bid in 2028 after losing to Donald Trump last year, Harris dismissed polls
that put her as an outsider to become the Democrats' pick for the next election.
Speaking with BBC, Harris also turned her fire on her former rival, branding Trump a "tyrant", and said warnings she made about him on the campaign trail had been proved right.
As the Democratic Party searches for answers about Republican Donald Trump's decisive victory one year ago, much of the blame
has been directed at former President Joe Biden for not standing down sooner. But there have also been questions raised about whether Harris could have run a better campaign and set out a clearer message on the number one issue, the economy.
In the BBC interview Harris entertained the prospect of another run at the White House, saying her grandnieces would, "in their lifetime, for sure", see
a female president.
Asked if it would be her, she said, "possibly", confirming she is considering another run at the top job.
Harris said she had not yet made a decision, but underlined that she still sees herself as having a future in politics.
"I am not done," the former vice-president said. "I have lived my entire career as a life of service and it's in my bones."
Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja
The Niger Delta Power Holding Company (NDPHC) has commenced routine maintenance at its 430-megawatt Geregu Power Plant as part of efforts to enhance operational efficiency and improve electricity generation. The maintenance being
undertaken by the plant’s Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM), Siemens Energy, is expected to last for about four weeks, a statement from the company signed by its Head, Corporate Communications and External Relations, Emmanuel Ojor, stated. Speaking during an
assessment of the ongoing work at the plant in Kogi State at the weekend, the Managing Director/ Chief Executive Officer of NDPHC, Jennifer Adighije, said the exercise would significantly improve the plant’s performance and reliability. She stated that the scheduled maintenance
underscored NDPHC’s commitment to sustaining optimal generation capacity and meeting its power supply obligations to the national grid.
Adighije reaffirmed the company’s commitment to supporting President Bola Tinubu’s goal of achieving universal access to electricity for all Nigerians.
Olawale Ajimotokan in
The federal government has expressed its commitment to build strategic global partnerships to counter negative narratives aimed at damaging the country's reputation.
The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris affirmed this yesterday in London at the UK Edition of the Renewed Hope Global Dialogue with the theme “Strengthening
Global Partnerships for Economic Renewal and National Rebranding under the Renewed Hope Administration"
He described partnerships and collaboration as activities central to Nigeria’s efforts at rebranding and repositioning itself on the world stage.
Idris also decried disinformation campaign falsely and maliciously alleging state-sponsored and targeted religious attacks and discrimination in Nigeria, as a reputational challenge currently confronting the
country.
He said: “We have been very robust in our rebuttals, making it clear that these are despicable narratives being peddled by people who know nothing about Nigeria.
“We need international friends and partners who know our country very well and understand our nuances and complexities, and who can add their voices to ours to present an accurate, believable and credible picture of the country”.
The minister stated that the Federal Ministry of
Information and National Orientation, was deeply involved in the task of national rebranding working with strategic partners to project Nigeria positively.
“A national brand does not emerge by accident; it has to be designed, crafted, and marketed in a deliberate and painstaking way,” he noted.
The minister added that the ministry, in partnership with the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR), had launched the Nigeria Reputation Management
Blessing Ibunge in Port Harcourt
ARCO Aviation Academy has urged the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) to checkmate the indiscriminate drone operations by uncertified persons in the country.
Chief Instructor of the
NCAA-approved Aviation Academy, Samuel Sunday, made the call yesterday at the graduation of its students in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.
Sunday tasked the NCAA to ensure that certified persons enter the drone domain to make the airspace safe.
He stressed that the Academy, being the foremost drone-certified training school by the NCAA in the country, is concerned about the safety of air users and the growth of the Nigerian aviation industry.
Sunday emphasised that without proper checks
by relevant regulatory authorities, the airspace would be at risk of interference.
The chief instructor disclosed that the training school was established to address the demand and cost for pilots going abroad to get the drone pilot certification.
Chuks Okocha in Abuja
Former President of Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Mr. Olisa Agbakoba (SAN), has backed President Bola Tinubu’s decision to replace the nation’s service chiefs, describing it as a wise and timely move, especially amid rumours of an alleged coup plot.
President Tinubu had on Friday announced major changes in the leadership of
the armed forces as part of efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s security structure.
Speaking during a television interview at the weekend, Agbakoba said the president’s action showed firmness and decisiveness that were lacking in the previous administration.
“You have a president who is prepared to take tough decisions, and we know that he likes to take tough decisions,” Agbakoba said.
“I think he has done
the right thing because his predecessor, the late former President Muhammadu Buhari, did not like to make such decisions and allowed his military team to stay far longer than they should have.
“You have a president who is prepared to take tough decisions, and we know that he likes to take tough decisions,” Agbakoba said.
“I think he has done the right thing because his predecessor, the late former
President Muhammadu Buhari, did not like to make such decisions and allowed his military team to stay far longer than they should have.”
Reports had linked the cancellation of Nigeria’s 65th Independence anniversary events on October 1 to an alleged coup attempt. But the Defence Headquarters dismissed the claims, saying the cancellation had no connection to any coup plot.
Group (NRMG), aimed at maximising positive national pride among Nigerians and promoting a positive global reputation in all spheres.
“The NRMG has recently unveiled the Nigeria Global Reputation Management Project, managed by renowned branding experts and professionals, and you will hear much more about it in the coming weeks and months,” he said.
Idris further disclosed that the federal government has designated October 15 every year as Nigeria Reputation Day, to commemorate and raise awareness about the
importance of national reputation.
The minister announced that Nigeria would host the 2026 African Public Relations Association (APRA) Conference and the 2026 World Public Relations Forum (WPRF) in Abuja, making Nigeria the first African country to host both global events in the same year.
He noted that President Tinubu’s foreign policy vision, encapsulated in the Tinubu Doctrine anchored on the 4Ds - Democracy, Development, Demography, and Diaspora was already yielding tangible results.
Eromosele
Abiodun
In what the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Tin Can Island Port Command, described as intelligence and coordinated enforcement efforts, the command has intercepted two containers laden with motor vehicles used to conceal illicit drugs worth N5.3 billion.
In a statement issued at the weekend by the Tin Can Island Port Command’s Public Relations Officer, CSC OE Ivara, the command noted that the Customs Area Controller, Comptroller Frank Onyeka, described the seizures as a testament to the Command’s resolve to safeguard Nigeria’s borders and ensure compliance with international trade regulations.
According to the Area Controller, the first container, with number HLXU8500072 and Bill of Lading Number HLCUTOR2506000834, originating from Montreal,
Canada, was intercepted on September 4, 2025, through intelligence and coordinated enforcement efforts.
Onyeka explained that upon physical examination, jointly conducted with other relevant agencies, the container was found to contain four vehicles with concealed quantities of 156 packets of Colorado Indica (a strain of cannabis) weighing 78 kilogrammes, and 1.2 kilogrammes of Hashish Oil.
He also disclosed that he second container, numbered FANU 312876/9, was intercepted on October 24, 2025, following actionable intelligence provided by the Customs Area Controller.
The container, also carrying four vehicles, he said, was found to conceal 2,081 packages of Cannabis Indica weighing 1,093 kilogrammes and eight packages of Crystal Methamphetamine weighing eight kilogrammes.
James Sowole in Abeokuta
Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, yesterday, relived the legacy of his late wife and First Lady of Nigeria, Mrs. Stella Obasanjo, saying, "I missed my wife".
Obasanjo made the declaration at the thanksgiving service on her 20th anniversary memorial.
The former president said the former first lady lived a life of service.
Mrs. Stella Obasanjo died on 23 October 2005.
The former president described her as a woman who dedicated her life to serving the country.
Speaking to journalists after the church service held to celebrate her at the
Chapel of Christ the King of Glory, Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL), Obasanjo said: "We came to celebrate a life of service".
Recounting the motherhood love he missed, her son, Olumuyiwa Obasanjo, asserts that the late Stella's impactful life will be missed forever, adding, however, that her legacy will live on.
He stated that his mother was caring, protective of him as an only child, but would not tolerate any deviation.
"So, I've kept that in mind, and I've continued to try to live my life in that way".
According to him, "her laughter, kindness, and you know, all the advice, life lessons that she shared will be missed, have been missed, and you
Adedayo Akinwale in Abuja
The All Progressives Congress (APC) yesterday appointed Kogi State Governor, Usman Ododo, as chairman of the Primary Election Committee for Monday’s consensus primary election in Ekiti State.
The National Organising Secretary, Sulaiman Argungu, in a letter addressed to the state chairperson of the party, also said the Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, would serve as the deputy chairperson of the committee.
According to the party, other members of the committee are Nikky Ejezie, Elis Abraham, Rufus Bature, Latif Ibirogba, Chibuzor Agu, Gabriel Oyibode, Hope Dike, Shehu Dange and Taiwo Sunmonu, who will serve
as secretary of the committee.
“The secretariat of the congress committee will continue to serve as the secretariat to the committee on the consensus mode of primary,” the statement said.
Meanwhile, the Electoral Chairperson for the governorship primary delegate election in Ekiti State, Jarret Tenebe, has disclosed that 480 persons are not eligible to participate in the exercise, as they are not financial members of the party.
Tenebe, who addressed stakeholders at the party secretariat in Ado-Ekiti, said the intention of the committee was to conduct a seamless election free of rancour.
He said the persons are spread across the 16 local government areas of the state.
know, her legacy will live on.”
While ministering at the celebration service, the Pioneer Chaplain of the Aso Villa Chapel in Abuja, Prof. Yusuf Obaje, stated that Stella's name is written in the book of immortalised people because of her impact on humanity.
Obaje, who spoke on the topic: "On duty for God and
Nigeria's greatness", stated that the Earth is largely a theatre of arrivals and departures, where the supreme owner and Lord of the universe ultimately determine the timing of arrival and the departure of all creations and things on earth.
"For humans, the arrival time is celebrated at the time
of Earth, while the departure time is often mourned at the time of death. The period and indeed their departure provide a stage where each human, actor or actress displays the given challenge, which reflects the character".
Obaje posited that in Nigeria, the late Mrs. Stella Obasanjo was in the class of
those identified as the people with immortalised names in the land of the living.
Meanwhile, former Governors Gbenga Daniel and Ibikunle Amosun of Ogun State, in their own tributes, described her as a loving woman while she was alive, noting that her support was top-notch.
Anambra Police Committed to Ensuring Security in Guber Poll, Not Interested in the Winner, Says CP Orutugu
David-Chyddy Eleke in Awka
The Commissioner of Police in Anambra State, Mr. Ikioye Orutugu has said that police in the state have no interest in the governorship candidate who will emerge victorious in the upcoming governorship election in the state.
Orutugu said what is paramount to operatives of the command is how to ensure security before, during and after the election, which will be held on November 8.
He stated this during a visit to Aguata and Otuocha
Area Commands to interface with security stakeholders and officers and men of the command serving in the areas.
According to a statement issued by the spokesman of the state police command, SP Tochukwu Ikenga, the visit was as part of ongoing security engagements ahead of the election.
Ikenga quoted Orutugu as saying: "The Nigeria Police Force remains a strictly neutral and non-partisan institution. The Police are not interested in who wins or loses the election, but is firmly committed to
ensuring that the electoral process is peaceful, credible, secure and free of violence before, during and after the polls."
Ikenga further added that:
"CP Orutugu charged Area Commanders, Divisional Police Officers (DPOs), Tactical Commanders and operational teams to demonstrate professionalism, discipline, courtesy and firmness, especially as political activities intensify.
"He emphasised that officers must remain apolitical and guided strictly by the Electoral
Act, the Police Code of Conduct and Standard Operational Procedures," he added.
He said the commissioner also held stakeholder engagements involving traditional rulers, religious leaders, town union executives, youth and women organisations, local vigilante groups and other community security structures.
“The dialogue focused on strengthening local intelligence sharing, discouraging voter intimidation, countering electoral violence, and promoting peaceful civic participation.
Segun James
In a decisive step to facilitate the long-awaited relocation of Computer Village, the Lagos State Government has unveiled a flexible payment plan designed to ease the transition of traders from the congested Ikeja hub to the new ultra-modern ICT complex at Katangowa, Agbado-Oke-Odo area of the state.
The initiative, announced during a stakeholders’
meeting at Alausa, Ikeja, marks a renewed commitment by the SanwoOlu’s administration to deliver a purpose-built, 15-hectare technology market that meets global standards.
Addressing the gathering, the Permanent Secretary, Office of Urban Development, Gbolahan Oki said the state government is determined to resolve the long-standing issues delaying the relocation.
“Governor Sanwo-Olu’s administration is ready to
deliver a world-class market site at Katangowa, complete with essential facilities such as trailer parks, banks, hotels, a police station, and a fire station,” Oki stated.
He explained that the existing Computer Village in Ikeja, originally planned as a residential area, has become overstretched, displacing residents and creating immense infrastructural strain.
“The move is inevitable if the market must evolve into
a safer, cleaner, and more sustainable business district,” he added.
Project developer, Mr. Sam Ajose, disclosed that the flexible payment structure was crafted to make the relocation affordable for all categories of traders.
“This plan ensures every trader can key into the project without financial distress. Transparency and cooperation among stakeholders will be the foundation of its success,” he said.
L-R:
Alex Enumah in Abuja
The ACJA, signed into law in 2015, has since been adopted by the 36 states of the federation as part of reforms aimed at improving justice delivery in the country.
Appraising the law in the
The Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN); Justice Helen Ogunwumiju of the Supreme Court and other stakeholders have called for an efficient criminal justice sector during the assessment of 10 years of implementation of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), in Abuja. This is coming as a human rights activist, Mr. Femi Falana (SAN), has stated that the Nigerian criminal justice system disproportionately targets the poor.
last 10 years, the stakeholders called for improved funding for magistracy and prosecuting agencies.
The stakeholders included Fagbemi (SAN); Justice Ogunwumiju; Justice Olubunmi Oyewole of the Court of Appeal; Chief
Emmanuel
Addeh in Abuja
The Minister of Works, David Umahi, has directed the immediate mobilisation of additional equipment and personnel to speed up rehabilitation works on the Lambata–Lapai–Bida Road in Niger State, following the prolonged delay of the project.
Umahi, gave the order during an inspection visit to the site yesterday, where he expressed dissatisfaction with the contractor over the level of work done so far.
The 124.8 kilometre road project, awarded several years ago, was divided into two phases by the current administration, with phase one covering 92 kilometres from Lambata to Agai, valued at N39 billion.
Initially designed to last 24 months, the completion period was extended by another 24 months due to delays. Phase two, which covers the most critical section from Agai to Bida, is yet to be awarded.
The minister who was represented on the inspection by the director
Highways in the North Central, Salihu Ahmed, conveyed the minister’s displeasure on the rate of the work.
He said: “The mobilisation is not enough. You can’t explain what you are doing here. You have to bring more machines to this site. The minister directed that palliative works should be ongoing so that we won’t continue to have gridlocks on this road. But as it stands, you are only working on two locations.”
Ahmed said the ministry
would ‘re-scope’ the project to determine the extent of work required on the uncompleted section and ensure rapid progress.
“The contractor needs to mobilise more equipment to the site and let us have free movement of vehicles. Failure to do so, in the next one or two weeks, we will see action,” he added.
The Project Manager of CGC Nigeria, Fan Bo, assured that the company would mobilise more equipment within days to intensify work and ease movement on the route.
Amby
Uneze in Owerri
Governor Hope Uzodimma of Imo State has ordered an investigation to fish out the proponents behind the instigation of the reintroduction of harmful widowhood practices in the state.
Uzodimma gave the charge in Isieke, AwoOmamma, Oru East Local Government Area of the state, where female siblings of a deceased man, Odinakachi Ndubuisi tried to force his wife, Chika Ndubuisi to
drink the water used to wash the corpse to prove her innocence over his death on Friday.
Represented by the Commissioner for Women Affairs, Lady Nkechi Ugwu, Uzodimma warned locals to desist from such practice, saying it will not be allowed in Imo State.
The Imo State Commissioner for Women Affairs, Chief Nkechi Ugwu and security operatives had on Friday saved the widow, Mrs Chika Ndubuisi from drinking the water used to
wash her husband’s corpse. Ugwu, alongside the local government Chairman, and security operatives stormed the venue of the burial at Isieke, Awo-Omamma, Imo State on Friday, October 24.
The commissioner said the Imo State Ministry of Women Affairs, Onurube Coalition Group, Virgin Heart Foundation, Harsco Global Media, Odumodu TV, and Sisters With a Goal intervened, rescued the widow, and provided her with support and protection. Ugwu disclosed that the
widow, Chika Joy Amanda was falsely accused by her in-laws, the Akamegbulem family, of killing him.
Sources who pleaded anonymity said Chika was locked inside the ambulance that conveyed the corpse to the Isieke community, waiting for her to drink the water before help arrived. However, due to the heavy presence of security operatives and government officials, Odinakachi’s siblings backed down and allowed her to alight from the ambulance.
Judge of the Federal High Court, Justice John Tsoho; former Chief Judge of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Justice Ishaq Bello; Director, Legal, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mr. Sylvanus Tahir (SAN); the Founding Director and current National Coordinator, Legal Defence and Assistance Project, Chinonye Edmund Obiagwu (SAN); and Associate Professor, Lilian Uche, from the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (NIALS), spoke at an event in Abuja marking the 10th anniversary of ACJA.
The event was organised by the Centre for Socio-Legal Studies (CSLS), under the leadership of Professor Yemi Akinseye-George (SAN).
In his remarks, the AGF, who was represented by the Director, Administration of Criminal Justice Reform, Federal Ministry of Justice, Mrs. Leticia Ayoola-Daniels, pointed out that the future of criminal justice reform must be built on effective implementation of the relevant laws and not mere intentions. He listed the refurbishment of three courtrooms in the Kirikiri Correctional Centre, Lagos, as part of reforms aimed at improving the justice sector.
“It is important that we promote non-custodial measures in sentencing. We need to leverage technology for speed, transparency and efficiency as this will help to decongest courts’ dockets," the AGF added.
to Rivers People: Embrace Peace Fully for Development Projects to Flourish
Blessing Ibunge in Port Harcourt
Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has urged indigenes of the state to embrace peace fully so that development projects can flourish.
This was as the governor observed that the ongoing peace efforts in the state is gradually yielding the desired results, insisting that genuine development can only thrive in an atmosphere of unity and stability.
Fubara made the assertion yesterday at a civic reception in honour of the Deputy Governor, Prof. Ngozi Odu, held at Akabuka community in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area (ONELGA).
The governor said he was
encouraged by growing signs of unity and reconciliation across the state.
“We can’t develop in an environment of chaos. We can’t attract any project to Akabuka when there is a problem. Our disposition has always been towards maintaining peace because it is the only way we can move forward,” the governor said.
Reflecting on the political turbulence of the past two years, Fubara said the return of normalcy has opened a new chapter for progress. He noted that political actors who once refused to share the same space are now attending events together, describing the development as “evidence that peace has truly returned to Rivers State.”
International peace and security has always been an ultimate objective since the time of the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-1871. Contemporary international relations began as from this date in Europe. The Hague Conferences of May 1899 and October 1907 were two different, but complementary, international treaties aimed at regulating the conduct and management of war, peace and security. The major concern was to stop the institution of war and put in place a binding international court to resolve whatever disputes through a compulsory arbitration. Both conferences could not achieve the objective of compulsory arbitration but the idea of a voluntary forum for arbitration was accepted and the Permanent Court of Arbitration was established. And true enough, the establishment of a Permanent Court of Arbitration could not prevent World War I especially that several rules adopted at The Hague conferences were violated during the war. The war culminated in the making and signing of the 1919 Treaty of Versailles in France. Again, when Japan began her territorial expansion efforts in Manchuria in 1931 and the United States had to oppose it vehemently and with German aspirations to dominate Europe leading to the outbreak of another World War in 1939, the issues at stake went beyond the questions of maintaining international peace and security. Questions of leadership and legacy were raised. Who is a leader? Who can be a legendary or legacy leader? In what type of environment can a legacy leader be produced? How does international law impact on leadership and maintenance of global peace and security? It is against the background of these questions that two major academic activities that took place last week at the Nigerian Institute of InternationalAffairs are particularly interesting because of the linkages between leadership lecture series and efficiency of international law in the management of state sovereignty and security.
Oduola Osuntokun Leadership Lecture Series
Oduola Osuntokun was an educationist and a former regional Minister who read geography and graduated from the Durham University College (Fourabay College, Freetown, Sierra Leone) in 1950. He was the Minister of Works and Housing in the former Western Region, that comprised today’s Ekiti, Ondo, Osun, Oyo, Ogun, Lagos, Edo, and Delta States, from 1955 to 1966. He was a man who died to live because of the legacy he left behind, and particularly because of the inauguration of an Oduola Osuntokun Memorial Leadership Lecture Series, on Tuesday, 21st October, 2025 at the Lecture Theatre of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Kofo Abayomi, Victoria Island, Lagos. Chief Oduola Osuntokun laid a legacy of exemplary leadership, dint of hard work, and not only lived a political life devoid of chicanery, but also served as a major source of sweet inspirations. Three testaments clearly lent much credence to this observation. First, Professor Akinjide Osuntokun in his funeral oration reportedly noted that ‘my uncle, Chief J.O. Osuntokun, after serving as Minister in the Western Region from 1955 to 1966… did not have any significant funds or possess any significant property. My uncle had to go back to a secondary school to teach.’ This attestation is a reflection of honesty and objectivity of purpose. When people serve dedicatedly in Nigeria they are never rich. They only manage to survive but they are always remembered for their lifestyle that enabled good governance and maintenance of peace and security.
Secondly, it is on record that the Justice Kayode Eso panel ‘established by the reformist first military Governor of the Western region, late Adekunle Fajuyi, to probe the preceding leadership of the government in 1966’ concluded that Chief Oduola Osuntokun was exonerated of any evil doing and this was gazette. Put differently, in eleven years of political services to the people of Nigeria, Chief Osuntokun was never found wanting. This really meant that he was an impeccable personality. Thirdly, and perhaps most interestingly, the students of Amoye Grammar School in Ikere Ekiti, to which Chief Osuntokun retired to teach after the January 1966 coup that ousted the civilian government, recalled at the time of his departure from the school
in 1973 as follows: ‘you did not only succeed in inculcating in us the peerless habits of honesty, dedication, charity towards others, you provided us all the gadgets with which we could reach the almighty God and be at peace with him. The physical structure of the school was transformed by you. You built both hostels for students and houses for masters. Academically, you did not leave us in the wilderness. It was a two-stream school. All the excellent contributions you made toward the growth of this school will stand as monuments of pride to you.’
Many critical points relevant to the conduct and management of international affairs are raised in this testament by students of Amoye Grammar School in Ikere. First is the inculcation of habits of honesty, dedication, and charity towards others. There was very little manifestation of dishonesty before the militarization of the Nigerian polity in 1966. Soldiers were not known on the streets. With militarization came dishonesty, armed banditry,
Grosso modo, state sovereignty and security in a challenging era is a very complex topic because it is not simply about the linkages between state sovereignty and security but also about the security of state sovereignty and the nature of security that we are talking about. This cannot but be so especially that the European definition of security often underscores state security while third World scholars define security from the human factor. State security has become meaningless without human security being taken as a first priority. More importantly, whether international law is, or can be, effective in securing state sovereignty is more of a resultant from political will of the sovereign states. As noted above, international law cannot by itself compel any state action if the state does not accept to be obligated either as a Monist or a Dualist State. International law has not been effective because of the non-respect for it. In the context of Chief Oduola Osuntokun’s Memorial Leadership Lecture Series, it is a most welcome development as it is coming at a time the culture of reading in Nigeria appears to have been thrown into the garbage of history. Few people listen to lectures or read nowadays. Education through artificial intelligence or googling is not only creating intellectual laziness, but also laying a new foundation for recolonization. Probably more of public lectures on luminary people with exemplary legacies may be helpful in Nigeria, but time will tell. For as long as the United Nations will not be reformed and international law is selectively respected, effectiveness of international law will remain at best a dream
especially following the end of the civil war on January 12, 1970 following the unconditional surrender by General Phillipe Effiong. In modern day Nigeria, political governance is largely fraught with dishonesty. There is nothing like dedication to national duty. The dedication that there is only kills or destroys Nigeria gradually and softly. People of integrity and nobility are going into extinction and this partly explains the rationale for the establishment of a Memorial Leadership Lecture Series as a special forum to teach, train, and evolve a new generation of men of honesty and dedication, men that will not be selfish and self-serving but people who will be altruistic, community-development oriented and patriotic.
Another point raised by the Amoye students is the aspect of innovative services given by Chief Oduola Osuntokun. They said the services ‘will stand as monuments of pride to you.’ I do not share this view because Nigeria of the time of Chief Osuntokun is no more. The environment of yesterday was quite decent but there is no more decency in Nigeria of today. Professor Akinjide Osuntokun has lent much credence to my concerns by raising critical questions about the true population of Nigeria.
As Professor Osuntokun noted in his keynote address at the launching of the Memorial Leadership Lecture Series, ‘this republic is indeed overpopulated. The ascribed population load of Nigeria is 220 million and still growing. In all honesty, I don’t think we are up to that number. It is based on a UN estimate derived from a blown-up Nigerian number.’ More disturbingly, Professor Osuntokun has it that, ‘with a sense of responsibility, I witnessed the last population count in Nigeria, and I was surprised at the organized and deliberate inflation of numbers. I witnessed enumerators being bribed to deliver figures claimed to be expected by budget officials at the state and local levels before certain allocations for social amenities could be made. Villagers and their children in urban centres were compelled to contribute for the purpose of attracting development to indigenous villages.’ Without whiff of doubt, the census of the people of Nigeria has generally been controversial even before independence in 1960. The first census following the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates in 1914 was the 1921 census which paved the way for the first nationwide township and provincial counting. The 1931 census was fraught with violence in the east and difficulties in data collection. Census figures showed that the Yoruba was more populated than others. As World War II did not allow for the holding of census in 1941, the 1952-1953 gave the North the majority population. If the censuses conducted before 1921 were largely based on administrative estimates, and if the colonial censuses were also used to manipulate political representation and resource allocation, whatever might have been built on all the pre-independence censuses in Nigeria cannot but, at best, be fraudulent in design and documentation. Consequently, the postulation of Professor Akinjide Osuntokun is valid. By implication, if the environmental conditionings of Nigeria are fraudulent, whatever legacy left behind by Chief Oduola Osuntokun and which the Amoye students believe can stand as monuments of pride are not likely to thrive in a Nigeria where the sermons of national unity, indissolubility and indivisibility of Nigeria are preached by manu militari and by force rather than by show-casing visible reasons for peaceful-coexistence. Showing the exemplary service life of Chief Osuntokun is one ideal.
In this regard, the conclusion of Professor Osuntokun’s keynote address was also thought-provoking: ‘there are many reasons why we will not have a smooth ride to the future. If, however, we change our governance approach, there is the possibility that rather than crashing, we would run into turbulence, but we will land safely.’ But can we really land safely when the attitudinal disposition of both the government and people towards the rule of law is disrespect. The culture of respecting the law is tainted by a-don’t-care attitude and more influenced by disrespect. It is against this background that we hereinafter provide an exegesis of the 46th Annual Conference of the Nigerian Society of International Law (NSIL), similarly held on the 21st October at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs.
The theme of the NSIL Conference was ‘State Sovereignty and Security in a Challenging Era: Interrogating the Efficiency of International Law.’ The first point of inquisition in this case cannot but be what relationship is there between efficiency of international law and the establishment of an Oduola Osuntokun Memorial Leadership Lecture Series? Answers to this question cannot be far-fetched. Chief Osuntokun lived and left a legacy of self-discipline, community service, patriotism, altruism, and nation-building.After his demise, the need to sustain his exemplary legacy became a desideratum, especially in building a new Nigeria of strategic autonomy.
Secondly, the Osuntokun Memorial Lecture Series cannot take place in a vacuum. They can only take place within the ambit of Nigeria’s sovereignty and territorial space. As we noted earlier that environmental politics cannot be inclement and be expecting that any goodness can still come out of it. Environmental politics has been de-oxygenated in Nigeria. Corruption has been made fantastically embarrassing. In fact, it is a new norm.
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Editor: Festus Akanbi 08038588469
As government officials boast about taming inflation, millions of Nigerians battle hunger, rent hikes, and despair in an economy where prices rise faster than hope, writes Festus Akanbi
Like a leaking roof that drips without end, soaking the joy out of home, Nigeria’s cost-ofliving crisis has become a daily torment. From Lagos to Lokoja, Ilorin to Ibadan, the refrain is the same: time is hard. Food, rent, transport, and even life now carry a price tag.
Official data tells one story, but the real heartbreak lies in the everyday struggle of families whose wages can no longer buy dignity. the National bureau of Statistics (NbS) reported the inflation rate decreased to 18.02 per cent in September from 20.12 per cent in August 2025. Food inflation was put at 16.87 per cent, driving millions into hunger.
While the government touts “progress”, with inflation said to have fallen to 18.02 per cent by September 2025, such figures feel abstract in markets where rice sells for nearly N100,000 a bag and bread for N1,500 a loaf.
The Price of Survival
In Lagos’ Ilamoshe estate, benson ehime, a 42-year-old father of three, stares at his rent notice like a death warrant. His annual rent has jumped from N900,000 to N1.5 million. “We are living from hand to mouth,” he said quietly, his eyes dulled by exhaustion.
Nearby, theresa ephraim has moved her daughter from a private school to a public one after her rent tripled. “even Sunday rice is a luxury now,” she laments.
Housing costs mirror the broader dysfunction: unregulated rents, vanishing mortgage options, and landlords turning desperation into profit.
The once-affordable Jakande Estates, built for low-income earners, now charge rates that would shame Victoria Island.
Food: When Rice Becomes a Luxury
At Daleko Market in Lagos, the story of Nigeria’s inflation unfolds in cruel arithmetic. A bag of foreign rice now sells for N98,000, while local rice trails close at N88,000. A crate of eggs costs N5,800; five litres of oil, N22,000; a loaf of bread, N1,500.
“these days, we buy rice in paint buckets, not bags,” says Rosemary Agunsoye, a mother of four who lives in Lambe, Ogun State. “Foreign rice is for rich people now.”
Her lamentations reflect a national tragedy. The 2024 Global Report on Food Crises ranks
Nigeria second worldwide in terms of food insecurity, with 24 million citizens unable to afford three meals a day.
Even in Mile 12 market, Lagos, the country’s biggest food market, traders watch customers haggle over handfuls, not baskets. “People price tomatoes like they are buying gold dust,” says one seller, laughing bitterly.
The Fuel that Burnt the Poor
When President bola tinubu announced the removal of fuel subsidies in 2023, Nigerians were promised fiscal reform and renewed prosperity. What followed instead was a chain reaction of pain.
Petrol prices skyrocketed from N185 to over N1,000 per litre, setting off a tsunami of costs across all sectors. A Lagos commuter from Jakande Estate to Ikoyi now spends about N84,000 monthly on transport. “My salary is N120,000,” says Adekunle Olusola, a weary civil servant.
“After transport, what’s left?”
Intercity fares doubled, too. “Atrip from Lagos to Asaba that used to cost N20,000 now costs N40,000,” says Mary James, a trader. “We are working only to move from place to place.” transportation has become a punishment. It fuels every other price increase, from food to cement, leaving small businesses gasping for survival.
Inflation
Economists call it the silent tax, inflation that punishes productivity, mocks thrift, and rewards speculation. The World Bank estimates that 129 million Nigerians now live in poverty, up from 104 million in 2023. Real GDP growth averaged a meagre 4.23 per cent on a year-on-year basis in the second quarter of 2025, far below the 6.5 per cent recorded a decade ago.
For a worker earning N60,000 monthly, survival demands miracles, skipping meals, selling possessions, or juggling multiple side jobs. the purchasing power of the naira has eroded so badly that what N1,000 bought in 2015 now requires about N5,000.
the central bank of Nigeria (cbN), in a bid to curb inflation, has hiked the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) to 27 per cent. Yet, instead of relief, the result has been tighter credit, business closures, and rising unemployment, now at 4.7 per cent, according to the NbS.
While headline inflation appears to be de-
clining, market inflation, rent, and food prices continue to soar, eroding any sense of recovery.
The Economy in Desperation Reforms such as exchange rate unification were designed to attract investment and stabilise the naira. But the naira’s free fall to N1,540 per dollar in early 2025 shattered confidence. Even after recovering to around N1,200, importers had already raised prices, citing forex uncertainty.
Insecurity worsens the picture. banditry in the North West and central regions has kept farmers off their land, while flooding in Kogi and Niger wiped out hectares of crops. Scarcity followed, and scarcity bred hunger.
Maize prices doubled, palm oil tripled, and poultry feed costs soared. the humble egg, once N1,200 per crate, now costs nearly N6,000, a cruel symbol of how inflation devours basic nutrition.
Across the country, families are selling cars to pay rent, withdrawing children from schools, and skipping meals to stretch their budgets. Unfortunately, the government is still adding to people’s misery, observed Mrs. Idayat Ajagbe, a widow who complained that the failure of the federal government to pay the monthly stipends of her daughter, who studies in Morocco under the Bilateral EducationAgreement, is pushing her towards her grave. She complained that scholars haven’t been paid a dime this year, while the balance of their 2024 stipends, which was cut by 56 per cent is yet to be paid. She claimed that she had to sell property left behind by her late husband to keep her daughter in school.
“We used to eat meat three times a week,” says Mrs. Babajide of Ikotun. “Now, maybe once every two weeks. My children ask why there’s no milk; I tell them the cow is on strike.”
Inflation is not just economic data; it is lived pain. Public servants fainting from hunger, traders running losses, and graduates delaying marriage; these are the faces behind the statistics.
The desperation has turned tragic. In December 2024, over 50 people died in stampedes during food palliative distributions in Abuja and Jos. Hunger is no longer silent; it kills.
The Mirage of Reform Government officials speak confidently of “temporary pain for long-term gain.” they point to falling inflation rates as proof that reforms are
working. but in the open markets of Oshodi, Aba, or Kano, nothing feels cheaper.
Analysts argue that without fiscal coordination, investment in agriculture, power, and logistics, monetary tightening is a blunt instrument. raising interest rates cannot fix insecurity or poor infrastructure.
the federal government’s target of reducing inflation to 15 per cent by end-2025 looks ambitious. Without reviving production and stabilising the exchange rate, inflation may only wear a new name while citizens remain poorer.
Coping with Crisis
In the face of adversity, Nigerians continue to innovate. Informal cooperatives and savings clubs have become lifelines. Families save in food instead of cash; neighbours share transport costs; small-scale urban farming is sprouting in backyards.
On social media, frugality is trending; recipes for N500 meals, DIY soap-making, and thrift swaps dominate feeds. churches and mosques provide food packs and scholarships, softening the edges of a harsh economy. but charity, as many note, is not policy.
An Unfinished War against Poverty
Nigeria’s inflation crisis is not just an economic challenge; it is a moral one. It exposes the widening gap between leadership optimism and citizen despair.
Experts warn that if unchecked, another 20 million Nigerians could slip into extreme poverty by 2026. The IMF reports that real wages have fallen by over 40 per cent since 2021. Poverty, once rural, is now urban, visible in hungry faces, empty stalls, and restless youths.
Government’s success cannot be measured by percentages but by prices of food, rent, fuel, and peace of mind.
Without decisive action, Nigeria risks social unrest. the recent protests over food and transport costs are early warnings of people pushed to their limits.
reforms must be humane, with rent controls, transport subsidies, and targeted food programmes to cushion the poorest. Inflation control should go hand in hand with wage reform and job creation. Otherwise, the Nigerian story will remain tragic, a nation rich in promise, poor in policy, and cruelly indifferent to its people’s pain.
KAYODE AWOJOBI argues the need to revisit the Constitution to address the menace
From time immemorial, politics across the world has been characterized by shifting loyalties and ideological migrations. However, the frequency and brazenness with which political actors defect from one party to another have raised deep concerns about the sanctity of democratic values. Political defections are not peculiar to Africa; the phenomenon cuts across the global political sphere. In the United Kingdom, members of Parliament have crossed party lines over policy disagreements. In the United States, notable figures such as Senator Jim Jeffords once defected from the Republican Party to become an Independent. However, unlike in Nigeria, such defections in advanced democracies are often rooted in ideological convictions rather than personal ambitions or political survival.
In Nigeria, the story is disturbingly different. Defection has become a political culture, a normal tool for self-preservation rather than service. Political office holders, both in the executive and legislative arms of government, switch allegiance at the slightest sign of uncertainty, intimidation from godfathers, or the lure of greener political pastures. It is not uncommon to see politicians who rode to power on the wings of one party’s ideology suddenly renounce it once they assume office. A vivid example is the 2014 mass defection of five governors from the then-ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), a move that dramatically shifted the balance of power ahead of the 2015 general elections. Similarly, in recent years, several lawmakers have abandoned their political parties midway through their tenure, citing internal crises that often mask personal ambitions.
Recent events in Nigeria’s political scene reveal that this worrying trend has not abated; in fact, it has worsened. In the past few months, the nation has witnessed a wave of defections across various political levels. For instance, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State defected from the PDP to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in April 2025, alongside his predecessor, Ifeanyi Okowa, and a large segment of the PDP structure in the state. In Bayelsa State, Governor Douye Diri, long regarded as one of the PDP’s most loyal figures in the South-South is simply delaying his defection to the APC as he has resigned from the PDP. This defection sent shockwaves through the region, further reinforcing the notion that loyalty in Nigerian politics is fleeting.
In the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly, an astonishing 24 out of 26 lawmakers defected from the PDP to the APC, leaving just two behind. At the National Assembly, four PDP senators, Francis Fadahunsi, Olubiyi Fadeyi, Aniekan Bassey, and Sampson Ekong, crossed over to the APC in July 2025, raising the ruling party’s majority in the Senate to 72 members. Earlier, three senators from Kebbi State, Adamu Aliero, Yahaya Abdullahi, and Garba Maidoki, had also dumped the PDP for the APC.
The House of Representatives has not
been spared either. Six PDP lawmakers from Delta State, including Nnamdi Ezechi, Jonathan Ukodiko, Nicholas Mutu, Thomas Ereyitomi, Julius Pondi, and Victor Nwokolo, defected to the APC. In Akwa Ibom State, seven lawmakers, six from the PDP and one from the YPP, switched allegiance to the APC. A similar pattern has emerged among other lawmakers such as Jallo Mohammed and Adamu Tanko, who left the PDP citing internal crises.
These mass defections demonstrate that party loyalty has been reduced to a transactional affair, often driven by personal gain rather than ideological conviction or the public good.
This pattern of unrestrained political promiscuity is a betrayal of public trust. Citizens vote for candidates not only because of their personal qualities but also because of the party’s ideology and manifesto. When elected officials defect without consulting the electorate, they effectively undermine the will of the people who entrusted them with their votes. The effect is not just political instability but also public apathy. Voters become disillusioned, questioning why they should participate in elections when those they elect can easily cross over to rival parties without consequence. The essence of democracy, which is representative governance, is thus eroded.
The Nigerian Constitution, under the right to freedom of association, permits individuals to belong to any political group of their choice. However, this freedom should not be absolute when it threatens the integrity of governance. The 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Electoral Act must be revisited to address this menace. For instance, a law should mandate political office holders to either complete their tenure under the platform on which they were elected or resign before defecting. The principle is simple: if your loyalty shifts, so should your seat. This is already practiced in some democratic nations where party defection automatically triggers a recall or by-election, ensuring that the electorate has the final say.
Moreover, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and civil society organizations must begin to push for stronger institutional frameworks that discourage political prostitution. Political parties themselves must enforce internal democracy to reduce grievances that often lead to defections. The time has come to place integrity above opportunism and ideology above interest. Nigeria’s democracy cannot continue to thrive on shifting loyalties and recycled promises.
As the nation approaches another electioneering season, the call for electoral reforms must go beyond mere rhetoric. Lawmakers must rise above self-interest and enact legislation that compels political accountability. The incessant cross-carpeting of politicians not only weakens party structures but also diminishes citizens’ confidence in the system. If democracy is to survive and mature in Nigeria, it must be anchored on principles, discipline, and respect for the mandate of the people.
OSE OYAMENDAN pays tribute to Victor Osimhen,one of the
Last Tuesday evening, Nigeria’s World Cup dream was swirling in the odious toilet of mediocrity, ready to be flushed into football oblivion. Then came the hour and up arose the man, Victor Osimhen. By sunset, Osimhen had grabbed Nigeria by the scruff of the neck, lived up to the promise of his name, Victor, and yanked the country back on course for the Mundial. In the process, he redefined the meaning of “headmaster,” scoring two thumping headers and a rocket that sent the Super Eagles soaring again. It’s never easy wearing the green and white of the Super Eagles. Some players make themselves easy targets for criticism, yes. But most simply want to win for Nigeria. To do that, they must perform not only on the pitch but on the quicksand of politics, ego, and intrigue that swirls around Nigerian football. At times, it feels as though many among their 200-plus million compatriots are more eager to see them fail, just for the catharsis of outrage on social media. However, this could be the start of a new era. Osimhen is Nigeria. He embodies everything good about the country. The youthful energy. The resilience. The fighting spirit. That stubborn refusal to stay down, even when life is a ten-ton truck rolling over your chest. On his day, Osimhen is a rare talent. He reminds me of Eric Cantona and Zlatan Ibrahimović - two men who believed the sky was merely a carpet beneath their genius. He may not wear the currently tarnished red of Manchester United like Cantona and Zlatan or the colors of one of Europe’s truly greatest teams yet, but not for lack of talent. Some call him stubborn. I call him gifted. Show me a genius who isn’t stubborn. They say his salary demands are high. But have you seen what players with half his ability earn? He could be in Saudi Arabia right now minting dollars like he’s a national bank but he’s in Turkey showing Europe’s top 4 leagues what they’re missing. Let’s be honest: what unsettles some in Europe isn’t the money. It’s the audacity of a young, Black, talented African man who knows his worth.
I liked Osimhen long before his name was lit in stadium lights. I first saw him at the U-17 World Cup - a kid from the streets of Lagos with a relentless hunger to score. You could tell he had made a silent vow never to return to the hardship of his childhood. He went to Europe chasing a dream, endured the furnace of hardship, and emerged as a champion. When life threw obstacles, he stared them down and said, “bring it on.” Some things can be broken. Victor isn’t one of them. I fell in love with Victor a few months ago in Naples, the city he dragged from football irrelevance to glory. Napoli was a club drifting in mediocrity until this brash, tireless Nigerian led them to their first Serie A title in over two decades, since the days of Diego Maradona.
I’ve always loved Maradona. I interviewed him once, and the magic of that encounter and his persona never really left me. This past summer, I walked up the steep hills of the Spanish Quarter to see Maradona’s mural and pay tribute. It was massive, majestic, almost divine. On my way back down, I realized something was missing. There was no tribute to Osimhen anywhere. No jerseys in stores. Not even memorabilia on street corners. Yes, he’d had a fallout with the club. Yes, he’d moved on to Galatasaray.
But this was still his city. When I asked locals about Osimhen, their responses were a cocktail of vile, bitterness, and bruised pride. I was wearing a Nigerian jersey, so no doubt about whose side I was on. It was a beautiful afternoon, and I always love a good argument when I’m in the mood. I found a café in Piazza Municipio with posters of the current Napoli team and, of course, Maradona. I sat down and put Osimhen on the menu. Before long, a debate was simmering. Boys and men pulled up chairs, and for over an hour, the café turned into a football parliament. Spittle flew, voices rose, and language barriers dissolved in the heat of shared passion. I had to remind a
translator to interpret properly for an older gentleman choking his latte. As we would say at the Liberty Stadium in the good olden days, this game or argument ended as a “one-one goalless draw”. That was the moment I fell in love with Osimhen. It takes something extraordinary for a footballmad European city to turn so sharply on a Black man who, only yesterday, was their hero. For them to love you that fiercely and resent you just as fiercely when you leave - you have to be great. You have to be a genius. Osimhen may never be Maradona. But when Nigeria steps onto the World Cup stage, don’t be surprised if Naples tries to reclaim him, the prodigal genius they didn’t fully appreciate when they had him.
But let’s not forget the man who put his own neck on the line to give Nigeria this chance: Eric Chelle. When Chelle took the Eagles job, I thought he was suicidal. The team was languishing at the bottom of the table, one-third of the games already gone. It was like a rusty molue chasing a new SUV on Third Mainland Bridge. No time to train. No room for excuses. No chance. I first noticed Chelle at AFCON - sweating, raging, living every kick as Mali’s hopes slipped away. You can’t fake that kind of fire. My only worry was whether he’d survive the scorched-earth politics of Nigerian football. But give the man his flowers. He’s revived the Eagles, given them a fighting chance, and restored belief where despair had taken root. Had he been there from the start, Nigeria might have qualified with games to spare. Now he must drag us through the playoffs, and if he does, he’ll etch his name among our heroes. Like Stephen Keshi before him. And that’s why I like Chelle. I like him because I eternally adore Keshi. I like that he’s Black. I like that he’s African. I like that he isn’t one of those European journeymen who bounce from one African team to another, living off African-baked reputation that can’t get them the lowliest jobs in Europe. Some wished for a Nigerian ex-international in the role. That would be great. But the Super Eagles job is not a training ground. In my book, which is biased, no one can ever be like Keshi. No one. But, let them be close to Keshi, a man who made his own path, won AFCON for Nigeria as a player, led Togo to a World Cup before Nigeria came calling, then won AFCON because he’s after all the big boss. This may be a new chapter for the Super Eagles. Osimhen is the fire. Chelle is the flint. And somewhere between them lies the faint, flickering promise of greatness.
There is no one in Nigeria that has spoken up for the rights of Christians, spoken out against Christian marginalisation and persecution and warned about the reality and dangers of Islamic fundamentalism and Islamist terror more than yours truly over the last 30 years. Whether it be the Sharia debates, the debate on the secularity of the Nigerian state, the debate on the plight of Christians in Northern Nigeria or the debate on ethnic and religious hegemony and domination, I have been deeply involved and invested in these matters right from the beginning.
In each of these prolonged and often acrimoni- ous and volatile debates I have played a leading role and held my corner.
For those that doubt this the records are clear and I suggest that they go back and read all I have written and said about these vexing issues over the last three decades.
I have also made it perfectly clear over the years that it would be an honour for me to sacrifice all, including my life, in defence of my faith and that will never change. That was my position then and that is my position today.
My knowledge about the experiences of Christians in Nigeria is extensive and my insight and understanding of the history of our country is next to none.
This places me in a unique position and gives me the ability to speak with authority about the ongoing debate on whether or not what we are witnessing in Nigeria today is indeed “Christian genocide”.
In the last three weeks I have written two widely published essays on this matter.
The first is titled ‘The Fiction Of Christian Genocide and the Conspiracy Against Nigeria’ and the second is titled ‘A Warning To Senator Ted Cruz’.
For those that have not read them already I recommend them both in order to get a clearer and deeper perspective on the matter.
This contribution is my third to this increasingly contentious and volatile debate and I sincerely hope that it brings more insight and understand- ing to the issues under consideration.
Permit me to get to the meat of the matter. There is no doubt that Christians are being targetted and slaughtered in massive numbers in Nigeria.
No one can deny that. It is a reality that we as Christians have lived with for many years. What needs to be understood however is that in the last 15 years as many Muslims have been targetted and slaughtered by the same group of heartless terrorists as well.
To mischaracterise what is going on in our nation as “Christian genocide” is a knee jerk and emotional reaction to a very complex and profound problem.
It is an eloquent testimony to the sordid and divisive disinformation, misinformation and falsehood that those that insist on describing it in such terms have resorted to.
It is a gross, perfidious and unforgivable mischaracterisation of the facts on the ground, a Goebellian misrepresentation of reality and a perverse inversion of the truth.
It is also a specious, simplistic, shallow and flawed perspective which is deeply rooted in ignorance, mischief, malevolence, malice, deceit and intellectual dishonesty, which does not in any way define the very real problems or provide a lasting solution to the monumental challenges that Nigerian Christians are facing and which is designed to divide us and pave the way for a well-orchestrated and carefully scripted attempt to destabilise our nation, thrust us into a volatile season and cycle of mutual suspicion, sectarian violence and calumny and set us up for an unconstitutional regime change before or by 2027.
To insist on perpetuating and propagating this mischaracterisation and falsehood is an extremely dangerous path to tread which, if care is not taken, will ultimately make matters far worse.
For example the frantic public call by Mr. Eric Prince (the notorious founder of the discredited American private security company of murderous and savage western mercenaries that wreaked havoc in Iraq after the American invasion known as Blackwater) to the Vatican, the Pope, prominent Christian leaders from all over the world and President Donald Trump to “fund and support” a private Christian army which he will gladly put together and lead to come to Nigeria to “protect the Christian community and kill Muslims” is not only irresponsible and unhelpful but is also fraught with many dangers.
Again the call by U.S. Congressman Chris Smith to Trump to “arm Christians in Nigeria with American weapons” and to use the American Airforce to “bomb Muslim communities in our
country” will lead to a further escalation of violence and open armed conflict between hitherto law- abiding Christians and Muslims who are not only fully integrated but who have also lived peacefully together in harmony over the years. Sending arms to aide one community and U.S. war planes to bomb the other cannot possibly augur well for us.
To send arms to the Nigerian Government to assist in our fight against the terrorists is one thing and would of course be a welcome and laudable initiative and development but to send arms and private mercenary armies from the West to fight for Christians in our country and kill our Muslim brothers or for Christian communities to receive arms directly from the Americans whilst the Muslims are bombed out of existence by western jets is madness and an open invitation to chaos and fratricidal butchery in Nigeria.
It would indeed mark the end of our country as we know it and the beginning of a civil war which will last for the next 50 years and which will have cataclysmic consequences for the Nigerian people, the West African sub region, the African continent and indeed much of the world.
Such insane and provocative rhetoric from the likes of Prince and Moore must cease forthwith. They do not love our country more than we do and we must not allow them to light a fire or ignite a bomb that will consume us all.
Outside of this the mischaracteristion of our situation has an additional three obvious and immediate consequences.
Firstly it negates the idea that Muslims are being targetted by the same terrorists that are killingSecondlyChristians. it belittles and underplays the massive loss of Muslims lives and suggests that those lives count for nothing.
Finally it runs the risk of further dividing our people on religious lines by casting all Muslims as the perpetrators and only Christians as the victims.
This cannot augur well for the unity of our country and for our collective fight against terror.
The American and western leaders that are propagating and spouting it, with the help of the CIA and their local assets, obviously have an insidious hidden agenda and a sinister ulterior motive for doing so.
You do not have to be a bright bulb or a Professor of world history to appreciate that.
All you need to do is to have a little common sense, a good memory, an understanding of the times we are living in and observe what the Americans and their western allies have been doing in the Middle East, North Africa and indeed much of the world ever since 9/11.
The sad reality of Nigeria is not “Christian genocide” but the genocide of BOTH Christians and Muslims by the hands of a handful of sav- age and barbaric terrorist militias that falsely claim to be Muslims but that do not in actual fact represent any faith.
They represent only satan, their insatiable bloodlust and their sadistic, depraved, delu- sional, psychotic and psycopathic disposition.
Some of them, like Boko Haram, ISWAP, Al Qaeda and Ansaru operate mainly in the North, murdering and displacing both Christians and Muslims with impunity and no remorse whilst others, like ESN, who claim to be champion-
ing the cause of Christians and Jews, operate mainly in the South East again murdering and displacing both Christians and Muslims.
They, like the Haramites and their genocidal partners in crime, do not represent any faith other than that of the devil who has sent them.
Our duty as Christians is to foster national, religious and ethnic unity by closing ranks with our Muslim brothers and fighting our common enemy which these terrorist groups represent.
Anything less than that will only divide us further and take us down the brutal and bloody road to Kigali and, God forbid, a Rwandan-style and horrific showdown and a genocidal storm of cataclysmic carnage.
Our security agencies have worked extreemly hard over the last two years in containing the scourge of terror that has afflicted us.
This is proved by the fact that a record number of terrorists have been killed and many of their most dangerous and wanted commanders and leaders have been captured and detained.
We must commend and encourage them in their endeavours. However much more needs to be done.
We are a nation at war and the Federal Government must do far more by breaking the ranks of the terrorists with an iron fist, ripping out their hearts, killing them in even larger numbers than they are already doing and by effectively, courageously and vigorously countering the American and Zionist-sponsored “Christian genocide in Nigeria” propaganda and disinformation campaign that is spreading like wild-fire throughout the world.
This can best be done not just by continuously issuing press statements and conducting televi- sion interviews in our local media but by engag- ing the services of seasoned and experienced American lobbyists in Washington DC itself and more importantly by giving our very able Foreign Minister, Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, the full support that he needs and allow him to take up and lead the initiative fully without hindrance.
He is an exceptionally brilliant and incisive diplomat who is highly experienced, who knows the history of world politics inside out, who was educated in the west from an early age and therefore cannot be intimidated by them, who is a skilled negotiator, who is a diehard patriot that will never betray our national interest and cause and who has nerves of steel. I know this because I have known him for well over 40 years!
Outside of that our government must refuse to allow themselves to be hoodwinked by the words of middle-rankingAmerican Government officials who are not members of the MAGAinner circle and who do not truly represent the very hardline and extreme views of the right-wing Christian fundamentalist and anti-Muslim forces that Trump holds dear.
If they really want to know what Trump is thinking but has so far refused to voice about Nigeria it would be wise for our government to consider the words of Senator Marco Rubio, Senator Ted Cruz, Congressman Riley Moore and Congressman Chris Smith far more than the soothing and encouraging words and expressions of support from “friendly faces” in the Trump administration who have deep ties with and a soft spot for Nigeria but who are not at the heart of the MAGA power
configuration like Trump’s Lebanese brother in-law and Special Advisor on African Affairs, Massad Boulos.
American doublespeak and subterfuge is an art and we must never take them for their word or drink from their poisoned chalice.
As the Bible says “their speech is as smooth as butter but war is in their heart”. A word is enough for the wise.
In an additional step to protect ourselves and secure our future we must also build stronger ties with China and Russia and enter into a defence pact with either one or both.
We should also become a full-fledged member of BRICS and join the rest of the Global South in attempting to regain our self-respect and dignity.
This would be a step in the right direction which will enable us to have a fighting chance to resist the very real threat that America and her Western allies have presented to us.
The die is cast and, as Shakespeare observed in his play titled Julius Caesar, ‘Caesar has crossed to Rubicon’.
We need the manifestation of strength and courage as we face these complex and formidable challenges to our essence and being and not weakness and cowardice.
Rather than always going on our knees, constantly grovelling, playing the fool and at- tempting to secure their validation regardless of the gratuitous insults and indignities that they have regularly subjected us to it is time for us to recognise the fact that they have never wished us well and that they have NO intention of allowing us to fulfill our full potentials or achieve our manifest and God-given destiny.
This is the bitter truth that few care to admit. Permit me to end this contribution with the following questions.
How would the Christians of Nigeria react if the leaders of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Indonesia, the UAE and the OIC de- scribed what is going on in Nigeria as “Muslim genocide” and not only downplay but ignore with contempt the fact that Christians are being killed in equal, if not more, numbers?
Would such a mischaracterisation not be regarded as being rooted in ignorance and mischief and would it not be rightly deemed as being inaccurate and unacceptable?
If the answer is ‘yes’ then it would be equally inappropriate to refer to the terrible and collective plight that we, as Christians and Muslims, are jointly facing as “Christian genocide”. What is good for the goose is surely good for the gander. We are all victims of the terrorists, both Christian and Muslim, and we must all join our hands and collectively resist them. That is the way Anythingforward. less will lead to catastrophy for us all and will represent a massive victory for the terrorists and the foreign hegemons that sent them and that seek to divide and destroy us.
On a final note I challenge my readers to consider the following. When we collectively opposed the genocide in and total destruction and decimation of Gaza over the last two years no-one in the world referred to what was going on there as “Muslim genocide”.
This is because thousands of innocent and defenceless Palestinian Christians were also subjected to genocide, mass murder, ethnic cleansing, displacement and crimes against humanity and had their Churches, homes, farms and hospitals bombed into rubble and burnt to the ground by the Zionist terrorists of the Israeli Defence Force.
In the same vein when we oppose the bar- barism and genocide that we are witnessing in Nigeria we must not refer to it as “Christian genocide” because hundreds of thousands of innocent and defenceless Muslims are also being subjected to mass murder, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and displacement and have had their homes, farms, Mosques and hospitals bombed into rubble and burnt to the ground by the terrorists of Boko Haram, ISWAP, Al Qaeda and Ansaru.
We cannot make reference to or condemn the genocide that is being unleashed on our Christian population without making reference to and condemning that which is also being unleashed on our Muslims.
What is good for the goose is good for the gander and we must not inflame people’s pas- sions with reckless and nonsensical rhetoric that seeks to place one set of victims on a higher pedestal and the other on a lower one.
Editor, Editorial Page PETER ISHAKA
Email peter.ishaka@thisdaylive.com
The security chiefs should go all out to create a more secure Nigeria
President Bola Tinubu has fulfilled a major midterm ritual by appointing new service chiefs to replace those with whom he started his administration. While General Olufemi Oluyede has been elevated to the Chief of Defence Staff, Major-General Waidi Shaibu, Air Vice Marshall S.K. Aneke and Rear Admiral Idi Abbas are now the Army, Air and Naval Chiefs respectively. Only the Chief of Defence Intelligence, Major-General Emmanuel A.P. Undiandeye retains his position. But beyond the career advancement and fulfillment for these military officers, there is an overriding necessity for a rejig of the national security apparatus and its leadership. The entire doctrinal pillars of our national security are overdue for a drastic revision.
In a post on his verified X handle, @officialABAT, the president explained that the new appointments were part of ongoing efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s national security architecture while charging the new helmsmen “to deepen professionalism, vigilance, and unity within our Armed Forces as they serve our nation with honour.” Incidentally, in his inauguration speech on 29th May 2023, the president had promised this much. While pledging to make security a top priority “because neither prosperity nor justice can prevail amidst insecurity and violence,” Tinubu had declared: “To effectively tackle this menace, we shall reform both our security doctrine and its architecture.”
service chiefs would only have meaning if they can translate into better security for the country.
The persistence of all-pervading insecurity has for long cast a pall of disappointment on the nation’s armed forces and their sense of responsibility. Over this period, the national budget has continued to feature huge allocations of resources for security. It has become difficult to distinguish between traditional defence expenditures and the cost of armed forces involvement in internal security operations. Between the combined armed forces and the police, State Security and Civil defense, the huge outlay on security has taken a huge toll on the economy. And yet, there is scant improvement in the security situation.
The nation must now look forward to a season of better security for citizens and the state. Today, Nigerians live in fear: afraid of being kidnapped or killed in their homes or on the road
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Meanwhile, it has not escaped public attention that the change of service chiefs is coming at about the same period when reports of ‘attempted coup’ are being circulated in a section of the media following confirmation that 16 military officers are currently facing disciplinary actions for breach of service regulations. So, the new service chiefs have their jobs cut out for them. To succeed, the first issue they must address is that of the welfare of their officers and men. While enlistment in the military or the police is a national sacrifice, it is not a suicide mission. Their personnel must be adequately equipped.
For this to happen, the president should set timelines for the new service chiefs to solve specific aspects of our embarrassing insecurity. The nation must now look forward to a season of better security for citizens and the state. Today, Nigerians live in fear: afraid of being kidnapped or killed in their homes or on the road. In rural communities, many have abandoned their farms, with dire implications for living and livelihoods. While armed gangs and sundry challengers of the state roam the streets in many of the states, the massive deployment of military troops for internal security operations has hardly made a difference. Therefore, for the ordinary Nigerian, the replacement of the
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The change in service chiefs must mean more than a ritual of power furniture shifting. The president must step forward to hand out a new and different mandate to them. We need to change our concept of national security to a more dynamic one. Our strategies must keep abreast of the sophistication in the methods of the agents of insecurity. Violent persons and groups by whatever nomenclature –‘bandits’, ‘hoodlums’, ‘unknown gunmen’-- or their garden variety cousins, kidnappers, and terrorists – cannot be allowed to challenge state authority at will, and with such frequency. Democracy impels us to prioritise citizen security and place it at par with state security. The security of the state and its key operators is meaningless if it is not matched by the security of the general citizenry
Letters in response to specific publications in tHiSDAY should be brief(150-200 words) and straight to the point. interested readers may send such letters along with their contact details to opinion@thisdaylive.com. we also welcome comments and opinions on topical local, national and international issues provided they are well-written and should also not be longer than (950- 1000 words). they should be sent to opinion@thisdaylive. com along with the email address and phone numbers of the writer
In Nigeria’s complex political and security terrain, the recent announcement of the removal of all service chiefs by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has sparked widespread debate, intrigue, and speculation. Coming just days after social media buzzed with rumours of a possible coup attempt, the move has inevitably been viewed through the dual lenses of political calculation and national stability. But beyond the chatter lies a deeper question: is this a demonstration of control or a show of confidence in the future direction of the country’s security architecture?
For any government, especially in a democracy as fragile as Nigeria’s, reshuffling the military hierarchy is not a trivial matter. It signals intention, strategy, and, in some cases, apprehension. Since independence, the Nigerian military has been both a pillar of national defence and a tool of political power, a duality that continues to shape the country’s security discourse. Therefore, any sudden change at the top naturally invites scrutiny.
President Tinubu’s decision could be read as an effort to consolidate authority amid lingering internal uncertainties. The military remains one of the most powerful institutions in Nigeria, and its loyalty is paramount to the survival of any civilian administration. By appointing new service chiefs, the President may be seeking to inject fresh energy and align the security leadership with his evolving vision — one that demands loyalty, efficiency, and adaptability in confronting both internal and external threats.
Yet, the timing raises questions. Only days earlier, Nigerians woke up to viral claims about discontent within the armed forces — rumours that were swiftly dismissed by the Defence Headquarters as unfounded. But in the country’s political psychology, such rumours rarely vanish without leaving traces of suspicion. Against this backdrop, the overhaul of the military top brass seems more than coincidental; it appears strategic, even preemptive.
However, to view the move solely through
the lens of paranoia would be simplistic. There is also an argument to be made that Tinubu’s decision demonstrates confidence — a readiness to recalibrate Nigeria’s security leadership without fear of backlash. This interpretation paints the President as assertive and deliberate, not reactive. It aligns with his broader approach to governance, one that often involves calculated disruption to achieve control.
For the Nigerian public, weary of recurring insecurity and governance fatigue, what matters most is not the politics behind the shake-up but its tangible outcomes. The nation is still grappling with multiple security fronts: terrorism in the Northeast, banditry in the Northwest, separatist agitations in the Southeast, and communal clashes across the Middle Belt. Changing service chiefs alone cannot resolve these crises unless accompanied by reforms in intelligence coordination, logistics, welfare, and civilian oversight.
Historically, reshuffling the military has
often produced mixed results. While it may reinvigorate command structures temporarily, it does not automatically translate to improved field performance. What Nigeria needs is continuity of strategy, institutional accountability, and a shift from reactive to preventive security measures. The emphasis should be on strengthening joint operations, revitalizing training doctrines, and deepening collaboration between the armed forces, intelligence agencies, and internal security institutions to ensure coherence in national defence.
Ultimately, President Tinubu’s latest move should be seen as both a test and an opportunity — a test of his political dexterity to manage the military institution without triggering internal discontent, and an opportunity to redefine the strategic posture of Nigeria’s defence and security apparatus.
Tuesdays are for execution in the world of Kola Osinowo, the Group Chief Executive Officer of Izili Nigeria Limited (formerly Baobab+). On the Tuesday afternoon we met, Osinowo had already ticked off several items on his to-do list, even something as simple as drinking a cup of water. But what stood out wasn’t the checklist; it was his precision with time. For 17 years, Osinowo has maintained an unbroken routine that sees him resume work by 7am and is often the last to leave, sometimes as late as 9pm. On his final day at his previous job, he personally handed the office keys to the security guard, a symbolic gesture of closure.
That discipline, he said, runs in the family. His late father, an engineer who shuttled between England and France, was a stickler for time. He arrived early for every event, stayed only as long as he wished, and left on time, regardless of when the occasion began. His mother, a medical practitioner, also lived by the clock, accustomed to hospital shifts that demanded precision.
Osinowo’s early years at Command Day Children School, Yaba, and Command Day Secondary School, Ikeja, further reinforced that culture of order. In another life, perhaps, Osinowo would have achieved his dream of becoming a soldier.
He once dreamed of attending the Nigerian Military School but was dissuaded when a family friend — a military officer — left the school and was deployed to CDSS Ikeja. Later, he even earned a scholarship to join the UK Army, but his mother refused to let him go.
Before then he joined the Nigerian Army Cadet. Once, he fantasised about becoming an architect but did not pursue the dream.
Osinowo came from a privileged background. Yet his parents made sure he also understood life beyond privilege.
“I’m a nepo (nepotism) baby. But my parents also taught us to see the lapo (little access to privilege and opportunities) side of things.”
Every holiday, his parents sent him to his grandmother’s house in Ajegunle where he learnt to hustle.
“My grandmother had a shop there. She was a major wholesaler of bread. We would go and hustle for bread at the bakeries from 5 a.m. From Idowu Street all the way to Boundary.”
The household teemed with over 22 children and four wives; his grandmother was the third wife.
For young Osinowo, the contrast between the comfort of Yaba and the chaos of Ajegunle was transformative. He remembered looking forward to holidays because according to him, “it was an adventure for me.”
“The experience of sitting in the dining room and having my own bowl of meal at home to where you have to sit down on the floor with like 10 other children eating from a tray because they were from the north. Her husband was from the north. So that communal living was there,” he fondly recalled.
“Then my cousins were all male,” he continued, “so that adrenaline was there. The adventure of looking for bread, carrying that big basin on your head, okay? And if the sales were not moving, we used to bring the bread to Wilma Junction to sell it ourselves. Just that chaos there which I didn’t experience in my house.”
In his house in Yaba, the activities were often limited to a swim in the University of Lagos and Sunday trips to Ikoyi Club where his father was a member.
Those experiences taught him resilience, empathy, and enterprise.
“I saw poverty firsthand there,” he said. “People struggled but I also learnt hustling there. I learnt that entrepreneurial spirit from her.”
By university, the lessons had taken root. As a student of Electronics and Computer Engineering at the Lagos State University, Osinowo taught himself web design and turned it into a thriving
business. “I was making six times my salary,” he said.
At one point, he resigned from his job.
“I worked from Friday to Sunday, training people at Lagos Digital Village. My dad got worried that I was home all week and thought I’d gone into cybercrime. He insisted I get another job, that I have to work every day.”
That push kept him grounded. Over the next two decades, Osinowo rose through leadership positions at Microsoft, Jumia, Nokia, and HMD Global, gaining a reputation as a disciplined, strategic, and empathetic leader. He attributed these qualities to his military school background and the leaders who mentored him along the way. A voracious reader, the data analyst has penned leadership books which were displayed in one corner of his office. His latest is on adaptive leadership where he explores managing moral tensions in the corporate world while navigating rapid change.
In his current role as the GCEO of Izili Nigeria, Osinowo is at the forefront of scaling renewable energy and digital inclusion solutions in African markets. Izili is known as a purpose-driven lastmile distributor of solar energy systems and digital products in Africa. Since 2015, the company has illuminated over two million homes.
Electrification, however, remains a worrying headache in Nigeria as most rural and urban areas are yet to be illuminated. With less than five years to achieve the United Nations SDG 7, which advocates for universal access to energy, Osinowo placed Nigeria’s efforts in reaching that goal at six on a scale of 10.
“We are the least electrified country in
argument’s sake, let’s say N20,000. Today, I may probably pay N200,000 per month but I have the electricity because I’m in band A.” Izili, he said, tackles the problem from all angles.
“For accessibility, we focus on rural and peri-urban areas that have never seen a power pole,” he says. “That’s where we deploy solar home systems — simple setups that let families light their homes, charge their phones, and listen to the radio.”
He acknowledged the government’s efforts in solving electricity accessibility through the Rural Electrification Agency. Recently, at the Nigeria Renewable Energy Innovation Forum 2025 held in Abuja, the agency, in partnership with the federal government and some state governments, secured renewable energy investment agreements with private sector players and development partners. The agreements valued at US$435M are expected to help Nigeria reach its targeted goal of 277 gigawatts of installed electricity capacity by 2060.
But he believes state governments, now empowered to generate electricity, must also be held accountable. “It’s not just about generation,” he insists. “We need distributed renewable energy — decentralised systems that reach the last mile. That’s where companies like us come in, combining technology with financial inclusion through pay-as-you-go models.”
In rural areas, access to solar power often provides more than light. It opens doors to banking and digital services. “For some of our customers, owning a solar product means opening their first bank account,” Osinowo explained.
For businesses, it is more about electricity reliability, knowing that they have solar-powered appliances that can help keep their business going.
Profitability in renewable energy is still not convincing to some investors. Instead of switching on the bulb and going all in, some investors are still feeling their way with a torchlight.
“So profitability is still an issue within the industry, and that’s why for us now, we’re advocates of consolidation within the industry. There are too many small players that cannot raise funds on their own. What we’re trying to do now is to say to all these smaller players that we have a platform. ‘We’re in four countries. Can you join us?’”
the world if you look at it in terms of the numbers. There are still over 85 million Nigerians without electricity today,” he explained. “The next closest is DRC, and there’s a 35 million gap between Nigeria and DRC in terms of people that are not electrified.”
Unlike in other countries where energy deficit is often seen in rural areas, in Nigeria, it is seen in both rural and urban areas. This makes Nigeria’s electrification problem more complex.
“It is not just energy access, it’s also energy reliability. Now, we’ve added a third component, which is
As a last-mile distributor, Izili also grapples with challenges — logistics, infrastructure, and security among them. But Osinowo and his team remain undeterred, promoting clean energy solutions such as clean cooking products that reduce the use of firewood.
When our conversation wound down, Osinowo reflected on his unconventional journey; from the boy who wanted to be a soldier to the man leading an energy revolution.
“I am unlimited by design,” he said confidently.
If there is one principle his mentors taught him that he lives by, it is to have the depth of knowledge, “which is the expertise, and a
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Politics in Benue State has turned into a staring contest between Governor Hyacinth Alia and his onetime mentor, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume. They now circle each other like wary boxers sharing an old grudge. The prize is simple: who controls the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Benue?
Their falling-out began soon after Alia’s victory in 2023. Akume, the state’s most influential politician and longtime godfather figure, had backed the Catholic priest’s improbable rise. But once in office, Alia began to loosen his mentor’s grip. From local appointments to the House of Assembly leadership, he built his own power structure, often bypassing Akume’s loyalists.
By 2024, the APC in Benue had split into two. One camp swore loyalty to Akume, led by Comrade Austin Agada. The other answered to Alia through Chief Benjamin Omale. Factions held separate meetings, issued rival press releases, and even claimed parallel party executives. The rift grew so deep that analysts began to wonder whether Alia could secure a second term in 2027.
Alia, however, is not blinking. He’s been busy planting “point men” across all 23 local governments, hosting fellowship nights, and wooing defectors from opposition parties. His supporters hail him as bold and decisive, a “Talk and Do” governor who’s remaking the party in his image.
Akume, seasoned and strategic, has held his fire. His allies in the National Assembly reaffirmed his leadership, calling Alia’s moves “desperate attempts to ride on Akume’s goodwill.” The SGF’s national clout remains formidable, and the Tinubu administration values his steadiness.
In August, President Bola Tinubu himself urged peace, prompting Alia to pay a surprise visit to Akume in Abuja. A viral photo from that meeting hinted at a thaw, but Benue watchers know better than to assume reconciliation. For now, the smiles look forced, the truce tentative.
In this quiet duel between father and son, the real question may not be who blinks first but who looks away last.
For a deal once announced with presidential enthusiasm, Petrobras’s return to Nigeria, being long on promise and short on motion, is moving at the pace of a Lagos traffic light. And even as Abuja’s optimism remains loud, Brasília’s response seems careful. Between them sits a growing silence that sounds like doubt.
Five years after its exit, the Brazilian energy giant was expected to rejoin Nigeria’s oil and gas sector this year. Talks began in earnest following President Bola Tinubu’s August visit to Brazil, where both sides signed five new memoranda covering energy, aviation, and trade. Petrobras, famed for its deepwater expertise, was cast as a key partner in unlocking Nigeria’s vast gas reserves of more than 200 trillion cubic feet by some estimates.
Yet, months later, the “return” remains mostly theoretical.
Negotiations with the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) are still in early stages, with no final
commitments or timelines. Abuja insists the partnership is alive; industry watchers say it’s adrift in paperwork and politics. Some now wonder if Petrobras is hesitating for strategic reasons or simply waiting to see if Nigeria’s reforms will hold.
The irony is rich. Both countries have the kind of chemistry that should work: similar colonial pasts, shared ambitions, and economies reliant on hydrocarbons. Brazil needs new frontiers; Nigeria needs credible investors. When Tinubu stood beside President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Brasília, the symbolism was thick as the two leaders talked about technology transfer, clean energy, and South-South solidarity.
But investors prefer certainty to ceremony. Petrobras’s caution is indicative of a longknown truth about Nigeria’s energy space: reforms may be “impactful,” as the president insists, but investors want proof that the old hurdles like bureaucracy, foreign exchange instability, and opaque terms have truly eased.
So, the question: will Petrobras take the plunge, or will this be another diplomatic headline that fades into memory? For now, the rigs are still idle, the MoUs still in folders, and the promise, like the gas itself, still beneath the surface.
The trouble with oil money is that it flows until it doesn’t. In Port Harcourt, Irad Investment Limited says the tap has run dry, and the company has been left holding the debt. Its gripe is with Oando Plc, one of Nigeria’s biggest energy players, led by the charismatic and controversial Wale Tinubu.
According to reports, Irad claims it completed billion-naira projects “to Oando’s satisfaction” but is still waiting for full payment. The delay, it says, has pushed it to the brink, resulting in bank loans, interest piling, and a protest outside Oando’s offices in July. Three months later, less than 10 per cent of the debt is said to be cleared. Oando, for now, has kept quiet.
The timing could hardly be worse. Oando’s revenue slipped 15 per cent in the first half of 2025, and the company is preparing a $1.5 billion financing programme to patch its liquidity gaps. For a firm trading in Lagos and Johannesburg, the optics of unpaid contractors are not ideal. “Corporate irresponsibility,”
Love stories rarely end as neatly as it has in Ondo, where two coffins rest side by side, holding Chief Oludolapo Ibukun Akinkugbe and his wife of 70 years, Janet. Both died aged 97, within 11 days of each other. Today, they are being buried together, the closing act of a partnership that seemed determined to outlast time itself.
Chief Akinkugbe was not just a husband; he was one of Nigeria’s boardroom patriarchs, a pharmacist turned titan who shaped industries from banking to publishing. Born in 1928, he founded Palm Chemists in Ibadan and cofounded Spectrum Books before rising to chair over thirty companies. Colleagues called him “the Chairman of Chairmen.”
Akinkugbe represented that early postcolonial generation that built institutions where none had stood. From Union Bank to GlaxoSmithKline Nigeria, from the Ibadan
Chamber of Commerce to national economic councils, his footprint ran through Nigeria’s corporate DNA. Yet those who knew him said his true genius lay in character, the quiet dignity of a man who prized integrity above wealth.
And then there was Janet. Soft-spoken but firm, she anchored the home while her husband conquered the boardroom. Their marriage, forged in postwar optimism and tempered by decades of social change, became a reference point for devotion. “Whatever I achieved,”
Chief Akinkugbe is credited to have said once, “I achieved because she stood by me.”
Their deaths—her first, his 11 days later— have stirred both grief and awe. To friends, it feels like destiny’s final kindness, ensuring neither lingered too long in the other’s absence. Few couples remain so bound, even in farewell.
The Akinkugbes have truly built a different kind of legacy, far different from those
Irad called it—words that sting when the public remembers Oando’s past run-ins with regulators.
In 2017, Nigeria’s Securities and Exchange Commission accused Wale of financial misconduct, suspending Oando’s board. He eventually struck a settlement in 2021, paying fines and keeping his seat. But the shadows of that episode linger, sharpened by perceptions of his closeness to President Bola Tinubu, his uncle, a link he insists has no bearing on business. Wale’s reputation rests on his survival instinct. From transforming a small trading outfit in 1994 into a continental oil player, he has weathered market shocks and political tempests. Yet, Oando’s current silence feels uneasy, even for him. Energy, after all, is a business of confidence. And when payments stall, confidence drains faster than crude through a faulty valve. The question now isn’t whether Oando can pay, but whether it still commands the faith it once did.
measurable only in titles and towers. Theirs is a legacy of constancy, a life that proved that love and duty could coexist, and that quiet faithfulness is itself a kind of empire.
In Madrid, where football’s elite gathered to talk business and legacy, the loudest cheer of the night came from a phone. Specifically, from the WhatsApp screen of Gbenga Elegbeleye, Chairman of Nigeria’s Premier Football League, and a man who just wanted to finish his dinner.
It was the World Football Summit gala. Delegates from Europe, Asia, and beyond filled the Eurostars Hotel ballroom, glasses clinking as talk turned to Africa’s game. Then a Japanese official from the J-League leaned across the table and asked, almost reverently, “Do you know Jay-Jay Okocha?”
Elegbeleye grinned. “Jay-Jay? That’s my close friend.”
The reaction was instant. A Turkish investor urged him to prove it. And before he could protest, Elegbeleye found himself making a late-night WhatsApp call to one of Nigeria’s most adored sons. The moment Okocha’s face appeared, the room erupted with laughter and applause, the kind of giddy awe reserved for old legends who never quite fade.
“Ol’ boy,” Elegbeleye said, halfamused, half-overwhelmed, “some people no allow me rest here o.” Jay-Jay laughed, of course, and the phone began a global tour of admiration. From table to table it went, every delegate wanting to say a few words to the magician who once
danced through Bundesliga defences. When the call finally ended, a Portuguese investor quietly walked up and upgraded Elegbeleye’s hotel room from standard to super deluxe. Gratitude, he said, for the chance to greet a genius.
Elegbeleye later told the story with the ease of a man who has seen both politics and football in all their drama. He has chaired councils, served in parliament, and run Nigeria’s sports commission. But in Madrid, none of that mattered.
All it took was a friend named JayJay, a few seconds on WhatsApp, and the reminder that in global football, some names still hold the room.
Politics, in Lagos, rarely forgets, only circling back when the timing feels right. And
now, after years of studied silence, Akinwunmi Ambode’s name is again spoken in the open with chants, banners, and renewed conviction that the former governor might find his way back to the seat he once lost.
At a recent gathering in Lagos, the Tinubu-Ambo Support Group, a coalition of political loyalists, pledged allegiance to two men: President Bola Tinubu and Ambode. Their mission was clear: mobilise voters ahead of the 2027 elections, stir the political base, and remind citizens that loyalty, when revived, can reshape the future.
Dr. Seyi Bamigbade, the group’s directorgeneral, described it as a movement to “reawaken civic consciousness” and restore continuity between Tinubu’s national reform and Ambode’s Lagos vision. Their call echoed across markets and youth halls: get your PVCs, prepare for 2027, let Lagos move again.
Yet beneath the cheers lies the hum of unfinished history.
There are lawmakers who count their years in office, and then there is Ali Ndume, who seems to count the number of motions he has moved. The senator from Borno South has just been ranked Nigeria’s third most productive legislator, an outcome that surprised almost no one who has followed his long, restless career.
The ranking, unveiled in Abuja by the Erudite Growth and Advancement Foundation (ERGAF-Africa), tracked every intervention made in the National Assembly between June 2023 and June 2024. The result is something of a digital scoreboard for democracy: who spoke, how often, and on what. Ndume, alongside his Borno colleague Tahir Monguno, recorded thirty-seven substantive contributions, trailing only Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele and Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin.
For Ndume, 65 and still ferociously active, this is another line in a crowded résumé. Since 2003, when he first entered the House of Representatives, he has rarely blended into the background. He has served as
Sanwo-Olu
Some reunions happen in hushed rooms, and others unfold under chandeliers. On Tuesday, October 21, 2025, Lagos politics staged one of the latter. At
minority leader, majority leader, and briefly as chief whip before another of those political thunderstorms swept him out. Through it all, his voice, serious and insistent, has remained a fixture in Abuja’s chambers.
The data behind this new ranking gives structure to what many Nigerians already knew by instinct: that Ndume is one of the few senators who still treats the red chamber as a workplace. His legislative record is a sprawl of bills, from the North East Development Commission Act to the Constituency Development Fund Bill, and dozens more that would intimidate even the clerks who file them.
Supporters in Borno call him “the voice that never sleeps.” Critics say he talks too much. Both are probably right. But in an era when parliamentary seats often serve as quiet rewards, Ndume’s persistence feels oddly refreshing, truly filling out the shoes the old lecturer from Gwoza still scribbling on the nation’s blackboard, refusing to pack up his chalk.
Ambode’s story is one of brilliance and breach. His four-year term (2015–2019) delivered roads, transport networks, and fiscal growth, but also alienated party powerbrokers. In 2018, when Tinubu withdrew his support, the empire shifted. Ambode lost the APC ticket to Babajide Sanwo-Olu, ending his bid for re-election and ushering in years of quiet withdrawal.
Now, his name returns, attached to Tinubu’s own. The pairing, once improbable, now feels strategic. For some, it signals reconciliation; for others, a test of Lagos’s political memory. Can ambition and loyalty coexist, or does one always exact a price from the other?
Ambode himself has remained silent, as if watching from a measured distance. But Lagos remembers. And in the whispering corners of its politics, where godfathers and foot soldiers meet, the question grows louder: if the city offers him a second dance, will he take it?
Eko Hotel and Suites, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu presided over a gathering of the All Progressives Congress (APC) elite, a rare tableau that placed three generations of Lagos governors in one frame.
Akinwunmi Ambode came. Babatunde Fashola came. And Sanwo-Olu, once Ambode’s political heir and then his quiet usurper, played host. Around them sat the old guard: Mutiu Are, Tajudeen Olusi, James Faleke, Tokunbo Abiru, and the Speaker, Mudashiru Obasa. The city’s power architects filled the hall with polite laughter and political perfume.
Officially, it was a stakeholders’ forum. Unofficially, it was arithmetic. Lagos APC has entered a season of calculation, and everyone is counting something, whether loyalty, leverage, or the length of political memory.
As observers have noted, for Ambode, who disappeared from the political stage after losing his re-election bid in 2019, his appearance was more than symbolic. It hinted at a slow return, or at least a re-entry into the conversation.
Quiet never lasts long in Ekiti politics. This time, the noise is coming not from the governor’s office but from Isaac Fayose’s social media pages, an endless stream of grievances, satire, and jabs aimed squarely at Governor Abiodun Oyebanji. Isaac, younger brother of former governor Ayo Fayose, has turned his Instagram and Facebook into a running commentary on what he calls the “slow decay” of Ekiti State. He posts about potholes and broken promises with the flair of a man who knows how to stir a crowd. To his followers, he is a truth-teller; to his critics, a provocateur searching for relevance.
In late October, he accused Oyebanji of sending thugs to attack the African Democratic Congress (ADC) secretariat in Ado Ekiti, an incident he said left people injured and property damaged. The governor’s camp dismissed the claim,
but Isaac doubled down online, warning his “Ekiti people” not to “allow them to reenforce failure on us in 2026.”
The skirmish has drawn reactions from within Isaac’s old party, the PDP, where officials are growing weary of his unfiltered style. A caretaker chairman recently accused him of fraternising with rivals and challenged him to make his loyalties official. Isaac responded that he seeks no office, no party flag, only better roads and fairer leadership, he insists.
What makes Isaac interesting is that he also fires at home. He has publicly clashed with his elder brother, Ayo, saying family ties should not shield poor governance. It is a strange position for a man whose name carries a built-in political legacy: part dissident, part entertainer, part citizen journalist.
Even with politics playing like a theatre in Ekiti, Isaac’s online crusade is another
Not
The photos from the event tell their own story: Ambode smiling beside Fashola, the crowd half-staring, halfwhispering. On social media, the mood was a blend of nostalgia and mischief. “Ambode is coming back,” one comment read. “Winning team for Baba Tinubu,” another declared. Others were less kind, proof that in Lagos politics, love and resentment share the same seat.
What unites them all, though, is calculation. Lagos APC knows its future depends on old bridges holding firm, and new ones being built before the next storm. In this regard, commentators are correct to say that the forum was less about speeches than about signals.
By the end, the hall emptied, the math unfinished. But in a city where politics doubles as performance art, the image of three governors sitting side by side may be the clearest equation yet: power in Lagos is rarely lost; it only changes hands until the next count.
act in the state’s long-running drama of pride and protest. Whether anyone listens beyond the applause emojis is another matter entirely.
The Senate chamber, on most days, hums with routine. But when Godswill Akpabio and Natasha AkpotiUduaghan cross paths, the air tightens like a courtroom holding its breath. On Tuesday, October 21, it happened again: a brief, charged exchange over a bill on abortion penalties that ended with the Senate President’s gavel cutting her off mid-sentence. The debate had begun as a moral question—how far should the law go in punishing those who aid abortions? Soon, it turned into political theatre. When Akpoti-Uduaghan asked to speak “as a woman,” Akpabio ruled her out of order. The tension lingered long after the session ended, reviving memories of a deeper feud that had shadowed both figures for months. Their rivalry traces back to February, when Akpoti-Uduaghan accused Akpabio of sexual harassment, claiming he had made advances toward her during a past meeting in Uyo. Akpabio denied the allegations; his wife, Ekaette, called them “malicious lies” and sued for N350 billion in defamation. What followed was a spiral: Senate suspension, counter-lawsuits, and a courtroom schedule that now runs longer than a legislative calendar.
In March, the Senate suspended her for “gross misconduct.” She called it political retribution and took her case to the United Nations. The courts later reinstated her, branding the suspension unlawful. Akpabio appealed, and the legal tangle continues.
Now, each Senate sitting feels like an extension of that struggle, with one wielding the gavel and the other her voice. Outside the chamber, court dates await: a cybercrime charge against her, a contempt suit against him. Inside, decorum masks an old distrust.
Though Akpabio and AkpotiUduaghan insist they are simply doing their jobs, few doubt that the real story plays out between their silences. For now, the Senate’s drama endures with its leading actors still bound by unfinished business, and freedom, as the saying goes, not yet Uhuru.
The official report says it is indiscipline and routine arrest, but the media has been agog with news of a … I dey fear to mention the name o. Remember during Babangida and Abacha’s time, some people lost their lives and freedom simply by sharing a plate of pepper soup with plotters. So, it is not me who will now open my big mouth in this widely read column and call that name when the government has called it “routine arrest for indiscipline.”
Well, whatever it is, President Tinubu should seize this august occasion to address some things. First, he should reward his juju man for doing a fantastic job.
I am very sure that it was that Alfa that would have sent an early morning signal, rushing into Baba’s room and screaming, “won bo,” which means “they are coming” in Yoruba. Baba would have quickly called Seyi and screamed, “Oya, where is that cowrie? Let us disappear o.” Remi would have shouted, “Blood of Jesus”, and Baba would have told her, “Be shouting there, don’t come and collect your own cowrie.”
Mummy would have gone on her knees and called on the God of Adeboye and Oyakhilome, “Oohhh God!!!” Then one of her busy body aides would have reminded her that it is fire prayer that is needed now and not the bowtie
AND
You know how they say it – a cat with its nine lives. This minister seems to have exhausted two of his nine. Remember, he was mentioned in the earlier wahala that took away the very beautiful minister, Betta Edu. Now reports that we are seeing are adding his name to the NYSC wahala. We hear that some groups of busybodies have gone to submit a petition that his NYSC discharge certificate was signed by a jobber, amongst other inconsistencies.
You see, the thing in all of these is the weakness of the systems. These people just scale through all sorts of screenings to the job and fall at the slightest scrutiny. To be a minister, I hear your party will screen you, the enforcement will screen you, your local government will screen you, National Assembly will screen you before they now ask you to take a bow. It is usually a walk in the park, and this is why most of these people are emboldened to do these things, knowing fully well that even if they are caught, they can negotiate their way to remain or worse case, they will be asked to leave with a handshake
calmness of Adeboye prayer o.
She would then switch to MFM fire: “Oh God, destroy by revolting fire our enemies as they approach,” and all her staff will be nodding their heads and screaming “Amen! Amen! Amen!”
Then the CSO would walk in briskly, and in a tracksuit, holding a walkie-talkie and announcing, “Everything is under control.” But by then, Baba was already in France because that is where the cowrie took himto. Only Mummy would be left in the bedroom, still on her knees, and she would ask CSO, “Are you sure?” And he will say, “Certain! It has been contained.”
Standing up, mummy would quickly say, “Call Bayo to issue a statement,” and he would reply, “Your Excellency, last we saw him, he was approaching the Cameroun border with his box on his head… he has run away.”
My people, whatever we want to call it, it’s not a joke. Our democracy must be safeguarded, and the only way we can do this is to ramp up good governance at all levels. He also needs to prevail on politicians to be democratic in their conducts. Anything less, we are on our own. Thank you.
and possibly with all benefits intact. Integrity is gone, nothing like that in this our country, I swear. Integrity has died with Awolowo. What we now have is amala leadership, where shame is no longer a currency. Wait and hear the official explanation for this one, you will just faint. Na wa.
SeNATor NeD Nwoko, leT’S SwAp AND replAce
I don’t really like this Baba for so many reasons that I don’t want to go into because I hear that the man is very intolerant of yabis and rants. So, I respect myself, not that I don’t have the power or courage to withstand whatever it is he will be throwing at me, it’s just that this year, I really don’t want to fight.
Anyways, there is one thing that I like about him, though: his unabashed marital status, which is decidedly polygamous. My people, men have stopped being men. Men out of fear will be doing serial monogamy- that is, having a series of girl friends with one wife. They are today so afraid to embrace what is naturally our own – polygamy, and will be defending monogamy with one mouth and jumping from
one bed to the other.
My dear senator makes polygamy glamorous. What with the bevvy of beauties he has lined up? Some of us, his mentees, really envy him and do hope that he will write a handout so that we can buy and study. The other day, his most popular wife ran amok. She was shown smashing his car and lamenting -ohhh, I am nothing in Ned’s house but something in my home, and Nigerians were doing a pity party for her.
Baba just elegantly took another wife to go and receive an award, like nothing is happening. When he came back, and I am sure after one bout in the other room with yet another wife, he issued a statement – Regina is on drugs. Since then, he no talk again. Wow, such a cool move. I swear a replacement is being curated as we speak, and if that Regina, despite all of her beauty, doesn’t retrace her step back, I will gladly join the wine carrying for a new wife.
Senator, mbok, should we be going this route? Let us consider someone from Akwa Ibom. An Ibibio girl will come to you with culinary skills and heavenly skills in the other room that you will, for once, forget about social media.
Well done, sir, and I must say that I admire the way you handle this matter, and it is simply because you have the capacity to swap and replace.
I tell you, any man who does not have the capacity to swap and replace will just be doing himself a whole lot of damage in Nigeria of today. I swear, women will just be carrying your head and mopping the floor, and even your mother-in-law will open her wrapper and piss on your head.
Senator Ned has taught me that to be able to swap and replace is the only thing that can give you sanity in marriage in Nigeria today, and this ability is what will bring Regina back on her knees because outside is not easy.
When can you do lunch, Senator? I need to give you afang because that Moroccan abi na Algerian that I am seeing with you will just be giving you indomie to eat. Let’s do better afang and pounded yam when you are less busy, my hero.
NIcolAS SArkozY – A preSIDeNT, prISoNer AND MAN
Something happened almost very quietly during the week. This former French President walked with
confidence and with courage into jail. I think he was convicted for something he did with the former Libyan strongman, Gaddafi. Not sure if it was with him or for him. Anyways, he found himself facing five years in jail.
When he was convicted, I watched him deliver a powerful statement that he was innocent and that France was on trial and not him. I watched with intent, thinking that there is no way that this one will go to jail. Apparently, I was thinking like a Nigerian because during the week, the man walked into jail.
If you have not watched the footage, please go and look for it. It was really amazing, I tell you. He kissed his wife; his supporters were all there, and the authorities were there. No black maria, no guns, no policemen frowning and using a koboko to flog people, no handcuffs, no dragging and pushing him. Just him in a fine suit, holding hands with his beautiful wife, walking steadily with pride and his head held up high and straight to the car with his supporters screaming and hailing him. And from there straight into a five-year prison term. He carried three books with him. It was such an elegant way to go to jail. Kai, I loved it. Thank you.
wHAT’S GoING oN, Gov BASSeY oTU?
Now I don’t know if it is the governor or the judiciary or the police or even the church to hold on this one o.
I am sure you guys have heard the story of the pastor who went to church in Ikom in Cross River State and got three bullets in his head for his efforts. The family tracked his car to Lagos and found it in a mechanics workshop. The mechanic said it was a pastor who brought in the car, and the pastor was arrested. He first denied ever going to Ikom, but his wife gave him up as saying that he had just come back from Ikom. He was taken to Ikom, where the pastor was said to have confessed that he actually shot the colleague and dashed the car to this pastor.
Shebi that is open and shut abi? No, we are in Nigeria and not in Lesotho. The case was taken to court, and after a series of adjournments, the judge was said to have released the accused on “health grounds”, and since then, over two years ago, the pastor is all over Ikom doing miracles and remitting tithes to his mother Church on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. When Nigeria happens to you, it happens like American wrestling, I swear. It will just carry your head and give you a body slam.
Pray, how can a man leave his home to go to church to preach only to meet three bullets in his head? My God, and the people who did it are walking free and still pastoring their church, and the GO will be there drinking tea with God?
Thankfully, the younger brother of the victim went on social media, which has made the Cross River State Government wake up to its responsibility of helping the family secure justice.
God, which kind of country is this na? I will japa ooo.
SIr KeNSINGToN ADeBUTU: 90 YeArS AS A KING
Let me quickly send birthday greetings to Daddy at 90. Daddy is Sir Kensington Adebutu, the one we all know as Baba Ijebu. Daddy has lived a
fully rewarding life, berthing some of Nigeria’s most enduring businesses. From agriculture to sports betting to engineering, Baba’s input has grown those sectors significantly. In culture and in tradition, he stands tall and this is why all drums have been rolled out to celebrate him at 90. The other day he donated N4 billion to four different local governments in his state and also donated to tertiary institutions and
the rest.
I hear a huge party is planned for him at the scenic Eko Convention Centre, and by the time you would be reading this, the party will be over, and Bisi, his son and my friend, will not have fulfilled his promise of sending me the invite. Anyways, it is not about Bisi but about Daddy, who, for all intents and purposes, is a great man. Happy birthday, sir.
The super beautiful and sexy songstress has just announced that she would not mind being a second wife because, according to her, all the suitors she is seeing are either in their 50s, married or…
When they come out like this, they are already in that kind of relationship, and this kind of public position is meant to achieve certain set purposes – to put pressure on the man to propose, to justify to those they have misled all these while about being an independent woman, amongst others.
Much as I really don’t have anything against her choice, which in any case is a very wise choice, what I have against her and people like her is the millions they misled when they were in their prime. They will be shouting,
“Ohhhhh, I am an independent woman, I don’t need a man to validate me, I am a woman.” And when they start drooping, they will now be looking for a man to cling to, neglecting the years of shouting crap.
I pity any man who will go and carry all these retired feminists and put them in the house.
That is like carrying a keg of petrol and putting it under your bed while sleeping with a cable.
I hereby put caveat emptor on the forehead of Tiwa and most women who have her profile and outlook. They are truly not ready for the humility that comes with polygamy; they just want somewhere they can lay their heads and gather some form of credibility. Any man who falls for that na Golgotha he will find himself. Thank you.
A MASSIve KIND of revelATIoN froM orjI Uzor KAlU
Senator from Abia State has dropped a bomb o. He says that our pilots now smoke Indian hemp or, better still, marijuana. His position is meant to justify all the runway mishaps we have been experiencing. I tell you, with this revelation, oga should be appointed into either NDLEA or aviation.
This insight is so telling that it would have taken either a genius or an alumnus to crack, and either way, he should be pulled in to help solve the problem that he has discovered. This man just makes me laugh each time he speaks, and to think that this pantomime has been within the corridors of power for so long just tells you what kind of country we find ourselves in. Marijuana ko, Igbo ni.
folAKe ANI-MUMUNeY: How Are YoU, MY frIeND
Folake was the brilliant head of corporate communications at the giant First Bank of Nigeria until very recently. She left under a cloud and has been quiet since.
During the week, I reached out to say hello and had a beautiful conversation. Her contributions to the sector have gone a long way not only to strengthen marketing communications but in their own way have positively impacted our financial system.
Giants like her don’t sleep, as I found out. Despite her heavy reluctance, she was engaged at the last Institute of Directors conference, which was held in Abuja last week.
She said she is on sabbatical, but Nigeria cannot afford that with her brilliance and huge experience. This is why she is being pulled left and right by different stakeholders for one thing or the other.
This was why I reached out to say, Nigeria still needs you.
NNAMDI KANU: THe proTeST, rUlINGS, MY STAND
I have not been following this drama because I really do not understand Nnamdi Kanu’s mission. Backing a dead horse – Biafra, cannot be activism in any form, and also preaching violence while at it just grates me.
So, this is why I just turn my back any time I see his white designer gown. Then, I started hearing of a planned protest for his release led by my brother Omoyele Sowore, and I still ignored it. What exactly are they asking for his release for? I wondered. Then, a court said they should not protest around Aso Rock and other sensitive places. Sowore said he would ignore it, and the police dared him. He ignored it, and the next thing I saw was Sowore running away with his supporters.
I wanted to laugh, but could not because it is not a joke.
You see, when institutions have been so bastardised, it is this kind of comic engagement that we find ourselves falling back on.
I hear so many courts have ordered his release to no avail. So, if we won’t obey those orders, why should we now obey the one that says we should not protest? And if we do not obey orders, why would his lawyer not join the protest out of frustration?
If the man has been released by the court, release him immediately, no matter what or how you feel. The worst you can do is appeal. Oh my God, what kind of a country is this, na? Let me just keep quiet. Thank you.
Ali Umar
In the evolving story of Nigeria’s democratic governance, Kaduna State today stands as an illuminating example of what visionary leadership can achieve when purpose is wedded to compassion, and when the measure of progress is not counted merely in roads built or bridges commissioned, but in lives uplifted. In just over two years in office, Senator Uba Sani, the Governor of Kaduna State, has redefined the architecture of governance in ways that go beyond the ordinary calculus of politics. His government’s most recent initiative, the Kaduna State Ultra-Poor Graduation Programme (KADUPG), marks not merely the beginning of another development intervention; it is a powerful moral and political declaration; a statement that poverty shall no longer be allowed to define the destiny of Kaduna’s people.
The launch of KADUPG is therefore not a perfunctory policy gesture, but a continuation of the Governor’s deep and deliberate war against multidimensional poverty, a war he has waged since his first day in office. It is a war fought not with rhetoric but with results, not with populism but with principle. At its heart lies the conviction that true governance must be about people: their health, education, security, and opportunity. As Uba Sani himself has repeatedly emphasized, development cannot be reduced to brick and mortar. Roads, schools, hospitals, and infrastructure are vital, yes, but they must serve as instruments for something greater: the liberation of people from deprivation in all its forms.
The Kaduna State Ultra-Poor Graduation Programme is an ambitious social protection and economic empowerment model designed to lift thousands of households from the trap of extreme poverty through a structured, evidencebased approach. It focuses on capacity building, microenterprise support, access to healthcare, education, and financial inclusion; the key pillars that help individuals and families break free from intergenerational poverty. It builds on the understanding that poverty is multidimensional; it is not just about a lack of income, but also the absence of opportunity, health, knowledge, and social dignity.
Governor Sani’s deep understanding of these complex linkages stems from his long journey as a social justice advocate, a human rights activist, and a policy thinker who has always viewed leadership as service to humanity. Before he ever occupied public office, he had established himself as a tireless defender of the marginalized; an orientation that now animates his governance style. In him, Kaduna State has found a leader whose empathy is matched by intellect, and whose sense of justice is rooted in action.
From the outset of his administration, the governor made clear that the ultimate test of his leadership would not be the size of the budget or the scale of projects, but the number of lives transformed. This vision has found expression in multiple ways: through revitalized healthcare delivery, reform of the education sector, support for agriculture and small enterprises, and institutional reforms aimed at strengthening local governance. But perhaps nowhere has his leadership been more apparent than in his approach to human capital development; the central strategy around which all his policies revolve.
Kaduna today is a state in motion: one that has moved beyond hot air to measurable progress. Across the 23 local government areas, the signs of transformation are evident. Roads that once isolated rural communities have been rebuilt, connecting farmers to markets and children to schools. Health centers have been revived and equipped, ensuring that quality care is no longer a privilege of urban dwellers. Schools have been renovated, teachers empowered, and new educational models introduced that place children at the center of learning.
Governor Sani’s educational reforms are particularly far-reaching. His administration’s
efforts to make education accessible, equitable, and relevant to the realities of the 21st century have earned Kaduna State national recognition. Through the Reaching Out-of-School Children (ROOSC) Project, over 1,000 classrooms have been built or rehabilitated, and more than 60 new secondary schools have been commissioned across the state. The administration’s policy of reducing tuition fees in state-owned tertiary institutions by 40% has opened the doors of higher learning to thousands of students who once faced financial exclusion. At the same time, teacher training and capacity development have been prioritized, with data-driven monitoring systems introduced to ensure accountability and quality outcomes.
Education in Kaduna is no longer seen as a bureaucratic function but as the foundation of the state’s social and economic future. The governor’s vision was perhaps best articulated at the KADA EduPACT International Summit, where he outlined a bold and forward-looking Kaduna Education Model that integrates data, technology, and inclusivity. He understands that a society that ignores its children’s education mortgages its future; and that no war against poverty can be won without winning the battle for knowledge.
In the same vein, the health sector under his leadership has undergone a quiet but profound revolution. The revitalization of 255 Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs), the establishment of 23 PHC Centres of Excellence, one in each local government area, and the restoration of 182 PHCs in communities previously affected by insecurity, have brought healthcare within reach of even the most remote populations. By implementing the 2024 CONMESS and CONHESS salary structures, digitizing PHC operations through electronic medical and human resource systems, and providing vehicles and motorcycles to Roll Back Malaria officers, the administration has improved both the morale of health workers and the quality of service delivery. These reforms have not gone unnoticed. Kaduna State was named the 2024 Primary Healthcare Leadership Challenge Champion for the North-West Zone, a testament to the Governor’s people-centered approach. But beyond awards and recognition, what matters most are the outcomes: reduced mortality rates, healthier children, safer deliveries, and communities that can now plan for the future without the constant shadow of illness or loss.
It is this same spirit of practical compassion that informed the Governor’s decision to approve and implement the new national minimum wage and its consequential adjustments for all categories of workers, including local government employees,
teachers, and primary healthcare staff. This policy has restored dignity and purchasing power to the workforce, reinforcing the Governor’s belief that no development agenda can succeed on the back of impoverished workers.
His administration has also corrected longstanding injustices that once eroded trust between government and labour. The refund of over N500 million in ENDWELL deductions (savings withheld from teachers’ salaries for nearly seven years) stands as a landmark act of accountability and fairness. By restoring the ENDWELL welfare scheme and correcting erroneous check-off remittances, the Governor has demonstrated that governance can indeed be both principled and humane.
These achievements have not gone unnoticed by the state’s organized labour. In a historic show of unity, the Nigeria Union of Local Government Employees (NULGE) and the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) recently held a joint press conference to express their collective appreciation and support for Governor Uba Sani’s policies. In their words, his actions represent “a profound affirmation of respect for the dignity of labour” and a model of leadership that “listens, acts decisively, and delivers tangible results.”
Their commendation reflects a broader truth about the nature of leadership in Kaduna today: that it is not built on intimidation or political theatrics, but on trust, inclusion, and shared vision.
Uba Sani’s relationship with workers and unions is characterized by dialogue and collaboration, rather than confrontation; a departure from the adversarial posture that too often defines labourgovernment relations in Nigeria.
Through all these reforms, what emerges is a coherent philosophy of governance rooted in human development. The governor’s war against multidimensional poverty is not a slogan; it is a structured, data-driven, and morally grounded mission. It recognizes that poverty has many faces: economic, educational, health-related, and psychological, and that fighting it requires an equally multifaceted response.
The launch of KADUPG represents a new phase in this mission. It builds upon global best practices, including the World Bank-supported “Graduation Approach,” which combines social protection, livelihood training, and microenterprise support to sustainably lift people out of poverty. But Uba Sani’s version is uniquely adapted to Kaduna’s context. It integrates local governance structures, leverages community-based organizations, and ensures gender inclusivity. Women, who often bear the heaviest burden of poverty, are placed at the center of the programme, ensuring that the gains of development translate directly into stronger
households and communities.
This integrated approach mirrors the governor’s broader philosophy: that social protection and economic empowerment must go hand in hand. It is not enough to provide palliatives; people must be equipped to thrive. It is not enough to build roads; citizens must have the means and knowledge to use those roads as pathways to opportunity. It is not enough to open schools; every child must have the resources and support to learn, dream, and succeed.
At the heart of this vision lies an unyielding belief in the resilience and potential of Kaduna’s people. Governor Sani understands that development cannot be imposed from above; it must grow from within; from the talents, aspirations, and industrious spirit of ordinary men and women. His policies reflect this conviction: inclusive, participatory, and anchored in social justice.
As the governor doubles down on his war against multidimensional poverty, Kaduna stands at a pivotal moment in its development trajectory. The state is witnessing not just infrastructural expansion but social renewal; not just economic growth but human flourishing. The launch of KADUPG signals the maturation of a governance model that treats poverty not as a statistic but as a moral and collective challenge.
In a country where poverty continues to blight millions of lives, the Kaduna example offers a ray of hope; a demonstration that with vision, empathy, and disciplined execution, transformation is possible. Governor Sani’s leadership embodies a new politics of purpose: one that measures success not by applause but by impact, not by power retained but by potential released.
As he himself declared at the launch of KADUPG, “This is not just another development programme. It is a declaration that we will not allow poverty to define the lives or futures of our citizens.” Those words, spoken with conviction, capture both the spirit and the substance of his governance. They reflect a renewed social contract between the state and its people; one built on mutual responsibility, compassion, and progress.
The story of Kaduna under Sani is, ultimately, the story of possibility; of what can happen when leadership dares to imagine a better future and acts boldly to make it real. It is a story still unfolding, but already rich in promise: a Kaduna where no one is left behind, where every individual, regardless of circumstance, has the opportunity to live with dignity, to contribute meaningfully, and to thrive.
Umar, a freelance journalist resides in Mando, Kaduna
In an art world hooked on spectacle, a forthcoming group exhibition makes a quieter case — that silence, doubt, and dimness can glow just as brightly as light. okechukwu Uwaezuoke writes
“An invitation to look beyond the surface, to engage with the inbetweenness of existence, and to reconsider the power of what remains hidden,” reads the concluding part of the exhibition’s curatorial statement — a phrase that might just as well have been retrieved from the shadowy margins of memory, though it is nonetheless too lucid to ignore, too self-contained to explain away.
That quiet assurance — measured, unhurried, faintly rebellious — sets the emotional cadence for What Lurks in the Shadow, a forthcoming group exhibition that hints less at a collective display and more at an extended undertone about presence, worth, and the unseen scaffolding of being. Opening on November 8, the exhibition evokes a touch of Stephen King’s nocturnal unease — not the shriek of horror, but the soft-footed dread of something stirring just beyond the edge of illumination.
Organised by the Ndubuisi Nduwhite Ahanonu-led International Institute for Creative Development (IICD) Project Lagos and curated by Mathew Oyedele, the exhibition runs until January 31, 2026, at a subdued yet elegant creative space on Theophilus Oji Street in Lekki Phase I, Lagos. Amid the potential distraction of the venue’s glittering swimming pool, it promises less an assembly of artworks than a chorus of sensibilities — a gathering of artists bound not by form but by a shared preoccupation with the interior and the unseen.
The roster — Joshua Adeyemi, Michael Anyadike, Eno Young, Kolawole Olalekan, Francis Jeremiah, Korede Aremo, Yewande Ambeke, Sidney Osioh, Paul Ayihawu, Elayo Yakubu Ashi, Wanger Ayu, and Japheth Bitrus — reads like a constellation of temperaments orbiting around the same emotional gravity. Each voice, distinct yet resonant, seems to trace the faint outlines of what flickers just below perception: a pulse, a hesitation, a quiet revelation waiting to surface.
In this anticipated chiaroscuro of emotions, shadows are poised to do most of the speaking. They thicken around canvases, cling to sculptural edges, and slip across installations with the grace of something sentient. Here, darkness is not erasure but revelation — a space where fragility, doubt, and remembrance might finally breathe. Each artist seems to sense that revelation depends on restraint, that what resists illumination often carries the greater charge.
The excitement swirling around the forthcoming exhibition lies less in its potential for showmanship than in its promise of sustained, intimate intensity. It gestures toward artists grappling with the intangible — the residue of memory, the ache of concealment, the delicate politics of visibility. Within the exhibition space, the works appear poised to find their rhythm, tracing the boundaries between exposure and withdrawal, assertion and silence.
Sidney Osioh’s contributions, including “Emotions in Lockdown” and “Behind Our Smiling Faces”, exemplify this quiet resistance. Rendered in mixed media with charcoal and burnt wood, the works smoulder with unspoken griefs — those subtler pains that outlast crisis headlines and seep into domestic stillness. Long preoccupied with cultural memory and the moral architecture of community, Osioh seems poised in this exhibition to explore a new dimension of solitude. The blackened surfaces of his pieces suggest endurance as much as suffering, hinting at the way private histories and collective memory intertwine in the half-lit corners of consciousness.
Elayo Yakubu Ashi’s “Nigerian Youth” and “Katsina Couple” are bathed in a confident modern realism that nonetheless hums with unease. His figures — composed, watchful, and burdened by lineage — appear to grapple with the inheritance of meaning itself. Elephant footprints trail behind them like ancestral echoes; Ashanti stool patterns cling to their clothes as emblems of unshakable identity. Yakubu’s brush interrogates youth and belonging, suggesting the tension between the
weight of history and the necessity of standing upright in colour and hope. In his vision, masks are not merely disguises but survival tools — the bright armour of a generation negotiating its place between inheritance and reinvention.
Eno Young constructs entire emotional landscapes. Her piece “Still There” evokes a memory preserved in resin — a tableau of endurance and quiet exhaustion. A seated figure, surrounded by her “story houses” of imagined conversation, seems to have reached the end of language itself. The line “Would it have changed anything?” reads less as a question than as an accusation, a meditation on the persistence of feeling. Young’s silhouettes are distilled presences rather than portraits, suspended in time; their restraint is the power of the work, asserting themselves without demand, inviting absorption rather than reaction.
Yewande Ambeke’s “False Calm” I and “False Calm” II probe the fragile equilibrium of modern existence. Figures float in water — half-drowned, half-serene — their stillness a fragile guise. Beneath the placid surface, anxiety churns like a hidden current. Ambeke suggests that control, however meticulously maintained, is both armour and illusion. With clinical precision — unsurprising, given her background in pharmacy — she anatomises emotion itself, mapping chemical quietude and invisible turbulence. Her palette of blues and greys does not soothe; it echoes a mind perpetually holding its breath.
Kolawole Olalekan’s “Bullet Man” I and “Bullet Man” II rupture this quietude with darkly comic absurdity. The faceless figure, half-human, half-artillery, emerges as a grotesque stand-in for the citizen entangled in the machinery of violence, politics, and social performance. Yet beneath the horror lies wit, a surreal self-awareness that refuses to concede victimhood. Landscapes bruise with colour; humour stings. In a context where survival often demands a touch of the ridiculous, Olalekan transforms satire into a form of understated deliverance.
Joshua Adeyemi, whose curatorial insight underpins the exhibition, anchors the ensemble with sculptural paintings and installations that mediate between presence and absence. His “Treasures in the Dark” series — central to the exhibition — posits that the unseen is not synonymous with the unknown. Beauty, meaning, and even redemption might reside in the half-lit corners culture is often taught to fear. Working with reclaimed materials — pallet wood, fabric, leather — Adeyemi constructs a metaphor of art as salvage, fabrication as reconstruction. The results are tactile and philosophical, offering a meditation on how life’s discarded textures can yield revelation when observed anew.
Michael Anyadike, Francis Jeremiah, Korede Aremo, Paul Ayihawu, Wanger Ayu, and Japheth Bitrus similarly contribute to this quiet economy of attention. Their works, varied in medium and approach, orbit the same contemplative gravity — an exploration of presence, withdrawal, memory, and the unseen forces shaping both individual and collective experience. Collectively, the exhibition rejects the performative brightness common in contemporary art, favouring patient engagement, a slow absorption of layered emotional and conceptual resonance.
What Lurks in the Shadow carries a quiet thesis that threads through the exhibition: the unseen, the overlooked, and the unspoken often bear the greatest weight. There are no spectacles here, no flashy immediacy — only a deliberate orchestration of tone, light, and shadow, conjuring a mood to inhabit rather than a display to consume. The works do not plead for empathy; they possess it inherently, and it is this subtlety that gives them their power. As anticipation builds toward the November 8 opening, the exhibition promises a meditative, unhurried encounter, one that privileges introspection over showmanship. Through the constellation of voices on display, it encourages reflection on the cultural, emotional, and spiritual forces that shape human worth, asserting that even gloom, when approached with attentiveness, has something to reveal.
In the crowded genre of the business memoir, where success is often presented as a linear and solitary conquest, Abimbola Adeseyoju’s You Never Know Me arrives as a necessary and spirited disruption. It is many things at once: a corporate creation story, a crash course in Nigeria’s compliance industry, a love letter to a stubbornly hopeful mother, and a late-life memo to a country that consistently misreads its own reflection.
the title, borrowed from a Yoruba proverb warning against presumption, is re-appropriated as a taunt to every gatekeeper who ever slammed a door on the author. the narrative engine here is not nostalgia but vindication. Yet, the tone is surprisingly playful. Adeseyoju nicknames himself “Mighty” after a lost school-yard bet, a moniker that sticks through university and into corporate resolutions—a wink to the reader that ego is present, but it is wearing dancing shoes. the book’s ten chapters move chronologically from childhood in Ondo to the founding of DataPro Limited, Nigeria’s third licensed credit-rating agency. Its most innovative feature is the use of “Family Portraits” and “DataPro Portraits”—oralhistory snippets from siblings, staff, and even detractors. this polyphonic texture rescues the
story from hagiography. One sister recalls the seizures that made his legs “dance palongo”; a former driver-turned-analyst remembers his boss’s exacting standards. these fragments create the intimacy of a kitchen conversation while quietly underscoring a central thesis: greatness is a team sport, even when the spotlight narrows to one name.
The emotional fulcrum is the first chapter, “With My Mother, Parenting is Forever.” Sidikat Adeseyoju—Muslim, seamstress, supermarket owner—emerges as the book’s first saint and venture capitalist, bankrolling her son’s exams with proceeds from her store and answering a neighbour’s complaints with a philosophical shrug: “this is just a battle phase in his life.” the author’s subsequent rise is offered as evidence that mercy can be a more sustainable currency than condemnation.
the most riveting section details Adeseyoju’s “Gap Years.” In 1977, the WAec board cancelled his entire school’s results on suspicion of mass cheating, turning a golden boy into a pariah. What follows is a five-year drift through smoking joints and failed A-levels, narrated with humour so dry it crackles. Salvation arrives in the form of Major Lateef Fawehinmi, who drags him to Mubi
barracks. there, a mysterious voice predicts he will “become an entrepreneur in compliance and rating”—two words that mean nothing to him yet. the chapter is a masterclass in pacing, planting the book’s moral compass: failure is data, not destiny. the remaining chapters chronicle the translation of that prophecy into a pan-African compliance powerhouse. Adeseyoju is unabashed in reading divine fingerprints into every contract, a provi-
dential chorus that may make secular readers squirm but which the book steadfastly refuses to secularise. What keeps this from tipping into sermonising is the granular detail of building something in Nigeria: the Yellow Pages cold-calls, the 5:30am dashes to beat Lagos traffic, the N2,000 bribe politely declined. these snapshots amount to an underground manual on corporate governance in a frontier market.
refreshingly, the memoir is unmacho.Adeseyoju confesses to skipping all three of his children’s births (“I could not stand the sight of blood”) and his cross-cultural marriage to Franca Omigie is offered as a micro-model for a plural Nigeria. By the final chapter, the 67-year-old is plotting succession with the same rigour he once applied to bond ratings, refusing future chieftaincy titles as a form of reputational risk-management. It is a fitting coda for a man who has spent his life translating risk into spreadsheets and then into prayers.
the book’s greatest strength, its conversational candour, is occasionally its weakness. Some passages read like dictated voice notes, and technical sections on FAtF recommendations may lose the general reader.Astricter editor could have trimmed 30 pages without bruising the soul. the sprinkledin graphics are too small to decipher; a second edition should enlarge them or use Qr codes.
For three electrifying days, Lagos was transformed into a global hub of innovation, art, and imagination as creators, thinkers, and technologists from across Africa and europe converged for the second edition of Forum création Africa.
Held from October 16 to 18 at the Federal Palace Hotel, Victoria Island, the event drew thousands of participants for a spectacle that integrated culture, technology, and creativity into a single immersive experience. It was a gathering where coding intersected with culture.
From captivating bark cloth exhibitions and digital fashion showcases to conversations on video games, animation, and webtoons, the forum offered an inspiring panorama of what the future of African creativity looks like. beyond the panel sessions and workshops were evening concerts and food courts that kept the festive spirit alive.
Delivering his opening address virtually, French President emmanuel Macron described the decision to host the first African edition in
Lagos as “an obvious one,” citing the city’s status as a continental hub of innovation.
“Lagos is not only a creative powerhouse in Africa but also a global reference for cultural innovation,” Macron declared. “You have gathered in this vibrant city to explore new perspectives, foster collaboration and spark creative energy. You are exploring exciting new frontiers in music,
the 29th edition of the Musical Society of Nigeria (MUSON) Festival, themed “In the Flow,” draws to a close today, Sunday, October 26, after two weeks of exhilarating concerts, performances, and symposia celebrating classical and contemporary music. the festival, which began on October 12, was packed with a diverse lineup. A special highlight was the Jazz party on October 17, which featured celebrated musicians Imoleayo balogun, Isaac Olatunde, and Ob Nelson. the night, a fusion of smooth, swing, and traditional jazz sounds, served as a vibrant celebration of creativity and musical freedom, setting the tone for the rest of the event. In a press briefing held earlier in Lagos to announce the festival, the chairperson of the MUSON Festival Planning committee, Mrs. Sade Doherty, outlined a programme that included a musical brunch, the MUSON Day concert, the chevron-sponsored musical drama, a symposium on music and technology, and the Grand Gala concert sponsored by totalenergies.
She explained that this year’s theme marks a new
chapter for MUSON after years of resilience. “After cOVID-19 and the economic downturn, we had festival themes centred on resurgence, resilience, and revival. Now, we are ‘in the flow’ of what our founding fathers envisioned as the promotion of understanding, enjoyment, and performance of classical and contemporary music,” Doherty said. A notable feature of the 2025 festival brochure is a special musical sheet of the Nigerian National Anthem, included to symbolise unity and patriotism as the nation celebrates its 65th Independence anniversary. “We deliberately included the anthem to celebrate Nigeria at 65 and to highlight music as a unifying force,” she revealed. the brochure also features a message of support from the National Orientation Agency (NOA). throughout its run, the festival showcased major events such as the chevron Musical Drama (October 18), Operatic Performances (October 19 & 25), a Symposium on Music and technology titled “collabo” (October 21), and the Young talents concert (October 23). the festival culminates today with the Grand
tV series, animation, video games, visual effects, and more. but creation Africa is more than just a forum; it’s a bridge that connects people across borders, shaping the stories of today and tomorrow.”
the French President also spoke of MansA – Maison des Mondes Africains, a newly established cultural institution in Paris, dedicated to promoting contemporary African creativity and strengthening ties between Africa and France.
“today marks an important milestone in this
journey,” Macron added. “I’m counting on each of you to open new horizons, create new spaces, and spark new hopes for our youth and our societies.”
barr. Hannatu Musa Musawa, Nigeria’s Minister of Art, culture, and the creative economy, welcomed participants to what she called “the heart of African creativity — where tradition meets innovation and talent meets opportunity.”
In her goodwill message, Musawa described the forum as a “renaissance of African imagination and global cultural diplomacy,” underscoring Nigeria’s leadership in Africa’s creative ecosystem.
“Our ‘Destination 2030’ framework places the creative economy at the centre of national development,” she explained. “through our data mapping initiative, we are building a strategic foundation to drive growth across Nigeria’s cultural sectors.”
For elisabeth Gomis, Director-General of MansA, the Lagos forum marked a new chapter in the journey that began with the inaugural edition in Paris in 2023.
“It is with great enthusiasm that we are opening this second Forum création Africa in Lagos,” she said. “More than an event, this forum is a shared adventure — a meeting point for ideas, collaboration, and imagination.
Worldwide, the judiciary is the cornerstone of any democratic system but this cannot be said of the Nigerian judiciary, which is often criticised for partial judgments, lack of independence, corruption and delays, factors that have grossly eroded public confidence, Davidson Iriekpen writes
It is no longer news that the state of the judiciary in Nigeria is a cause of worry for many. whether it is preor post-election litigations, civil or criminal prosecutions, Nigerians think that the courts have failed colossally in adjudication.
Frustrations have been expressed on numerous occasions, particularly due to the widespread corruption and inefficiency that have led to a significant erosion of public trust in legal institutions. The justice system is increasingly viewed as biased, slow and ineffective, leading to a reluctance to seek legal remedies for grievances. This disillusionment contributes to a culture of impunity, where individuals may resort to extrajudicial means to settle disputes, further undermining the rule of law.
Over the years, there has been an increasing reliance on the courts to adjudicate major issues of public interest, bringing the judiciary into the limelight. The conduct of judges—their independence, integrity, and impartiality in handling such cases—has come under intense public scrutiny.
Although the Constitution guarantees the independence of the judiciary, this principle faces serious challenges. Concerns about undue interference from other arms of government and financial autonomy have largely eroded that independence.
Section 17 (2)(e) of the Constitution provides that the independence, impartiality and integrity of courts of law and the easy accessibility to the courts of law shall be secured and maintained. The independence of the judiciary ensures that the judicial officials are free from any outside pressure or influence in the exercise of their judicial functions.
The judiciary is not to be subject to any authority other than the law that they are charged to uphold.
The Nigerian judiciary is often referred to as the last hope of the common man. But since the country’s return to civil rule in 1999, the institution is now facing growing criticism over its impartiality in judgment.
The judiciary is no longer a haven for the common man but a place where justice is only for the privileged, powerful individuals and high-profile politicians.
perhaps the biggest challenge facing the judiciary is the slow pace of justice delivery. Cases can take years, even decades, to be resolved, which makes it difficult for ordinary citizens to seek justice and have their grievances addressed promptly. This undermines the credibility of the judiciary and puts a strain on the resources of the average citizen, who must bear the costs
of legal representation and frequent court appearances.
Another issue is corruption within the judiciary. This has not only undermined the integrity of the justice system but also eroded public trust in the judiciary. Moreover, there have been instances where judicial officers have acted in favour of the powerful or the highest bidder.
It was against this backdrop that the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar II, recently raised the alarm that justice in the country is fast becoming transactional, leaving the poor to suffer while the rich walk free.
Speaking as a guest at the Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) in enugu recently, the revered monarch told lawyers and judges at the event that corruption and inequality are weakening the very foundation of the nation’s courts. He lamented that justice in Nigeria has become a “purchasable commodity,” adding that the poor in the country are now victims while the rich do not face prosecution.
He equally regretted that the integrity of the judicial system was being undermined by corruption and inequality.
Also, former president Chief Olusegun Obasanjo recently passed a damning verdict on the nation’s judiciary, citing deep-rooted
corruption and political interference as factors eroding public trust.
In his new book, “Nigeria: past and Future,” the ex-president uncovered what he calls the judiciary’s “precipitous fall” from independence in 1960 to the current Fourth republic. He contended that the reputation of the judiciary has steadily declined over decades, reaching a “lamentable” state in today’s democracy.
He warned that when justice is available only to the highest bidder, society faces “despair, anarchy, and violence” instead of fairness and order.
while drawing on personal observations, he recalled visiting a northern state about 10 years after leaving office, where a governor pointed out six duplexes allegedly built by a judge using funds acquired as chairman of election tribunals. Such examples, he claims, explain why politicians often distrust the electoral process.
Former Vice president, professor Yemi Osinbajo, had faulted the persistent tendency of the courts to elevate procedural technicalities above the pursuit of substantive justice.
Speaking in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, during the second professor Yusuf Ali Annual Lecture, organised by the Kwara State University, Osinbajo, a Law professor, argued
that the primary objective of any justice system should be to serve the people and uphold fairness, not to celebrate procedural rigidity or technical loopholes.
“The essence of justice is not in the form but in the substance. Unfortunately, many of our court decisions, including some of those delivered by the Supreme Court, tend to focus more on procedure rather than the core issues of justice,” he stated.
The former vice president warned that Nigeria’s fixation on outdated technicalities not only hinders the dispensation of justice but also erodes public confidence in the judiciary. while acknowledging that the Supreme Court has occasionally taken a more flexible stance, particularly in electoral disputes, he said inconsistency in the application of such principles remains a major setback.
Former president, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, last year criticised what he described as “politically motivated” court judgments in Nigeria, warning that such rulings undermine the country’s democratic process.
Speaking at the 67th birthday celebration and book presentation in honor of renowned lawyer Mike Ozekhome (SAN) in Abuja, Jonathan expressed concern over the impact of questionable court decisions on the stability of Nigeria’s democracy. He specifically referenced a recent judgment that allowed a ward chairman to expel a national officer of a political party, calling it destabilising to the political system.
“Considering the current state of the country, especially the judgments in political cases, we are beginning to see that democracy in Nigeria is unstable, like a cone turned upside down. If a cone is inverted, it cannot stand stably; even the slightest disturbance will cause it to fall,” Jonathan remarked.
From the admonitions above, it is imperative that concerned stakeholders should urgently take steps to reform the Nigerian judiciary. perhaps, one of the first steps should be to improve the administration of justice so that cases are resolved more quickly and efficiently. Additionally, the National Judicial Council (NJC) should take steps to stamp out corruption within the judiciary by investigating and prosecuting judicial officers who are found to have engaged in corrupt practices and by increasing transparency and accountability within the judiciary.
For the period she will still be in office, the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-ekun, needs to rebuild the confidence of Nigerians in the judiciary. This, she has to do with courage in order to give them hope.
Penultimate week, Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State set tongues wagging when he directed membersofhiscabinettoopenlyshowtheirsupport forPresidentBolaTinububywearinghisbrandedcap.
ThegovernorgavethedirectiveinBenin-Citywhile swearing in newly appointed commissioners and inaugurating commissions and boards of agencies in Benin.
Okpebholo, who attributed his electoral victory to Tinubu’s support, said loyalty to the president must reflecteveninappearance.Headdedthathewouldnot forgive any commissioner that is not wearing the cap to exco meetings, adding that anyone attending the meetingwithoutanAsiwajucap,wouldbeturnedback.
He said: “This could not have happened if we did nothavearesponsiblepresident.Wehavedonemany
elections here, and the major problem we have had is that the president is not with us, but today we say ‘thank you.’ I will not forgive any commissioner that is not wearing this cap. In our exco meetings, if you are not wearing a suit and you are coming to the meeting without this Asiwaju cap, you will go back.”
Beforehislatestwarning,thegovernorhadpromised todeliverthestatetotheAPCin2027with2.5million votes.
ByorderinggovernorstowearTinubu’scaptoexco meetings, the governor has elevated sycophancy to a ridiculous level.
HehasturnedNigeriandemocracytoalaughingstock. Ishesuggestingthathewasnotvotedintopowerby thepeopleofEdoStatebutinstalledbythePresidency? EvenPresidentTinubuhimselfwouldbeembarrassed
by the governor’s order to his commissioners. Okpebholo,byhisaction,wantstobemoreCatholic than the Pope.
In the South-west where President Tinubu hails from, there are four APC-controlled states, but none ofthesegovernorsgavesuchshamefulordertotheir commissioners.
In Lagos State in particular, Tinubu’s cap has not beendesignatedastheofficialcapforexcomeetings despite his effective control of the state. Was the failed attempt to foist the president’s daughter, Folashade Tinubu-Ojo on Benin market women as the Iyaloja also one of the ways to show gratitudetoTinubuforgovernorshipelectionvictory? Nigerian leaders should realise that there is a limit to sycophancy.
The Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, has come under fire following his threats to install All Progressives Congress administration in Abia State in 2027 without acknowledging the power of the people in a democracy, e jiofor Alike reports
The Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, recently boasted again that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) would take over Abia State currently controlled by the Labour Party (LP) in 2027.
Addressing a crowd of his supporters and APC members at the Abia Hotels, Umuahia, Kalu argued that time had come for Abia State to be governed by the APC. In democracy, taking over a government by a political party through the ballot box is the grundnorm.
However, the deputy speaker failed to acknowledge the fact that the choice of sacking LP from the Government House in Umuahia does not reside with him but with the people of Abia State in line with the tenets of democracy.
Indications that his threat was a direct assault on democracy became more obvious when he boasted that he could not be number six man under the APC-led federal government and allow LP to control his state.
Kalu further insinuated that installing APC administration in the state is one of the ways of showing appreciation to President Bola Tinubu for giving the people of the state political appointments.
Kalu said: “We are going to take over Abia in 2027; we want to work with the President to move our state forward.”
Despite acknowledging that the state government had made some progress, he insisted that his obligation as the opposition leader in the state is not to sing the governor’s praises.
“We can be friends; we can be family but as long as we are in another political party, our job is to be the watchdog of the administration. The leader of this administration might be my friend, but I am the opposition leader,” he added.
In a subtle confirmation that President Tinubu’s government is getting more revenues than the previous administrations, Kalu argued that Tinubu should rather be commended for the visible achievements in states, which he attributed to the president’s generosity in releasing more funds to states.
“The miracle maker is not the governors but the president who releases money to states now. The real miracle worker is a man who stopped fuel subsidies and did not keep the money in his pocket or in Abuja but released it to states,” Kalu explained.
Kalu’s undemocratic utterances started in August 2024 when he declared with an air of finality at a media interview that Otti would be the last LP governor in Abia State.
Though he admitted that Otti has done well as a governor, he still insisted that the state needed to be governed by APC because of President Tinubu’s contribution to the state.
He said, “This will be the last time that a Labour governor will govern Abia State. I say it without mincing words. The next governor of Abia State will be APC governor.
“I have told him (Otti) publicly and privately that the APC governor will be next in Abia State. How it will happen, I don’t know, but it will happen,” Kalu said.
Kalu’s claim that he did not know how APC would take over the state fueled the suspicion that he does not believe in the power of the ballot box because it is only through it that a political party can take over a government.
The deputy speaker maintained that he could not hold the position of the sixth citizen of the country while another party
governed his state, stressing that the 2027 election would end this.
“We are friends, we work together, but I will not be the number six citizen of the country, and another party will govern my state. The next election in 2027, APC will be there.
“APC will determine who will become the next governor of Abia State. I don’t care about who the person is. “However, one thing I know is that the platform, APC, will be the next governor of Abia state,” he said.
For many residents of Abia State, what all these threats mean is that Kalu is plotting how to truncate the people’s will in the 2027 governorship election.
By threatening to remove Otti who is the first governor to bring relief to the people of the state since 1999, Kalu obviously wants the state to return to the days of mis-governance.
He is aware that the state was the worst-governed among the five Southeast states from 1999 to 2023.
Apparently enraged by Kalu’s utterances, his colleague in the House of Representatives from Abia State, Obi
Aguocha, had fired a salvo at him, saying that his comments smacked of arrogance and power drunkenness.
Aguocha, an LP lawmaker, upbraided Kalu for displaying indiscretion in his “quest for national political relevance.”
The LP lawmaker reminded Kalu that his “patently repeated boasting and referring to yourself as No.6 in the order of leadership hierarchy of the federal government portrays you less as a leader and more like a man with an open display of brazenness and rabid indiscretion”.
He warned Kalu to tread cautiously, saying that the Bende Federal Constituency seat being occupied by him was actually won by the LP in the 2023 poll, and insinuated that the result was manipulated in favour of Kalu and the APC.
The LP federal lawmaker pointed out that Kalu had even contradicted himself, having admitted that Otti is doing well for the people and then turning around to say that he would be ousted in 2027.
He said that it amounted to “a brazen and uncontrolled outpouring of emotional fury” for Kalu to declare that he was duty bound to deliver Abia to APC and Tinubu as a payback for favours he received from them.
For too long, Otti had ignored and tried not to be distracted from governance by the likes of Kalu.
But recently, he sent a strong warning to politicians allegedly plotting to rig the 2027 governorship election, saying only the will of God and the people would decide who leads the state.
Speaking in Umuahia, the state capital, the governor cautioned those boasting about reclaiming the state through underhanded tactics to reconsider their plans or write their will. He warned those plotting to rig the election to be ready to face the consequences.
“I’ve heard that some people are boasting they must take back this state; that they will just sit and write results. My advice to them is simple — if they are so eager to write, they should start by writing their own will before that time,” he said.
Despite the transformation going on in the state since Otti assumed power, Kalu has continued to make undemocratic utterances, fuelling the suspicion that he has sinister motives to use the ‘federal might’ to truncate the will of the people in 2027.
The people of Abia State should keep vigil and protect democracy in the state.
Former Kogi State Governor, Yahaya Bello, last week praised President Bola Tinubu’s leadership and sacrifices for Nigeria.
Speaking at a rally organised by the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Lokoja, Kogi State capital, Bello said, “Today we are here for a single purpose, to endorse our father, leader, mentor, President Ahmed Bola Tinubu, for him to recontest in 2027.”
The former governor gave reasons why the Kogi APC would back Tinubu in 2027.
First, he said the president has laid his life for democracy in Nigeria, and remained persistent and consistent in his beliefs for Nigeria’s progress.
Secondly, he said Tinubu as a humanist and leader without boundaries, has mentored a generation of democrats like him, and given them the opportunity to be where they are in
Kogi State.
Bello added that Tinubu was created with a special grace of God, adding that no one can fight that grace and succeed.
He therefore urged everyone who loves this country to support the president’s second term bid.
However, Tinubu’s loyalists and opponents wondered why it took Bello so long to notice these qualities in Tinubu.
It is a common knowledge that during the APC presidential primary election in 2022, Bello did not step down for Tinubu when many other APC presidential aspirants stepped down for him.
Many also believe that after the sudden death of the APC governorship candidate in Kogi State, Prince Abubakar Audu in November 2015, Bello allegedly joined forces with anti-Tinubu elements
in former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration to frustrate Tinubu’s efforts to make Audu’s running mate, Hon. James Faleke to succeed the APC candidate.
Bello was the ultimate beneficiary of Tinubu’s failed efforts to have Faleke succeed Audu as he inherited Audu’s votes and emerged as governor.
It is not surprising that many Nigerians also believe that the praises Bello showered on President Tinubu were part of his renewed efforts to worm his way into Tinubu’s heart because of his current travails in the hands of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) which is prosecuting him over N100 billion fraud. Will the praises Bello showered on Tinubu guarantee him a soft landing? Events of the next few months will provide answers to this question.
Iyobosa Uwugiaren writes that Nigeria’s future will be brighter not with any military coup, but with true democracy
Some faultfinders said it was a thoughtful and premeditated script by agents of the federal government to divert public attention from the swelling oppositions against President Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led government. To them, the recent stories of alleged coup plots don’t make sense.
Indeed, one of the opposition parties, African Democratic Congress (ADC) in a recent statement said that the government was only ‘’exploiting the coup story to divert attention from the real issues of misgovernance’’ in the country and to curry sympathy.
“Subsequent unattributed media reports purportedly implicating unnamed politicians in the so-called plot now provide a pretext for the government to clamp down on opposition figures or mount undue surveillance on them,’’ the spokesman for the party, Bolaji Abdullahi said.
Some reliable online media platforms had reported that the 16 officers the Defence Headquarters said were picked up for certain “unprofessional conduct,’’ were being questioned over an alleged plan to overthrow President Tinubu-led administration.
Some of the detainees, according to the reports, included a Brigadier-General, a Colonel and others below that rank - reportedly attached to the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA).
The latest report - by one of the dailies, suggested that a former governor from one of the southern states is said to be under investigation for his alleged link to the army officers detained over the alleged coup plot. It is being suspected that the former governor financed the alleged plot, which was said to have been scheduled for October 25.
However, there were conflicting signals from the Defence Headquarters (DHQ). Contrary to the coup rumour, the DHQ stated that 16 senior army officers were undergoing interrogation for ‘’professional misconduct.”
The Director of Defence Information, BrigadierGeneral Tukur Gusau, said the military never mentioned ‘’coup plot’’ in its earlier statement confirming the arrest of the officers.
He described the coup reports as “false and misleading.’’
“The attention of the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) has been drawn to a false and misleading report by an online publication insinuating that the cancellation of activities marking Nigeria’s 65th Independence Anniversary was linked to an alleged attempted military coup,’’ DHQ stated.
“The report also made spurious references to the recent DHQ press release announcing the arrest of sixteen officers currently under investigation for professional misconduct. The claims by the said publication are entirely false, malicious, and intended to cause unnecessary tension and distrust among the populace,’ it added.
The statement further stated that the ongoing investigation involving the 16 officers is a routine internal process aimed at ensuring that discipline and professionalism are maintained through the ranks. It added that an investigative panel has been duly constituted, and its findings would be made public.
However, some security experts have argued that the official response by the Defence Headquarters may be an “unspoken admission”. According to them, something actually went wrong. They also argued that shopping for reasons for the arrest of over 16 military officers fuels the suspicion.
It might be politically correct for the army not to admit the attempted coup. But, like the common saying, “there is no smoke without fire.”
What may be at stake most critically – going by the tension or mistrust the story has created in the land, is the future of democracy in the country.
There is a popular belief that military regime
is no longer fashionable in Nigeria, due to the long offensive memory of the activities of the military junta - which ought to make the coup exceptionally ugly in the nation’s political discourse.
However, the possibility that some elements within the military still view civil rule as unattractive should not be ruled out.
This calls for a comprehensive investigation, because the recent return of military regimes in some African countries have been motivated by a combination of international and domestic undercurrents.
As many experts in international politics have argued, the post-Cold War agreement against coups has weakened globally. The argument is that Western powers that were once unswerving to sanctioning unconstitutional power grabs have become more wary and selective, putting more emphasis on their economic, military and diplomatic interests, and Nigeria must watch out.
At the regional level, the effectiveness of African institutions, like African Union (AU) and ECOWAS, has weakened. The failure of AU to sanction coups in Burkina Faso and Chad, is a sad indicator of the weakness of the institution.
For example, ECOWAS - once a steadfast guardian/defender of constitutional order, struggled to respond to the 2023 coup in Niger Republic, facing internal divisions and opposition from neighbouring military juntas.
But, there is near consensus among Nigerians - that with the long-stay of the military regime in Nigeria, the military junta had lost its credibility - largely due to authoritarianism, corruption and economic mismanagement.
That is why the return of democracy in 1999 was compelled by popular demands for accountability, transparency and better living conditions. Sadly, a few years later, dissatisfaction with the political elite began to grow.
There are those who have argued – rightly so, that several elections in the country – from 1999 to date, have failed woefully to deliver noticeable improvements, coupled with huge poverty, unemployment and growing insecurity across the country.
But in the middle of these socio-political and economic challenges, is military rule an option? Obviously no. Military leaders usually come to the offices, typically with a huge promise to restore order and resuscitate the economy, fight corruption and good governance. But do they deliver? Records show that the economic effects of military rule are calamitous.
To be sure, in over three decades of military regime in Nigeria, the traditional agriculturalbased economy was abandoned, and the nation’s economy became tremendously dependent on exports of oil, which due to frequent fluctuations in oil prices led to an unstable economy.
For years, Nigeria witnessed a situation where fundamental human rights and civil liberties were severely curtailed, with freedom of speech, association, and press being restricted. Dissent voices were brutally crushed, and opposition figures were either jailed/exiled or murdered.
Many experts believe that the prevailing sociopolitical and economic challenges: High levels of corruption, low productivity, poor standard of living conditions, infrastructure neglect, inflation, and unemployment are products of the institutions created by the military juntas before they left in 1999.
Indeed, frequent coups and changes in military leadership led to a lack of continuity in government policies in the country, thereby hampering development.
In particular, the retired Gen. Ibrahim Babangidaled regime was considered grossly incompetent in all sectors, especially the neglect of non-oil sectors and misplaced priorities.
Perhaps so. Records show that as a result of the military economic policy of the 1980s, almost 70 % of foreign-exchange earnings were going into debt servicing and there was
very little growth. This created huge poverty, crime, disease, institutional decay and urban dislocation.
The volatility as well as discontent caused by these policies was one of the causes of the consistent shape of coups, an indication that military rule is not a shortcut to development.
Agreed that the political elite has not done well – Nigeria currently hosts a huge population living in extreme poverty; socio-economic development over the last decade have been limited and unquestionably disappointing. In this context, the temptation to embrace authoritarian solutions is understandable – but many believe it is ill-advised.
It has been established solidly over the years that military coups are not a quick way to development. Past experiences have shown that they dislocate good governance, destabilise economic performance and grind down democratic institutions, and even when democracy returns, the damage often hangs back.
It might be safe to argue that the route to development lies not in circumventing democracy, but in consolidating it. What this means is that erecting institutions that are both responsible and operative can help foster real policy enhancements, growth and development.
The oft-heard assurance of ‘’better days are coming’’ through the military regime remains just
that – a mere promise. There is strong prevailing evidence, which suggests that Nigeria’s future will be brighter not with any coups, but with more democracy.
However, to advertise democracy and make it attractive to the people, governments at all levels have plenty of work to do: They need to increase the security of the state by refocusing attention to the well-being of citizens, especially those who serve the public.
President Tinubu, in particular, must promote inclusiveness – making every part of the country feel a sense of belonging, he must do away with his seemingly nepotism.
He needs to implement all inclusive policies and services that support good education, economic stability, housing, and overall quality of life, particularly for the weak and marginalised populations.
Governments at all levels should implement more sound policies and programmes that stimulate economic growth, create jobs, and increase access to education and skills training to improve the economic well-being of Nigerians.
They must simulate support-programmes for vulnerable populations, providing targeted support to susceptible populations, such as those in rural areas, women, and children, to ensure they have access to basic necessities of life like healthcare.
The recourse to diversionary maneuvering is a familiar political gimmick. When government is thin on ideas and is politically ambushed or politicians are in disarray, the field is fertile for Machiavelli’s foot soldiers. We can domesticate this classic political script as one of the many possibilities in the reported ongoing investigation into a coup tale that emanated from Abuja recently.
According to the sketchy outlines of the script, close to 20 soldiers have been arrested and are being detained and interrogated allegedly in connection with an attempted coup plot. The specifics of their offence or the plot are still lean and hazy. One version says the poor chaps in uniform were overheard grumbling about bleak career prospects and bad service conditions. Another version says the soldiers were complaining about hard times in general as a result of the present economic climate in the country. Yet another version is that some officers were said to be unhappy with the present political leadership in the country which it holds responsible for their unhappiness. With regard to the last grievance, it has been alleged that one of those being investigated is a former state governor.
All the public so far has to rely on is a Defence establishment statement. The statement is unhelpful as it sounds more open ended than the pronouncements of a Delphic oracle: vague, innocuous and replete with avenues of plausible deniability.
In times of political trouble, the political establishment resorts to a number of escape channels. Either politicians begin rehearsing campaigns for an election years in advance or sponsor stories about threats to national security. The latter aims at frightening everybody into seeking protection from politicians. This time, the noise about some coup is coming from a place of increasing emptiness and joblessness. Right now in Nigeria, the government is clueless and relatively jobless. Politicians are bored and in disarray. Wild noises about national survival are all over the place as key politicians fan out into ethnic and regional factions.
A much orchestrated national opposition political platform has literally fizzled out as key elements troop out to join the APC gravy train. How do you keep such a boisterous polity busy between now and the next general election? This is perhaps the reason behind the noise about an alleged coup plan investigations around it. But a coup plot is not a child’s play or a bed time story. It is a serious matter of political life and death in the nation. National security is at issue. Careers and lives are on the line. Our international reputation is equally at stake.
In a close follow-up but inconsequential development, a general notice has reportedly gone out restricting government officials from their usually random visits to the Presidential Villa. No one has told us the relationship between vagrants in and around Aso Rock and increasing insecurity in the precincts of power.
The coup tale and its echoes are familiar. For a country that passed through nearly half a century of jackboot rule, rumours and speculations about regime change through improper means is a familiar feature of political conversation even if it has gone a bit out of vogue in the last 25 years. In general, Nigerians are immune to rumours about coups and plans thereof. Such stories can hardly frighten us. We have seen coups and counter coups, bloody and bloodless takeovers. We have seen civilian power hijacks most times in the name of democratic elections.
Yet there is a worrisome thing in the current political echo system that gives the latest coup speculation some gravity. The Tinubu government is unpopular. The regime has unleashed unfamiliar levels of suffering among the populace. The policies of the administration have yielded some elite statistical progress. The World Bank and Washington bankers think the Tinubu reform could yield some good for the Nigerians economy. But
when asked about the timeframe for some relief from the present regime of agony, the bankers and statisticians pack up their files and computers and leave town. The majority of Nigerians hear about the improving figures often cited by Bloomberg and The Wall Street Journal and keep asking “where is the road to the New Jerusalem?”
Meanwhile, wild tales of mega corruption erupt daily from the hall ways of power. Some senior government officials are shredding the Guinness record book in terms of corruption allegations. Ministers are either buying up vast real estate abroad or living lavishly. Between the lifestyle of our political high priests and the vast desert of penury in which the majority of the people live is a clear gulf. Something is fatally wrong. Rumours of coups and intended power grabs cannot be unfounded in the context of today’s dysfunctional Nigeria. The utterances and carriage of certified Nabobs and high state officials like FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, Works Minister Dave Umahi and Senate President Godswill Akpabio only magnify the appearance of insensitivity and arrogant corruption. Only zombies can inhabit a land like this and not cherish thoughts of ugly leadership change if only to respect the feelings of common poor people.
Democracy and the time it needs to effect political change and economic good have turned out a bit too sluggish. Worse still, the US-style presidential system in Nigeria with its fixed four year tenures has turned out a bit too unresponsive to the anxieties of the majority. People want change now.
Presidential democracy says: “wait for the next election” . In the interim, a nation and its people are dying in instalments, drained of the life blood of daily life of food, medicines, security and hope. In recent times, trends in West Africa and other nearby places have put military coups back on the agenda of political succession. The democratic institutions that ought to discourage
these power adventurisms have been fickle and weak. Individual authoritarians and despots thrown up by sporadic democracy have privatized and pocketed the institutions of democratic order. Instead, the institutions have served to deepen anti democratic pressures. They have mostly served to bolster and sustain whoever rides into the presidential palace first.
The mood of the international community is different today. A new world order is up for contest between the liberal democratic West led by the US and Europe and an “Axis of Authoritarianism” led by China, Russia and North Korea.
On the contrary, the pains of Africa have deepened and do not particularly interest the rest. Hardly anyone cares about the hunger, spiraling poverty and serial failure of the state in Africa. It no longer matters to the rest of the world who is living large in some African state house or the plight of some ragged economy in sub-Saharan Africa. New economic realities and trends now defy extractive sweaty enterprises in favour of fintech, tech, AI and crypto currency robbery. Blood diamonds, swamp oil and gas and coal mines in deep African rain forests hardly interest too many people in the developed world. Bush African dictators and illiterate politicians hardly understand these intricacies. They are content with deepening the exploitation of their peoples by denying them education, food, medicine and basic enlightenment in order to continue to exploit them. African political adventurers and would be coup makers only want to re-cycle or resteal already looted money. Old Africa has exhausted all development theories. There are no new theories in the horizon. The new breed of African coup makers are not interested in either The Communist Manifesto or Adam Smith. These handbooks have gone out of fashion except in museums.
Those blowing the trumpet of coup attempts are perhaps attracted by the atmosphere of intractable insecurity in Nigeria in the last over fifteen years. Insecurity has become part of the architecture of the Nigerian state. No national budget has been made in the past 15 years without a huge vote for internal security. Insecurity is one feature of our present reality that has made alternative power change attractive.
Politicians have used it to no avail. Mr. Buhari touted his military background to promise an end to insecurity. People bought the myth only for him to spend eight years fanning the embers of unprecedented insecurity. Today is a worse day in the land. The scraggy road that connects Abuja to parts of Kogi State is controlled by bandits, kidnappers and abductors. Similarly, in parts of Zamfara, Borno, Yobe, Katsina and Niger states, bandits and terrorists have shed their disguise and masks. They now hold “peace” meetings openly with elected officials complete with a full display of assault weapons, rocket launchers, grenade launchers and drones while official security forces keep watch over the sessions.
New ‘insecurity’ factors have arrived the scene. Non-state armed actors, a vast youth army, Gen Z wild kids, a vast rampaging army of jihadists from the Sahel- all these latent forces are exerting pressure on a very weak state structure loosely held together by a creaky divisive political thinking.
A vast military establishment presided over by officers spoilt by privilege and corruption can only protect its own interests and those of its immediate masters. It makes huge annual budgets. It buys fancy weaponry to combat pockets of trouble makers in the country. But it has been humbled by all manner of untrained and rag tag non- state bandits. Maybe we should hand out the annual defense budget in cash to the bandits and thereafter beg them to go elsewhere with their trouble so that our military can return to professionalism and stop playing with defense money.
The nation has become synonymous with our failing state and its vast estates of privileged power and vested interest networks. The major instrument of survival in our current landscape is violence. Guns, bombs, improvised explosive devices and lethal drones are available on the shelves in bad places nearby. The agents of violence and darkness operate freely in a black market supplied by theatres of recent conflict in North Africa and serving security racketeers who sell and buy smuggled weapons as side hustle.
The Defence people have since thrown in their own politics into the alleged ongoing coup investigation. They have reaffirmed what every idiot on the roadside knows and should say: Reaffirm your loyalty to democracy and the democratic order. The adolescent logic is that even the best unelected regime is worse than a decadent democracy.
But who cares what silly statements are being issued by over decorated officers in some fancy office in Abuja? Real soldiers that combat insecurity have no time to polish and burnish their medals earned for doing nothing. People are hungry and frustrated. Whoever translates governance into food and the good life is the best leader. That is the sad summation of popular thinking in today’s Nigeria. But the sloganeering on the beauty of democracy is good for military officers in their fancy Abuja offices. It is also a good weapon in the hands of the Tinubu political regime. Let’s give democracy a chance and avoid dangerous power escapades and undemocratic regime changes. Nigeria must project the promise of democracy in Africa and the black world. Tinubu and his friends and party are now synonymous with democracy in Nigeria. It is easy to say that the opposition is a disruptive force which may be part of the support for the coup narrative.
There is already an unconfirmed dangerous insinuation that one of the coup suspects may be a former civilian governor. No one knows but if that allegation happens to be upheld, the political opposition may have a hard time defending itself from an allegation with little foundation. An opposition that gets enmeshed in a coup narrative is already out of play in the political game.
A thorough investigation of the coup tale is required. But every effort should be made to avoid mixing the narrative of disquiet in the military with the prevailing general discontent all over the nation. National security must be kept very far away from petty inter party political disputations.
like in 1966 and 1976.
Our hopes for economic recovery that had been raised by Abacha’s stirring coup speech disappeared in no time. With oil prices still down and foreign reserves following suit, our debts piled up and we were no longer creditworthy as a nation. Basic goods were no longer available in the open market. The military government, led by Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari, resorted to importation of essential commodities, aka “essenco”, and started rationing them. We queued up in townhalls to buy soap, rice and milk. Many factories shut down operations as they still could not access FX to import spare parts and raw materials. “Retrenchment” and “no vacancy” became buzz words in corporate circles.
As I was saying, Abacha had raised our hopes with his rousing coup speech. We believed him. But by May 1999 when the military restored democracy — after spending 16 years in power — neither inflation nor unemployment had been conquered. Corruption? We are still trying to recover much of Abacha’s loot as I write this. It was in billions of dollars. Abacha said the hospitals had become mere consulting clinics with no drugs. By the time the military was done with us, even the hospital beds were gone. Our refineries went down and we became net importers of petroleum products. We started living in darkness as the power sector went blank. And squandermania? Let’s not go there.
Do I need to repeat the emotional trauma and anxiety that the military subjected us to without the option of legal redress? There was freedom of speech, but there was no freedom to talk. Most privately owned newspapers and magazines were shut down at one point or the other. Journalists were
The Rivers state executive council has revoked the N134 billion contract awarded to CCECC by the emergency rule administrator, Vice Admiral Ibot-Ete Ibas. The mouthwatering contract was for the renovation and furnishing of the state secretariat complex, for which N20 billion had been advanced to the contractors. This just sums up the anomaly of the emergency rule imposed by President Bola Tinubu. Under a normal emergency rule, renovating a secretariat cannot be a priority. You do only the critical things to keep the state functioning. The moment it was announced that council elections would take place during the emergency, I laughed. Holding elections cannot be a priority. Politics!
detained endlessly without any explanation. Some were held in underground cells without access to sunlight. Some disappeared without a trace. Many were murdered. There was freedom of movement, but there was no freedom to walk. Protesting human rights activists and pro-democracy campaigners were habitually arrested and detained for months, sometimes for years, without trial.
In 1984, under Buhari, two journalists with The Guardian, Mr Nduka Irabor and Mr Tunde Thompson, were arrested over an exclusive story on ambassadorial postings. While they were in detention, the law to punish them was quickly enacted. The story was true but they were jailed for publishing “official secrets”. In 1992, under Gen Ibrahim Babangida, Mr William Keeling, a foreign journalist, was deported for asking questions about the spending of the Gulf War Windfall. Chief Gani Fawehinmi, the relentless crusader, was detained countless times. He was once arrested at night in Lagos and driven for 24 hours by road to be detained at Gashua prisons, the nation’s oldest and hottest jail.
In 1996, under Abacha, Mr Chinedu Offoaro, a journalist with The Guardian, disappeared. Till today, nobody knows his whereabouts. We presume him dead. Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, wife of Bashorun MKO Abiola, was assassinated in daylight beside 7Up, Ikeja, Lagos. Pa Alfred Rewane, a 79-year-old businessman, was murdered on the suspicion that he was funding the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), the leading pro-democracy group. Mr Alex Ibru, publisher of The Guardian, was shot in the eye at Falomo, Lagos, in a failed assassination bid. Chief Abraham Adesanya, leader of the Afenifere, survived a rain of bullets on his car at the Sangross area of
Lagos. This is just the shortlist. Some people say that the military built Third Mainland Bridge and the National Theatre. In that case, civilian governments also build bridges, roads and stadiums. All it takes to build infrastructure is awarding contracts. There is nothing military or civilian about that. I hear people say politicians are corrupt. Good point, but soldiers are no saints. Abacha loot is my key witness. And who are you to question or investigate a military government? Are you drunk? I agree that the prices of rice, garri and cars have quintupled after military rule ended, but those prices did not remain the same either when they were in power. How then does price comparison prove that military regimes are better?
Nothing in our experience recommends military rule as a better alternative. The ongoing coup-baiting is understandable to the extent that most Nigerians were either too young or had not been born during the era. So, they long for the apple on the other tree. Coup makers ride on people’s frustration and play on their emotions to make sweet promises. But they are not answerable to anyone. People can resist them, but at heavy costs. Protests, mostly by students and activists, were always punished with school closures, indiscriminate arrests and killings. Over 300 protesters were massacred in one day of protests in Lagos over the June 12 annulment in 1993. Actual massacre! I also understand that some love coupbaiting and coup-mongering because they are sore losers. They are bitter people. For them, if they would not have it, then no one else should. Let the military come and end it all! That also was my mentality in 1983. I was happy with the coup because I was unhappy my beloved candidate did
There is something somebody somewhere is not telling us about Mr Wale Edun, minister of finance and coordinating minister of the economy. Reports had surfaced online that he was seriously ill and had been flown abroad for emergency care. It was reported that President Tinubu was already shopping for his replacement. Some names had started circulating on WhatsApp. And then, the presidency announced that Edun was indisposed and would not be leading Nigeria’s team to the IMF/World Bank meetings. But, in a twist, we saw Edun at the Contemporary African Art Fair in London. And then he was back in Abuja attending functions. Wonders shall never end. Befuddling.
linked to major depreciation of the national currency in 2024, the revenue shortfall would have been much bigger.
From this report, it is also now public knowledge that the FG spent N34.49 trillion in 2024, which was just 1.6% lower than the N35.05 trillion appropriated as expenditure for the year. That was about 50% higher than the 23.04 trillion expended in 2023. By broad categories, the 2024 expenditure was as follows: N12.63 trillion on debt service; N11.59 trillion on capital; N8.53 trillion on non-debt recurrent; and N1.74 trillion on statutory transfers. This is where it starts getting interesting. The first point that jumps out here is that debt service was the highest expenditure line in 2024, accounting for 37% or more than a third of the total expenditure for the year. Also, debt service was the only expenditure that exceeded the projected amount. While N8.27 trillion was budgeted for debt service in 2024, the
sum of N12.63 trillion was expended, an increase of 53%.
It is befuddling that we spent more than we had planned on debt service. But a probable explanation would be that the massive depreciation of the Naira in the first half of 2024 affected the dollar component of the debt service, which cuts both ways since the depreciation also boosted the Naira value of dollar-denominated revenues. Irrespective of the cause, the fact that we committed more than a third of the actual expenditure to debt service alone should focus our minds on the reality that something is fundamentally broken here and needs to be fixed. It is not very useful getting fixated on debt as a portion of GDP or even the ratio of debt service to revenue (which, thankfully, reduced to 60% in 2024 from a depressing high of 97% in 2022).
A second and related issue is that 2024 budget deficit landed at N13.51 trillion. The
Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan, the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), assumed office on Thursday. The INEC seat is clearly one of the hottest in Nigeria. I usually argue that politicians are the most important actors who decide whether or not the electoral process will be credible. More often, it is their desperation to win that corrupts the system. But the INEC chairman is also a core actor because of the other key aspects to the process: planning, efficiency and transparency. Amupitan’s experience in organising elections is zero. His performance will depend on how fast he learns, as well as how well he conducts not just the elections but himself. Observing.
projected deficit was N9.18 trillion. FG had planned to generate N25.88 trillion and spend N35.05 trillion. It ended up raising only N20.98 trillion but went ahead to spend N34.49 trillion or almost all it had initially budgeted to spend. Most of us will not run our personal budgets or private businesses this way. When they experience a revenue shortfall, most people trim their expenses. But that was not the path the FG took. It spent as if it had no money problem. The 2024 actual deficit was 47% higher than was projected. The eventual deficit and the variance would have been even much higher if not for N3.19 trillion secured as budget support in 2024.
You can do your math about what, without the budget support, the actual deficit would have been as a portion of projected deficit or as a percentage of the actual expenditure. From the sound of it, this budget support probably came
not win. I know far better today. I find it sad that some members of the political class, rather than unite to chase away the fox before warning the hen not to wander into the bush, choose to play politics with coup rumours. This same mentality made the military get away with the June 12 annulment. It was a case of “if I wouldn’t have it, then let everything scatter”. I need to now say that while it is the duty of every Nigerian to protect this democracy, it is the responsibility of the politicians to deliver good governance. They have to change their disgusting ways. Democracy loses its soul when it is disconnected from the people. Our democracy has been cornered by a mostly predatory elite who are busy feathering their own nest while preaching “sacrifice” to the masses. Enough of this extravaganza. Ordinary Nigerians need to own this democracy, but they cannot when they are treated as an afterthought and as a scumbag. These are the things some people see that make military rule, with all its false promises, attractive to them.
I conclude. Any adult who experienced or read about the horrors of military dictatorship in Nigeria and is involved in the ongoing coup-baiting and coup-mongering needs to have his or her head examined. I was born under military rule. I grew up, schooled, graduated and started working under military rule. I have now spent 26 years under an obviously imperfect democracy. I know which of the two I prefer any day, anytime. Sure, I am very unhappy and irritated with many aspects of our democracy. But, you see, democracy is never perfect. It grows and grows. I would pick this defective democracy above military rule a million times. At least, democracy still gives me a choice and a voice.
The trial of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), for alleged treason got more dramatic during the week with the withdrawal of his lawyers from representing him, plus his decision to represent himself. Kanu has now listed a number of defence witnesses he will call to exonerate him, notably two former army chiefs, two sitting governors, the DG of DSS, and the FCT minister. I should think that none of these people would show up in court to help his case but something also tells me he knows what he is doing, even if I have not the foggiest idea. If President Muhammadu Buhari were alive, I’m sure Kanu would also have listed him as a witness. Hahahaha…
from some multilateral institutions. But, as the report confirms, it was not part of the approved borrowing plan in the 2024 appropriation. There is something unseemly there. The larger concern here is not just that 2024 actual deficit came to 3.6% of GDP, which is above the 3% threshold set in the law on fiscal responsibility. It is about how even after we found ourselves in a deep hole we have not stopped digging and about how we are locking ourselves into the vicious cycle of high deficit, more borrowings, and increasingly sizeable expenditure on debt service (which crowds out spending on critical areas that matter to the people). One should not be tired of saying this: we cannot borrow our way out of this crisis, and the earlier we prioritise fiscal consolidation, the better for us.
L-R: Former Senate Leader, Senator Victor Ndoma-Egba (SAN); and Founder, The Exchange Podcast, Mr. Femi Soneye, during an interview…recently
The former Governor of Edo State Governor, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, and the Minister of Regional Development, Mr. Abubakar Momoh, yesterday gave rare insights into how the late founder of DAAR Communications, Chief Raymond Aleogho Dokpesi, mobilised National Assembly members to frustrate former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s controversial third term bid in 2006.
Speaking at the second Raymond Aleogho Dokpesi Diamond Lecture organised by the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) in Abuja, Momoh described Dokpesi as a nationalist, visionary entrepreneur, and silent political strategist who used his influence and media empire to
defend Nigeria’s democracy when it was under threat.
Momoh, who served in the House of Representatives during the fifth National Assembly, said the late Dokpesi personally reached out to lawmakers to ensure that Obasanjo’s attempt to amend the Constitution for a third term failed.
He said, “Many people have taken the credit for stopping the third term agenda, but the real brain behind that resistance was Dr. Raymond Dokpesi.
“As a member of the National Assembly then, I recall that he called me and said, ‘You are my brother, you must ensure this issue of third term does not succeed.’ He even referred me to Senator Uche Chukwumerije and urged that we work together to stop it.”
Nwogu Applauds Air Peace on Inaugural Flight to London Heathrow Airport
Ejiofor Alike
A former Member of the Aviation Committee of the House of Representatives, Hon. Chidi Nwogu, has joined aviation stakeholders in the country to express delight as Air Peace is scheduled to make its maiden flight from the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja to London Heathrow Airport in England today, October 26.
Nwogu who is presently a member of the Governing Council, African Aviation and Aerospace University, Abuja, applauded the Minister of Aviation, Festus Keyamo (SAN), for his resilience and doggedness, towards ensuring fairness and equity in the diligent implementation of the Bilateral Air Services Agreement (BASA), for which Air Peace is presently a prime beneficiary on this lucrative route, hitherto monopolised by some foreign airlines.
“With this singular gesture, the Honourable Minister of Aviation, Festus Keyamo (SAN) has rightfully created a very positive enabling environment for other local carriers with
good potentials to take advantage of this route expansion initiative and furthermore explore efficient dry and wet lease agreements for equipment that will match the high-level industry standards in other to compete with the very best,” Nwogu said.
He applauded Air Peace Chairman, Chief Allen Onyema and his management and staff in keying into this wonderful opportunity availed by the minister to prove their mettle.
“At this juncture, I need to appreciate the fact of this gesture aptly corroborating Mr President’s recent ‘Nigerian First Project’, while also expecting our local carriers endeavouring to equal or even better the available alternatives and ensuring consistency in operations.
“In a similar vein, I wish to mention that in the Automobile industry too, a ‘Nigerian Automotive Industry Bill’, which aligns with government intentions of bolstering our local capacity, sponsored and championed by Sen. Patrick Ndubueze has passed the Second Reading at the Nigerian Senate, and awaiting Public Hearing soon.
Momoh added that beyond his political foresight, Dokpesi was also a meticulous institution builder who prepared his successor long before his passing.
“We have seen many business empires collapse after the death of their founders. But in the case of AIT and RayPower, you hardly notice his absence. He groomed his son and built a structure strong enough to stand
the test of time,” he said.
The minister also recalled Dokpesi’s generosity during his political career, revealing that the late media mogul offered him free airtime on AIT during his 2019 senatorial campaign.
On his part, Senator Oshiomhole praised Dokpesi as a patriot who used his media platforms responsibly to promote national discourse without undermining
Nigeria’s image.
“He provided space for nonstate actors like me to express our views, even when the regulators threatened to withdraw his licence,” the former APC National Chairman said.
Oshiomhole commended AIT’s role during the third term debate, saying the station “broadcast the National Assembly proceedings live,
allowing Nigerians to hold their representatives accountable.”
He added: “That was a great service to democracy. It showed that the media can be patriotic while remaining critical.”
The former governor lamented what he called the growing trend of Nigerian media outlets portraying the country negatively to the world.
Ahmad Sorondinki in Kano
Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, has directed all Emirs in the state to uphold the annual Durbar (traditional horse riding) festival as part of an effort to preserve its rich cultural heritage.
The governor gave the directive at the opening of the local Durbar known as Kanfest
(Kalankuwa) 2025, in Kano yesterday.
He pledged the commitment of his administration to continue to invest in the promotion of arts, culture, and tourism as vital instruments of social cohesion, youth engagement, and economic diversification.
Governor Yusuf also pledged the full support of the Kano State
Government to the Emirates to ensure that the centuries-old tradition (horsemanship) is preserved, strengthened, and showcased to the world.
In his remarks, the Emir of Kano and Chairman of the State Council of Emirates, Dr. Muhammadu Sanusi II, appreciated the foresight of the Kano State Government in restoring
the diminished and valuable traditions of the Kano people.
According to the Governor’s spokesperson, Sanusi Bature, the three-day event will feature cultural and local cuisine exhibitions, performances, games, drama, crafts, fabrics, pottery, and paper presentations from resource persons, among others.
The spirit of compassion is set to take centre stage once again as the celebrated GLOWFUX Charity Concertreturns this December, a dazzling convergence of entertainment, empathy, and shared humanity. Organised by Fanafillit Integrated Concepts, the 2025 edition promises to blend rhythm with purpose and glamour with goodwill in what has become one of Nigeria’s most heartwarming end-of-year traditions.
Holding on December 27, 2025, at the National Museum, Onikan, Lagos, the concert, themed“Embracing Humanity, Enriching Lives” will feature an inspiring mix of stars, philanthropists, and changemakers. At the heart of it all are two industry veterans: Yeni Kuti, the dancer, TV host, and cultural icon, who will serve as Mother of the Day, and Tunji Sotimirin, the celebrated actor and legal luminary, who assumes the role
of Father of the Day.
But GLOWFUX 2025 is not just a concert, it’s a movement. The event will once again recognise those who make a difference through the GLOWFUX Hall of Charity Awards, honouring exceptional individuals and organisations whose acts of kindness have enriched lives across Nigeria.
Among this year’s honourees are High Chief (Dr.) Adebola Akindele, Group Managing
Director of Courteville Business Solutions Plc, was namedGLOWFUX Man of the Year 2025, and Olori Dr. Fashola Omolara S., Olori of Orile Ilawo, who clinched the GLOWFUX Woman of the Year 2025 title. TheDream Nurture Foundation, parent organisation of Dream Catchers Academy, will also be recognised asNGO of the Year 2025 for its remarkable work in transforming the lives of vulnerable children through art and education.
Fidelis David in Akure Communities in Ondo State have alleged that operatives of the Nigerian Navy attached to the Forward Operating Base (FOB) in Igbokoda, Ilaje Local Government Area (LGA) of the state, invaded and terrorised three riverine communities—Obejedo, Obe Adun, and Obe Nla, leaving a trail of destruction,
assault, and alleged theft of millions of naira.
The incident, according to a petition addressed to the Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Zone 17, Akure, by Obayem Williams of J.W. Obayemi & Co., was described as a “lawless and militarised operation” led by the Commanding Officer of the Igbokoda Naval Base, Commander Usman.
In the petition dated October
24, 2025, the solicitors, acting on behalf of Ilaje Omuro Worldwide Connect, accused the naval personnel of storming the affected communities “in a manner reminiscent of a war operation,” assaulting innocent residents, vandalising homes, and allegedly molesting women.
One particularly disturbing incident, the petition stated, occurred at Obe Adun, where
the naval officers allegedly raided a local bakery, assaulted workers, and carted away N14 million, said to be proceeds from two weeks of bread sales.
The group alleged that several residents have been rendered homeless due to the destruction of property, while others have fled their communities following threats from the officers that they “would return.”
Chuks Okocha in Abuja
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has assured its members and delegates to its November 15 elective convention in Ibadan, Oyo State, of comprehensive healthcare services.
The acting Chairman of the Convention Medical Sub-Committee, Senator Ishaq Salman, gave the assurance during the sub-committee’s inaugural meeting at the party’s secretariat.
Salman said that the subcommittee had commenced preparations to provide free medical services and emergency care for the estimated 6,000 participants expected at its national convention in Ibadan.
Salman, a medical professional with 45 years of experience, described the sub-committee as a very important professional committee whose function is crucial, given the large crowd expected.
“Health is wealth. With that large number, we expect that there could be people with various ailments that are hidden.
“The treatment and even the provisional drugs are going to be free to our members. They don’t need to pay anything,” he said.
Salman said the sub-committee planned to identify and collaborate with at least two hospitals close to the Adamasingba Stadium venue.
“Any case that cannot be
handled on the spot will be referred to other hospitals,” he said.
He said the convention would afford many delegates the opportunity to check their health status, potentially leading to the early diagnosis of hidden ailments, since “our people are not necessarily keen about finding their health status.”
He assured members that the sub-committee had more than enough professional expertise.
“There are so many professionals. There are doctors; there are nurses, medical scientists, and so many other professionals. As for the manpower, there is no problem with that,” he assured.
He added that the subcommittee would embark on an assessment trip to Ibadan shortly to inspect the existing facilities, including the clinic available at the Adamasingba Stadium, and determine necessary modifications to meet their needs and standards.
The Medical Sub-Committee’s Secretary, Jonah Ogbaje, added that the Sub-committee was collaborating with external agencies such as the Red Cross, private hospitals, pharmacy outfits, and large laboratory establishments to ensure a robust referral system for any complex situation.
The Secretary of the Main Convention Committee, Senator Ben Obi, while emphasising the
importance of the Sub-committee to the success of the convention, urged its members to be alert.
“At conventions, because of the large delegates that will turn
up, there are always incidents of someone having a headache or any form of illness.
“It is your committee that will make sure that nothing goes
wrong to any member of the Peoples Democratic Party that will assemble in Ibadan for this convention.
“So, you can see that your
subcommittee has a duty to be alert 24-7. You will not have time to even go to sleep, because you want to make sure that everybody around you is safe,” Obi said.
Wale Igbintade
Members of the 1970–1975 graduating set of the College of Medicine, University of Lagos (CMUL), have donated N100 million to their alma mater as part of activities marking the 50th anniversary of their graduation.
The event, held at the Radisson Blu Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos, was both a joyful reunion and a solemn remembrance of departed classmates. It also served as an opportunity to honour their former lecturers and give back to the institution that trained them.
In his welcome address, Chairman of the Anniversary Planning Committee, Professor Boniface Adedeji Oye-Adeniran, described the ceremony as an emotional homecoming, noting that many members were meeting again for the first time in five decades.
“This reunion means so much to us because many of us have
not seen each other since 1975, when we left the College. It is also an opportunity to give back to the institution that shaped our lives and careers. We have been able to raise N100 million to support the College of Medicine, University of Lagos,” he stated.
Prof. Oye-Adeniran added that the celebration was a thanksgiving to God for the gift of life and a moment to remember classmates who had passed away.
“We are grateful to the Almighty for keeping us alive to witness this day. We also honour the memory of our colleagues and
teachers who contributed to our professional journey,” he said.
One of the alumni, Dr. John Abebe, described the gathering as a rare opportunity to reconnect after five decades of individual journeys across the world.
“This reunion brings together classmates who graduated from the College of Medicine, University of Lagos, in 1975. Sadly, over 22 of our colleagues have passed on, but many are still alive. Some have travelled from the US, Canada, the UK, and other parts of the world to be here,” he said.
He noted that the reunion began with a thanksgiving service and a memorial for departed colleagues, followed by tributes to their teachers, some of whom are now in their 80s and 90s.
“We are celebrating our teachers—those who mentored us into the doctors we became. We owe them a great debt of gratitude,” he added.
Provost of the College of Medicine, Professor Ademola Ayodele Oremosu, commended the group for their generosity and commitment to improving medical education in Nigeria.
A former Senate Leader, Senator Victor Ndoma-Egba, has decried the long-standing and escalating cost of running government in Nigeria, arguing that the desire to cut costs has, paradoxically, often been at the expense of efficiency and effectiveness.
Drawing on his experience as a young commissioner in 1984, Ndoma-Egba lamented the vast difference between the lean governments of the past and the current expansive structures.
The former senator who spoke at “The Exchange,” a podcast hosted by Femi Soneye, recounted a time when the number of commissioners per state was capped at a mere seven, a limit
grudgingly increased to nine by the then-military Head of State, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, after officials complained about the overwhelming workload. “Crucially, in those days, there were no special advisors or special assistants, maintaining a dramatically smaller government footprint,” he said.
He later took on the role of Chief Executive of the Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DIFRI), managing three major roles simultaneously.
He argued that this extreme concentration of responsibilities, though initially intended to “cut costs,” resulted in the sacrifice of efficiency. He stated, “With that kind of load, you sacrifice efficiency,” suggesting that while
the initial intent was financially sound, the practical outcome hindered service delivery.
Ndoma-Egba also connected the issue of cost to project execution. He recalled a time when, as Commissioner for Works, he had a rough idea of the estimated cost of a kilometre of road, noting it was about N50,000 at the time. This knowledge allowed for accountability and comparison with other nations.
However, the problem of high-cost governance persists and is now a major part of the national economic pain.
The senator noted that the argument about the cost of governance and projects has “always been there,” dating back to his time as a young appointee.
A major tragedy was narrowly averted on Saturday after a fully loaded truck plunged off the Oshodi Bridge in Lagos, following a reported brake failure.
The incident, which occurred at Oshodi-Oke inward Mile 2, caused panic among traders and pedestrians as the six-tyre truck, marked AKD 135 YK, veered off the bridge and crashed into a terminal ditch below.
Eyewitnesses said the truck was carrying several tons of printing materials when the driver lost
control while descending the bridge. One person was seriously injured in the crash and was rescued by officials of the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA) who arrived swiftly at the scene.
According to Adebayo Taofiq, Director of Public Affairs and Enlightenment at LASTMA, the injured victim was immediately rushed to a nearby hospital for emergency treatment, while the driver was later apprehended and handed over to the police
at Makinde Division, Oshodi, for further investigation.
To ensure safety and ease traffic flow, LASTMA operatives cordoned off the area, redirected vehicles, and supervised the removal of the wreckage. Normal traffic movement was restored shortly after the operation.
Speaking on the incident, Bakare Oki, General Manager of LASTMA, commended his officers for their swift response and professionalism, describing their efforts as “gallant and timely.”
Piaget’s Global CEO, Benjamin Comar, has visited Nigeria as part of the Maison’s renewed engagement with Africa’s evolving luxury landscape, in an exclusive event hosted by Polo Luxury at its flagship store in Victoria Island, Lagos.
The captivating evening brought together distinguished guests, collectors, editors, and industry thought leaders for an intimate conversation on Piaget’s creative legacy, heritage, and enduring partnership with Polo Luxury, the Maison’s exclusive representative in Nigeria.
Polo luxury, for over 30 years, has provided luxury goods and elevated customer experience with its devotion to beauty, innovation, excellence
and consistency, blending technical innovation with creative freedom.
Speaking at the event, Comar said Piaget remains dedicated to cultivating meaningful connections with discerning clients and expanding its presence through trusted partnerships such as Polo Luxury.
“It was natural that we have a partnership; we are 150 years old maison. I mean, John built this place very early and probably one of the first ones. So, he knows the clientele, he knows the people, he is knowledgeable, and I have had great discussions with him. So, it’s natural that we are partners to enhance customers’ experience. And then once again, the Polo name. We have our best-selling watches,
Polo. So, it’s a perfect match,’’ Comar said.
On his part, the Managing Director of Polo Luxury Group, Mr. John Obayuwana, applauded the enduring partnership between Polo and Piaget, describing it as a relationship anchored on shared values and a commitment to elevating the luxury experience in Nigeria and across Africa.
“In the past, we had a completely different clientele of consumers, ministers, governors, big, big family, old money. But as the economy has evolved, we find that more and more young people are also getting more and more affluent. They are succeeding in business, in banking, in finance, in it, in the movies.”
In the early hours of Saturday, December 31, 1983, we woke up to martial music on Radio Nigeria. A military officer, who identified himself as Brigadier Sani Abacha, announced the overthrow of the democratically elected government, led by President Shehu Shagari. “You are all living witnesses to the great economic predicament and uncertainty which an inept and corrupt leadership has imposed on our beloved nation for the past four years,” he said, citing as evidence the “harsh, intolerable conditions under which we are now living”. He said the economy had been “hopelessly mismanaged” and we were now “a debtor and beggar nation”. He said the right things, things we wanted to hear.
Hear Abacha: “There is inadequacy of food at reasonable prices for our people who are now fed up with endless announcements of importation of foodstuff; health services are
[a] shambles as our hospitals are reduced to mere consulting clinics without drugs, water and equipment. Our educational system is deteriorating at (an) alarming
rate. Unemployment figures have reached embarrassing and unacceptable proportions. In some states, workers are being owed salary arrears of eight to twelve months and in others there are threats of salary cuts. Yet our leaders revel in squandermania, corruption and indiscipline, and continue to proliferate public appointments...”
Some of us celebrated the coup because we did not like Shagari — although, truly, the economic hardship was brutal. The price of crude oil, our sole export, had fallen and our FX reserves had plummeted. Shagari announced an economic emergency (“austerity measures”) — but the exchange rate remained officially fixed, thereby discouraging inflows. FX dried up. Only those with government connections had access to it. For an importdependent country like Nigeria, it was hell. Inevitably, traders could no longer import basic commodities as letters of credit could
not be opened for them. Scarcity of goods ensued. Prices of rice, milk and detergents doubled. We went into severe pain. Abacha’s coup broadcast was music to my ears. My grandmother was a staunch supporter of Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and was convinced that the 1983 election was rigged in favour of Shagari. She was also a trader and a retailer, so the economic situation hit her very badly. She had no reason not to be happy with the coup. I was not of voting age yet, but I was a fierce supporter of anyone my grandma supported, so I was also happy with Shagari’s ouster. My grandpa had defected from the UPN to Shagari’s National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in 1983. All I could recall hearing him mumble was that he hoped there would be no bloodshed
Midweek, the Budget Office of the Federation published Federal Government’s Budget Implementation Report (BIR) for the fourth quarter of 2024. The report is several months behind schedule. According to Section 50 of the Fiscal Responsibility Act (2007), budget execution reports should be submitted to the National Assembly and made public not later than 30 days after the end of each quarter. In fidelity to the law, most states of the Federation have already released their detailed budget performance reports for the second quarter of 2025. The Federal Government, which made the law, should not be the straggler, and needs to quickly correct the noticeable decline in the promptness and the frequency of its financial disclosures. There is no justifiable excuse for publishing a mandated report about nine months after
the due date, especially if it would still be tagged as provisional.
But better late than never. The long-awaited report has provided a good view of Federal Government’s finances in 2024, even when the capital budget for the year, as approved by the legislators, will be running, ungainly, till the end of 2025. On the positive side, the 58-page report has more granular data than previous reports, especially in the breakdown of the releases and utilisations of funds for personnel, overhead, and capital by the Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs). There are other positives from this report. But it has also thrown up or reinforced many reasons for concern. In this note, I will present a summary of FG’s 2024 budget performance, weave in my observations and close with some comments.
Courtesy of the report by the budget office, we now know that Federal Government’s
aggregate revenue in 2024 was N20.98 trillion. This is 68% higher than its 2023 aggregate revenue of N12.48 trillion, which is a good thing though it is difficult to know if this issued largely from improved revenue collection or from the significant depreciation of the Naira in 2024. It is important to note that the realised revenue in 2024 was 19% lower than the N25.88 trillion projected as revenue in the budget for the year. The breakdown shows that FG received 23.5% less than projected for oil revenue (N6.26 trillion actual oil revenue against N8.18 trillion budgeted); 62% less than it budgeted as retained revenue of GOEs (actual of N1.1 trillion against N2.86 trillion budgeted); and not a kobo of the N357.93 billion projected as its share of NLNG dividends. Remarkably, too, FG did not receive anything from the N6.28 trillion it was expecting from additional revenues (mostly from windfall tax on banks
and exchange gains).
But these shortfalls were mostly compensated for by increases in the following areas: FG’s share of non-oil revenue rose by 40% (actual of N5.01 trillion against N3.57 trillion budgeted); its independent revenues increased by 37% (actual of N3.68 trillion versus N2.69 trillion budgeted); its drawdown on special levies’ accounts surged by 292% (actual of N1.18 trillion against budgeted N300 billion); TETFUND’s revenue increased by 134% (N1.64 trillion against N700 billon projected); domestic recoveries brought in N519.16 billion though no amount was projected for such; and grants and donor funding increased by 76% (N1.21 trillion against budgeted N686 billion). Without these increases that are probably mostly