at the weekend praised one of Nigeria's largest financial institutions,
a
of
APC, PDP demand cancellation in Kano PDP leaders, INEC officials, thugs arrested in Ogun, Kano, Kaduna; party alleges foul play Okpebholo faults BVAS machine malfunction in Edo
Confusion and violence marred
yesterday’s by-elections conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in 16 constituencies across 12 states in the country. The exercise was characterised
by violence, arrest of the leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), officials of INEC, and 288 thugs in Ogun, Kano, and Kaduna states, as well as allegations of vote-buying.
While the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the PDP have called on the INEC to immediately cancel the byelections for Shanono/Bagwai constituency and the Ghari
constituency by-election in Kano State, the PDP also described the arrest of its members as a ploy to intimidate and disenfranchise them.
The main opposition party
also accused security operatives of abducting its House of Representatives candidate for the Chikun/Kajuru Federal
Ribadu attributes success of operation to months of deep surveillance, human intelligence Says feat signals beginning of end of impunity for terrorist leaders
Information minister hails security forces, urges media not to yield front pages to terrorists
Reiterates Tinubu’s commitment to security
The National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, yesterday announced major victories in the federal government’s war against terrorism, revealing that the military, in collaboration with operatives of intelligence and other security agencies, has captured two top leaders of Jama'atu Ansarul Muslimina fiBiladis Sudan, commonly known as Ansaru, Nigeria's Al-Qaeda affiliate, in what he described as a high-risk, intelligence-led counter-terrorism operation in the country.
National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, announcing the capture of the most wanted leaders of Ansaru terrorist group, Mahmud Muhammad Usman, and Mallam Mamuda, at a special press briefing held at the National Counter-Terrorism Centre in Abuja…yesterday
Chuks Okocha in Abuja
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has told a Federal High Court in Abuja that the Julius Abure-led faction of the Labour Party (LP) does not have the necessary rights to field candidates for positions in yesterday’s byelections across the country.
INEC also told the court that with the recent judgment of the Supreme Court, there is
Addressing a press conference at the headquarters of the National Counter Terrorism Centre, Office of the National Security Adviser (NCTC-ONSA), Ribadu identified the two senior ANSARU leaders as Mahmud Muhammad Usman, also known as Abu Bara’a, Abbas or Mukhtar, who was identified as the self-styled Emir of Ansaru, and his deputy, Mahmud alNigeri, also known as Mallam Mamuda.
The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, has applauded the security forces for the remarkable feat, assuring the public of President Bola Tinubu’s determination to guarantee security across the country.
According to Ribadu, the two men had been on Nigeria’s most-wanted list for years and were also internationally wanted.
The NSA noted that the precision operation was the result of months of deep surveillance, human intelligence, and technical tracking, which showed enhanced sophistication and seamless inter-agency synergy.
Constituency in Kaduna State, Princess Esther Ashivelli Dawaki, along with 25 supporters.
This is just as the candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), for the Ibadan North Federal Constituency in Oyo State, Femi Dexter Akin-Alamu, raised allegations of large-scale vote buying.
Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State also yesterday expressed concerns over the slow performance of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) in the ongoing by-election in Edo Central Senatorial District.
In Anambra State, the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) was also accused of vote buying.
The elections were conducted in two senatorial districts in
the Nigerian banking system. According to him, beyond performing excellently in guarding Nigeria's wealth, Zenith has also nurtured the nation's dreams, sealing the bank's status as Nigeria’s largest bank by Tier-One capital.
Speaking in Lagos during the 35th Anniversary of Zenith Bank, Shettima noted that in July 1990, when the bank was born in Nigeria’s banking sector, it was quite glaring that "a motion was set in place for a revolution in the nation’s corporate culture."
The great strides the bank made, he noted, were the
currently a vacuum in the leadership of the LP.
This is as the faction dismissed reports that INEC no longer recognises Abure as national chairman, and also accused the Senator Nenadi Usman-led faction of the party of being behind the “propaganda”.
Responding to the suit filed before the court by the Abureled faction of the LP, INEC told the court that since Abure’s
He described the capture of the two men as the beginning of the end of impunity for terrorist leaders.
An elated Ribadu explained that the suspects were responsible for the 2022 Kuje prison break; the attack on Niger’s uranium facility; the 2013 abduction of French engineer, Francis Collomp, and the May 1, 2019 kidnapping of Alhaji Musa Umar Uba, the Magajin Garin Daura.
“They were also behind the abduction of the Emir of Wawa and they maintain active links with terrorist groups across the Maghreb, particularly in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso. The two men, who are wanted internationally, are currently in custody,” Ribadu added.
According to the NSA, the targeted operation was conducted between May and July 2025.
He stated that the capture of the group’s leader, Abu Bara and deputy commander, Mallam Mamuda, was one of the most significant achievements to date in Nigeria’s ongoing efforts to rid the country of terrorism.
Ribadu also said the successful
Anambra and Edo states; five federal constituencies in Edo, Jigawa, Kaduna, Ogun and Oyo; and nine state constituencies in Adamawa, Anambra, Kaduna (two), Kano, Kogi, Niger, Taraba and Zamfara states, following the resignation or death of serving members of national and state Houses of Assembly.
Also, the court-ordered re-run election in Onitsha South 1 State Constituency of Anambra State, and the Ghari/Tsanyawa State Constituency of Kano State, were held simultaneously with the by-elections.
Police Arrest PDP leader, INEC Staff in Ogun
In Ogun State, security
cumulative effects of what earned it the prize as the nation's number one bank, a position it has retained for 16 consecutive years, "making it a benchmark in the annals of African enterprise."
Extolling the bank's innovation and integrity, the vice president said: "And so, as we gather to celebrate Zenith Bank at thirty-five, we are honouring a culture—a culture where innovation is instinct, where integrity is nonnegotiable, and where service to humanity is as important as service to shareholders.
"On behalf of the Government
Party dismisses claims of Abure’s derecognition as national chairman
tenure as national chairman of the party has lapsed, he cannot sign nomination forms for the party’s candidates in yesterday’s by-elections across the country.
The LP, which came third in the 2023 presidential election, has been enmeshed in leadership tussles between Abure-led National Working Committee (NWC) and Senator Nenadi Usman.
The unresolved leadership issues resulted in the rejection of
decapitation of the leadership of ANSARU represents the most decisive blow against the deadly group since its inception.
The NSA added that this achievement has effectively dismantled its central command while paving the way for the complete annihilation of the group.
Ribadu said that the self-styled Emir of Ansaru was responsible for masterminding several terrorist attacks against Nigeria in recent years.
He also disclosed that the terrorist leaders orchestrated numerous high-profile kidnappings and armed robberies, which were used to finance terrorism.
Ribadu disclosed that Mahmud al-Nigeri, also known as Mallam Mamuda, was Abu Bara’s proclaimed chief of staff and deputy.
“He is the leader of the socalled 'Mahmudawa' cell, hiding in and around the Kainji National Park, which straddles Niger and Kwara States and extends into the Republic of Benin. Mamuda trained in Libya between 2013
operatives arrested officials of the state chapter of the PDP and two INEC staff at a hotel in the Iperu-Remo area, with a huge amount of money in their possession.
According to a statement issued by the state police command spokesperson, Omolola Odutola, the INEC officials were arrested during a stop-and-search exercise around midnight in Iperu.
The statement reads, “At about 0045hrs, a police patrol team attached to Iperu Remo Division intercepted a Mitsubishi Space wagon, with registration number LAGOS AKD 887 HT, with three occupants, Mr. Toryem Joe-Stans and Ms. Mandara Aminat, both officials of INEC, alongside their driver.
“A search of the vehicle led
and people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I salute Zenith Bank; I honour Mr. Jim Ovia, and I commend Dame Adaora Umeoji. May the next thirty-five years find you still breaking barriers, still setting standards, and still proving that in Nigeria, greatness is not an exception—it is an expectation," Shettima added.
The vice president, who noted that he was also attending Zenith Bank's 35th anniversary as "a proud alumnus" of the bank, said while some financial institutions existed mainly to expand their profit margins year after year, there were
a list of the party’s candidates submitted by Abure for yesterday's by-elections in the country.
Aggrieved by the exclusion of LP’s candidates, Abure had in the suit marked: FHC/ABJ/ CS/1523/2025, challenged the powers of the electoral umpire to exclude the party’s candidates from the polls.
But in its response to the court action, INEC insisted that the tenure of the National
and 2015 under foreign jihadist instructors from Egypt, Tunisia, and Algeria, specialising in weapons handling and IED fabrication,” he said.
Ribadu stated that the two men, who had been on Nigeria’s most-wanted list for years, jointly spearheaded multiple attacks on civilians, security forces, and critical infrastructure.
Providing a historical background of the terror group, Ribadu said “the group was first formed in January 2012 with a public declaration in Kano. It emerged as a splinter faction from Boko Haram, positioning itself as a ‘humane alternative’. However, its stated mission quickly shifted to targeting Nigerian security operatives, civilian communities, and government infrastructure.
"The group publicly displayed the setting sun logo of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), signalling its ideological and operational alignment with global jihadist movements. Over the years, Ansaru entrenched itself through urban sleeper cells and forest-based enclaves across several cities in northern
to the recovery of a cash sum of two million five hundred thousand naira (₦2,500,000.00) from Mr. Joe-Stans Toryem.
“During interrogation, he confessed that the money was collected at Kehoy Hotel, Iperu, Ogun State, from a man he referred to as “Political Solution”, acting on the directive of his supervisor.
But in a video that went viral, one of the PDP members, who introduced himself in the video as “PDP official in Ogun State”, was heard denying his involvement in the alleged cash-for-vote incident.
He said: “You are just showing money; I don’t know anything about it.”
Reacting, PDP has described the arrest as a ploy to intimidate
other banks that wrote history.
According to him: "I know the difference because I was bred in this system, and I know that Zenith Bank belongs to a class of its own. It is a family that has stood together; a family that thinks together; a family that builds together; a family that grows together; and a family that celebrates each other’s victories and endures each other’s trials.
Shettima also described the bank as "a family bound not solely by contracts and capital, but by the foresight that tomorrow arrives heavy with promise,” adding that
Executive Committee (NEC) led by Abure had expired, adding that by a recent judgment of the Supreme Court, there exists presently a vacuum in the leadership of the LP.
The commission, in a counter-affidavit to the originating summons by Abure, pointed out that it did not monitor a purported National Convention of the plaintiff held on March 27, 2024, at Nnewi in Anambra
Nigeria, particularly around Kainji National Park, which spans Niger and Kwara States as well as the Republic of Benin.”
The NSA added that security forces recovered materials and digital evidence during the operation, which he said were undergoing forensic analysis.
“Let me use this opportunity to inform the public that, in the course of the operation, our security forces captured and recovered valuable actionable intelligence.
“These include a cache of materials and digital evidence which are all now undergoing forensic analysis. The findings from the analysis are expected to support our ongoing efforts to exploit this success, bring them to justice, and completely bring them to justice, and completely annihilate the remnants of ANSARU networks and disrupt their foreign collaborators,” the NSA said.
The NSA attributed the success of the operation to months of deep surveillance, human intelligence, and technical tracking.
and disenfranchise its members ahead of the by-election.
Director of Media and Communications of the party, Asiwaju Akinloye Bankole, said the party officer was arrested around 3:30 am by security operatives, who allegedly broke into his hotel room in what he termed a “commando-style operation”.
Bankole maintained that, contrary to reports, no electoral materials were found in his possession, nor was he caught with large sums of money.
His words: “He had only N100,000 in his room. No electoral material was discovered in his hotel room or car.
“It is part of a grand plan to scare our people and disenfranchise them. This is
“for 35 years, this bank has opened more than branches across the world; it has opened possibilities".
Shettima hailed the Chairman and Founder of Zenith Bank, Ovia, describing him as a "master of foresight, the architect of dreams, the conjurer of possibilities, the alchemist who turns vision into gold—a magician whose wand is wisdom, whose stage is the future, and whose art is the transformation of an industry."
Shettima said Ovia's genius has never been in doubt, having had the privilege of working under his watch during the
State, where Abure claimed that he and other members of his National Executive Committee were re-elected. The electoral body argued that the convention “was conducted in contravention of the Constitution of the Federal Republic, 1999 (as amended), the Electoral Act, 2022, Regulations and Guidelines for Political Parties 2022 issued by the Commission and the plaintiff's Constitution 2019.”
Ribadu also described the capture of the two men as the beginning of the end of impunity for terrorist leaders, adding that the Nigerian government would continue to pursue extremists with precision, resolve, and unwavering determination.
Ribadu also called on citizens to remain vigilant and provide timely information to authorities. Meanwhile, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Idris, applauded the security forces for the remarkable feat.
The minister assured the public of Tinubu’s determination to guarantee security across the federation.
While noting that security is everybody’s business, the minister appealed for public support in the ongoing fight against terrorism in the country. He applauded the media for their continued support in the fight against violent extremism.
The minister also appealed to media professionals not to yield front pages to terrorists, but treat them as criminals that they are.
unfortunate and shameful in a democracy.”
He also dissociated the arrested member from the arrest of two INEC officials and others who were allegedly apprehended with large amounts of cash in the area.
Police Arrest 288 Thugs in Kano, APC, PDP Demand Poll Cancellation
In Kano State, the police arrested 288 suspected thugs during the Bagwai/Shanono and Ghari/Tsanyawa constituencies by-elections.
The Commissioner of Police, Alhaji Ibrahim Bakori, said the election was marred by violence, with thugs allegedly hired to disrupt proceedings.
period he worked as a banker.
"He (Chief Ovia) saw the future of banking when most of us were still grappling with its present. Long before technology became the bloodstream of global finance, Jim Ovia had already woven it into the DNA of Nigerian banking.
"He introduced innovation not as a fashion but as a philosophy, placing Zenith Bank on a path where excellence is not an ambition but a standard. Yet his true signature is not only on the balance sheet. For Mr. Jim Ovia, the people make an institution," Shettima said.
Says it’s unfair to compare Nigeria’s trajectory with Rwanda, Singapore
The Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Senator Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, has stated that President Bola Tinubu’s administration does not indulge in trading blame but rather remains open to ideas and recommendations aimed at delivering good governance.
Bagudu, a former governor of Kebbi State, argued that it would be unfair to compare Nigeria’s trajectory with Rwanda or Singapore, given its unique democratic structure and freemarket system.
The minister spoke yesterday
in Abuja during the graduation of the 22nd cohort of the Centre for Leadership Strategy and Development (Centre LSD) School of Leadership, themed: “Leadership and Economic Development”. He explained that the Renewed Hope Agenda had acknowledged that Nigeria was far from its desired state when the president assumed office, hence the necessity for bold decisions—"whether convenient or not—in the interest of national progress.”
Bagudu said Tinubu acted decisively at the outset of his administration when the economy
Peter Uzoho
Former President Goodluck Jonathan has felicitated former military President Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (rtd.) on the occasion of his 84th birthday, praising his contributions to Nigeria’s unity and national development.
was at its lowest and could no longer sustain the fuel subsidy regime, which was detrimental to citizens’ welfare.
He cited Nigeria’s rising Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and the World Bank’s projection of 3.7 per cent growth in 2025 as evidence that the country was moving in the right direction.
Bagudu further stressed that it would be unfair to compare Nigeria’s trajectory with Rwanda or Singapore, given its unique democratic structure and freemarket system.
“One thing I can assure this
gathering is that we, under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, don’t have all the answers. We are humbled by any interrogation; we are humbled by every suggestion that can help us to get it right.
“Our Renewed Hope Agenda is a recognition that were not where we wanted to be when we took over but we are not going to play blame-games, and to get to where we should be or face the right direction, we should take all courageous decisions pleasant or otherwise, and we took them and we believe the results are coming in, some of which are
in public domain already.
“But because we have done well does not mean we cannot do better, and we are humble to acknowledge that. So, we believe we have a strategy, we believe the choices we have made in the last two years are paying results. For example, the revenue going to sub-nationals has literally tripled.
“There are some states currently that their domestic debts have dropped by 80 per cent because the federal government was very active in ensuring that all refunds,
payments, and debts owed to states have been cleared. So that has improved physical space for the two tiers of government, but we also appreciate that we need to do more,” Tinubu added.
Also speaking, Founding Executive Director of Centre LSD, Dr. Otive Igbuzor, said Nigeria and Africa are at a crossroads due to repeated leadership shortcomings.
According to him, prosperous nations are those that have leaders with vision, built strong institutions, and mobilised citizens towards productivity.
Disowns ‘official’ auctioneers for the sale
Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja
“On this special occasion of your 84th birthday, I celebrate your remarkable life, leadership, and dedication to our nation’s growth and progress,” Jonathan said.
The former president noted that Babangida, who served as Nigeria’s Head of State from 1985 to 1993, played a key role in stabilising the nation during turbulent periods and steering it through major economic and political transformations.
In a goodwill message released yesterday by his Spokesman, Mr. Ikechukwu Eze, the former president described Babangida as a “remarkable leader” whose impact on Nigeria’s political and economic landscape remains significant.
A business tycoon and elder statesman, Alhaji Isyaku Ibrahim, is dead.
Ibrahim, who was a close associate of the late President Shehu Shagari, died in the early hours of yesterday at a private hospital in Abuja, aged 88.
Described as an astute politician who played a key role in the formation of the Second Republic’s ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Ibrahim hailed from
Mangar, Farin Ruwa Area Administrative Council of Wamba Local Government Area (LGA) in Nasarawa State.
He was the founder of the Mighty Jets Football club of Jos in the 70s and the first Nigerian to hire a foreign coach from Brazil to manage the club.
He also bought a new luxury bus for the team and spent millions of naira to sponsor the once dreaded Club to victory.
The federal government has warned the public against falling for the antics of fraudsters with regard to the 753 housing units seized by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and forfeited to the federal government.
The government also denied appointing a company, which identified itself as Pink Synergy Global Company Limited, as official auctioneers for the sale of the houses.
The Federal Ministry of Housing and Urban Development made these clarifications yesterday in a statement signed by the Director, Press and Public Relations of the ministry, Badamasi Haiba, in Abuja.
In May 2025, the EFCC handed over the 753 housing units allegedly seized from a former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr. Godwin Emefiele.
Recall, while taking possession of the estate from the anti-graft agency, the Minister of Housing,
Mr. Ahmed Dangiwa, announced plans by the federal government to sell the houses to interested members of the public through a transparent and competitive process in line with the Renewed Hope Agenda.
However, the ministry clarified in yesterday’s statement that it had not engaged any individual or corporate entity to sell the units.
The statement explained: “The Federal Ministry of Housing and Urban Development wishes to categorically inform the general public that it has not appointed or
given sale rights to any company or consultant to coordinate the sale of the 753 houses seized by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), linked to the former CBN governor, Godwin Emefiele.
“The disclaimer became necessary on the backdrop of a claim by a company named Pink Synergy Global Company Limited, that it has been appointed as official auctioneers for the sales of the 753 units of houses by the Federal government.
PSC unveils new recruitment portal, insists on decentralisation of police recruitment
Linus
Aleke in Abuja
As part of what he described as his “unwavering commitment to transparency, accountability, and operational professionalism,” the Inspector-General (IG) of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, has ordered an immediate and comprehensive institutional review of the 128-page report recently published by Amnesty
International (AI), titled: ‘A Decade of Impunity: Attacks and Unlawful Killings in South-east Nigeria.’
This is just as the Police Service Commission (PSC), in a separate development, unveiled its newly acquired recruitment portal in Abuja.
The report alleged a pattern of extrajudicial killings and human rights violations by the Nigeria
Police Force and other security agencies in the South-east.
Egbetokun, in a statement signed by the Force Spokesperson, Olumuyiwa Adejobi, a deputy commissioner of police (DCP), directed relevant departments and affected field formations to undertake a meticulous, line-by-line assessment of the report.
This process, Egbetokun said,
would involve cross-referencing the allegations with internal operational records, field intelligence, and situation reports from police commands and tactical units within the South-east region. The IG stated that this action aligns with his unwavering commitment to transparency, accountability, and operational professionalism.
Alex Enumah in Abuja
The President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Afam Osigwe (SAN), has described as demeaning, the public donation of cars and houses to judges by governors, who sometimes boast about the gesture.
The NBA president, who made the observation during a television interview, pointed out that the official needs of the judiciary should be budgeted
for and not subjected to the control of governors.
Responding to the issue of perceived executive influence on the judiciary, especially at the state level, the senior lawyer expressed concern over the attitude of some governors who feel they are doing the judiciary a favour when some things were given or done.
"Oftentimes, it’s annoying seeing some governors talk about how, ‘Oh, I give cars to my judges’, or even invite
the judges and do a public presentation of vehicles or some other material to members of the judiciary.
"We believe it’s demeaning and ought not to be. The judiciary should be an independent part of government and should not be demeaned or reduced to a point where members of the judiciary should be given handouts as if a favour was being done to them," he said.
The NBA president argued
that it would be very difficult to convince any person that a judiciary that finds itself in such a situation is independent.
While stating that it may be possible, Osigwe noted that there would always be that perception that the judiciary is at the beck and call of the executive, and that the executive will always bend them to their will; "otherwise, those handouts will cease".
As a solution, he suggested that monies or anything
To Fight HIV, Tuberculosis, Malaria, Nigeria Contributes $38.79 Million to Global Fund in 23 Years Since 2002
Nigeria has so far contributed a total of $38.79 million (over N60 billion), less than half of its $94.28 million cumulative pledge to the Global Fund since 2002, the international intervention agency on health has disclosed.
The Global Fund is a worldwide partnership that focuses on fighting HIV, tuberculosis (TB), and malaria, and ensures a healthier, safer, and more equitable future for all.
Nigeria made its first contribution of $10 million in 2002 and is now the largest financial contributor to the
Global Fund among countries that are eligible for its grants.
Former President Olusegun Obasanjo hosted the African HIV/AIDS Summit in 2001, where the idea of the Global Fund was initiated, and he also stood by the then United States President George Bush in the Rose Garden of the White House when the first pledges to the Global Fund were made.
Nigeria has so far received $201million in grants from the Global Fund to finance the country’s fight against AIDS, TB, and malaria.
The Fund raises and invests over $5 billion a year to fight
deadly infectious diseases, challenge the injustice that fuels them, and strengthen health systems and pandemic preparedness in more than 100 of the hardest hit countries.
Information on the agency's website revealed that Nigeria pledged $13.2 million for the Global Fund’s Seventh Replenishment, covering 2023-2025.
"This represents a 10 per cent increase over its Sixth Replenishment pledge and a firm sign of its commitment to alleviating the burden of the three diseases and building strong and resilient health
systems," the Fund said.
Nigeria is both a donor to the Global Fund and an implementer of Global Fundsupported programmes.
Cumulatively, it has made a total pledge of $94.28 million since 2002 and contributed only $38.79 million, less than half of the pledge.
However, out of the $13.2 million pledged for the Seventh Replenishment (2023-2025), the country is yet to contribute any amount.
But the Global Fund is already planning to cut $1.4 billion from grants it had already awarded.
President Bola Tinubu has approved the immediate release of N16.7bn for the reconstruction of the Mokwa Bridge in Niger State, months after it was washed away by flooding in May.
The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, announced the approval yesterday in Abakaliki, the Ebonyi State capital, after a meeting with the Minister of
Works, Senator Dave Umahi. Idris is currently leading a federal delegation on a three-day tour of infrastructure projects and citizen engagement initiatives across the South-east region.
According to the minister, the funding approval demonstrates the Tinubu administration’s responsiveness to critical infrastructure emergencies.
“We want to thank Mr. President, and we want to thank the Honourable Minister of Works. We jointly discussed this and approached Mr. President, who graciously approved it. It means a lot to the people. It’s N16.7billion to reconstruct the bridge, a 10-span bridge,” Idris said, according to a statement signed by his media aide,
Rabiu Ibrahim. The statement noted that Idris emphasised the importance of the bridge for regional connectivity and praised the swift response of the Ministry of Works after the disaster. He also commended Umahi for immediately dispatching experts to assess the damage shortly after the bridge was washed away.
needed by the judiciary, be it vehicles, courtrooms, or other infrastructural needs, be budgeted for in the judiciary budget, and the judiciary allowed to execute them.
"Nobody should give the excuse that unless the executive does it for them, the money will be embezzled, or they are not trained to handle it. That is why there are professionals employed in the judiciary to handle these things", he said.
Osigwe also warned the executive against emasculating the judiciary - reducing them
to a ‘weeping boy’, or a beggar, and condemned a situation where a Chief Judge continually visits the office of the governor to beg for releases to be made to them.
“Happily, it is not so at the federal level, and we think the states should, as a matter of urgency, if they haven’t done so, they should do so. Justice is rooted in confidence, and the day that confidence is eroded, or seems to be gone, the people’s confidence in the judiciary’s ability will forever be eroded.”
Nigerian Governors to Launch Platform, Investopedia To Spotlight Investment Opportunities in 36 States
Chuks Okocha in Abuja
To bridge the gap between Nigeria’s untapped potential and global capital, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) is set to launch its Investopedia, a comprehensive platform designed to spotlight investment opportunities across the country's 36 states.
A statement by the NGF’s Director of Media and Strategic Communications, Yunusa Abdullahi, said the event, to be held on Tuesday, August 19, in Abuja, would make a high- profile affair which would underscore the initiative’s ambition.
Governors from all 36 states will showcase priority projects, while a ceremonial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signing will formalise partnerships and lay the building block for the NGF Fund.
According to Abdullahi, a keynote from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) will provide sovereign backing, reinforcing the platform’s legitimacy.
Foreign investors, ambassadors, and due diligence
experts from Afreximbank, MOFI, UNDP Cavista and the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC) will participate, with the event culminating in the distribution of the Investopedia to development finance institutions (DFIs), embassies, and private capital desks investment and business multi-sectoral business communities.
He also said that amidst persistent challenges such as low investor confidence and fragmented entry points, the initiative promises to transform how subnational projects attract funding, positioning Nigeria as a coordinated and credible destination for high-impact investments.
According to the spokesman of the governors forum, Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, has long grappled with barriers to investment at the state level. Frequent government transitions create uncertainty, while poor project visibility and weak preparation deter potential backers. Despite trillions in global pension funds, sovereign wealth, and development capital waiting to be deployed.
George Okoh in Makurdi
Catholic Priests in Benue State have expressed outrage over the recent destruction and desecration of St. Paul’s Parish, Aye-Twar (Agu Centre) in Katsina-Ala Local Government Area (LGA) of the state and the occupation of 26 other outstations by armed herdsmen.
They noted that the incident did not only represent an attack on the church and the Diocese of Katsina-Ala in particular, “but a direct assault on government at all levels, the security operatives, the traditional institutions and indeed all stakeholders.”
The Chairman of the Nigerian Catholic Diocesan Priests’ Association (NCDPA), KatsinaAla Diocese, Rev. Fr. Samuel Fila, in a statement in Makurdi, explained that the unprovoked violent attack started on Sunday, August 10, 2025 and resulted in the severe destruction of several facilities in the Central Church at Agu Centre.
He said: “Preceding this assault were other previous sustained attacks on the Aye-Twar community which increased in intensity, thus forcing the parish
priest to relocate to another parish, while continuing with skeletal pastoral activities.
“The barbaric attack of August 11, 2025 has finally shut down all pastoral activities since all 26 outstations have been occupied by the armed herdsmen long before now. The malevolent attack left in its wake the desecration and destruction of the Parish Church, the destruction of the Parish Secretariat, the burning to ashes of the Father’s House, destruction of household items, pastoral logistics and vehicles in addition to many other valuable items.
“At the moment, the entire Agu Centre community has been deserted by the locals for fear of more attacks. It must be reiterated that Aye-Twar is only one out of innumerable communities that are currently under a sustained invasion by dangerously armed terrorists.
“NCDPA of Katsina-Ala Diocese, vehemently denounces the alarming and brutal assaults carried out by the heavily armed herdsmen militia groups especially on August 11 without any intervention by either the government or security agencies.”
The Chinese Embassy in Nigeria has promised to investigate the allegations made against Chinese employers by 12 Nigerian workers, who were recently rescued from the Central African Republic (CAR).
The rescued Nigerians had accused their Chinese employers of sexual abuse and non-payment of salaries.
Reacting to the reports, the embassy yesterday, said the allegations were being taken seriously and that due process would be followed.
It noted that it attached great importance to the matter, adding that the Chinese Government had consistently required all Chinese citizens abroad to comply with the laws and regulations of their host countries and conduct business activities by all applicable rules and requirements.
“We have also just noted the relevant reports and attach great importance to this matter. We will immediately commence an investigation. Before the investigation results are released, we request that the information not be disseminated or cited.
The Chinese Government consistently requires all Chinese citizens abroad to comply with the laws and regulations of their host countries and conduct business activities by all applicable rules and requirements.”
The reaction comes after the Nigerian workers, who arrived in the country last week, narrated harrowing experiences of abuse, starvation, and non-payment of wages at the hands of Chinese mining employers in CAR.
Fr. Fila emphasised that the security situation in the area had since gone beyond the twisted historical narrative of ‘farmer-herder conflicts saying “it has evolved into a premeditated, well-calculated and coordinated effort aimed at genocidal cleansing and territorial domination and the occupation of lands that rightly belong to us.”
He disclosed that the marauders launch the attacks from neighbouring communities of Taraba State and retreat afterwards to the same abodes.
“The continuous attacks on
Christian communities, albeit unprovoked and in particular the unchecked violence of these terrorist herdsmen, have become a grave wound to our national conscience and existence,” Fila said.
“Silence, negligence, or inaction in the face of such atrocities amounts to complicity and we unequivocally condemn such inaction by those concerned with the protection of lives and property.”
While recalling the role played by the Church in Katsina-Ala to have peace in
the state, the Priests called for immediate action by relevant authorities, including the government, law enforcement agencies, and representatives of the Miyetti Allah on the matter and urged governments at all levels to “rebuild, repair and pay restitution for the damages done to the peace-driven Parish of St. Paul Aye-Twar (Agu-Centre).”
They noted the responsibility of the Benue State Government to ensure the security and safety of the people, adding that security agencies must live up to their responsibilities
even as they demanded a joint investigation by the Benue and Taraba State governments to apprehend the masterminds of the attacks. They also appealed to the international community to take note of the recurrent acts of religious persecution and assist in ensuring justice and the protection of human rights in Nigeria and urged the “establishment of permanent security protocols along key transportation routes, which is an essential strategy to assure citizens of their safety and to deter further violent incursions.”
2027: Old Eastern Region Group Urges Jonathan Not to Run for Presidency, Claims He Has No Chance to Win
A pressure group, the Eastern Union (EU), has advised former President Goodluck Jonathan not to run for the presidency during the 2027 general election.
EU, a pressure group championing the political realignment of the Old Eastern Region, said Jonathan had no chance to win “if he dares to come out in the next election”.
The EU’s position was contained in a statement issued by its National President, Charles Anike.
“The motives of those urging and projecting him are wrong. Mr. Jonathan must be careful and watch it, or else he will regret it because the calculation may tarnish his good image.
“Those projecting him are doing so for selfish political reasons. They want him to come and do one term and then hand power over to the North. But they don’t consider the fact that Jonathan’s coming up will only destroy the chances and the strong united forces of the opposition.
“If they push him through to contest without taking into account, or considering the benefits of a united opposition, then they have only indirectly given a clear and soft landing to President Bola Tinubu and his APC allies to continue in office in 2027.”
Anike advised former President Jonathan to halt his presidential election and “retain his good name to continue to enjoy the euphoria of his good political credibility”.
“Jonathan should publicly throw his weight behind a
sellable and credible candidate from the South, especially from the Eastern Region. His ultimate goal should be to dethrone the APC-led federal government. That will go a very long way to add to his political achievements and demonstration of love and commitment to the freedom of the common man in Nigeria.
“Contesting the 2027 presidential election is not the way for Jonathan. He must therefore be sensitive and avoid being used by the gullible politicians.”
The Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lieutenant General Olufemi Oluyede, has vowed to ensure that the Nigerian Army Special Forces are not only unconquerable on the battlefield but also par with their global counterparts.
Oluyede also reaffirmed his commitment to delivering world-class training and equipment to achieve these noble objectives.
The army chief made this pledge while laying the foundation for the Nigerian
Army Special Forces School (NASFS) in Doma, Nasarawa State.
He described the relocation of the special school from Buni Yadi, Yobe State, to Doma in Nasarawa State as a legacy of excellence, bravery, and sacrifice that would redefine the training of Nigeria’s elite troops.
He stated that the special school was designed to produce highly skilled warriors capable of dominating complex and unconventional battlefields.
The relocation, he said, marked a strategic leap in
strengthening the Nigerian Army’s combat power and in safeguarding the nation’s future.
A statement by the Acting Director of Army Public Relations, Lieutenant Colonel Appolonia Anele, revealed that the school was originally established in Buni Yadi, Yobe State, as part of the Nigerian Army’s response to evolving security threats.
She added that the school’s relocation to Doma offered an enhanced environment for advanced, mission-specific training.
The Buni Yadi facility, she said, would now serve as the Nigerian Army Acclimatisation Centre, dedicated to preparing troops for the unique challenges of operations in the North-east theatre.
She disclosed that Oluyede also inaugurated two other major projects: “The new four Special Forces Command Headquarters and a modern Officers’ Mess, complete with operational workspaces, conference facilities, and recreational amenities designed to enhance the capacity, welfare, and morale of personnel.”
Blessing Ibunge in Port Harcourt
A group, under the aegis of Ethnic Youth Leaders of Nigeria, alongside some constitutional lawyers, has dragged the Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Dapo Segun, to a Federal High Court in Port Harcourt over alleged mismanagement of Port Harcourt refinery rehabilitation.
In Suit No: FHC/ CS/157/2025, the plaintiffs are seeking mandatory sack, arrest, investigation, and prosecution of the former Executive Vice President, Downstream, alleging that his tenure saw the
mismanagement of the refinery rehabilitation that cost Nigeria over N5trillion.
Counsel to the lawyers, M.O Osuji, in the suit, prayed the court for an order to grant leave to the applicants to bring an application for mandamus directing the Economic Financial and Crimes Commission (EFCC) to commence investigation of the activities and role of Segun, in alleged connection with the acquisition of the of OVH Energy by the NNPCL and rehabilitation of the Port Harcourt and Warri Refineries.
Part of the orders states: “An Interim Order of Court directing the 2nd Respondent (Dapo Segun) to
forthwith step aside as the Chief Financial Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited and cease the performance of any duty pertaining thereto, tampering with or altering any documents or records material to the investigation into his conduct and/or role in the acquisition of the of OVH Energy by the ‘NNPCL and rehabilitation of the Port-Harcourt and Warri Refineries, pending the hearing and determination of the Substantive Motion on Notice for Judicial Review.
“An order of court granting leave to the applicant to serve the order granting leave to the ap-
plicant, motion on notice for judicial review and any other process(es) in this suit on the 2nd defendant by substituted means to wit: delivering all the aforementioned court processes to the Legal Department of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited at its head office at Central Business District, Abuja. An Order of Court directing an accelerated hearing and determination of this Suit.”
Speaking with journalists in Port Harcourt, Osuji noted that their “major concern as lawyers is that despite the good and commendable
steps taken by the EFCC to investigate the dealings in Port Harcourt refinery as a result of the turnaround maintenance, the gentleman who is at the helm of affairs during that period is not being investigated”.
He said, “Dapo Segun was also involved in OVH acquisition, and yet we have to see its true potential. It’s not hasty, April from now is about four months ago, in the circular issued, that they have commenced an investigation. What I expected was that this invitation would have been extended to the man at the helm of affairs,
the Chief Operating Officer of NNPCL. He is at the helm of affairs during the turnaround, maintenance, and acquisition of OVH.
“He has a vital role to play. As I speak to you, several people are being investigated by EFCC, including the Former GMD, Mele Kyari. We, as lawyers we have to assist the EFCC, the law, and the presidency in fighting corruption; that’s why we’ve brought this action for the court to mandate them to investigate the man who’s at the helm of affairs,” Osuji explained.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yusuf Tuggar, has called for the elimination of cultural practices that undermine human dignity.
Tuggar also urged the preservation and promotion of positive traditions that reflect modern values.
Speaking yesterday at the China-Nigeria Culture and Tourism Festival in Abuja, Tuggar, represented by the Director of Foreign Service Reforms and Innovation at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bolaji Akinremi, also stressed the importance of using technology to enhance Nigeria’s cultural and tourism sectors.
“As we celebrate, it is also important to recognise the need to remove harmful practices that do not align with modern values of human dignity, while promoting and preserving the positive aspects of our traditions.
“Equally, we must harness the power of technology to develop our culture, festivals, and tourism sector—whether through digital promotion, cultural documentation, or
innovative tourism experiences.
“In addition, attracting sustainable investment into our tourism sites will ensure that they thrive as sources of pride, jobs, and national wealth,” he said.
Tuggar further noted that cultural and tourism festivals offer a unique opportunity for Nigeria and China to deepen mutual appreciation and respect.
“This gathering is not just a celebration of culture, fashion, and tourism, but also a testimony to the strong and friendly relations between Nigeria and the People’s Republic of China, two giants in their respective regions and influential partners in global development.
“Cultural and tourism festivals such as this one offer us unique opportunities to appreciate one another’s values, traditions, and creativity.
“They remind us that while our histories, languages, and heritage may differ, the beauty of cultural exchange is in how it binds people together, fosters mutual respect, and enriches our societies,” he stated.
Highlighting Nigeria’s cultural
richness, he pointed to iconic festivals such as the Egungun Festival in the South West, the Durbar Festival in the North, and the Argungu International Fishing Festival in the North West.
“Across the South-South and South East, traditional masquerades, carnivals, and festivals like the Ofala Festival in Anambra or the Calabar Carnival in Cross River continue to tell our unique stories to the world.
“In the same spirit, China’s long history and heritage, expressed through its rich traditions, arts, cuisine, and tourism, are a source of inspiration and learning.
“There are lessons and values to gain when each of us takes time to appreciate the other’s culture and festivals. These exchanges create lasting bridges of understanding, friendship, and cooperation,” he said.
In his remarks, the Deputy Ambassador of the Chinese Embassy in Nigeria, Zhou Hongyou, highlighted the depth of China’s cultural heritage, shaped by over 5,000 years of history and 56 ethnic groups.
The National Center for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW) has revealed that Nigeria accounts for 70 per cent of the estimated 11 million illegal arms and light weapons circulating across West Africa.
The South-South Zonal Director of NCCSALW, Mr. Alex Ebimiebo, disclosed this at the weekend during the Naval Warfare Course 9 Inter-Agency Seminar held by the Naval War College in Calabar.
In his presentation, titled ‘Strengthening Security Agencies’ Collaboration
The Corporate Affairs Com- mission (CAC) has delisted 247 companies from its database, citing improper registration for its action. According to the commission, the affected entities were never duly registered as limited liability companies.
The Commission made this public in a post on its official X
to Counter Illicit Arms Proliferation for Enhanced National Security in Nigeria,’ Ebimiebo highlighted that illegal arms are a major driver of Nigeria’s worsening insecurity.
He noted that the proliferation has displaced 2.2 million people internally and forced around 26,000 others to seek refuge in neighbouring countries.
Ebimiebo warned that the spread of illegal arms has created economic distortions, fuelled violent crime, and undermined nationwide peace-building efforts.
handle yesterday. It noted that the purported incorporation of the affected companies was invalid.
In the post, the CAC further noted that the Registration Certificates (RC) numbers allegedly linked to the companies were never assigned to any entity.
In an X post, the CAC said: “The general public is hereby
Emphasising a collective approach, he stated that everyone must be involved in addressing the menace. He highlighted ongoing NCCSALW programs that promote collaboration with security agencies and public sensitisation initiatives.
The Commandant of the Naval War College, Rear Admiral Akinola Oludude, also expressed concern over the surge in illicit arms entering Nigeria since 2020, stressing that the trend threatens national security if not urgently addressed.
informed that the 247 names listed here below have not been duly registered as limited liability companies,” CAC said. “The Registered Certificate (RC) numbers allegedly ascribed to them have not been assigned to any one of them. Consequently, the names and the RC numbers have been removed from the
L-R: Director, Apapa 2 Zonal Office of the Lagos State Environmental Protection Agency, Mr. Olayinka Scott; Coordinating Director of LASEPA Directorates, Mr. Abiodun Ogunleye; Director, Research and Development, Mrs. Abdulwarees Solanke; General Manager, Dr. Tunde Ajayi; Alimosho Zonal Director LASEPA, Mr. Kayode Bello; and the Deputy Director, Monitoring and Compliance, Ms. Omiwale Yetunde, at a one-day Compliance Workshop organised for the industrial and commercial facilities in Lagos by LASEPA in Alausa, Lagos …recently ETOP UKUTT
Blessing Ibunge in Port Harcourt
The Emeka Beke-led faction of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Rivers State has threatened court action following the recognition of the list of the candidates submitted by the Chief Tony Okocha-led faction of the party by the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC), for the forthcoming August 30 local government election.
Speaking yesterday at a forum with members of civil society organisations in Port Harcourt, RSIEC’s Commissioner for Administration and Legal Matters, Chidi Halliday, disclosed that the commission recognised only the candidates submitted by the Okocha-led faction of the party.
Halliday was responding
to questions regarding the submission of two separate lists for the council elections, one from the Okocha-led faction, and the other from the Beke-led faction.
He explained that while the commission received both lists, the Beke-led submission was made outside the timeframe specified by the state electoral umpire.
“The list from the Chief Beke APC was received for record purposes only,” Halliday said, stressing that RSIEC monitored the primaries of the Okocha-led APC and would recognise only their candidates.
The commissioner added that RSIEC was not involved in internal party disputes or court cases, adding that it deals only with records provided by INEC, which officially
No fewer than 3,000 girls in Anambra State have applied to be trained as motor mechanics, CCTV installers, and other trades usually dominated by males, under the empowerment programme of the wife of the Anambra State governor, Dr. Nonye Soludo.
Although Mrs. Soludo said she had planned to start the programme with 50 girls, she was excited that many girls showed interest in an area where men had monopolised.
The governor’s wife, who spoke during this year’s women’s annual August summit at the Government House, Awka, added that because of the interest shown by the girls, the programme would be implemented in batches to accommodate all of them.
According to her, those who fall into the first batch would soon begin their training, which she will sponsor, after which they will be empowered.
“I feel happy that our girls
are showing interest in these areas, and I believe they will challenge the men when they open their workshops,” she said.
Addressing the women who were drawn from the various organisations, including religious groups, town unions, traditional institutions, among others, Mrs. Soludo reminded the women that the stability of the home depends on how they approach issues concerning their families.
She said: “There is so much rancour in many homes which often results in gender -based violence. The way we conduct ourselves in our various families shows who we are.
“We must realise that the man is the head of the family and must be given that honour at all times.”
Mrs. Soludo said she is also aware that gender-based violence is not only against women, adding that some women also instigate violence in the homes.
registers political parties and their executives.
“To us, after the primaries are over, you cannot start submitting your list. All those we are dealing with are from the records we got from INEC,” Halliday said.
However, the Beke-led APC spokesman, Darlington Nwauju, insisted that their list was submitted to RSIEC in time and that the faction is legally recognised.
“Any attempt to publish names as candidates of APC in Rivers
State without the endorsement of our Chairman, Emeka Beke, and State Secretary, Sam Sam Etetegwung, will attract the long arm of the law,” he warned.
A Rivers State High Court had last year reinstated the Bekeled executive loyal to former
Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi. The executive had previously been dissolved by the Abdullahi Ganduje-led APC National Working Committee (NWC) for alleged anti-party activities.
Okon Bassey in Uyo
The Chief of Naval Staff (CNS), Vice Admiral Emmanuel Ogalla, has stated that Nigeria recorded zero cases of piracy in the last five years.
Ogalla disclosed this yesterday while fielding questions from journalists during the passing out parade of the 2025 set of Young Sailors held at the Nigerian Navy School, Ikot Ntuen, Akwa Ibom State.
The Chief of Naval Staff, who spoke through the Chief
of Administration, Nigerian Navy School, Rear Admiral Gabriel Aligwe, said several naval operations in the waterways have made the Nigerian waterways very safe.
“Though this occasion might be for addressing security issues, you know that in all parts of the country we have different kinds of operations that are ongoing and concerning the waterways. We have Operation Delta Sanity, and then we have a series of patrols.
“We have surveillance systems, and at every point we have NNS
ships at Sea to keep us safe, and don’t forget that for about five years now Nigeria has recorded zero cases of piracy, and that tells you the efforts put in by our men who constantly patrol the waterways.”
He advised the graduating students to pursue their dreams and remain resilient, noting that the training they have received is to give them proper grounding for a bright and fulfilling military career.
“My advice to them is to continue to pursue their dreams and remain resilient; they are not
just going home to remain like that. A lot of them are going to be absorbed into the military; some will go to the Nigerian Defence Academy, while some will remain as personnel in the Nigerian Navy.
“So, the training they received is to give them proper grounding for a very bright and fulfilling career in the military.”
In his address, the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Umo Eno, congratulated the young sailors for distinguishing themselves in both academic and military training during their stay in the school.
The Ijaw National Congress (INC) has called on host communities and stakeholders in the Niger Delta to support Pipeline Infrastructure Nigeria Limited (PINL), the firm responsible for securing the Eastern Corridor, including the Trans Niger Pipeline.
Speaking at PINL’s August stakeholders’ meeting at the weekend in Yenagoa, INC
President Professor Benjamin Okaba, commended the company for maintaining a zero-infraction record on the TNP over the past
month and for consistently engaging host communities.
“PINL has shown they are one of us. They are not outsiders. The fact that they have recorded zero infractions shows they are doing well. They may not be perfect, but there are clear signals they are ready to do better and carry everybody along. I urge our youths to stay patient, avoid vandalism, and take advantage of the livelihood packages provided,” Okaba said.
Bayelsa State Police Commissioner, Mr. Francis Idu, represented by the Assistant Police Commissioner, highlighted the use of drone technology for
monitoring pipeline security.
“We have set up aerial surveillance using drone technology, which can also be used in tracking pipeline vandalism,” he stated.
The Chairman of the House Committee on Youths in the Bayelsa State House of Assembly, Tari Porri, reminded stakeholders that the Ijaw struggle was instrumental in establishing PINL and encouraged youths to engage constructively with companies and government.
Former lawmaker Mrs. Ingo Iwowari commended PINL for its inclusion of women in its programmes, noting that empowerment is key to pipeline security.
“Pipeline vandalism is more than a security challenge; it’s a community crisis. Ignoring women is ignoring half the solution. By empowering women, we can protect our pipelines, environment, and people. Inclusion brings lasting peace and faster recovery,” she said.
“It is the struggle of the Ijaw people that led to the engagement of firms like PINL as surveillance contractors protecting oil and gas infrastructure. If oil companies in the region had been as responsive as PINL, there would have been no need for agitation leading to vandalism,” Porri said.
Omon-Julius Onabu in Asaba
Delta State Governor, Sheriff Oborevwori, has announced a total of N100 million reward for the five members of the team that represented Nigeria and emerged champions at the 2025 World Basic Schools Debate Championship
held in Doha, Qatar, assuring that his administration will sustain the tempo of development in education and all sectors.
Each of the five winning students, who are all from public schools in Delta State, received N20 million.
The handlers of the young
national ambassadors also received N20 million each, in acknowledgement of their contributions to the building of the students towards their outstanding performance and historic victory on the global stage, thereby making both Delta State and Nigeria proud.
Receiving the international
schools debate champions, their parents, and officials at Government House, Asaba, Governor Oborevwori said that the team’s triumph was a proud moment for Delta State, which eloquently testified to his administration’s “commitment to educational excellence”.
Editor: Festus Akanbi
All efforts to end hunger in Nigeria will be in vain if insurgent attacks continue to drive farmers from their fields and choke the nation’s food supply at its roots, writes Festus Akanbi
From whatever angle one examines the current situation in Nigeria’s food market, the situation is pathetic.
It is as if Nigeria’s food baskets are sitting on a wobbly table, one leg eaten away by insecurity, another weakened by the unpredictable weather.
In the markets today, food prices are galloping like wild horses. Rice has leapt to about N91,500 for a 50kg bag, beans now gulp over N87,000 for the same measure, and a small basket of tomatoes that once sold for N8,000 can now demand more than N25,000.
Experts say the current uneven rainfall can slash crop yields, drive up food prices, and deepen Nigeria’s hunger crisis. Meanwhile, armed attacks and kidnappings keep farmers away from their land, shrinking the nation’s harvest. Other challenges include a poor road network, insufficient storage facilities, destruction of crops and loss of livestock, and lack of mechanisation, among others.
Unfortunately, many Nigerians are yet to grapple with the dicey situation at the food market, but experts said the nation’s food stock is drying off.
From the bustling Mile 12 market in Lagos to Bodija in Ibadan, Watt in Calabar, Creek Road in Port Harcourt, Oja-Oba in Ilorin, Oba Market in Benin City, Kuto in Abeokuta, Ogbogonogo in Asaba, Ogbete in Enugu, and Eke-Ukwu in Owerri, Nigeria’s major food markets hum with the daily rhythm of trade. But agric sector watchers said the reality of the threat to food supply from the major food-producing areas of the North Central, North West, and North East is now more than ever.
Agric Sector Under Siege
Their fear is exacerbated by the recent report by SBM Intelligence that Nigeria’s agricultural sector is under siege from a combination of deepening insecurity, weak legislation, and worsening climate conditions, disrupting farming activities and intensifying food insecurity across the country.
The report, ‘Nigeria’s Food Security Under Siege’, paints a grim picture of the country’s agricultural collapse between April 2024 and March 2025. Drawing on available data, it shows that, due to the ongoing crisis, the number of food-insecure Nigerians rose significantly from 66.2 million in the first quarter of 2023 to 100 million in the first quarter of 2024.
Reports indicate that incessant farmerherder clashes and renewed insurgency across various agrarian villages in Nigeria are currently stalling the federal government’s food security drive. From late 2023 to mid-2025, at least 922 farmers and villagers have been reportedly murdered
by insurgents as turf wars centered around food and water persist.
From Borno to Yobe, it has been stories of wanton bloodshed and destruction of farmlands as killers attack multiple villages.
However, for years, the Northcentral region of Nigeria, particularly Benue and Plateau states, has been the epicentre of violence, marked by systematic killings, mass displace- ment, and the destruction of entire communities. The victims of this violence are largely agrarian com- munities, whose livelihoods have been shattered by incessant attacks primarily from armed herder militia groups, although the federal government and the security agencies keep assuring the people all will be well. Critics say that despite repeated assurances from successive govern- ments, the Nigerian state has failed to demonstrate either the political will or the operational competence required to end this carnage.
One of the most horrifying examples of this violence was the June 2025 massacre in Yelwata, Benue State, where over 100 people were reportedly killed in one of many coordinated attacks on farming com- munities. Similarly, the Christmas massacres of December 2023 in Plateau State saw almost 200 people killed in cold blood. These atrocities are not isolated incidents; they are part of a systematic campaign of killings and forced displacement.
Research has demonstrated a clear pattern of state failure, impunity of attackers who continue to terrorise communities with little fear of arrest or prosecution, reprisal attacks, and weak enforcement of laws such as Benue’s Open Grazing Prohibition and Ranches Establishment Law. There is no doubt that the entrenched violence is eroding the economic base of the region and threatening national food Commentingsecurity. on the renewed insurgency that has forced farmers out of their farms to seek refuge elsewhere, the National President, All Farmers Association of Nigeria
(AFAN), Kabir Ibrahim, was recently quoted as admitting that the troubling development has led to a frightening dip in food production.
He said many farmers are now scared to venture into their farms as they fear being killed or kidnapped for ransom. “If people cannot produce optimally, then you cannot expect enough food from them or even prosperity, for that matter. They will not be able to produce even those things that are cash crops,” he said. For instance, he noted that the conflicts have forced many farmers to abandon their land and livelihoods, leading to a decline in yam Paintingcultivation.
a grim picture of the security situation in these food-producing regions, an agricultural expert, and spokesperson for Sahel Consulting, Efe Omoghene disclosed that rural communities across Nigeria’s Middle Belt and the North, which were once the major cities’ food pipeline, are now struggling to feed themselves, saying thriving farmlands now bear the weight of fear and insecurity. With each disrupted planting season, the country edges closer to a more profound food security crisis, exacerbating what began as a regional instability into a nationwide emergency.
Statistics from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre show that an estimated 295,000 internal displacements related to conflicts and violence were reported in Nigeria in 2024 alone. This includes the states of Benue, Borno, Katsina, Sokoto, Yobe, and Zamfara. Analysts said this is not just a crisis of safety; it’s a crisis of sustenance.
For years, states such as Benue, Kaduna, Niger, Plateau, and Zamfara have been key food-producing regions, responsible for much of Nigeria’s grains, roots, fruits, and livestock. However, these areas are increasingly becoming places where violence has made farming a risky endeavour. Clashes between herders and farmers, banditry, terrorism, and communal violence have transformed fertile lands into contested zones. When farmers fear for their safety, they often cease farming or abandon their land altogether.
The impact is already being felt. Markets are seeing rising prices on staple foods like yams, rice, and tomatoes. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, the cost of beans in the country in October 2024 was 282 per cent higher compared to the same period in 2023. Agric experts warn that Nigeria is walking a tightrope toward an acute food shortage, and the only way to steady the rope is to stop insurgent attacks on farm- ing communities, especially in the North Central, the nation’s grain heartland. “If we can guarantee the safety of farmers today, we can begin to restore confidence, reclaim abandoned farmlands, and boost production before the next harvest,” one senior agricultural economist noted, adding that no amount of fertiliser subsidies or irrigation schemes will matter if farmers are too scared to step into their fields.
To avert the looming food crisis, experts insist that the authorities must first face the root of the problem, growing insecurity in its food-producing regions, without fear or favour. Insurgents, bandits, and armed groups cannot be handled with kid gloves; swift, decisive, and sustained security operations are needed to reclaim farmlands, protect rural communities, and dismantle criminal networks. Farmers must see visible boots on the ground, feel the presence of law enforcement in their villages, and know that any attack will be met with a strong and immediate response. This show of resolve will restore confidence among farmers, encouraging them to return to their fields instead of abandoning them to weeds and wasteland. Beyond safety, farming must be made profitable and attractive enough to hold the interest of young people and sustain the livelihoods of older farmers. This means subsidising inputs like seeds, fertiliser, and mechanised tools; guaranteeing fair prices for produce; improving rural roads to cut transport costs; and ensuring access to modern storage facilities to reduce post- harvest losses. With the right incentives, farmers will not just return to the land; they will see it as a business worth invest- ing in, creating a ripple effect of higher yields, stable prices, and a more secure food future for the country.
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The floating of the naira liberated many Nigerians from cycles of debt, fear, and institutional harassment, argues ROTIMI ADEWALE
The bill for the creation of council of traditional rulers is flawed, contends IFEANYICHUKWU
KALU OKORONKWO argues that Goodluck Jonathan may just be the balm to heal a fractured nation
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), battered, bruised with hemorrhaging supporters, like an old ship taking on water, has pulled out its most glittering ace, a comeback wishes for former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ).
With a steady mass exodus of loyalists to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the APC, the NNPP and other smaller parties, the PDP’s latest move is as desperate as it is bold: dangle GEJ’s name to spark hope, grab headlines, and perhaps, just perhaps, breathe life into a party on political life support.
It’s no secret why PDP is doing this. The party has been reduced to playing second fiddle in its own supposed opposition role, thanks in no small way to the political havoc wreaked by Nyesom Wike, the FCT Minister and immediate past Governor of Rivers State who has unwittingly turned the PDP into a willing support arm for the ruling APC.
With Wike’s shadow looming large, the PDP’s base is almost eroded, its message diluted, and its internal cohesion shredded.
Former President Jonathan may be many things: a gentleman, a statesman, a dove in Nigeria’s hawk-infested politics, but naivety isn’t one of them, even though people easily take his calmness, almost taciturn, as cowardice. And that’s why, despite the fantasy bubbling in some PDP circles, (if he decides to make a comeback bid in 2027), he knows better than strapping himself with an explosive which joining 2027 presidential race under the PDP represents.
Jonathan and Wike have a cold war that dates back to several years. Wike, the PDP’s IED, “internal explosive destroyer” has spent his post governorship years kneecapping the party from within, openly cozying up to the APC while publicly humiliating his own supposed teammates.
Jonathan hasn’t forgotten how Wike played his “wiked”cards during the dying days of the 2015 elections and beyond; nor how his vice grip on Rivers politics was often used to block the former president’s allies.
Now, with Wike comfortably in bed with the APC and serving as one of its most useful battering rams against the PDP, the idea that Jonathan would come running back into that political bear trap is laughable. He knows better than to enter a house where one of the “family members” is setting fire to the curtains.
The PDP Jonathan once led is gone. In its place is a “Fuji house of commotion”: leaderless, rudderless, limping, quarrelsome, cash strapped. It now “donates” talents to the APC, ADC, NNPP, Labour Party, and even obscure regional parties. It’s no longer the fearsome opposition behemoth that could mobilize nationwide protests or lock down entire states during electioneering.
Today’s PDP is a party in denial and unable to admit it has been reduced to playing “catch up opposition” while Wike and his allies in the party rollick with APC. Jonathan should understand that joining such a crippled platform for a comeback bid would be like boarding the Titanic after seeing the iceberg.
Let’s not say “never”, as Jonathan may one day return to Nigeria’s political frontline but it won’t be through the PDP. Not with Wike’s long shadow darkening its corridors. Not with the party gasping for relevance while acting as an unofficial APC sidekick. And certainly not when GEJ’s global stature allows him to remain above the petty infighting consuming Nigeria’s opposition.
could sabotage any Jonathan comeback from within, while the APC would wage a no-holds barred campaign to destroy his credibility before the polls.
Though the PDP wants GEJ for legitimacy, however, he knows the truth that climbing back on a sinking ship doesn’t make you a captain, it only makes you a fool.
Since leaving office, Jonathan has carefully built a brand as Africa’s peace ambassador, mediating in the Gambia, South Sudan, and beyond. He’s respected by world leaders, treated as a moral voice, and free from the daily mud slinging of Nigerian politics.
Why would he throw all that away just to lead a fractured party into a bruising election he may not win?
The PDP’s current state would not only tar his legacy in black, but also risk turning his carefully cultivated global image into just another casualty of Nigeria’s endless political street fight.
Let’s stop pretending. Nigeria doesn’t just need another president in 2027, it needs a messiah who may not take us to the promised land, but like the Biblical Moses, show Nigeria the sure route to the promised land. This country is not simply “struggling”; it’s gasping for air like a drowning man clutching at straws while politicians argue over who gets to stand on the lifeguard tower.
The last 10 years of the ruling All Progressive Congress has been traumatic to most Nigerians with the economy bleeding from all orifice. Insecurity is going from bad to nightmarish, while the average Nigerian wakes up each morning wondering if the light at the end of the tunnel isn’t just an oncoming train. Leadership has been reduced to PR stunts, photo ops, and hollow promises.
Corruption has become so normalised that Nigerians no longer raise eyebrows when billions vanish overnight.
Politics has turned into a game of personal survival for those in power, a chessboard where citizens are just pawns to be sacrificed without thought.
If Jonathan decides to run in 2027, it would be a political earthquake. His 2015 concession of the election, the first time in Nigeria’s history that an incumbent president peacefully handed over after losing an election earned
him global applause and cemented his reputation as a statesman.
Also since leaving office, Jonathan’s goodwill has expanded exponentially. His work as a peace envoy across Africa, his reputation for democratic values, and the nostalgia among Nigerians for his more stable, less repressive years in power have kept his name fresh in the political bloodstream.
For many, his presidency is now remembered as an Eldorado, a paradise lost. On national appeal, GEJ remains a unifying figure across Nigeria’s volatile regional lines. In the global community, his credibility is soaring as he is highly respected by leaders.
Think about it, nations, like people, crave for redemption personalities. In America, Donald Trump turned a crushing loss into a comeback machine. In South Africa, Nelson Mandela walked out of prison to heal a fractured nation. Even in Ghana, John Mahama refused to fade into irrelevance after defeat, coming back to challenge the establishment.
Nigeria is desperate for that same energy. We’ve tried the strongmen, the technocrats, the messiahs with golden manifestos. None have delivered the healing touch.
Now, the people want a leader with scars, someone who’s been knocked down by the system but still stands tall enough to lead it. We need a national therapist and an economic paramedic rolled into one. Someone who can stand before the angry, cynical, battered citizens and say: “I know what we’ve been through and here’s why we will rise again.”
This redemption story must be personal and national at the same time; the leader’s return to the political stage should mirror Nigeria’s own rise from the ashes. It’s about symbolism as much as it is about policy. Because in 2027, it won’t just be about manifestos; it will be about mending the soul of the nation.
Make no mistake, if 2027 produces just another president, we’ll get just another cycle of excuses. But if 2027 gives us a redemption story, a leader whose comeback inspires even the most hopeless citizen then maybe, just maybe, Nigeria will finally remember how to dream again.
The floating of the naira liberated many Nigerians from cycles of debt, fear, and institutional harassment, argues ROTIMI ADEWALE
Since his inauguration in 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has embarked on bold economic reforms aimed at sanitising the hitherto erratic monetary policy somersaults in Nigeria. Central to these is the floating and unification of the naira, a decisive break from the artificial, multiple-rate Forex regime that once dictated the rules. This shift has brought palpable relief especially for FX traders and businesses who were trapped in opaque practices that bred corruption, debt, and even criminal prosecutions.
Before the reforms, Nigeria’s FX market was a dangerous place for anyone without insider access. Rates were unstable, the gap between official and parallel markets could swing by N300 to N400 in a single day, and ordinary transactions could escalate into criminal cases. Countless FX dealers, importers, and business people fell into crushing debt because the naira to dollar rate changed dramatically between when a deal was agreed and when payment was made, all due to individuals fixing and influencing exchange rates on their systems. The consequences were brutal. Disputes turned into petitions, petitions turned into police or EFCC cases, and a simple transaction gone awry could mean detention, court battles, or even months in jail. It was not uncommon to visit police stations or EFCC cells and find that 70 to 80% of business-related detainees were there over FX disagreements. Trust plummeted and those with requisite connections had the day and their way. Under the old system, businesses seeking dollars from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) had to navigate skewed, unrealistic official rates often N500 or N600 per dollar while the parallel market quoted rates near N1,000. Access to official FX was virtually unattainable without undue influence. As Dr. Abdul Samad Rabiu, Chairman of BUA Cement, recounted: “Before now, I used to visit the CBN every two weeks to lobby for FX. That was the only way to survive.” This system bred distortions that not only crippled businesses but trapped countless FX dealers in crushing debt. Settlement was the order of the day while people became multi billionaires merely by having enough connections to have locations as former CBN Governor and present Emir of Kano, Alhaji Sanusi Lamido Sanusi once painfully observed. As rates diverged wildly and payments lagged, many became entangled in legal battles, often landing in EFCC or police custody in disputes that began simply due to volatile rate discrepancies.
For smaller FX dealers, the danger was even more perilous. Imagine agreeing to sell $2 million at N1,000 per dollar, only for the rate to spike to N1,300 within hours. Either the seller swallowed a huge loss, or the buyer had to pay hundreds of millions more than planned. Many chose neither and instead ran to the police, the EFCC, or the courts. In a country where law enforcement can “do beyond what they are statutorily empowered to do,” this often meant harassment, asset freezes, and prolonged detention.
From 2009 to early 2023, these scenarios played out daily. The volatility, the sharp rate differentials, and the lack of transparency meant that debt, distrust, and detention became an occupational hazard
in Nigeria’s FX trade. The market rewarded lobbying and connections, not productivity or efficiency.
On June 14, 2023, President Tinubu’s administration distraught with the unsavoury system, abandoned the multiple FX windows and allowed the naira to float freely adopting a “willing buyer, willing seller” framework. The naira initially dropped sharply, unifying the market and eliminating rationed FX access. The result was a transparent, marketdriven FX system under which everyone accessed the same rate. Rabiu confirms: “Now, the rate you get is what everyone else gets. You go to the bank, you get FX at the market rate.”
This reform transcends economics, it is about restoring dignity and minimising the weaponisation of FX disputes. There is no more lobbying or favouritism. Civil and criminal cases that once sprang from simple FX disagreements have sharply reduced. The massive price gaps that triggered overnight debts are gone, and the scope for police or EFCC harassment has narrowed.
The effects are visible in business performance. BUA Cement, once battered by FX losses, has seen its post-tax profit rise to 81 billion in Q1 2025 alone, with projections of 250 billion for the year. Abdul Samad Rabiu has credited FX reforms with easing pressure on commodity prices and stabilising operations. While inflation and cost-of-living pressures remain real challenges, the FX market no longer operates as a statesanctioned trap.
President Tinubu’s decision to float the naira and unify exchange rates did more than reshape financial mechanics, it liberated countless Nigerians from cycles of debt, fear, and institutional harassment and crested a level playing field for genuine foreign exchange needs. The reformed FX landscape served all on one plate, empowered honest commerce, and reduced the scope for arbitrary detention by police and EFCC entanglements. In rescuing the naira from artificial control, Tinubu also rescued Nigerians from a system where currency instability was weaponised against them In the court of public opinion, that is a liberation worth remembering.
Yes, Tinubu broke the chain, rescued the oppressed, set the captives free. Like the wall of Jericho that fell flat is forever remembered by the Christian faithful, so will the the Forex merchants forever cherish President Tinubu for setting them free.
The bill for the creation of council of traditional rulers is flawed, contends IFEANYICHUKWU AFUBA
Five months after it came up for second reading at the Senate, former Governor of Plateau State, Senator Simon Lalong’s bill for creation of a national council for traditional rulers, has continued to receive knocks. Although the focus of widespread criticism of the bill, namely, designation of Sultan of Sokoto and Ooni of Ife, as permanent co - chairman, has reportedly been denied by proponents of the bill, that disclaimer does not salvage the intended legislation. The said bill is defective by reasons of misconception, divisiveness, dysfunction and administrative burden, to mention a few. It is to be noted that the flawed proposal for a structure of traditional rulers at the centre is an old one. It was one of the unfinished plans of former President, late Umaru Yar’Adua. However, the fanciful idea had rarely overcome it’s opaque outline in terms of detailed usefulness. The historical difficulty in creating a role for traditional rulers in our republican system is because at the end of the day, it boils down to a power - grab venture. Inconsistencies between the character of accountable government and the monarchy have made the advocates unwilling or unable to define the basis of this agenda. In the instant case, Lalong’s bill is at once a romanticisation of the monarchy and power scheme. In effect, there’s no new foundation on which to stand the push of this pressure group. However, beyond the historical involvement of the monarchy in government set out as general principles, Lalong’s bill latches on to a strange notion of security for contemporary relevance. We have excerpts on his case for the bill from The Nation of March 13, 2025. “When there are crises and killings, the first thing people say is, let’s hold the traditional ruler responsible. It is true, in their communities, they know everybody, including criminals. We need to charge them with responsibilities where they will be committed. But for now, you can’t hold them responsible. They ask to be given a role. So, I don’t see how we can jettison that when we are struggling for a constitutional amendment with respect to security. If we don’t have security, every other thing we are doing is rubbish.” Mercifully, this submission did not hold to the fantasy of preservation of culture upon which agitation for governmental recognition was often made. Yet, Lalong’s raison d’etre for the bill is two - fold; one dominantly and boldly expressed, the other, subtly and passively canvassed. The thrust of the Senator’s comment is on the perceived contribution the proposed body can make towards public peace. But this advocacy carries with it an undertone about traditional rulers being sidelined in the scheme of things; the office not receiving deserving recognition as complementary leadership.
It’s a misconception however, to suggest that the constitution of an official council of traditional rulers will add significant value to national security architecture. It’s also misplaced to bet that by reason of their advantage in citizen profiling, better security results would be achieved in the country with their consultation. Assuming that this construct is true, why must it depend on the creation of an official body to be applied as part of security strategies? What is wrong with community leaders relating with security agencies as the need arises, just as they do with other government agencies, without being made part of government? Yes, traditional rulers can make input into the process for law and order, but just as many other actors in society. Indeed, modern security approach lays emphasis on intelligence gathering and analysis, involving a wide range of operatives and tools. Such terms as informant, spy, undercover agent refer to some standard methods of security surveillance. In the present age, creative
use of advanced technology is a sine qua non for meaningful security operations for every country. Even as citizens are encouraged to be security conscious; “say something when you see something” as we phrase it here; it cannot be overstressed that the security circuit verges on professionalism. Everyone, that is, all operatives involved in the multi-layered security system are exposed to intensive training and retraining. Is this the kind of responsibility being suggested for traditional rulers? If it’s not, then what exactly will they be preoccupied with at the said council, that cannot be achieved by regular institutions and staff? And where is the connection between knowing members of one’s local community and facilitating security strategies at centralised traditional rulers council? How many traditional rulers from a State will be delegated to the monarchs’ council at Abuja? On whose behalf and to what extent of “jurisdiction” would the one or two State representatives at Abuja be engaged in security engineering? Would they be preoccupied with their constituencies, where they’re presumably informed, or would the focus be nationwide, addressing issues in areas beyond their knowledge and competence? And how do the security bodies, with institutional orientation fit into this outlandish format? It should be pointed out at this stage that the uniformity element of the bill, being at variance with Nigeria’s plurality, is unhelpful. Unlike what obtains in the north, community governance in the southeast is in the hands of town unions, not traditional rulers. The latter is a ceremonial office, given to the celebration of cultural heritage. Actual community administration, from security to civil matters to infrastructure is vested in the town union leadership. The town union government operates with a written constitution under supervision of the state government. In this context, reliance on any other office beside the town union President for security advisory would be misplaced. At best, the traditional ruler may complement the reach of town union leadership.
Efforts at creating a traditional rulers council for purposes of national security and peace would be better deployed toward establishment of State Police. Greater result in law and order would flow from simultaneous operation of federal and state police in the country. The man on the ground in the State is the Governor. He knows the terrain, the issues and actors at play in the State. With a police command under his authority, the task of peaceful coexistence and social order, would be much easier compared to a centralised Police machinery.
Editor, Editorial Page PETER ISHAKA
Email peter.ishaka@thisdaylive.com
The credibility of any election is contingent on the integrity of the voter register
Ahead of the 2027 general election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has commenced its continuous voter registration (CVR) exercise to enhance the electoral process. Beginning from tomorrow (August 18), those who wish to register online can do so while in-person registration will commence a week later, on August 25. Thereafter, the two processes will continue simultaneously until August next year. INEC National Commissioner and Chairman, Information and Voter Education Committee, Sam Olumekun stated that for easy identification, the commission would deploy an online CVR live locator indicating the addresses of the 811 in-person registration centres across the 774 local government headquarters nationwide.
To the extent that the integrity of the voter registration process is critical to the credibility of elections, updating the national voter register is necessary. We therefore hope that INEC is ready for the exercise. Some ill-prepared registration processes in the past contributed to some of the lapses that were witnessed in previous elections. For instance, the data of newly registered voters released by INEC in the last exercise was surprisingly low for an exercise embraced with enthusiasm. At the end, almost half of the newly registered voters were declared invalid. Indeed, out of the expected five million prospective voters that turned 18 at the time, only about 2.5 million were registered in the first 10 months of the exercise. Painfully, over one million of them were invalidated, and disenfranchised during the 2023 elections.
What triggered the most outrage was perhaps the brazen violations of the electoral law as voters below the statutory age of 18 years freely participated in the 2023 general election
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However, many of those invalidated were traced to double registrations. Many registered voters, perhaps for inadequate information, queued again for fresh registrations. Citizens who perhaps lost or damaged their Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) also registered as fresh voters instead of applying for replacements. Some others who relocated to different parts of the country, and in the bid to transfer their voter registration to their new locations, registered as new voters. Still some others simply could not find their records on the INEC portal when they tried to retrieve previous registrations hence did a fresh registration. All this amounted to multiple registrations which
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contributed to many of the rejections. This is an issue that must be corrected in the present exercise to forestall systematic disenfranchisement of Nigerians. Meanwhile, we fail to understand why despite the deployment of technological tools like the automated biometric identification system (ABIS) and automated fingerprint identification system (AFIS), many cases of duplication went unnoticed during the registration exercise. That suggested that the data cleaning exercise was shoddy. Indeed, many Nigerians discovered to their amazement phoney names, and dead citizens in the national voter register. But what triggered the most outrage was perhaps the brazen violations of the electoral law as voters below the statutory age of 18 years freely participated in the 2023 general election. Video footages that went viral during the last elections had captured children thumb printing ballot papers in some sections of the country. Reports are rife that many minors were registered because of threats to registration officers by many communities. This is an issue that the INEC cannot afford to treat with levity because of its tendency to compromise the outcome of elections. Fortunately, the electoral umpire is acutely aware that the credibility of any election is contingent on the integrity of the voter register. Section 12 (1) of the Electoral Act as amended clearly defines who is eligible as a voter. These are citizenship, residence and the attainment of the mandatory age of 18 years. Therefore, there is need to clean and sanitise the voter register in all centres across the country and conduct the forthcoming elections in accordance with the best global professional standards.
To achieve this, INEC and other stakeholders should ensure that forthwith, deliberate actions are taken to protect officials during the registration of voters just as it is done during the voting process. “Your PVC is your key to making your voice heard in our democratic process,” INEC Chairman, Mahmood Yakubu said in a statement on the commission’s portal. “We urge every eligible voter to seize this opportunity to register, update their information, collect their PVCs and actively participate in shaping their future.”
We hope that at the end of the exercise, INEC will produce a voter register that is credible.
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The absence of ambassadors in Nigeria’s embassies abroad has severe implications for the country’s diplomatic relations, economic growth, and national security. Over 18 months have passed since President Bola Tinubu recalled all Nigerian ambassadors, yet new appointments have not been made, leaving the country’s foreign missions without substantive heads.
The lack of ambassadors has resulted in a significant diplomatic gap, affecting Nigeria’s ability to engage in high-level diplomatic discussions, negotiate trade agreements, and attract foreign investment. Chargés d’affaires and other lower-level diplomatic staff are handling day-to-day operations, but they lack the authority to engage with foreign leaders at the same level as ambassadors. This limitation hinders Nigeria’s ability to protect its interests, secure trade deals, and coordinate international security efforts.
The absence of ambassadors also affects Nigeria’s economic interests. Many Nigerian companies rely on embassies to navigate foreign markets, negotiate trade agreements, and attract investment. Without ambassadors, this support is slowed down, reducing opportunities for economic growth and international business expansion. For instance, Nigeria’s failure to appoint ambassadors may impact its ability to follow up on critical bilateral agreements signed by President Tinubu during his travels to France, South Africa, and China.
Moreover, the delay in appointing ambassadors puts Nigeria’s national security at risk. Ambassadors play a key role in intelligence sharing, joint operations, and rapid crisis response. Without them, Nigeria may be cut off from vital global security networks, making it vulnerable to growing threats such as terrorism and cybercrime.
Furthermore, the lack of ambassadors
sends a negative signal to the international community. It may be perceived as a sign of instability or disorganization, potentially undermining Nigeria’s credibility and influence in global affairs. This perception can be damaging, particularly for a country that relies on foreign investments and international partnerships to fuel its economic growth.
The Nigerian government has attributed the delay to financial constraints and procedural issues. However, experts argue that these reasons are unconvincing, given the country’s significant budget allocation for foreign missions. The lack of ambassadorial appointments suggests a disconnect between budget planning and diplomatic priorities.
A Nigerian ambassador could have played a crucial role in negotiating with US authorities to ease visa restrictions, promoting better understanding, and advocating for Nigeria’s interests. The absence of a Nigerian ambassador in the US has left a void in
diplomatic representation, hindering the country’s ability to effectively address these critical issues. The Nigerian government must prioritize appointing a qualified ambassador to the US and other global power house to protect and promote the country’s interests, particularly regarding visa policies and bilateral relations.
In conclusion, Nigeria’s prolonged absence of ambassadors in its embassies abroad has far-reaching implications for the country’s diplomatic relations, economic growth, and national security. The government must prioritize ambassadorial appointments and ensure that Nigeria’s missions abroad are properly funded and staffed to advance the country’s interests on the global stage.
Dr. Folawiyo Olajoku, Diplomatic Relation Specialist Director, Collision Institute of Development Studies
With the recent marriage between singer Innocent ‘2Baba’ Idibia and Edo lawmaker Natasha Osawaru stirring public debate over his marital status and legal eligibility, Davidson Iriekpen, examines the various types of marriage recognised in Nigeria and what they truly entail
Recently, the videos and photos of the traditional wedding of legendary singer, Innocent Idibia, popularly called 2Baba and a member of the Edo State House of Assembly, Natasha Osawaru’s set tongues wagging on social media. The ceremony, which had only close family members in attendance, showcased the rich and vibrant culture of Benin, with stunning traditional attire, music, and dance on display.
2Baba was seen donning coral beads, a red velvet wrapper, and a matching beaded cap, while his bride stunned in traditional red attire. They shared a joyful moment when skit maker Mark Angel played the saxophone version of 2Baba’s classic hit “African Queen” during the event.
Many took to social media to share their thoughts on the union. While some sympathised with 2Baba’s ex-wife, Annie Macaulay, with whom he shares three children, others questioned the singer’s swift remarriage, interrogating his eligibility status for another union.
It was in January 2025 that the singer announced the end of his highly publicised marriage to actress Annie on social media. Shortly after his announcement, it was revealed that he was in another relationship with Osawaru. He later proposed to her.
In Nigeria, marriage is governed by three legal systems: statutory (English) law, customary law, and Islamic law. According to nigeria.action4justice.org, to enjoy marriage rights, a person has to be validly married under any of the three recognised marriage systems. These legal systems govern different areas of society including family law, inheritance, and succession.
A person can therefore be married validly under statutory law, customary law or Islamic law and a combination of two or more of the systems.
A statutory marriage is essentially monogamous in nature; this means that a man can only be married to one woman, and a woman can only be married to one man at a time. This type of marriage is also known as marriage under the Act because it is governed by and has to comply with the provisions of the Marriage Act. It comes with enormous benefits and rights for the couple and their children, concerning inheritance, Will and other family matters. In Nigeria, statutory marriage must start from the Marriage Registry but can end up in a licensed place of worship or at any other licensed public place.
The Constitution of Nigeria established the High Courts in states across Nigeria, including the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Among other things, divorce and other related issues arising from statutory marriages can only be determined in the High Court of a State. If a matter is settled in a way that is not justifiable to a wife seeking to enforce her marriage rights, she can appeal against the judgment of the High Court at the Court of Appeal and the final court is the Supreme Court of Nigeria. Marriage under customary law is governed by native law and custom. It is polygamous in nature (in other words, it is a marriage between a man and one or more wives). At times, it allows one woman to marry multiple husbands. The native law and customs of communities across Nigeria govern customary marriages made under them as well as issues of inheritance, divorce, and other related issues.
This custom does not enjoy judicial recognition, (Meribe v. Egwu 1976, 3 S.C 23). Such customs have been declared unlawful and invalid by the Supreme Court of Nigeria.
There is no uniform customary law that governs the whole of Nigeria. Different localities in Nigeria have practices which due to a long history of accepted usage, have come to be known as customary law and are binding on people who are subject to it. Customary law is mostly unwritten but can be enforced by courts if the existence of such customary law is proven before the courts. For a customary practice to have the force of law, it must not be repugnant to natural justice, equity, and good conscience, it must not be incompatible with any existing law, and it must not be an ancient customary practice, but one which exists at the present time. (Evidence Act, Section 18 (3); Lewis v Bankole (1908) 1 NLR 81 at 102 and Dawodu v Danmole (1962) 1 All NLR 702).
All native laws and customs in Nigeria bow to the Constitution and laws in Nigeria. Hence, at all times, customs, customary laws, rites, rituals, processes, rights, and duties under customary marriage must not and cannot conflict with any rights created by any law in Nigeria.
The Customary Courts and Area Courts of the States in Nigeria, including the Federal Capital Territory, can hear and legally resolve customary issues relating to marriages under customary law and the rights or duties that arise out of the same.
If a matter is settled in a way that is not
justifiable to a wife seeking to enforce her marriage rights, the Customary Courts of Appeal in the States and the Federal Capital Territory are established and empowered to review and supervise such matters. Appeals from the Customary Court of Appeal go to the Court of Appeal, and the final court is the Supreme Court of Nigeria.
In the case of Obi & Ors v Bosah & Ors (2019) LPELR-47243(CA), it was held: “it is the law that there are two essentials of a valid marriage. These are the payment of the bride price and the handing over of the bride to the groom.” The same principle was stated in the cases of Agbeja v Agbeja (1985) 3 NWLR (Pt 11) and that of Okolonwamu v Okolonwamu (2014) LPELR-22631 (CA).
In addition, another essential ingredient for the celebration of this kind of union is the consent of both parties to the marriage as well as the parents of the bride, who are supposed to collect the bride price from the groom. In Osamwonyi v Osamwonyi (1972) LPELR-2789 (SC), the court held that “consent is not only basic but fundamental to a potentially polygamous union such as a Customary Marriage.”
Some people classify Islamic and customary law as one. However, the finding of the court in the case of Khairie Zaidan v Fatimah Khalil Mohssen (1973) LPELRSC.52/1973 proves that this is not the case. Islamic law is not customary law and as such, has its own unique approach and process for marriage. Islamic law is a religious-
based doctrine and not a native law and custom; it binds its faithful. The Nigerian Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, and this allows and guarantees Islamic law and Islamic marriages.
Islamic law is based on the doctrines of Islam and applies to persons who practice the religion and accept it as their personal law. Islamic family law provides for issues relating to marriage, the rights and duties that arise out of marriage, dissolution of marriage and others.
In an interview with a national newspaper recently about 2Baba and Annie’s case, a lawyer and legal expert, Oluwatodimu Ige, popularly known as Oga TheLawyer, stated that unless a man was properly divorced according to the law, he could not enter into another legally-sanctioned marital union.
Ige said, “According to the law, if you are married under the Marriage Act—commonly referred to as a court wedding, where you are issued a marriage certificate—that marriage must be formally dissolved by a competent court before either party can remarry. This type of marriage can be conducted either at the marriage registry, which is superior to the local government registry, or at a licensed place of worship such as a church or mosque. Some churches are licensed to conduct such weddings, so couples don’t necessarily have to go to the registry.
“Once a marriage certificate is issued, the marriage is considered valid under the Act. Therefore, any attempt to remarry without first obtaining a legal dissolution from a high court amounts to bigamy, which is a criminal offence.
“However, if the marriage was conducted under traditional law, some customs permit a man to have more than one wife. In such cases, as long as it aligns with the relevant customs, it may be allowed. But if the marriage falls under the Act, the existing marriage must be legally dissolved before entering into another one.”
Speaking further on the consequences, the lawyer added that if a marriage is not legally dissolved, any other marriage contracted is null and void.
Echoing Ige’s statements, a respected professor of Law at the University of Lagos, Taiwo Osipitan (SAN), noted that unless a divorce had been finalised, neither party could enter into another legal union.
He, however, explained that a couple can have an “introduction ceremony” without running afoul of the law. He said, “An introduction is not the same as a marriage. Under customary law, there are three key components of a valid customary marriage: first is the introduction, where both families are formally introduced; second is the payment of the bride price or dowry; and third is the formal handing over of the bride by her parents to the groom’s family.
“All three steps must be completed for the marriage to be considered valid. If only one or two of these occur, there is no legal marriage; what exists is merely cohabitation or an intention to marry, but not an actual marriage.”
In 2011, Lagos State for instance, decriminalised bigamy, meaning that it is no longer a criminal offence to marry another person while already legally married. However, the new marriage will be considered void and will not legally supersede the prior marriage.
While the state said it was part of a broader effort to remove outdated laws from the statute books, THISDAY gathered that the main was because women were not coming to report their husbands who contravened the law.
Though while bigamy is no longer a criminal offence, it doesn’t mean polygamy is legally recognised. The second marriage is still not legally recognised.
Sooner than later, Israel’s expectation that Gaza will not only be completely free of Palestinians, but also fully occupied by Israelis will be accomplished. In the same vein, sooner than later, the war of manoeuvre and attrition between the Israelis and the Palestinians will teach the world leaders how not to engage in politics of dishonesty in the application of international criminal law in the conduct and management of global peace and security. International politics of Israel’s genocidal crimes are complicates the problem because of the backing by Western allies and their double standard.
On the one hand, Israel is most often internationally condemned for always and consciously abusing international humanitarian and criminal laws. On the other hand, the same Israel is given sophisticated military assistance with which to continue to sustain the criminal abuse. Thus, Western allies apparently speak from both sides of their mouths. This is to suggest that Israel’s military objective in its war against the Palestinian Arabs is not simply to secure the release of the Israeli hostages, but to also wipe out anything Palestinian Hamas in Gaza and then occupy the strip contrarily to the provisions of international law. The big powers only complain but do nothing concrete to stop the Israeli genocide.
At the level of Africa, and particularly Nigeria, the policy attitude is about not being the friend of Israel and the enemy of the State of Palestine still in the making. The vice versa is also true. Most African countries support the United Nations prescription of a two-state solution which calls for the coexistence of Israel and Palestine as two independent and sovereign nation-states. Israel is generally opposed to the UN solution. Nigeria, whose 1999 Constitution stipulates that one of the foreign policy objectives shall be to ‘respect’ international law and treaty obligations, has not publicly spoken against the acts of genocide by Israel. The Academy of International Affairs, chaired by Sir (Professor) Akinwande Bolaji Akinyemi, has also kept mute on this important issue of Israel’s genocidal crimes.
Gaza without Palestinians: the War Crimes
And perhaps on a more serious note, the acts of genocide are one side of the story. The more serious side is the purpose of the acts of genocide which is: why the acts of genocide? Initially, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gave the whole world the impression on January 10, 2024 that he was not interested in attacking the internationally-protected people or interested in any military occupation of the Gaza. He made it clear that his ultimate objective was to fight the terrorists to standstill and secure the release of the Israelis held in hostage by the HAMAS. However, the behavioural truth as of today is that Israel has actually been interested the more in neutralising the Gazans, killing them indiscriminately, occupying gradually their whole territory, and seeking to acquire it as part of Israel’s national territory.
It is important to differentiate between genocidal crime on the one hand and other crimes against humanity or war crimes, persecution, extermination or ethnic cleansing. For example, war crimes include mutilation, cruel treatment and torture, sexual or gender-based violence, murder, hostage-taking, pillaging, deliberate population displacement, etc. As regards crimes against humanity, the offences also include murder, extermination, enslavement, torture, deportation and sexual or gender-based violence. Genocide is more encompassing than others. Genocide includes murder and actions that may not lead to immediate death but with the potential to result in disappearance of a group. Essentially, they are acts that are intentional and aimed at destroying immediately or eventually. Article 1 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, as approved and proposed for signature and ratification or accession by General Assembly resolution 260 A (III) of 9 December 1948, provides that ‘the Contracting Parties confirm that genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and to punish
•Abbas
(for more details and clarifications, vide the travaux préparatoires of the 1948 Genocide convention and those of the 1998 Rome Statute). Also considered as punishable genocidal offences are conspiracies to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, attempt to commit genocide, as well as complicity in genocide. These are some of the provisions to which the signatories to the genocide convention have committed themselves to uphold. Most unfortunately, the major powers have been playing politics with it. It is thanks to South Africa who has upheld the sanctity of the Genocide convention by taking Israel to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the 29th December, 2023. The complaint of South Africa was about Israel’s misconduct in the Gaza. South Africa accused Israel of committing genocidal acts against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip in violation of the Genocide Convention and has described the genocidal acts as ‘Israels’s 75-year apartheid, 56-year occupation, and 16-year blockade of the strip.’ It was against this background that South Africa sought the provisional measures of protection for the Palestinians and the suspension of Israeli operations in the Gaza. Without doubt, the ICJ held two days of hearing on the case and admitted that it was possible that Israel’s acts could constitute an act of genocide, and therefore ruled to issue provisional measures. The ICJ described the situation in Gaza as ‘catastrophic.’
In other words, change in continuity is at the level of Israel and the Western allies still acting together and sustaining their political hegemonic control of the Middle East, using Israel as the nodal point. The change and continuity concerns the Palestinians: change of their leadership and installation of structure of succession that will make very difficult for anti-Israel or anti-Western allies to come to power in the State of Palestine. Continuity concerns the maintenance of Western attitude towards Palestine. Secondly, having a recognised State of Palestine does not appear to have a brighter future without the Hamas that are being presented as terrorists. Currently, efforts are being made to side-track the Hamas in the quest for permanent peace in the neighbourhood of Israel. This cannot but be most unfortunate because the likelihood of compelling the Hamas to silence is quite remote. In spite of the massive Israeli bombing missile attacks, they have not succeeded in securing the rest of the Israelis held in hostage. This is even with the massive support of France, United Kingdom and the United States to Israel
In the face of Israel’s policy of blocking humanitarian assistance to the Palestinians, the ICJ, in response to requests for fresh measures, ordered new emergency measures, demanding Israel to facilitate the delivery of basic food supplies in Gaza. Even though the ICJ, by 13 votes against 2, ordered Israel, on 24 May, 2024 to stop immediately its offensive operations in Rafah, Israel never listened nor complied. Israel’s defiance partly influenced the decision of the Brazilian Foreign Minister, Mauro Viera, to announce that Brazil would officially join South Africa in its ICJ case against Israel. And true, on Wednesday, 23rd July, 2025 Brazil’s formal entry into the case brought by South Africa against Israel at the ICJ was officially announced. In the words of Brazil, ‘the international community cannot remain inert in the face of ongoing atrocities. Brazil believes there is no longer room for moral ambiguity or political omission. Impunity undermines international legality and compromises the credibility of the multilateral system.’ One diplomat was quoted as saying that Israel’s ‘repeated attacks on civilians not only in the Gaza Strip but also in the West Bank were the “last straw” that accelerated Brazil’s decision to officially endorse the case.’ (folha.uol.com.br of July 24 2025). This quotation is noteworthy for various reasons. First, Brazil apparently did not strongly believe in South Africa’s decision to take Israel to the ICJ. It was only when the genocidal crimes became a truism that the souls of Brazilians were pricked to the extent of intolerance. Countries like France and Malta have similarly decided to recognise the State of Palestine in protest against Israeli acts of genocide. The question again here is this: did the countries that have decided to recognise the State of Palestine not know that Israel had been flagrantly disobeying the obligations created by international law? Have they not been singing the songs of 2-state solution? Yes, they do know. Since they do know, why have they not recognised the State of Palestine in order to compel Israel to behave in a more civilised manner? Have they not all been selling weapons to Israel to deal with the Palestinians under the pretext of attacking the terrorists?
The https://en.wikipedia.org has reported that France, Malta, and Australia had announced their plans to recognise Palestine as a State at the forthcoming September 2025 General Assembly. The same is true of the United Kingdom and Canada but subject to some caveats that have not been made known to the public. As much as these planned recognitions will enable Palestine to enter into international relations, they are yet to address the more complex ordeal with which Palestine will be confronted. This is the issue of Gaza without the Gazans who legitimately are the owners of the land. Israel, under the pretext of fighting Hamas terrorists, have been displacing everyone with the ultimate objective of resettling Israelis there and rebuilding the destroyed Gaza with the support of the United States and other allies.
In this regard, to what extent will this be possible? With some of the allies breaking the joint western solidarity in fighting the so-called enemies of Israel, with a re-definition of the belief that Israel is fighting and protecting their western values, what will be the position of the Western allies in the event of a Gaza without the Gazans? And perhaps more disturbingly, will Israel go to the extent of making Gaza a new terra nullius with the possibility of making Israel the new owner-occupier? These questions necessarily bring us to the discussion of the aspects of international law, the politics of Israeli genocidal crimes and what Nigeria’s attitudinal behaviour should be.
International law of genocide explains genocide as an intentional act of destroying in part or in whole any national, ethnic, racial or religious group by causing bodily harm. As defined in Article 6 of the July 1998 Statute of the International Criminal Court, genocide is ‘any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: 1) killing members of the group; 2) Causing serious bodily or mental harm; 3) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction, in whole or in part; 4) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; and 5) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. Additionally, the Geneva Convention on Genocide that was done on 9 December 1948 (GA Resolution 260 A [III] and entered into force in 1951 is applicable to Member States of the international community that are yet to adhere to the Convention.
In the context of the ICC definition, does the Hamas in Gaza rightly fall under this definitional category? The answer can be yes and no. If focus is placed on the immediate causal factors of the Israelo-Hamas war, the answer will be ‘yes’ simply because Israel has the right to legitimate self-defence. Israel was a victim of the Hamas undeclared war of October 7, 2023. Israel does not need to seek the permission of anyone before self-defence measures. However, the application of the principle of legitimate self-defence under the United Nations Charter subjects the application to collective use or defence, especially when an aggression is not provoked (Vide Chapter VII of the UN Charter).
The Chairman of the Nigerian Ports Authority, Adedayo Adeyeye, is unapologetic about his unflinching support for the president, Bola Tinubu. As a second-term bid looms, he is again leading the campaign through his SWAGA group, reports Vanessa Obioha edited by: VAN e
No one seems more assured of President Bola Tinubu’s ability to turn the economy into a thriving one than Senator Adedayo Adeyeye. Listen to him for a few minutes and you begin to understand why he believes the president is the right man to steer the country toward the future Nigerians deserve.
That conviction was demonstrated recently at a press briefing in Lagos, where Adeyeye, a former senator and current NPA chairman, unveiled the next agenda for the South-West Agenda for Asiwaju (SWAGA) — the political movement he founded in 2020. In measured but emphatic tones, he reeled off what he sees as the president’s achievements over two years, from infrastructure development to investment in education, before declaring that Tinubu would win a landslide in 2027, no matter what his critics say.
The next time we met Adeyeye, he was seated on a sofa in his hotel suite, leaning back with ease. His assistants lingered, listening closely; now and then he turned to them to confirm a detail or memory. When he wanted to drive home a point, Adeyeye leaned forward, hands in motion as his voice cadence gained momentum. Once the point was made, he settled back again, palms resting lightly and reassuringly on the sofa, his gaze steady, as if inviting the next question. Throughout our conversation, the politician never once lost the thread of his arguments. Even when he digressed into other matters, his thoughts would find their way back, unerringly, to where they began.
Listening to him was like listening to someone who had always walked in step with time. Every conviction was backed by an anecdote, drawn from his own encounters. For instance, when he spoke about the removal of fuel subsidy – a move by the president that many found disheartening and which has driven up the cost of transportation and food – Adeyeye illustrated this with a recent trip to Ghana.
“I was in Lagos when someone suggested I spend my Easter in Ghana,” he recalled. “I called my wife, who was in Abuja, and asked her to pack a few clothes and join me in Lagos.”
They hired a cab for the journey, and almost immediately after crossing the Nigerian border, he noticed bottles of petrol lined up on roadside tables, sold like bottled water.
“I asked the driver and he told me that that was how they sell petrol there.”
In Port Novo, he stopped at a petrol station for snacks, only to find it hadn’t dispensed fuel in five years. The supermarket inside was the only part still in operation.
“All the petrol stations in Benin Republic, none of them were functioning, not one. So I told my wife to see what was going on in this country and note it.”
The situation was the same when they got to Togo and even
Ghana. The filling stations were either shut or selling at prices that made Nigeria’s fuel seem impossibly cheap.
“In Ghana, they were selling fuel at N990 at that time while in Nigeria it was N180,” he said.
“I told my wife to see the price. And Nigeria is selling at a lower price, is it possible? Are we not deceiving ourselves? Some of them weren’t even buying from their own countries but from Nigerians who smuggled fuel to them.
“With what I saw in Ghana, Togo and Benin Republic, fuel subsidies were not sustainable. If the economy must move forward, it must be realistic. That was the situation President Tinubu met on ground.”
Adeyeye does not ignore the hardships caused by the subsidy removal. “Of course, prices go up because of the increased cost of transportation,” he said. “That’s what led to food inflation, especially in urban areas. But it’s coming down, and the government is finding a remedy. I commend President Tinubu for taking that decision on his first day, because if he didn’t, we would still be in a quagmire.” In his view, the advantages
in which the federal government is performing.”
The ability to fund major projects like coastal roads and airport upgrades is all linked to the fuel subsidy removal.
“If fuel subsidies had not been removed, where would we find the money to do coastal roads? Where will we find the money to do all these major legacy projects, road construction going around the country? Where will we find the money to say, ‘tear down that airport, we will build another one?”
He also credits the president for floating the Naira, which he believes has curbed elite extravagance, and for reintroducing government-backed scholarships through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND). “Do you see the video of university students dancing when they received their NELFUND in Sokoto? That was how I felt back in the day,” he said, recalling his own admission to university in the 1970s when education was free.
Born in 1957 in Ise-Ekiti to the royal family of Oba David Opeyemi Adeyeye, Agunsoye II, the Arinjale of Ise Ekiti, and Olori Mary Ojulege Adeyeye, a princess of Are, IkereEkiti, he remembers when the Western Region offered generous scholarships to students. “If you say you didn’t go to university in the ’70s because your father was poor, it’s a lie,” he said. “It was free. Daily Times used to publish the names of students offered admission. There was no JAMB then, no lobbying.”
He recalled his own experience that time, when he was helping one of his sisters run a bar in Ibadan.
outweigh the drawbacks.
There is also buoyant revenue for state governments.
“State governments that were going to run bankrupt are now buoyant. Since 1999, they have never had it better. There is more money available to state governors now. “Their revenue has tripled. No state government is complaining. Have you heard any governor say he doesn’t have money? Some of them don’t know what to do with the money. They are wasting it. It’s unfortunate. But some governors are doing well, and when you see what they have achieved, you may want to ask what the others are doing.
“I want journalists to hold these governors accountable. A lot of money is being wasted in the system. The president has created a system whereby all the tiers of government can function effectively. He has not made any effort to tamper with the federal allocation account. He has allowed the system to flow normally, according to the way it has been prescribed by the constitution. So the state governments are in the best of days, but what we now need is to hold them accountable, and ask them to perform at the same level
“I had just landed a job when my other sister came and told me that my name was on the admission list that had been published,” he said. “It was a Saturday, and I was supposed to start work on Monday. I disputed the news because I wanted the job. I even offered to defer my admission to the following year so I could work, but they refused. I was offered political science.
“How much were they asking us to deposit then? N70. After that, the Western Region would give you N300. This was at a time when you could eat with 50 kobo. You couldn’t even spend all your money — the federal government would still give you N500. And that,” he added, “is what Asiwaju is bringing back.”
For Adeyeye, these interventions in education are part of tackling insecurity at its roots. “If you reduce out-of-school children, especially almajiris, you cut off a ready source of recruits for banditry and terrorism,” he argued.
With the 2027 elections just less than two years away, Adeyeye sees three pillars determining the outcome: security, economy, and unity. On all three, he believes the president is on the right track.
And with SWAGA back in motion, he is determined to spread that message across the country. No opposition, he believes, will stop the president’s second-term bid.
“Asiwaju will win more votes in 2027,” he said with quiet certainty.
...Amazing lifestyles of Nigeria’s rich and famous
It’s not every day that a nation without steady electricity finds itself debating the interior décor of the man in charge of fixing the problem. Yet here we are: a gleaming white mansion in Ibadan, a smiling Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, and a viral video that has lit up Nigerian social media far more reliably than the national grid.
The clip, circulating earlier this week, shows Adelabu giving supporters a tour of his sprawling home: plush furniture, polished floors, and the kind of finishings most Nigerians only encounter in wedding reception halls. The timing? Unfortunate.
Adelabu’s ministry currently presides over a sector staggering under a N4 trillion debt, chronic grid collapses, and tariffs that feel steeper than the climb to Aso Rock. According to the World Bank, about 86.8 million Nigerians, the largest number globally, are still without electricity.
The backlash was swift. Critics accused
Adelabu of erecting the mansion within his two years in public office, hinting at the misuse of funds in a season of tariff hikes. The minister, for his part, called the reports “false” and “mischievous.”
He insists the property was not a sudden indulgence but a redevelopment of a home he built in 2010, long before ministerial perks. Construction, he says, began in late 2021 and wrapped up in August 2023, a month before he joined the federal cabinet.
To bolster his case, Adelabu has produced dated photographs, building approvals, and a résumé heavy with banking and real estate ventures. He claims the mansion only became a public fixation after a Fuji music night with Wasiu Alabi Pasuma, following a local bye-election campaign.
For now, the mansion remains in the spotlight, the lights in many homes remain off, and Nigerians are left with a lingering question: Why is the brightest thing in the sector the minister’s living room chandelier?
Volume usually substitutes for vision in Nigerian politics. But Babajimi Benson has built—and is building—his career on a quieter superpower: listening. It’s a skill honed over decades, from his early legal work at the United Nations in New York to his three consecutive terms representing Ikorodu Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives.
Benson’s path is a blend of boardroom polish and street-level connection. With degrees spanning law, business, and international policy, he could have remained in the corridors of global institutions. Instead, he chose the unpredictability of local politics, armed with a belief that governance should meet people where they live, not just where laws are made.
That philosophy is visible in his portfolio of bills (58 in total), five of which are now law, touching sectors from defense to electricity reform. He pushed for a Defence Research Bureau to modernise military technology, secured funding for host communities affected by power generation, and championed
constitutional changes to let states produce and distribute electricity.
Back home in Ikorodu, his initiatives carry a different texture. The iCare FoodBank delivers monthly staples to the vulnerable. The Lightup Ikorodu Project has threaded solar streetlights through neighbourhoods, brightening commerce and cutting crime. And the Touched Campaign (symbolised by a bold palm print) marks dozens of roads, schools, hospitals, and sports facilities, each one a physical stamp of his tenure.
Even infrastructure projects read like social contracts. Lucky Fibre Road promises to cut travel times and boost local trade. An 80-bed Mother and Child Hospital stands as a commitment to maternal health. A stadium at LASUTECH is in the works, not just for sports, but for community pride.
In an age of politics by soundbite, Benson’s brand is politics by footprint. He’s not the loudest voice in the chamber, but perhaps the most deliberate.
In Lagos, you can tell when something extraordinary has happened. It is usually not from a government memo, but from the sudden brightness in a taxi driver’s smile. This week, that brightness had a name: Aliko Dangote.
Africa’s richest man has once again nudged petrol prices down. This time, he is trimming N30 off the cost of a litre to N820. Since January, that’s nearly a 14 per cent drop, a figure as rare in Nigeria’s fuel market as harmattan snow.
At the heart of this quiet revolution is a $20 billion marvel on the Lekki Peninsula: the Dangote Petroleum Refinery. Opened just last year, it now hums at 500,000 barrels per day and is on the brink of reaching 650,000, making it one of the world’s largest refineries. An upgrade slated for late 2025 will lift capacity further to 700,000 barrels, cementing its place in the global oil order.
The effect is already rewriting trade maps. Nigeria, long dependent on imported fuel, is shrinking that reliance at speed. European refiners are scrambling for new markets; South Africa now wears the crown of Africa’s biggest fuel importer, and Nigeria shows no interest in reclaiming it. Alongside petrol, the refinery is exporting jet fuel, naphtha, and fuel oil, building reserves strong enough to satisfy local demand and still compete abroad.
Meanwhile, Dangote’s ledger is swelling, which is expected given all these investments. With a net worth of $29.3 billion, he is a breath away from becoming Africa’s first $30 billion man.
Yet numbers only tell half the story. In a nation used to watching costs climb like
In Nigeria’s noisy bazaar of politics, where promises are bartered like pepper and insults fly thicker than harmattan dust, Andy Uba has chosen the rarest currency of all: silence. Once a man whose footsteps echoed in the marbled corridors of Aso Rock, he now moves like a figure behind frosted glass, visible but unreachable, his voice replaced by the rustle of court filings and the murmur of speculation.
That hush surrounds a high-stakes legal drama. Federal prosecutors, with the blessing of AttorneyGeneral Lateef Fagbemi, are pressing forward with fraud charges against Uba and his associate, Benjamin Etu.
The case claims that in 2022, the pair conspired with a still-at-large accomplice to obtain N400 million from businessman George Uboh, allegedly dangling the promise of a managing director’s chair at the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) as bait.
In the latest court session, only Etu appeared. Uba’s lawyer said his client had travelled to the United States for surgery—well before prosecutors amended the charges—but offered no documentation.
The court, unconvinced, set a new date: September 24.
For Uba, drama is nothing new.
From his days as special assistant to President Olusegun Obasanjo, to his fleeting 2007 governorship of Anambra (stripped away by the Supreme Court almost as quickly as it was won), he has lived in the eye of political storms. His career is a patchwork of Senate victories, party swaps, and whispered controversies over academic credentials.
Now, as the trial inches forward, his silence hangs in the air like a held breath. Whether it is the stillness of a man gathering strength, the quiet of a tactical retreat, or the pause before a familiar reinvention, one thing is certain: in a country where public figures rarely vanish from the stage, Uba’s wordlessness speaks volumes.
unending escalators, his latest price cut feels almost like magic, proof that in Nigeria’s often chaotic economic script, even the richest man can still play the role of friend to the masses.
In Akwa Ibom politics, loyalty is often spoken of in church tones: sacred, solemn, and subject to abrupt re-interpretation. Governor Umo Eno owes his seat to Udom Emmanuel, his predecessor and self-proclaimed political father. It was Emmanuel who anointed Eno, shepherded him into power, and watched him inherit both the governorship and the tangled field of unfinished projects. Now, the House of Assembly’s probe into those projects has cast a long shadow back toward the old altar.
At the centre of the storm is the Saint Gabriel Coconut Refinery in Mkpat Enin, christened in memory of Emmanuel’s father and pitched as an agricultural marvel that could outshine crude oil in profitability. Surrounding this marvel are other ventures that once promised jobs and industrial rebirth but now sit quiet, machinery gathering dust.
Workers at the refinery have gone seven months without pay. The Assembly wants answers: is this plant a state asset or a private inheritance?
The governor, for his part, has been careful not to draw a public sword against his mentor. In interviews, he speaks of Emmanuel with deference: “Without God using him, I will not be seated here.”
Yet political gravity tugs at Eno from all sides. He has already made the controversial leap from the People’s Democratic Party to the ruling APC, a move Emmanuel reportedly views as betrayal.
And while Eno insists their relationship remains “robust,” the optics suggest a son navigating the delicate work of managing the family name without inheriting the family debt.
The probe could prove a test of that balancing act. Will Eno’s government shield Emmanuel from political fallout—or let the inquiry run its course, even if it rewrites the legacy of the man who made him?
In Kosofe, Lagos, politics doesn’t just live in the chambers of council meetings; it spills into the streets, sometimes literally. And if you happened to pass through one quiet Kosofe road recently, you might have seen the chairman himself, Barrister Moyosore “Moyo” Ogunlewe, breaking from the formalities of office to stop a group of men who had converted the street into an impromptu mechanic’s workshop.
That moment, part enforcement, part theatre, captures much of Ogunlewe’s public persona: a hands-on politician with a taste for symbolic acts.
In the two years since taking office, he has made a habit of turning campaign ideals into tangible projects, from tightening public safety to boosting infrastructure and keeping education and healthcare on the agenda. His blueprint for governance hinges on five deceptively simple pillars: clear goals, community engagement, efficient resource use, transparency,
and collaboration with local stakeholders. Ogunlewe’s biography reads like a careful apprenticeship for the role. A graduate of the University of Lagos in Business Administration and the University of Buckingham in Law, he is the son of former Minister of Works, Adeseye Ogunlewe. The man cut his political teeth contesting state assembly seats twice—losing both— before crossing from the PDP to the APC in 2019 and eventually winning the Kosofe chairmanship.
This year, his administration has been especially vocal about civic participation, urging residents to seize the Independent National Electoral Commission’s upcoming voter registration as “a rare opportunity” to avoid disenfranchisement. It is the kind of message that aligns with his broader mantra:
Professor Soludo, the governor of Anambra State, strolled out of the Presidential Villa the other day looking like a man who just won the lottery. More likely, the only thing he’s trying to win is a political lifeline. He told us, with a straight face, that he has no apologies for backing President Tinubu because of a supposed “22year friendship.” However, veteran watchers have refused to buy what the man is selling. In Nigerian politics, “friendship” is just another word for “alliance of convenience.”
Let’s call a spade a spade, not a farming tool. Our dear governor is feeling the heat back home in Anambra, and it’s hotter than a Lagos bus conductor’s temper. The 2025 gubernatorial election is creeping up on him like NEPA taking light, and the man knows he is standing on sinking sand.
What about his much-hyped performance as governor? The man who was sold to us as an economic wizard, a messiah who would turn Anambra into Dubai overnight, is now battling with basic issues. Ask the average person in Onitsha or Awka about the “Soludo Solution,” and they’ll point you to potholes, lament the state of security, or tell you tales of traders clashing with his task forces. He’s fast becoming a village champion that even his own villagers are tired of.
So what does a man in this position do? He runs to Abuja for cover. He needs what our people call “Federal Might.” With November 2025 looming like a bad debt, our governor knows that a tough re-election battle can be made... well, smoother... with a powerful friend in Aso Rock. He needs the backing of the central government to keep his seat warm for a second term, because banking solely on the votes of his own people is looking like a very risky bet.
And how do you audition for the role of “Most Loyal New Ally”? You sing the loudest praises, of course. Soludo hailed Tinubu’s “bold economic and structural reforms” for putting Nigeria on the “right path.” Presumably the path where a bag of rice now costs more than a plot of land in some villages? It’s the classic eye-service of a man who wants to latch onto the national party structure for relevance beyond the banks of the River Niger.
So, when you see Governor Soludo smiling next to President Tinubu, don’t be fooled by the talk of old friendships. See it for what it is: a desperate, calculated move by a man whose local
support is crumbling. He is trading the respect of his kinsmen for a precarious seat at the national table, hoping the crumbs of federal power will be enough to save him.
Adelami In the shifting theatre of Ondo politics, even a set of keys can feel like a headline. For months, whispers tiptoed through Akure:
For a man who has navigated Nigeria’s shifting political tides for over two decades, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal knows that storms don’t always announce themselves with thunder. Sometimes, they arrive quietly in the form of a summons.
On Tuesday evening, the former governor of Sokoto State and current senator was released on administrative bail after hours in the custody of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). The agency says it is perfecting its case before arraignment; opposition parties say it is perfecting something else entirely.
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) fired first, accusing the anti-graft agency of choreographing a crackdown on political rivals ahead of the next general election. The PDP, Tambuwal’s own party, echoed the sentiment, painting the probe as part of a widening pattern. Both point to a growing list of familiar names under scrutiny, including former deputy speaker Emeka Ihedioha.
Tambuwal’s résumé is long and storied. A lawyer by training, he rose
the deputy governor, Dr. Olayide Adelami, was said to be exiled to threadbare hotel rooms while his official lodge sat behind locked gates. The rumour, repeated often enough, began to take on the texture of truth.
The state government called it a lie, a fabrication stitched by “anti-democratic elements” bent on sowing distrust. The Press Secretary to the Governor even said that Adelami and Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa shared an “abiding bond and mutual respect” too deep for petty intrigues. The lodge, he explained, had simply been under renovation, its facelift ordered by Aiyedatiwa himself. Now, the keys were ready.
Yet the other version refuses to vanish.
Political insiders, with their own careful vocabulary, suggest the delay was a calculated act, a way to keep the deputy slightly off balance in a state where loyalty is currency.
These observers count the months, the four hotels, and the more than N130 million
allegedly spent on temporary lodging. Some see it as déjà vu: Aiyedatiwa himself once endured a similar chill when he served under the late Rotimi Akeredolu.
Meanwhile, the governor moves publicly with the ease of a man unfazed by such talk. Only days ago, he handed out 14 new vehicles to the state’s permanent secretaries, praising their service and promising to “make work easier.” It was, he said, a symbolic gesture—though symbols, in politics, often bear more weight than metal and paint.
For now, the Court of Appeal’s July affirmation of the Aiyedatiwa–Adelami ticket stands as a reminder that, on paper, the two remain united. But in the shadowed rooms between the official statements and the hotel ledgers, Ondo’s political watchers keep listening: not just for what is said, but for the silences that follow.
from legislative aide to House speaker, then governor, now senator, crossing
party lines with the deftness of a man stepping between river stones. He has chaired power committees, courted global partners, and brokered political deals from Sokoto to Prague.
But Tambuwal has also carried the weight of controversy: allegations of multi-billion-naira diversions, disputed pardons, and financial opacity that dogged his tenure.
None of these has yet landed him a conviction. But in the theatre of Nigerian politics, perception can be as potent as a verdict. For his allies, this is another act in the old play of using law as a political weapon. For his detractors, it is overdue accountability catchingEitherup.way, Tambuwal now faces a fresh test. The courtroom may be where the legal battle plays out, but the real contest, as ever, will be in the court of public opinion, where reputations are tried daily and the verdict is never final.
Some appointments arrive like thunderclaps. Others, like Idris Olorunnimbe’s elevation to Chairman of the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), hum in with the quiet confidence of a man who already speaks the language of transformation. Lagos knew him as the architect of youth jobs and small-business dreams; Abuja now hands him the keys to the nation’s digital frontier.
Olorunnimbe’s résumé is part boardroom, part backlot. A lawyer by training, he founded The Temple Management Company, a cultural powerhouse behind music, sports, art, and the gleaming Ogidi Studios. Between deals, he curated Nollywood’s conversations with the world, from Toronto film festivals to Canadian B2B networking halls. He also chaired the Stakeholder and Governance Committee at the Lagos State Employment Trust Fund, guiding programmes that helped thousands of entrepreneurs plant their first flags in the marketplace. That grounding in economic empowerment now meets a sector worth
more than 13% of Nigeria’s GDP.
The NCC board he will lead isn’t short on heavyweights: Abraham Oshidami, Rimini Makama, Maryam Bayi, and others with decades of regulatory and technical know-how. Together, they face the triple challenge of deepening broadband penetration, shoring up telecom infrastructure, and curing the nation’s plague of dropped calls.
In parallel, Olorunnimbe will serve as Vice Chairman of the Universal Service Provision Fund, an institution tasked with making sure that ICT doesn’t stop where the highways do. The Fund’s mission reaches into unserved and underserved communities, promising reliable, affordable connections for all.
The man himself keeps a foot in the global corridors of learning. Recent badges from Harvard Kennedy School and Cambridge Judge Business School hint at a mind still sharpening.
For Olorunnimbe, the task ahead is vast, but so is the arc of his ambition. And in a country where a single bar of network can change a life, that matters.
Fifteen years ago, Tony Elumelu placed a bet that seemed almost audacious: that a single African-owned investment group could change the trajectory of an entire continent. It didn’t come with champagne slogans or quick-flip returns. Instead, it came with a slow-burn philosophy he called Africapitalism, the belief that private enterprise, done right, could build both profit and prosperity.
Heirs Holdings, the family-owned company he founded in 2010, is now a $10.2 billion portfolio spanning power, energy, banking, insurance, real estate, hospitality, healthcare, and technology. Its reach stretches across 24 countries and four continents. But the numbers, impressive as they are, tell only part of the story.
In its first decade and a half, Heirs Holdings has restored dormant power plants to the grid, doubled oil production at OML 17, reimagined the Transcorp Hilton Abuja, and launched Africa’s first fully digital insurance hub. Its fintech arm processed over N12 trillion in transactions last year, building payment infrastructure with the quiet insistence of someone planting orchards. The company’s social imprint is equally deliberate. Through the Tony Elumelu Foundation, more than 24,000 entrepreneurs across all 54 African countries have received seed capital, training, and mentorship, rippling out into 1.5 million jobs. “We established Heirs Holdings to be more than a business,” Elumelu says. “It is a mission.”
Those who track Nigerian boardrooms will note the symbolism. Elumelu is not merely the face on the letterhead; he is the architect, chairman, and, often, the first to arrive in the room. He chairs Transcorp, United Bank for Africa, and the foundation that bears his name, wearing each role like a piece of a larger design.
As Heirs Holdings marks 15 years, the temptation is to measure its success in transactions and valuations. But perhaps the more telling measure is that it has stayed on its own course: longterm, unapologetically African, and quietly confident that the seeds planted now will bear fruit well beyond the next quarter.
The Eleyi of Africa. Saw him the other day at the Wema Bank 80th birthday, looking well turned out in a resplendent agbada. Anybody seeing him will never believe that he has the El-Rufai bulldozing tendency. I think it was that little one who actually brought this bulldozing thing into the political mainstream.
Once you are upset with an opponent or you feel threatened, you just bulldoze the property. We are all living witnesses to what is happening in neighbouring Ogun State. We are hearing news that if President Bola Tinubu does not intervene very quickly, Senator Gbenga Daniel will be looking for space under the Third Mainland Bridge to squat.
You can imagine a whole Senator defecating under the bridge because his former paddy has taken bulldozers to his property in Abeokuta and Sagamu.
Lawyer Ope Banwo, in a YouTube post, has claimed that all records of approvals have mysteriously disappeared and that three days’ notice has been
This is what in Shomolu we used to call “boju boju”. The announcement by the spirited Minister of Aviation, Festus Keyamo, that Kwam 1 has literally been “forgiven” and will be named an ambassador is nothing but real boju boju, and we are not buying it.
You see, if I were not a well-founded young man, I would have even said that just maybe the Ibom Air one was orchestrated to give a perfect excuse to throw this ambassadorship thing at us.
But as I am not a skit maker, I will not go through that side. The whole thing, from the jumping on the conveyor belt by the old Senator, to the holding down a moving plane with a water bottle by the croaky-voiced maestro, down to the royal nude show on Ibom Air, just leaves a bitter taste in the mouth of Nigerians.
Waiving punishment on the back of “repentance” is laying a very dangerous precedent because tomorrow if I slap a pilot and they tear my trouser revealing my massive pecker – yes very massive abeg - me too will do video and remind Nigerians that I “have served the country all my life,” and the minister must be duty bound to name me ambassador in charge of air hostesses.
Did you see the level of attack that the female passenger went through? Did you see the beating she received from “trained airline staff,” and have we watched the videos from all angles and in all of that, “criminal charges have been revoked because she has shown pertinence?
This is nothing but state-backed bullying. Till the moment I filed this column, nothing has been said about those who assaulted the lady, those who stripped her bare and those who released the footage showing her privates. We
given to Senator Daniel to look for it; failure of which “everything will scatter”, and to show very strong signs of seriousness, three days after, the premises have all been sealed.
I truly hope they gave Senator Daniel enough time to take his toothbrush, because he will need very clean breath to take his case to the appropriate quarters.
Thankfully, a court in Sagamu has put a temporary restraining order giving Senator Daniel enough time to evacuate his boxer shorts, NYSC Certificate and any talisman he may have. I hear all of these are a result of the fight for the Senate seat Daniel presently occupies. They say that Gov Abiodun is interested and coming from the zone, and Senator Daniel is also not interested in moving on, as he still has more years to serve.
The thing just reminds me of that great MFM Prayer point –ohhhh Lord, throw confusing fire into the camp of the enemy. This is what has just happened, as we common Nigerians have no power to wrestle our mandates from these people, consuming
are all expected to just move on because she has shown “pertinence”?
This is why we will continue to have problems in Nigeria- the lack of punishment. Once you know that you can apologise, beg or call someone, you will commit these felonies with impunity
Imagine the signal this would have sent if Kwam 1 was made to spend just one night in Kiirikiri before his apology. I swear to you, nobody in this country will try that again.
This reminded me of the time I was “arrested” in Abidjan. I was wrongly profiled and whisked to one police station. They said I should urinate in one cup and kept me for questioning. I was afraid because I just knew that I would not be able to make a call or cut a deal.
I was sweating as I knew that I was on my own and had to comply with everything they asked me to do. I zipped down, brought out my now shrunken member and peed. When they were satisfied, I was let go.
Who will dare ask Kwam 1 to pee, that person will know where he will find himself the next day.
I just tire for this our country, I swear. Person jump on the conveyor belt, the other one stand in front of a plane, another one wants to use plane to “match” people, another one carry a fire extinguisher pursue the air hostess, who now in turn turned her into a porn star, and now all of them are ambassadors – which kind country be this? Please, show me the way. It’s time for me to japa. I don’t belong here.
Mbok send me Kemi Badenoch’s number, na distant relation. Kai.
fire will enter and rampage them for us.
Shebi na APC vs APC, continue. Thank you.
wHAT ’S Kol A A BI ol A Coo KIN g?
Egbon is a happy man these days. I had a brief talk with him during the week on the back of my new play ‘Kashimawo.’ Due to some technical glitches, we have swapped plays and will be showing ‘Kashimawo’ in London instead of ----- mbok, I no fit call him name. This person has showed me, and I have been advised to just keep quiet.
Anyways, in the course of my discussion with Uncle Kola, as we call him, he mentioned some bright business occurrences – a reclaiming of family business mandate, amongst other bright spots in his life.
Kola was Nigeria’s crown prince. He supported his father and was very, very involved in that historic campaign. Much more importantly, he navigated the very thin ice that was his life, post-annulment and managed the massive international crises
that evolved after MKO’s passing. People really do not give him enough kudos for his work during that period – managing interests, balancing them and also managing a huge, colourful family that his father left behind.
He, however, mentioned to me about his plans for 2027, but didn’t give me the mandate to shout it. You know how “quietly” he pretends to do his things, so I will not blow it out, but sha know that you will all be seeing very much of him in a cinema near you.
A KIN w U m I Am B o D e: I He A r Yo U
I heard from my favourite politician, Mr Akinuwmi Ambode, the other day. He has remained one of my last hopes for this our democracy. He called and asked how I was and how the column was doing, and I said it is there o with Editor still complaining about my typos. He laughed and we exchanged some pleasantries, and he dropped.
As I returned to my afang, I wondered why the call. My Oga na very quiet and strategic man. He no dey call except there is something. Then it happened. A few minutes later, I started seeing rushes online. His people were denying links to
the coalition, ADC. Aghhhhhhhhh.
Person wey just commot from lion’s den and enemy want to throw him back again o. Daddy shout o- I am not there o. He not only shouted, but he also quickly reasserted his loyalty.
I no blame am o, who will go through what he went through and willingly throw himself back into the fire.
Mbok, nobody send me o, and I must state very clearly that I speak for nobody but myself, and it is on that platform that I want to say that I don’t think that we belong to the ADC. If there is any plan or even thought of us going that route, I will be the first to shout and say – aghhhhhh, I am not there oooooo. Kai.
L U ckY A IY e DATI wA : No Le SS o NS Le A r NT
See this minor Eleyi o that we were pitying when he was Deputy Governor. See what we are hearing he is now doing to his own deputy. Reports that I have seen have suggested that he has refused his deputy to move into his office in the Governor’s Lodge and instead has been spending taxpayers’ money keeping his deputy in dingy hotels all over the state.
The reports say he is afraid of rivalry from the astute politician who is his deputy.
If these reports are true, then ogbeni has not learnt anything. See this one that we all prayed and cried for during his time in the wilderness. Shebi we all saw how Aunty Betty used to bully him, and he would be running around begging people to intervene.
Now that God has smiled on him, he too is meting out the same treatment to another person. I really pray very hard that this story is not true, because if it is, then it would be a very, very sad thing.
I wonder where all these insecurities are coming from because it is fear and insecurity that used to lead to this kind of behaviour, especially where there is no real performance to back up a request for continuation. Mr. Lucky, I am setting up a panel of enquiry to look into this matter very urgently. I will reach you once the report is out before I release the White Paper. See you soon.
Fem I FALANA : He LLo F rom TH e oTH er S ID e
Let me be very upfront. I am not very happy with the legal luminary. You know he is a great son of Ekiti, and I am doing stuff for the state. I wrote him a letter, and he did not reply. Then I stumbled on him at the Abuja airport and ran to him, screaming, “I catch you.” He smiled and we hugged.
The man still fine o, come fresh with beautiful silver hair and looks like the kind of daddies these our slay queens are looking for. Any sugar baby that comes near this oga, na parts of the constitution she go hear. Lol. Anyways, he has been quoted that our current political and public officer holders are anything but.
My people, Alagba Falana was stating nothing more than the obvious – from the top down to the states, through the National
Assembly, na real – honest bunchwe park and give office. Almost everybody has one coma or the other, and integrity has been thrown out of the window. Any attempt to compare this bunch with the ones during Awolowo’s time, as he was quoted to have done, is a massive insult to Awo and that era. Let me keep quiet here before they come and beat me. Meanwhile, Daddy Falz, I am waiting o, make I c ome?
This social media titan just courts controversy so much. Everybody attended Davido’s latest wedding – me, I am even
wondering how many times they will do this wedding – and only him has come out with controversy.They say something happened with a watch seller, and as a result, the internet has been at his neck without relent. He is fighting back and even Davido has come out to defend him, but the attacks seem relentless.
I think he should just go and wash his head in church or look for one great dibia, that is, if Soludo has not driven them all away, to change his fate, because I really don’t understand why so much is always after him and he is just such a good-looking and brilliant chap. Sad.
Oga is really very keen on this his ambition o. His PR seems to be the best so far. His air bites are catchy and engaging – I know Tinubu’s weak point, if ADC gives me the ticket, I’ll defeat him. If Tinubu influenced Buhari’s ticket, he should come out and show evidence and much more.
Rotimi has shown tremendous courage in tackling the huge Tinubu headlong. He has ferociously engaged the sabre- toothed Wike and has been left standing with that one running with his tail between his legs. He dared Wike to test his popularity by working without security in Port Harcourt. To date, Wike has not taken the challenge, a challenge that I know for a fact that almost no sane Nigerian will take up with those militants, kidnappers
and everything that is in that Port Harcourt.
Anyway, the presidency is not for PR sabre-rattling; it is for heavyweights. Amaechi is a lightweight in the scheme of things, and that is the truth. Most of them are. Remove the office, and all you see is a skinny bag of bones yelping around like he is doing now.
These people have no real weight. Since Amaechi left office, he has lost a lot of political weight, and I suspect that all of this noise is just to regain some level of relevance.
Very few like Peter Obi and even that Atiku still retain their lustre after office, the rest just fizzle away or will be left “mewwwing” like a little lost kitten.
My brother, let’s look for something else to do, abeg, this is kinda distracting us.
oLU m ID e I YANDA : A Br ILLIANT oUTIN g
Stupendously exciting media man, Olumide Iyanda organised a very powerful summit the other day at the famous Radisson Blu in Ikeja. It was themed ‘Finance as a catalyst for growth in the creative industry,’ and invited me to come and be on the panel o.
As I was running late, I didn’t take my bath, I just poured perfume and entered the place. Immediately I got there, I lost confidence. Come and see the heavyweights that were in the hall.
Steve Ayorinde, Yemi Shodimu, Mike Dada, Kunle Afolayan, Joke Silva, Udeme Ufot, who was Chairman, and so many entertainment industry bigwigs. I was now wondering what exactly they wanted from me?
As I had no answer, I spent my time working the room and taking pictures like a star-struck teenager.
In the process, I didn’t listen to the keynote speaker, one very brilliant lady who spoke so eloquently.
When they now called me on stage, guess the question the moderator asked?
Mr. Edgar, what did you take out from the keynote address? I look this woman, look audience and ask her which keynote address?
I confessed, I didn’t listen, and the hall went into rapturous laughter.
The session was quality both in attendance and in content, and I must confess that that was world-class.
Sorry guys, as I no listen, I really have nothing to say about the content. If you really want to know what exactly was discussed, reach me and I will send you Olumide’s number so you can ask him. Thank you.
oU r w ome N , L IST e N
One report I just finished reading suggests a correlation between the rise of cancers, infertility amongst our women, to all these synthetic hairs they are wearing.
My people, I just tire. Today, no woman goes out without one kind of wig and fake hair or the other. The level of insecurity is so much that the huge demand has driven the prices to the sky. You will see a lady from the dense parts of Shomolu putting on a N5million wig.
This thing is driving crime as men are put under pressure to deliver – if I calculate how much me I have spent on wigs in this my life, it’s enough for me to be a landlord in Banana Island.
The thing is also driving prostitution with its attendant health and societal challenges. Because of this hair, prostitution has been spliced and rebranded to cover the nefarious act of selling the body for lucre.
Now cancer has entered the matter, and this is not a joking matter.
The sad thing is that most of them even look far better in their natural combo than they do in these hideous wigs. They will be wearing the thing and looking like caricatures, but they will not hear.
Mbok, can we just have a rethink because of these budding health challenges? I know they will not hear now; it is to be abusing me that you will see now. Na wa.
Just when many thought the simmering feud between the Ogun State governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun, and his predecessor, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, had finally cooled, the rivalry has taken a fresh twist. Last Monday, residents were jolted by news of a renewed face-off, with the state government reportedly issuing a demolition order on all properties belonging to the senator representing Ogun East, including his private residence and hotels.
This move comes despite mounting public outcry and growing tensions across Ogun State, with many accusing the governor of using state machinery to target political rivals. Though the official notices alleged violations of planning and development regulations, critics have argued that the timing and choice of target are not mere coincidences.
Political analysts believe the action is part of an escalating cold war between the governor and the former two-term leader of the state, whose influence in Ogun politics remains formidable. Many also recall that Gbenga Daniel played a key role in the 2019 political calculations that helped Abiodun clinch power, making the governor’s latest move appear as both a betrayal and a warning shot to other perceived opponents.
The latest demolition order, described by many in the state as a pattern of Gestapo-style operations, has been described as a repeat of the midnight demolition of DATKEM Plaza in Ijebu-Ode in 2023. That demolition, which was carried out in the early hours of a Sunday when courts and offices were closed, remains fresh in public memory. That operation, targeting a property linked to Daniel’s wife, bore all the hallmarks of political intimidation rather than administrative necessity.
To avoid a repeat, Otunba Daniel has cried out. But he did not stop at that, as he also went to court to obtain a restraining order, which was granted. The Ogun State High Court sitting in Sagamu issued ex parte orders restraining the state government from demolishing or interfering with properties linked to him. The orders, issued on Tuesday in three separate suits by Justice W.T. Ogundele, will remain in effect pending a hearing on August 19, 2025.
According to an expert on legal matters, the Ogun State Urban and Regional Planning and Development Law No. 61 of 2022 cannot retroactively apply to a building completed in 2004. The principle of non-retroactivity in law is clear: a new statute cannot be used to penalise acts or developments lawfully carried out under previous regulations unless the law explicitly states otherwise.
“The Ogun State Planning and Development Permit Authority, in what resembles administrative aggression, served a contravention notice, a notice to quit, and a threat of demolition within three days, all initiated the same day. This is not how town planning enforcement works. Where there is doubt about approvals or documentation, the law prescribes that the appropriate first step is a Demand Notice, essentially a request for the property owner to present documents for verification. Only after establishing a genuine violation should a contravention notice be issued, followed by a window for compliance or rectification.
“By skipping straight to demolition threats, the government has signalled that it is not interested in due process. The speed and severity of the action betray a predetermined, politically motivated plan rather than an impartial enforcement of urban development laws,” the expert explained.
The government has, however, denied any political undertones in its actions, stating that the notices are part of a routine urban renewal audit.
As tension simmers, all eyes are now on whether Daniel will challenge the legality of the sealing in court or not. Perhaps, this is merely the opening chapter of a deeper political battle that could shape Ogun’s future.
The Chief Executive Officer of Adron Homes and Properties, Adetola Emmanuel-King, came into the country’s real estate sector with a bang! His coming at the time caused a stir in the sector, as he delighted stakeholders with beautiful promises.
For more than a decade, he has successfully won the trust of the people, as well as made a lasting statement with his innovativeness in the industry.
His sole objective is to redefine the meaning of luxury in the Nigerian real estate industry, and he is gradually achieving his dreams.
He has grown to become one of Nigeria’s leading lights in the affordable real estate sector after building over 10,000 units of homes across the country, with several estates littered across the country.
The brand is notable for its unique selling point - a flexible payment plan that gives customers the leverage to gradually build a home, most especially the low-income earners.
However, Society Watch has gathered that the 51-year-old realtor is presently having a sleepless night, and the reason is not far-fetched. The Lagos State government has declared some of his estates
Bisi Onasanya has, undoubtedly, firmly established himself as a distinguished figure in the banking industry. He was renowned for his steadfast integrity and exemplary leadership during his tenure as Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of First Bank. With a remarkable career spanning 21 years, Onasanya has consistently emphasised his commitment to diligence and ethical dealings. Throughout his journey, however, he has faced persistent challenges from detractors who have sought
illegal, as they were reportedly not approved by the state government. The state noted that these estates violated planning regulations by not securing layout approvals, which are a mandatory requirement for estate development in the state.
It identified 176 illegal estate developments, predominantly located in the Eti-Osa, Ajah, IbejuLekki, and Epe axis of the state, and has given the owners a 21-day ultimatum to process their layout approvals. These estates, deemed illegal due to their failure to obtain layout approvals from the Ministry of Physical Planning and Urban Development, were listed in a document published by the Ministry last Monday.
The Permanent Secretary of the Office of Physical Planning, Mr. Oluwole Sotire, said the affected estates undermine the sustainable development goals of Lagos and violate the guiding principles of the T.H.E.M.E.S+ Agenda. He warned that the Ministry would not tolerate unauthorised developments that disrupt the state’s physical planning framework.
This development, according to a source, is giving Emmanuel-King a serious headache, and he is running from pillar to post to redeem whatever damage the development may have caused.
to tarnish his well-earned reputation. Their grievances appear to stem from jealousy over his exceptional rise to prominence.
Even after his meritorious exit from First Bank, where he left a legacy that many continue to emulate, Onasanya has confronted significant hurdles, all intended to undermine his achievements. But like the resilient cat with nine lives, this accomplished Ogun State-born chartered accountant has emerged victorious each time.
Following his departure from First Bank, Onasanya ventured into the real estate sector, founding Address Homes. Under his visionary leadership, the company rapidly transformed into a prominent player in the real estate market, making substantial contributions to the ever-evolving skylines of Lagos.
Address Homes has not only become synonymous with quality and innovation, but has also executed numerous successful projects, with many more currently under development. This growth reflects Onasanya’s unwavering commitment to excellence and highlights the unique flair he brings to every business endeavour he pursues.
For years, Onasanya has been entangled in legal battles, specifically a loan facility case amounting to over N12 billion. Despite the heavy burden of this
accusation, he has publicly maintained his innocence, describing the case as meritless and asserting that all his decisions during his time at First Bank adhered strictly to the regulations established by both the bank and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).
In a significant turn of events, on Wednesday, July 23, 2025, Justice Chukwujekwu Aneke of the Federal High Court in Lagos struck out the matter after the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) withdrew its case against him.
The dismissal followed an out-of-court settlement that involved all parties, including the nominal complainant, First Bank, and Mr. Otudeko, the first defendant, alongside Anchorage Leisure Limited as the fourth defendant, aided by the intervention of the Attorney General of the Federation. This resolution starkly underscores Onasanya’s innocence and counters the negative narratives propagated by his adversaries. According to sources close to Onasanya, he has consistently upheld his stance regarding the allegations against him. With the charges now behind him, which underscores his victory, he is redirecting his focus towards expanding Address Homes’ portfolio and delivering outstanding results to a growing list of clientele, further solidifying his reputation as a transformative leader in the business landscape.
In the thinking of some people, Aisha Achimugu is no more than a socialite and an entrepreneur.
Those who see her in this light may not be totally wrong, especially if you consider her success story in the business world. Believed to be endowed with the proverbial Midas touch, Achimugu’s business ventures have thrived so well that the rewards speak volumes of her hard work.
However, there is another part of this businesswoman’s life that has been grossly underreported: her rare sense of fellowfeeling. This perhaps explains why the GMD/ CEO of Felak Concept Group founded Sam Empowerment Foundation to give succour
For many, a birthday ceremony is a cue to roll out the drums with plenty of choice foods and drinks, but not for Hon Mojisola
specially set aside to reflect on the past and draw
to the needy, wipe the tears on the faces of suffering lots around her and provide a soothing balm to those whose bodies and souls harbour pains.
Last week, the world-class businesswoman received an award from the management of Champions Newspapers on behalf of the staff and management of Sam Empowerment Foundation, which was honoured as the most outstanding NGO of the Year.
Receiving the award in her office, she thanked the organisers of the award, describing the recognition as a statement to the countless hours, dedication, and passion she has poured into empowering communities, inspiring hope, and creating lasting change.
a fresh strategy to approach the future.
As she adds another year today, Lasbat, who is often described as an embodiment of numerous virtues, which include diligence, excellence, integrity and many more, would use the day to thank her creator for the grace to see another year, as well as go out to put smiles on the faces of the less privileged.
The deputy speaker, a princess born into the noble family of late Chief Taoreed A. LawalAkapo, the Ojora, exemplifies her background in everything she does. A compassionate woman who would readily go out of her way to ease the burden of others, she continues to demonstrate the timeless words of Plato, “Be kind, for everyone you meet is fighting a harder battle.
Her lineage spans several prestigious royal houses, including the Ojora, Aromire, Onitana, Oloto, Abisogun-Oniru, and Shokun royal families of Lagos State.
A fine mixer, team player, relentless and undying goal getter, her life objective is to contribute to the growth and development of humanity by using her God-given talents and capacity.
Although a lot of things may have been
written about her, one thing that has been underreported about the cool, calm and doubly humble woman is her loyalty to her friends and all those around her.
Over the years, the warm and beautiful woman has shown that she is indeed a noble woman who gives her all for whatever she believes in. Those close to her have severally attested to this uncommon attribute.
A shining light to the nation’s democracy, Lasbat is constantly making sure that the well-being of her constituents remains the number one priority on her list of priorities.
By every standard, a woman of substance, Meranda has earned her place at the top through hard work, perseverance and focus. As a staunch defender of the youth, she has consistently preached the message of hard work to the youth and ensured that they attain their potential in the ever-changing world.
She is a woman of sterling character, profound intellect, and remarkable accomplishments.
a highly anticipated vibrant and thought-provoking exhibition in Lagos reimagines Ben enwonwu’s iconic sculpture as a catalyst for exploring cultural renewal, identity, and the complexities of modern african experience through a diverse range of artistic perspectives. okechukwu Uwaezuoke writes
Arms lifted to the sky, the bronze woman outside the National Museum in Onikan, Lagos seems to harness the light like a conduit, her lean spiral form poised somewhere between dance and incantation. For nearly seven decades, Ben Enwonwu’s “Anyanwu” has been Lagos’s most unblinking witness, catching both the grit and the glimmer of a nation’s fortunes. Cast in the mid-1950s as Nigeria edged closer towards independence, the sculpture was conceived not as decoration but as prophecy. Atwin version presides over the United Nations in New York, a sentinel in bronze watching the world’s power plays unfold.
This September, “Anyanwu” is about to get a major reboot – a modern reckoning, untethered from the noise of the digital age. As she is metaphorically let off her plinth, her essence will be splattered across the museum’s exhibition halls – splintered, reimagined, and refracted through fresh perspectives that are more accustomed to binge-watching than reflection-inducing exhibits. Indeed, the exhibition Anyanwu: The New Light takes Enwonwu’s iconic dawn-of-a-nation metaphor and gives it a 21st-century remix. Gone are the days of colonial rule; now, the real challenge is surviving the algorithm’s echo chamber and global sameness. So, what does cultural renewal look like in an era where the audience’s attention span is shorter than a tweet? How does one balance ancestral memory with the instant gratification of now, especially when the latter is designed to be addictive? These are the questions Anyanwu: The New Light aims to tackle, and the answers might just surprise a dispassionate observer.
Curator Tony Agbapuonwu, no stranger to making art breathe differently, is – like a tuning fork – intent on making this show resonate, letting the rich frequencies of Igbo cosmology vibrate through the gallery space. Myths, ancestral presences, and metaphysical systems are all invited to the party, given form in a riot of creativity – sculpture, painting, and digital media all get a turn in the spotlight. The Art Bridge Project, his brainchild since 2017, provides an ideal platform for creative collisions, where emerging and established artists can trade ideas freely, hierarchy-free.
The results are nothing short of breathtaking. First, there is Emmah Mbanefo, an Onitsha-born artist with over four decades of experience under his belt, who presents a sacred treasure box crafted from reinforced multimedia, titled “Ókpùlúkpu”( or Mortar), that is an examplar of Onitsha cultural heritage. His training at Auchi Federal Polytechnic and the influence of pioneers like Okpu Eze and Enwonwu himself lend the work a gravitas that is hard to ignore.
Traditionally, this intricately crafted box would sit before a patrilineage priest, serving as a microcosmic house for an ancestor’s ọfọ – a staff that is invested with spiritual authority. But in the gallery, “Ókpùlúkpu” doesn’t scream for attention; it purrs quietly in the background, more like a generator that one only notices when it suddenly falls silent.
As the exhibition further unfolds, the subdued intensity of Chinwe Uwatse’s watercolour on paper paintings – “I Carry the World”, “We Want More”, “Nightmare” and “E woo! Efuu Kwaam!” – and acrylic on canvas works – “Agadi Nwanyị” and “Entwined in Resilience” – suggest that they are anything but static. Rooted in uli, the fluid, feminine body adornment she first noticed as a child during the Nigerian Civil War, her work spans from 1991 to 2019 but feels stitched from the same cloth. Studying at University of Nigeria, Nsukka under Uche Okeke and Obiora Udechukwu, she absorbed uli not just as a pattern but as philosophy: asymmetry as resistance, curve as memory. Her pieces here seem to breathe—emotional cartographies that bind dreams, vision, and reality in the looping rhythm of “akala na ejikoba ife nine.”
If Uwatse suggests, Obiageli Okigbo defiantly articulates with restrained passion. Architect-trained in the UK, she brings a precision-born rebellion to her art, marrying the formal rigours of her background to the untamed currents of Igbo myth. In “Remembrance of I AM” (I-VI), she conjures a surreal reunion, collaging Kivu sculptures from the Democratic Republic of Congo—currently gathering dust in Belgium’sAfrican Museum—against star-studded cosmic backdrops. It is part séance, part daring rescue mission, a pointed reminder that these objects have lives, stories, and spirits that refuse to be locked away in vitrines.
JC Bright, with a penchant for the unapologetic, deals in chromatic maximalism. His Erigwara series – figuratively speaking, a feast for the eyes – draws on the Igbo tradition of food-sharing, those market-day pilgrimages where kinship is cemented over carefully prepared meals. Bright serves up a visual equivalent, translating the warmth and abundance of these gatherings into grids and pools of colour that refuse to be muted in his acrylic and oil on canvas paintings – “Ọfe Egusi”, “Ọjị”, “Ọfe Ọha”, “Ụkwa” and “Ụgba”. For him, hue isn’t just a garnish – it is the backbone, the lifeblood, the very pulse of the artwork. “The form itself, the raw emotion,” he says, and indeed, the paintings work like memory: layered, unreliable, yet insistent – a triumph of colour that evokes, provokes, and endures.
Where Bright lavishes colour, Mobolaji Otuyelu pours substance. This artist, organiser, and clay entrepreneur is a globe-trotting
bridge-builder, straddling worlds from Nigeria to Morocco to the US, and fusing aesthetics with activism in the process. Her life-size clay pot, “Vessels of Remembrance”, is a curvaceous homage to the human form, a vessel of “Sankofa” that embodies the Ghanaian concept of reclaiming one’s roots. For Otuyelu, that root is decidedly down-to-earth: clay, soil, the very earth itself. It is a politics that is tactile to the core – a politics of nourishment, repair, and rejuvenation.
The youngest in the room, Chiagoziem Orji, is a temporal polyglot, conversing fluently with multiple centuries at once. With roots in Okwulofia Mmaku, Enugu State, and trained at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, she weaves a rich cultural heritage into her digital paintings, where uli and nsibidi converge in a vibrant spectacle of pixels. The rhythm in “Ike Ndụ” I and II is unmistakable – the syncopated beat of Igbo dance and masquerade pulses through each piece, as if the figures are about to step out of the frame. And perhaps they will, propelled as they are by their Chi, guardian spirits that seem less painted than summoned into being, their strokes conjured with a precision that borders on the mystical.
Agbapuonwu threads these voices together with a clear purpose: to deny globalisation’s airbrushed narratives the last word. “Anyanwu: The New Light disrupts the Western-influenced narrative,” he says, “replacing it with multidimensional perspectives and artworks with transformative energy.” His Majesty, the Obi of Onitsha, echoes this sentiment, calling it “a fertile platform for shifting our mindsets towards seeing art through life, and life through art.”
The exhibition, supported by institutional partners such as ImeObi Onitsha, National Commission for Museums and Monuments Nigeria (NCMM), ADEGBOLAArt Projects, and National Council for Art and Culture (NCAC), is more than a fleeting moment. The exhibition’s run from September 6 to 28 is only the beginning. A book-catalogue and short documentary will archive the works, the research, the conversations—ensuring that the impact of the exhibition endures beyond the final day.
I’ve been reading Richard Sennett’s The Craftsman, a great book that has made me reflect on the role of craftsmanship in the arts. Sennett writes with rare clarity about something often overlooked in our competitive art world: the value of doing something well—not for recognition or reward, but simply for its own sake. He calls this “the craftsman’s spirit”—the quiet drive to make things carefully, attentively, and with pride. The more I read it, the more I saw how much this spirit matters in the visual arts, where form, feeling, meaning, material, and execution are inseparably bound. Art is often judged by its speed of impact or strength of concept. We tend to admire bold ideas, fast results, and clever disruptions. Yet in this rush to be original, artists risk losing touch with something older and more enduring: the commitment to work done well—patiently, carefully, and with respect for process and material. Craftsmanship, in this sense, is not nostalgia. It is a standard. It reminds us that execution matters, that a good idea deserves to be well made, and that material intelligence is central to artistic expression. We have learned to celebrate the concept while quietly neglecting the craft, and we are in danger of forgetting that it is the very foundation of artistic expression.
Sennett defines craftsmanship as the desire to do something well for its own sake. It’s a deceptively simple idea—easily overlooked, yet deeply radical. True craftsperson-artists do not rush toward completion; they live in the process. They find meaning not only in the finished object, but in the hours spent adjusting a contour, rebalancing a composition, refining a line until it sits just right. This challenges the romantic image of the artist inspired by sudden flashes of inspiration. For the serious artist, progress often comes not in leaps but in quiet increments. The artist with this concern for quality works through resistance—of the medium, the idea, and her own limitations. This iterative, physical, intelligent engagement gives craftsmanship in the arts its particular character. Sennett calls it “the intelligent hand”—a form of knowing that arises from doing, not theorizing. It is not mindless repetition. It is immersion. In today’s art world, an emphasis on concept and personal expression often overshadows technical discipline and material understanding. It is increasingly common for artists to generate compelling ideas yet struggle to give them convincing form. The gap is not in imagination, but in craft. We have all seen it: an ambitious painting with weak brushwork; a sculpture with exciting materials but poor structure; an installation that collapses under its own weight. These are not
failures of vision—they are failures of execution. Too often, artists are urged to prioritise meaning and originality before they’ve gained control over line, colour, surface, materials, space, or weight. Craftsmanship in visual art isn’t about perfection—it’s about conviction and a concern for quality. Without this, even strong ideas risk dissolving into vagueness. And this is so because craftsmanship goes beyond technical skill. It involves imaginative attention: a painter’s sensitivity to how brushes carry paint; a sculptor’s awareness of weight and grain; a photographer’s patience with light; a textile artist’s care with tension and texture. These choices, often invisible, reflect not just ability, but ethics: a willingness to respect the medium, to honour the viewer, and to strive for integrity in execution. This is what separates hurried execution from the careful attention to detail of an artist who honours her craft. She doesn’t settle for just getting the job done; she insists that surface, structure, and presence all reflect deeper care. A functional painting can convey a message. But a crafted one holds more—it embodies time, presence, care, intention.
The sculptor who slowly adjusts each curve in dialogue with the material knows that time is not an obstacle but a companion. Each touch carries weight. Each step affects the next. Shortcuts taken early may save time, but they always show in the end. The quality of an artwork often begins well before it meets the viewer’s gaze. A
properly stretched canvas creates a responsive surface. A wood sculpture, well-finished and grain-respecting, invites the hand as much as the eye. In bronze casting, technical precision allows subtle textures to survive the shift from clay to metal. These may seem like backstage concerns, but they are foundational: applying gesso patiently, mounting a photograph so it lies flat, choosing the right paper so ink won’t bleed. Such care reveals deep respect—for the work, the material, and the future viewer.
•DrCastelloteistheDirector,YemisiShyllon MuseumofArt.Pan-AtlanticUniversity
The CORA-NLNG Prize for Literature Book Party 2025 was a revealing moment for many in attendance, as 11 authors on the longlist shared personal stories behind their works in a lively, celebratory atmosphere.
This event, which took place on Sunday, August 3, at the Lagos Continental Hotel, Victoria Island, Lagos is a staple in the arts calendar and serves as a precursor to the announcement of the shortlist and winner later in the year.
The Nigeria Prize for Literature, a prestigious literary award, was established in 2004 by the Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas Limited (NLNG) to promote literary excellence, improve writing, editing, and publishing in Nigeria, and contribute to the country's cultural development. The prize rotates among four genres: Prose Fiction, Poetry, Drama, and Children's Literature. This year's edition focuses on Prose Fiction, with a judging panel comprising Dr. Saeedat Bola Aliyu (Chairperson), Professor Mbanefo Ogene, Olakunle Kasumu, and Dr. Grace Musila (International Consultant).
Some notable authors on the longlist include Abubakar Adam Ibrahim for ‘When We Were Fireflies’, Ayo Oyeku for ‘Petrichor: The Scent of a New Beginning’, Chigozie Obioma for ‘The Road to the Country’, and Chika Unigwe for ‘The Middle Daughter’.
Others are Yewande Omotosho for ‘An Unusual
writers' works were flung open as each writer vied for the whopping sum of $100,000.
Adiscovery awaits a curatorial team at the National Gallery of Art: untapped treasures are buried in a storage room, part of the national collection. While preparing for the grand opening exhibition of the newly renovated National Theatre, the team discovered that the national art collection was in a pathetic state – packed in storage without a proper inventory. This encounter prompted the Director General, NGA,Ahmed Sodangi, to develop a strategic plan to ensure that all the works are accounted for, preserved, and showcased to promote Nigeria's rich artistic heritage.
As a parastatal of the Federal Ministry of Arts, Culture, Tourism, and Creative Economy, the NGA has the mandate to promote and preserve modern
Grief’, Linda Masi for ‘Fine Dreams’, MichaelAfenfia for ‘Leave My Bones in Saskatoon’, Uwem Akpan for ‘New York and My Village’, Oyin Olugbile for ‘Sanya’, Nikky May for ‘This Motherless Land’, and Chioma Okereke for ‘Water Baby’. Hence, the Book Party marked the first stage of public engagement with the selected writers, providing a platform for critical discussion and analysis of their works. The shutters to individual
Afenfia’s interest in writing his longlisted book is rooted in an unconventional dating experience that involved a visit to a grave. He discovered graves of young and old, which ignited the themes of borders, identity, and humanity in his prose. For Uwem Akpan, retelling the Biafran story in ‘New York and My Village’ was more than a duty; it was a call to acknowledge the plight of minorities in Nigeria and to emphasise the importance of inclusivity in nation-building.
Ayo Oyeku's writing was inspired by a personal
tale of justice. As an undergraduate, he witnessed firsthand the shooting of a student protester standing next to him by a riot policeman, which escalated into a battle for justice through a series of events that ensued. Nikky May's work, meanwhile, explores themes of prejudice and privilege, drawing from her experiences as a British-Nigerian writer who has navigated both Nigerian and UK cultures. For Oyin Olugbile, 'Sanya' is a product of extensive research and a journey of self-discovery. Chioma Okereke's 'Water Baby' reflects her preoccupation with the underserved community of Makoko, Lagos, while Abubakar Adam Ibrahim's work interrogates the dynamics of love and hate, particularly in the context of violence in different parts of Nigeria, especially the Northern areas.
In his opening remarks, the Secretary-General of the Committee for Relevant Art (CORA), Toyin Akinosho, highlighted the challenges faced by Nigerian writers and how, despite these, they continue to produce some of Africa’s best storytelling. “This year’s competition is perhaps the most fiercely contested Nigeria Prize for Literature in the Prize’s 22-year history,” he observed. “These novels, written by authors from all corners of Nigeria, present fictional accounts that take us on different journeys into the Nigerian heartland. We witness a Nigerian family dispute in South Africa; the stories explore the anxieties of a studious teenager who becomes pregnant in Eastern Nigeria. We engage with the frustrations of a visa applicant whose request is denied due to his minority status.”
Nigerian art. To achieve this, Sodangi embarked on a series of strategic collaborations to rebuild and reinvent the national art collection, aligning with presidential priorities.
However, first, the NGAneeded a clearer sense of identity and purpose, given that the national collection was acquired with public funds and held in trust on behalf of the federal government.
"They are priceless treasures, and many generations had not seen them before because they had been in storage for a long time due to the lack of a proper gallery to house them. That poses a challenge for us," Sodangi said at a ceremonial handover of digital inventory from the Goethe Institute to NGA, held at the National Theatre, Orile Iganmu, Lagos.
He continued: “The storage conditions have been far from ideal. We knew we had to start with the national collection. So, we decided to digitise the inventory.”
Sodangi further revealed that the NGA would have an art management platform where the works can be uploaded, exhibited, and where travel permit documentation can be sourced. A chance meeting with a Google Arts and Culture staff member led to another MOU to host the national collection online.
While sharing her perspective, the Director of the Goethe Institut Nigeria, Dr. Nadine Siegert, recounted how her initial apprehension about working with the NGA staff morphed into a beautiful experience. "At first, I wondered if the NGA staff would view us as intruders. I'm sure we're not the first set of oyinbos to come here. But we had something valuable to offer. Everything went smoothly, which was a pleasant surprise given the potential for bureaucratic delays.
No matter how the federal government tries to justify the withdrawal of charges against the Ibom Air passenger, Comfort Emmanson, it is obvious that she was freed because the authorities were unwilling to prosecute Fuji music legend, Wasiu Ayinde Marshall, for his misconduct at the Abuja airport, due to his perceived influence in the corridors of power, Davidson Iriekpen reports
Aday after the Inspector-General of Police (IG), Kayode Egbetokun, directed the Nigeria Police Force at the airport to probe the ace Fuji musician, Wasiu Ayinde Marshall, over his faceoff with some airport officials at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja, the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo, announced plans to reward him with the position of an ambassador for proper airport security protocol, instead of prosecuting him for his alleged misconduct.
Keyamo also announced that the six months flight ban previously slammed on him has been reduced to a one month- one that many Nigerians find very ridiculous.
The music star had earlier on engaged in what was described and seen as unruly conduct on August 5, 2025, when he allegedly obstructed the safe operation of an aircraft, in violation of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Regulations. Precisely on August 5, KWAM 1 was involved in a confrontation with airline staff and security officials at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja, while attempting to board a ValueJet flight to Lagos.
The 68-year-old musician was accused of carrying a prohibited flask believed to contain alcohol, spilling its contents on personnel, and later obstructing the aircraft from taxiing to the runway.
The spokesman of the Force, Olumuyiwa Adejobi, had announced that the police boss had ordered for an immediate investigation into the matter so that justice is served accordingly.
According to him, the IG acted swiftly and ordered the immediate investigation after the police high command received a formal petition from the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA).
It can be recalled that after the incident, the NCAA had petitioned the IG and the AttorneyGeneral of the Federation and Minister of Justice to investigate and prosecute him, in addition to placing him on an indefinite flight ban.
But in a dramatic twist of event, Keyamo declared that KWAM 1, having publicly demonstrated penitence with an apology, would be freed from the criminal charges preferred against him by the NCAA.
He added that the agency has agreed to reduce KWAM 1’s indefinite flight ban to one month and would work with the musician to promote awareness on acceptable conduct within the aviation
space.
The minister emphasised that the clemency was granted on “compassionate grounds,” warning that the government remained committed to enforcing safety and security laws in the aviation sector.
The NCAA had described the act as a breach of aviation safety regulations and had initially placed him on an indefinite no-fly list with a criminal complaint with the police.
Many have attributed the federal government’s sudden withdrawal of charges against an Ibom Air passenger to the government’s unwillingness to prosecute the musician.
While the musician walked away from the airport a free man, Emmanson was hounded into detention, arraigned and remanded in prison.
No matter how the government tries to justify Emmanson’s sudden freedom, it is obvious that it freed her because it did not want to prosecute KWAM 1 for his alleged bad behaviour.
Many outraged Nigerians had called for fairness and equal application of the National Civil Aviation Act, wondering why Emmanson was swiftly prosecuted for “unacceptable” behaviour while KWAM 1, who was said to have also acted
similarly, if not worse, faced no formal charges. They stressed that while KWAM 1’s apology was commendable, it did not in any way remove legal responsibility for an offence.
“The law court is not a religious place of worship where you just apologise and it is gone. In the law court, apology is good - you have accepted that you did something unacceptable - and in making a punishment, the judge or magistrate may consider it for a lesser sentence,” one of those who spoke to THISDAY explained.
While airport officials were seen on the viral video appealing and begging KWAM 1 to leave the front of the aircraft, Emmanson was manhandled and bundled out of the plane in a most dehumanising manner, which caused indecent exposure of her body.
The treatment she received at the airport, coupled with the swiftness of her arraignment validates the allegation of “double standards” prevalent in Nigeria’s justice system.
From the foregoing, it is obvious that the federal government forgave Emmanson because it did not want to prosecute KWAM 1.
When the musician publicly apologised for his actions, many had asked: Shouldn’t he be taught
a lesson to deter other self-styled big men who consider themselves above the law in Nigeria? Would he have behaved the same way if he were abroad?
A few days later, his sins were not only forgiven, he was rewarded with an ambassadorial role.
If every suspected thief, fraudster or lawbreaker is allowed to simply apologise and walk free, what happens to Nigeria’s criminal justice system when sentiment replaces statute?
The law provides a proper avenue for seeking mercy: it is called allocutus. This is the solemn moment after conviction when the judge invites the offender to plead for leniency. It is the point at which the court considers mitigating factors - first-time offences, personal circumstances, genuine remorse - all within the framework of justice.
A country is as good as its application of the administration of the criminal justice system. Nigeria’s own clearly shows compromise.
Renowned human rights lawyer, Mr. Femi Falana (SAN), captured it most succintly when he condemned the federal government’s response to the allegations involving the Fuji music legend.
In a statement released last Wednesday, the senior lawyer accused the authorities of protecting the musician from facing the proper legal process.
According to the statement, “One of the allegations being investigated is that the suspect opened his flask and poured its contents on a pilot, a security officer, and some passengers.” Falana observed that the process of investigation was short-circuited; adding that the government’s approach has severely damaged the integrity of legal procedures, especially in handling disruptive conduct at the airports.
Falana considered as “even more baffling” the government’s plan to engage the musician as an ambassador for proper airport security protocol after the well-publicised controversy.
He further argued that such preferential treatment sets a dangerous precedent and that the federal government’s decision to withdraw the charges filed against Ms. Emmanson was only to absolve KWAM 1 of the appropriate criminal offences.
No doubt, the federal government clearly missed the opportunity to reassure Nigerians, local and international investors, as well as the international community that nobody is above the law in the country. What a shame!
A Lagos youth corps member, Ushie Rita Uguamaye — popularly known as “Raye” — who criticised President Bola Tinubu’s government, cried out last week that the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) has withheld her discharge certificate in alleged retaliation for her criticisms.
Uguamaye had grabbed the headlines earlier in the year following her viral TikTok video in which she criticised PresidentTinubu’s administration, lamenting the economic hardship, high inflation, and poor living conditions under the government.
Immediately the video hit online, she claimed that she began to receive threats from NYSC officials pressuring her to delete the content.
Shealsofearedforhersafety,notingthattheofficials had her personal details.
While many Nigerians thought the issue had died down, Uguamaye, in a new viral video shared on Instagram, alleged last week that her Local Government Inspector (LGI) refused to clear her for April despite her being present on the scheduled date.
She claimed that she was repeatedly told to “go to the back” until the official eventually seized her file, refused to attend to her, and ordered her to leave.
The corps member said she was later informed she would not receive her certificate because she missed April clearance, which she insists is untrue.
However, NYSC said its decision to withhold the discharge certificate was not in retaliation for her criticism of President Tinubu’s administration as widely suggested.
It insisted that it withheld her discharge certificate
after extending her service year by two months as a disciplinary action against her for missing the April clearance, noting that there were 131 corps members whose discharge certificates “were withheld for valid disciplinary reasons.”
But many Nigerians believe that what happened to Uguamaye has further confirmed that the country has descended into full-blown authoritarianism, with a recorded sequence of high-handedness, rights violations, and a brutal assault on free speech.
In good countries Nigeria is striving to emulate, criticisms help the governments to know the feelings of their people and find how to address them.
Unfortunately, the present administration is becoming increasingly intolerant to criticisms and is perceived to be desperately suppressing free speech.
Does the Sole Administrator of Rivers State,
Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas (rtd), have the constitutional power to conduct local government election under an emergency rule where democracy is under suspension? ejiofor Alike asks
Is the Sole Administrator of Rivers State, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas (rtd.) constitutionally empowered to conduct local government elections without first allowing the state to return to the control of an elected governor, elected lawmakers and other democratic institutions and structures that were suspended by President Bola Tinubu in his emergency declaration?
This is the question that will generate legal fireworks in the coming months as those who feel that Ibas’ regime should stabilise the state and leave the stage for elected governor and other democratic institutions to conduct LG elections, are challenging the August 30, 2025 scheduled election in court.
The Chief Michael Odey-led Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) had on July 28, 2025, released a time-table indicating that the local government election would be held on August 30, 2025 in all the 23 LGAs of the state.
The major reasons given by President Bola Tinubu in his March 18, 2025 declaration of emergency rule in Rivers State were the “disturbing incidents of vandalisation of pipelines by some militants without the governor taking any action to curtail them.”
“Apart from that, both the House and the governor have not been able to work together.
“Both of them do not realise that they are in office to work together for the peace and good governance of the state.
“I have, of course, given stern orders to the security agencies to ensure the safety of lives of the good people of Rivers State and the oil pipelines.
“With all these and many more, no good and responsible President will standby and allow the grave situation to continue without taking remedial steps prescribed by the Constitution to address the situation in the state, which no doubt requires extraordinary measures to restore good governance, peace, order and security,” Tinubu explained.
Tinubu cited the February 28, 2025 Supreme Court judgment, which says that “a government cannot be said to exist without one of the three arms that make up the government of a state under the 1999 Constitution as amended.
“In this case the head of the executive arm of the government has chosen to collapse the legislature to enable him to govern without the legislature as a despot. As it is there is no government in Rivers State.”
With this foregoing, many stakeholders have argued that the spirit behind the
declaration of emergency rule was to restore law, order, and security in the state so that the elected governor, his deputy and the state lawmakers could return to office and restore other democratic structures such as elected local government chairmen and councillors.
It is against this background that many indigenes of Rivers State had kicked against the decision of the emergency regime in the state to conduct local government election on August 30, 2025.
In their reactions, the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO) and the Rivers Civil Society Organisation (RIVCSO) insisted that the planned election is unconditional considering the fact that the state is currently under emergency rule.
They pointed out that provisions of the Nigerian constitution stipulated that it is only an electoral body set up by an elected government that can conduct local government elections.
The CLO, in a statement signed by its spokesman in the state, Emmanuel Obe, said the new RSIEC was unconstitutionally constituted and therefore lacks the legitimacy to conduct or reschedule elections.
“In addition to the illegality of the commission’s composition, the revised timetable fails to comply with statutory provisions requiring a minimum of 90 days’ notice before election day as provided for in Section Sections 9(6), 19 and 94 of the Electoral Act. The notice given – only 32 days – is grossly inadequate and violates the law,” the group said.
On its part, the RIVCSO, through its Chairman, Enefaa Georgewill, called on voters in the state to boycott the planned local government election.
Addressing journalists in Port Harcourt, Georgewill said: “Our laws are clear; the constitution is clear. The person saddled with the power to conduct elections at the local government level is the electoral commission set up by the elected governor of the state,” the group added.
President Tinubu and Ibas’ have also been dragged before the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja over the plan to conduct election in the state.
Also listed as defendants in the suit, marked FHC/ABJ/CS/1144/2025 and dated August 11, 2025, are the Rivers State Government and the RSIEC.
The plaintiffs — Fredrick Ededeh, Benita Samuel, Jane Madubuike, Boma Aggo, and Comfort Agbom — all indigenes of the state, in the suit, asked the court, through their lawyer, Sunday Ezema, to determine whether the scheduled local government election can lawfully be conducted during the subsistence of a state of emergency
The plaintiffs contend that the emergency conditions have not abated or ceased, which is why the president has neither revoked nor suspended the state of emergency.
The plaintiffs are asking the court to halt the election until the proclamation is lifted.
The Emeka Beke-led faction of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state had also faulted plans by the state’s electoral body to proceed with election, warning that the exercise risks disenfranchising voters and breaching a Supreme Court ruling.
The spokesperson of the faction, Darlington Nwauju, said the RSIEC should delay the polls until the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) completes its continuous voter registration in the state, in line with the apex court’s February 2025 judgement on the use of updated registers for elections.
Other stakeholders had also argued that both RSIEC and Ibas lack the legitimacy to organise the LG poll under the current emergency rule.
But RSIEC and the administrator have stood firm, insisting the August 30 date is non-negotiable.
RSIEC’s Commissioner in charge of Political Parties’ Affairs, Monitoring and Security, Professor Godfrey Ngozi Woke, claimed that 17 out of the 19 political parties had submitted the lists of their various candidates for the controversy-soaked elections.
Also, the Sole Administrator’s Senior Special Adviser on Media, Mr. Hector Igbikiowubo, was also quoted in the media as saying that RSIEC was cleared to conduct the poll by the National Assembly, which assumed legislative powers in the state after the declaration of emergency rule.
“When people talk about legality, are they wishing away the powers of the National Assembly? RSIEC has the legal basis to do what it is doing. You can’t wish that away,” he said.
Despite the assurances, the controversial election will be subject of litigation in the coming months.
Should the election go ahead during the period of emergency, the plaintiffs are also seeking an order of the Federal High Court setting it aside as a nullity.
In what is considered as an interesting suit, the Niger State Government recently stirred up controversy when it dragged the federal government to the Supreme Court over the state’s omission from the 13 per cent derivation over the power being generated in the state.
In the suit before the apex court, the state government, through its counsel, Mohammed Ndarani (SAN), asked for the interpretation and application of section 232 (1) & (2) of the 1999 Constitution.
The suit also seeks to include the state in the 13 per cent derivation, as enshrined in the Enactment of Allocation of Revenue (Federation Account, etc.) Act, 2004. He wants the court to determine whether Niger State does
not qualify to be classified among the states that produce natural resources and therefore are entitled to 13 per cent derivation within the meaning of 162(2) of the 1999 Constitution.
The suit concerns the federal government’s alleged failure to include the state among the beneficiary states of the 13 per cent derivation.
Ndarani argued that the state hosts four major hydroelectricity dams: Kainji Dam, Jebba Dam, Shiroro Dam and Zungeru Dam, which serve as a power house for electricity supply to various states in Nigeria, as well as the Republics of Benin, Togo and Niger.
The learned silk averred to the fact that Niger State is a purely agrarian state as the
inhabitants are subsistence farmers whose produce are enjoyed across the state and beyond. He noted that as a result of the large expanse of the land occupied by the dams, a large population of the citizens and residents of Niger State are denied the opportunity of engaging in agricultural activities.
Even while the suit has not been heard, many in the Niger Delta have asked the court to dismiss it in its entirety, saying that there was nothing natural about the power projects because both the construction and the power generation were made possible with oil money from their region.
While many feel that Niger State is on a wild goose chase, others are anxiously waiting to see the outcome of the suit.
The Osun State government last week cried out, calling on President Bola Tinubu to intervene over the withholding of the state’s local government allocation, which it said has led to hardship for the people in grassroots communities across the state, wale Igbintade writes
The Osun State Government has again appealed to President Bola Tinubu to release the state’s local government allocations in recognition and compliance with the recent Court of Appeal judgment on the state’s local government leadership.
Since the local government elections in the state last February, the councils have been underfunded following an appeal by the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the federal government to withhold funds due to them from the Federation Account. This has exacerbated poverty in the state.
According to a statement by the Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment, Mr. Kolapo Alimi, the continued withholding of the allocation has led to hardship for the people at the grassroots across the state.
The statement affirmed that there is no legal or political basis for withholding the allocations, asserting that “before the law today, the elected chairmen and councillors that were produced based on the local government elections of 22nd February,2025, are the official leadership of the local governments in Osun State”.
The statement further said, “We are aware that the federal government and indeed the presidency have all the facts of the situation concerning Osun Local Governments and the reality remains that the court judgement sacking the APC Yes/No election chairmen and councilors remains valid and was recently validated by the 13th June judgment of the Court of Appeal.
“We further submit that there is no judicial judgment halting the release of the withheld fund as the Supreme Court judgement on local government autonomy has never been implemented and Osun State alone cannot be singled out from the 36 states even if the apex judgment has come into effect.”
“We clarify further that even if the Supreme Court judgment is applied to Osun State, the local government accounts for such payment must still be opened with the duly elected officials of the 22nd February, 2025 and accredited local officials as signatories in line with the law passed by the state assembly as provided by Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). Hence, there is still no ground to withhold the state’s local government allocations.
“As a government, we are aware that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu only got to know about the funds seizure from the Nigerian Tribune front
page during the Eid (Ileya) holidays, which means that the Attorney-General of the Federation instructed the Accountant General of the Federation to withhold the funds without presidential approval. We, therefore, appeal to Mr. President to intervene and order the release of Osun local government allocations, the statement noted.
The state government commended the intervention of traditional rulers in trying to secure the immediate release of the fund. Recall that Ataajo of Osogbo, Oba Jimoh Oyetunji, during the grand finale of Osun Osogbo festival, urged President Tinubu to release the withheld allocations to Governor Adeleke.
Recall that since the local government elections were held in the state last February, the federal government has withheld funds due to them from the Federation Account, following a petition by the APC.
APC had accused Governor Adeleke of violating his oath of office by conducting the polls and colluding with his party to disrupt peace by refusing to comply with the February 10, 2025, Court of Appeal ruling that ordered the reinstatement of the sacked elected local government officials.
The state government and the PDP, however, countered the APC argument, citing a case the APC lost at the same Federal High Court, the appeal on which was dismissed by the Court of Appeal on January 13, 2025 for lack of diligent prosecution.
They added that the state Independent Electoral Commission conducted another election on February 21, 2025, where a new set of LG officials emerged.
Currently, the state government is at the Supreme Court seeking an order to release the seized funds and restrain it from further withholding the funds.
It argued that based on a proper interpretation of Section 7(1) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended)— which guarantees the existence of democratically-elected local government councils in all states—the federal government’s act of withholding or seizing statutory allocations due to the councils, without justification, threatens their existence and therefore violates
the clear provisions of the Constitution.
The state cited the Supreme Court judgment in the dispute between the Lagos State government and the federal government, where the court declared that the withholding of the allocations to the state was illegal and unconstitutional.
Besides, many believe the federal government’s decision to withhold allocations to local councils in Osun contrasts sharply with its inaction in Edo State, where despite the sack of democratically-elected local government executives, allocations continue to flow. This has led to allegations of double standards against the APC-led federal government, which is also accused of bias, hypocrisy and inconsistency.
Shortly after assuming office, Governor Monday Okpebholo, acting on the advice of the Edo State House of Assembly, suspended all 18 local government chairmen and their deputies for what was supposed to be two months over alleged insubordination. But unfortunately, this has become forever.
Before then, Okpebholo had petitioned the state assembly, accusing the chairmen of refusing to submit financial records of their respective councils to the state government—an act he described as gross misconduct and insubordination.
The state assembly subsequently ordered the suspended officials to hand over to the legislative leaders of their local governments.
The suspension was seen as a blatant disregard to both the ruling of the Chief Judge of Edo State, Justice Daniel Okungbowa, and the Supreme Court judgment in a suit filed by the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Lateef Fagbemi, which reaffirmed absolute autonomy and independence of local governments as guaranteed by the 1999 Constitution.
Ironically, among the first to react to the action was Fagbemi himself who unequivocally declared the action illegal and unconstitutional.
Speaking in Abuja on December 19, 2024, the AGF stated that the actions of the Edo State government violated the autonomy granted to LGAs by the Supreme Court’s landmark judgment of July 11, 2024.
“One thing that I know and can say without fear is that under the present dispensation, no governor has the right to remove any local government chairman. That much I know. If I did not know before, since July 11, 2024, I became aware that removal of any local government chairman or official would be the prerogative of
that local government, through their legislative house,” the AGF stated.
However, the state government berated the AGF, saying that Governor Okpebholo and the state assembly have the power to remove local government officials from office.
“Financial autonomy is about giving them access, but that does not mean state governments do not have control over how they use that money. The Supreme Court cannot amend the Constitution. Lateef Fagbemi might be the law officer of the federation, but he does not represent the constitution of the country and he does not represent other laws made validly under the provisions of the constitution by the Edo House of Assembly,” the state government insisted through a statement by the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor (CPS), Fred Itua.
As the controversy raged, a High Court in Benin City, presided over by Justice Efe Ikponmwonba, ruled in a suit filed by the suspended chairmen, ordering that they should return to office. However, the state government felt unconcerned and ensured that the suspended local government officials did not return to office.
Despite various court judgments ordering the reinstatement of some of the council chairmen, the state government has not complied as Governor Okpebholo has since gone ahead to handpick leaders to head the councils in clear violation of the Supreme Court decision.
The question agitating the minds of many Nigerians is: Why did the APC-led federal government seize the statutory allocations of Osun LGAs and allow those of Edo State, which are being run by non-democratically elected officials to receive their allocations?
The federal government must be fair and just to all the states irrespective of party affiliations. Its action in Osun State lacks any known judicial backing.
Already, the Osun State PDP has described the federal government’s action as politicallymotivated, and called on Fagbemi to rise above personal and partisan considerations, and act as the guardian of justice and fairness for all Nigerians, regardless of party affiliation.
The party added that since Fagbemi had previously served as lead counsel to former Governor Gboyega Oyetola, a known political enemy of Governor Adeleke, the AGF ought to recuse himself from any matter directly or indirectly affecting the political ecosystem of the state, and allow the law courts to decide as appropriate.
Introduction
Law is the architecture of order in society as it tempers power, curates behaviour and guides civilisation. Yet, for all its reverence and ritual, the law must evolve or risk becoming a relic. In our era of mass information, increased agency and shifting norms, we must pause, unwig our heads and reflect: do our legal maxims still serve their intended purpose? Or has the lack of conscious evolution allowed it become an unwilling partner in the abuse and perversion of justice
Two time worn principles, venerated but increasingly problematic, demand this scrutiny to illustrate some of the areas that the desired evolution of thought and principle may be lacking:
1 The paradox of consent in rape cases or better put, the burden of proving the non-existence of consent and
2 The doctrine that “ignorance of the law is no excuse” (ignorantia juris non excusat).
Let us explore how these legal fictions may frustrate justice in modern society and why reform is not rebellion but renewal.
Part I: Rape, Consent and the Impossible Negative
Every criminal trial rests on two fundamental tenets and principles that are the bedrock of justice:
• Presumption of innocence aka “innocent until proven guilty”;
• Burden of proof on the accuser aka “he who alleges must prove”
But when applied to rape cases, especially those hinging solely on consent (or the lack of), they create an evidentiary paradox. These tenets have been, and still are, crucially foundational in the existence of jurisprudence and justice, but the contradiction they pose in cases of rape seem to have escaped the scrutiny of senses.
Imagine a case:
• The complainant says: “I did not consent.”
• The defendant says: “We had consensual sex.”
What follows is not an ordinary adjudication of facts, but an inquiry into a subjective claim of experience: consent! Unwitnessed, unrecorded and often unspoken.
The law demands that the complainant prove a negative: that consent never existed. In most criminal offences, the prohibited act is tangible such as stolen property, a weapon, a corpse. But
here, what’s absent, that must yet be proven, is the crime: the absence of consent.
The burden of proof remains on the complainant to demonstrate the non-existence of consent, a task akin to proving the absence of a shadow in a room already dark.
Even where there is no corroborative evidence, no CCTV, no text saying “no”, the law still expects a degree of certainty to surpass “all reasonable doubt”. Yet trauma and culture often silence victims, delays reporting and obscures memory. The assumption that victims can always meet this burden ignores the psychological realities of sexual violence.
Thus emerges a legal Gordian knot: requiring proof of something that did not happen; Proving the non-existence to a level that rises above raising a reasonable doubt! But yet, it is well accepted in the legal community that proving a negative is both logically and legally perilous.
Should we therefore not consider the reasonableness of shifting the burden?
Some jurisdictions now require affirmative consent—yes means yes—not mere absence of resistance. Could we not consider that where an accused initiates sexual activity, the evidential burden to show consent was given (not simply assumed) should shift?
This is not an abandonment of justice but a necessary recalibration. We, as humans, once deemed marital rape legally impossible, Yet we evolved. We can again.
Part II: Ignorance Is No Excuse—Except When It Probably Should Be
The doctrine ignorantia juris non excusat presumes a citizen’s omniscience: that every person knows all the law at all times.
In a society with few laws, universal civic education and clear statutes, perhaps this was fair. But today?
Consider Lagos State as an example. A citizen, eager to be law-abiding, seeks to download all state laws but no free repository exists. None!! He goes to the judiciary office and is told that the printed laws cost N50,000 which, at the time, was nearly twice the monthly minimum wage. Unable to afford the law, he walks home. The police then stop him for “loitering” and he is locked up overnight and then charged to court the next day – his family unaware of his “abduction”. In court, his defense is as simple as it should be:
“I didn’t know it was illegal”. The prosecution thunders: “Ignorance is no excuse.”
He is sentenced to six months with the option of a N100,000 fine.
Upon release, I’ll let you hazard a guess as to where the judicial and correctional systems would have left him: as a more law-abiding citizen? Or a bitter man failed by the system?
Given the poverty levels in the country, lack of enforced universal basic education, the lacadasical attitude of government agencies to proactively educate citizens and the opacity of Nigerian laws in general, especially at subnational levels, this doctrine becomes punitive rather than protective. In more than necessary incidences, laws are often hidden in obscure gazettes, embedded in unrelated bills or amended silently: and in any case, hardly ever publicly available in an understandable language for the less than learned public.
Estimated active statutes in Nigeria, federal, state, local and subsidiary, range conservatively between 250,000 and 500,000. Even legal practitioners struggle to keep pace as evidenced by the grades of the Law departments of universities and the Nigerian Law school.
The law, if it is a covenant between the state and citizen, must be accessible, intelligible and reasonable. Otherwise, it ceases to be law and becomes entrapment.
Embracing nuance becomes synonymous with embracing wisdom and justice:
• When laws are not publicly available;
• When the conduct was neither harmful nor clearly proscribed;
• When ignorance was genuinely unavoidable
Then perhaps, just perhaps, ignorance should be excusable by shifting the burden of proof to the state to demonstrate that all avenues to eradicate ignorance were taken and the accused actively
avoided knowledge of the law.
Precedents and Perspectives
While “silence is golden” may apply in specific factual or contractual circumstances, it’s not a blanket legal rule. In Nigeria, silence to a clear request may imply consent under contract or estoppel principles. But merely staying silent, absent duty or context, does not form consent. Though very limited, it is not non-existent that Nigerian courts have explored these grey areas:
• In UHENIBE v. Parkes (2014), the Court of Appeal affirmed that silence in contractual dealings may amount to consent, holding: “It is a trite principle of
Law that silence signifies consent.”
• In Idi v. State (2020), the Nigerian Supreme Court accepted that corroboration is not required to sustain a rape conviction, showing a softening of evidentiary rigidity.
• In Cheek v. United States (1991), the U.S. Supreme Court held that a good-faith misunderstanding of tax law could negate wilfulness, subtly undermining the ignorance principle.
Conclusion: The Case for Evolution Legal principles must be strong but not ossified. To question them is not to weaken the law, but to strengthen its relevance in the dispensing of justice.
• The evidentiary standard in rape cases must reflect the trauma, asymmetry and silence embedded in such offences.
• The ignorance doctrine must be qualified where the state has failed in its duty to make laws accessible, known and understood.
The legal profession need not fear introspection. The law survived trial by ordeal, the abolition of slavery, the rejection of marital rape exemptions and universal suffrage. It will therefore summon the strength to survive clarity, empathy and reform. If the law is a jealous mistress, let her not be vengeful for no cause and let her not become an avenue for lazy and malicious law enforcement to entrap and extort citizens. Let her be just. And if she must still be blind, she does not also have to be tone-deaf; let her at least have good ears.
This article is intended to provoke dialogue, not disobedience.Thelegalcommunitymust begin to ask whether some of our cherished doctrines still serve justice or simply serve the fear of change.
•Akaraiweislearnedbutnon-legalmember ofneitherthebenchnorbar
It was a vibrant display of excellence, emotion, and inspiration as Hillcroft Nursery and Primary School held its 2024/2025 graduation ceremony recently in Lagos.
The school celebrated the academic advancement of its pupils and reaffirmed its commitment to excellence and raising responsible and well-rounded future leaders.
The event, attended by dignitaries, military veterans, parents, teachers, and well-wishers, was a colourful blend of joy, prayers, reflections, and powerful messages of hope directed at not just the graduating pupils, but also to their parents and the Nigerian society at large.
Speaking with THISDAY, the school proprietress, Mrs. SolapeAdemulegun-Agbi explained that Hillcroft was born out of a deep desire to give children a better start in life.
“We may not have skyscraper buildings, but what we offer is far beyond that. Our children speak impeccable English, they read fluently from age three, and they are instilled with good manners, academic excellence, and global awareness.”
She added that the school previously organised international tours to London and Canada, helping students broaden their horizons.
“I hope that our graduates will carry the torch of this school with pride. They must remember their roots, make their mark in secondary school, and become ambassadors of the Hillcroft values wherever they go.”
The graduation saw 14 pupils move on to secondary school while 24 transitioned from nursery to primary school, all of whom were
praised for their brilliance and discipline.
Also speaking, a special guest at the event, Brigadier General Shola Ayovon (rtd), admonished the pupils to remain grounded in the values imparted to them by the school and their families.
According to him, “You have been given legs now, learn to walk,” he charged the young graduates.
“When we graduate, we sometimes think we’ve arrived. But life is just beginning. You must build on the strong foundation you have received here and strive for excellence.”
GeneralAyovon commended the proprietress of the school, Ademulegun-Agbi, for her deep-
rooted passion for education, which, he noted, was borne out of personal life experiences.
“The passion began when she served as a youth corps member and was deployed to the Institute of Journalism in Benin as a registrar. She lost her parents at six, and that experience instilled in her a compassion for children. This school was not built for profit alone but as a place to shape young lives.”
In a deeply stirring spiritual charge, the Chairman of the Day, Pastor Ituah Ighodalo, closed the ceremony with four key life lessons for the children as they embark on a new phase of their academic journey.
“Fear of God; the fear of God is the beginning of wisdom. Love Him with all your heart, and let that be your compass. Also, honour your parents; it is the first commandment with a blessing. By honouring your parents, you will prosper and live long.
“Also, love your neighbour. The world is broken because we do not love one another. Let love and empathy guide you. Lastly, be determined to fulfill your destiny. God has a plan for each of you. Be determined to fulfill your destiny, walk in excellence, and aim for greatness in everything you do.”
Also speaking, a Patron of the school, Admiral Folabi Macaulay (rtd), praised the dedication and progress made by the staff and management of Hillcroft School.
“We are proud to be associated with this school. The proprietress and her team have done exceptional work. These children are our children, and we hope to see them become independent, impactful citizens. The potential in them is vast, and we will continue to support this vision.”
Similarly, His wife, Mrs. Ayokunle Macaulay, shared glowing remarks about the school’s mission.
“The proprietress is truly committed to ensuring every child here leaves with a broadened mind and solid foundation,” she said. “My prayer is that these children continue to excel and build upon the great foundation laid here.”
In her closing remarks, Mrs. Agbi encouraged parents to remain consistent in their support and involvement in their children’s education.
“Parents must not move their children from grass to grass,” she said. “Don’t rely on schools alone; you have a duty at home to reinforce learning, teach morals, and model excellence.”
Auwalu Anwar
“The only thing Kwankwasiyya has in common with NEPU and thePRPis mimicking wearingtheredcap.”-AnAnonymousElder ofKwankwasiyya.
From Radical Idealism to Commercial Politics
In this month, seventy-five years ago, a momentous event unfolded in Sabongari, Kano: the founding of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) by eight radical young patriots. On 8August 1950,Abba Mai Kwaru, Bello Ijumu, Baballiya Manaja, Musa Kaula,Abdulqadir Danjaji, Garba Bida, Mudi Sipikin, and Magaji Dambatta convened at Ijumu’s house, No. 9, Ibadan Road, to inaugurate a movement that would challenge the oppressive foundations of colonial feudalism in Northern Nigeria.
NEPU was not merely a political party; it was an ideological movement rooted in the emancipation of the oppressed Talakawa, determined to reform the Native Authority system and secure Nigerian independence. Although NEPU was a regional political party, its visionary founders were pan-Nigerian nationalists.
This founding moment, and the vision it represented, invites critical reflection on the condition of political leadership in present-day Kano. The appropriate homage to NEPU at seventy-five is, therefore, not rhetorical celebration, but sober reflection and evaluation of the trajectory in the deterioration of qualitative leadership.
How far has the dominant political current in Kano—embodied by the Kwankwasiyya movement—aligned with or deviated from the values of Sawaba (liberation), which once defined Kano’s identity? How has the logic of class struggle, ideological activism, and social justice been replaced with a politics of patronage, personality cults, and commercial transactions?
This article undertakes an analysis of differing political practices and styles of leadership that defined Kano’s post-NEPU evolution, with a particular focus on how ideological politics gave way to transactional politics.
Using a historiographical approach, it evaluates the degeneration of radical traditions into electoral entrepreneurship, culminating in the political dominance of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. It offers a diagnostic account of the broader socio-political consequences of this shift, and argues for the urgent need to reconstruct a credible ideological alternative.
The NEPU: A Legacy of Emancipation NEPU’s principles, enshrined in the 1951 Sawaba Declaration, were foundational to the political identity of Northern progressives. It aimed to:
1. Overthrow the autocratic family-compact rule embedded in the Native Authority system;
2. Recognize and frame the antagonism between the colonial-traditional elite alliance and the Talakawa as a class struggle;
3. Democratize state institutions and retool them to serve the interests of the people;
4. Confront feudal oppression through mass mobilization and revolutionary change;
5. Establish a new social order rooted in equity, freedom, and dignity.
The NEPU-PRP (People’s Redemption Party) continuum, particularly under the intellectual and moral leadership of Malam Aminu Kano, defined a political tradition grounded in principled dissent, social justice, and radical reform. Aminu’s historic resignation from public service in October 1950—in protest against the corruption, nepotism, and parasitism of the Native Authorities—signaled a moral break with the status quo. His political career was marked by personal integrity, intellectual engagement, and a commitment to egalitarianism that shaped the ideological orientation of Kano’s political elite for decades.
The PRP in the Second Republic extended NEPU’s legacy into a new era, attracting intellectual heavyweights like Chinua Achebe,
Soyinka, and Bala Usman. It advanced a politics of mass empowerment, structured participation, and anti- imperial sovereignty. PRP’s clarion call was unambiguous: politics was not a marketplace for wealth but a battleground to ensure the protection of human dignity.
The Military Disruption of Ideological Politics
The ideological rupture began with the political engineering of General Ibrahim Babangida’s Presidency (1985–1993). Through the imposition of state-created political parties—the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social DemocraticParty(SDP)—Babangidadecoupled Nigerian politics from its organic roots. These government-funded parties were ideologically barren, engineered for elite integration rather than democratic participation.
This state-orchestrated detachment of politics from the people led to the rise of political brokers, transactional loyalty, and personality cults. The movement away from political conviction to political commodification was not accidental; it was systemic. Party organs were hollowed out. Patronage replaced ideology. Campaigns became platforms for rent-seeking rather than nation-building.
Kano, the once-vibrant epicenter of radical northern politics, became a laboratory for this emerging model of commercial politics.Ageneration of leaders emerged, not through ideological struggle and heroism, but through opportunism, access to state power, and mastery of street-level populism. The old slogans of emancipation were replaced by clientelist chants. The most successful political actors were no longer those who inspired, but those who traded influence.
TheTriumvirate: Shekarau, Ganduje, and Kwankwaso
In the post-PRP political order, three men came to dominate Kano’s political landscape for a quarter of a century: Ibrahim Shekarau, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. Each served as governor for two terms. Collectively, they encapsulate the arc of Kano’s transformation from an ideological vanguard to a commercial theatre.
Of recent, according to many political commentators, pundits, opinion-makers and scholars, such as the former Special Adviser on Religious Affairs during Kwankwaso’s first term (1999–2003), who also served Ganduje as Commissioner in the Ministries for Higher Education; and Religious Affairs (2019–2023), Muhammad Tahar Adamu (Baba Impossible) and the State Chairman, Council of Ulama, Ibrahim Khalil, the acceleration of the collapse of our political institutions, structures, and values, as a people, can be directly linked to the activities of the triumvirate.
Indeed, each of them has his peculiar attributes as a person, but more so as a politician. I would like to, at this point, present how people perceive them relating] to the deepening socio-political crisis engulfing Kano State; and also express my
As a politician, Shekarau is neither regarded as a success story nor a failure. He used to have a large number of fanatical followers, whom he gradually dispersed through tactical group mismanagement and avoidable leadership missteps.
He is not considered a reliable or stable politician and many people allege that his words, on any promise he made, were hardly kept. However, the remnants of his political associates always explain that his only real weakness is his desire not to offend anyone, which ironically pushes him, many a times, to offend everyone. That is why he could neither say “No” nor fulfil his voluntarily made promises at the right time.
Abdullahi Umar Ganduje
Ganduje, in the opinion of many people, is a more difficult person to understand than his two friends. He appears friendly and respectful of everyone, like a salesman, but hardly are his dispositions towards people a true reflection of how he values them.
opinion from what I deduced by observing their political activities and programmes.
For the avoidance of doubt, I do not have any problem with any of them. I have an excellent personal relationship with Ganduje. Shekarau and I have mutual respect for each other. I genuinely admire Kwankwaso’s exceptional skills and organisational capacity to mobilise, recruit, and retain followership. However, my love for Kano and training as a student of history are stronger than the sentiments and considerations mentioned above.
Ibrahim Shekarau
Shekarau is regarded, by many, as of lesser faults among the three. He was not haughty even when he emerged governor on the platform ofAll Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP). He did not see himself as a super human being for occupying the office. He was neither known for looting public treasury nor seen to have stolen Local Governments’ funds, directly or through bogus joint-projects’ account to execute special projects.
Nevertheless, having spent a great part of his life as an activist or patron of the Muslim Students’ Society (MSS) and also acquired power on the euphoria of the restoration of Shari’a implementation, a project into which his predecessor was known to have been reluctantly involved, Shekarau’s tenure witnessed an obsession to ‘Islamise’ governance and its institutions, for which he committed a large chunk of public resources to court the support of religious organisations and their gatekeepers. Shekarau’s religiously-coated political activities and showmanship made some people to assume that he graduated in theology rather than mathematics.
Despite his relative prudence, Shekarau’s style of financial management was weak as he was not fully in charge of his appointees; some of whom were perceived to have grossly abused their offices.
Honestly, Shekarau did not achieve any outstanding infrastructural development or transformation. His attention was largely devoted to what he termed, ‘ethical reorientation’ (gyaran zukata; a daidaita sahu); for which he established many institutions, such as Sharia Commission and Hisbah Commission, to achieve.
Regardless of his shortcomings, Shekarau was conscious of the existing diversities in the state and tried his best to achieve equitable representation of all interests in running the affairs of government, which might explain the tremendous peace recorded in the volatile community during his tenure.
In addition to his generous patronage to religious constituencies, Shekarau extended unprecedented attention and, what people termed “extravagant support,” to traditional institutions and rulers. Thus, the Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, rewarded him with the traditional title of Sardaunan Kano. His flirtation with the monarchical constituency was a total negation of the ideals of NEPU and the PRP, even though the traditional political institutions have been reduced to mere cultural symbolism.
He is considered exceedingly elusive, slippery, and capable of elevating the art of deception and pretence to a guiding principle in his political interactions and relationship with others. He is known for being patient, strategic, and crafty. Ganduje, according to commentators, trusts no one but himself. As a governor, he was perceived and depicted as an embodiment of corruption and malfeasance. His crude appetite for primitive wealth accumulation is seen to be far beyond mere greed or selfishness to a malignant disease. He was alleged to have personally handled every procurement awarded by his government, from the purchase of costumes for artistes to the construction of overhead bridges, while in office. The viral videos in which he was shown receiving bribe in dollars from a contractor, which he repeatedly denied was, perhaps, the lowest level of shameful acts to which any governor could go, if proven.
Notwithstanding his love for materialism, most of Ganduje’s construction projects were regarded to have been executed to specifications and were solid. They were not substandard at staggeringly inflated prices as witnessed during Kwankwaso’s tenure.
Because of his self-love, Ganduje had parted ways with majority of worthy politicians in his team. This might explain why he was not able to establish any distinct political identity, apart from Kwankwaso’s, for the eight years he spent as governor in Kano.
Most members of his inner circle were considered riffraff politicians, who were more of a liability to themselves and to others than an asset to the community.
Conscientious public servants and decent politicians did not appear to have attracted his admiration or sufficient attention and support to discharge their duties efficiently.
For instance, towards the general elections in 2023, his chosen State Chairman of All Progressive Congress (APC), Abdullahi Abbas, publicly declared that members of their party did not want Allah’s intervention to avert any calamity during the anticipated gubernatorial election. The prayer was answered, instantly, and they were convincingly defeated at the polls.
Surprisingly, as a two-term governor and former National Chairman of the ruling party, Ganduje does not have the requisite influence to attract a reasonable number of credible politicians as his followers in Kano today. However, this does not mean he has no access to rented crowds, political prostitutes, thugs, and assorted teams of hooligans on demand, to execute his dirty political jobs for him.
Most technocrats in Kano lament the golden opportunities to make a difference in the political fortunes of the State, which Ganduje squandered, intentionally.
He was, among the trio, the most educated; most experienced; most exposed; richest; and the oldest person to be elected governor.Yet, his overall performance did not portray him as someone better than the others, who were considered less endowed in many respects. Loyalty was better rewarded than competence in discharging affairs of the party and in governance, by Ganduje.
Thereissomethingultimatelyfutile about desiring an alternative society without knowing what exactly it is. A restless society wracked by adversity to seek an alternative ethos is a fertile ground for reform or even revolution. But a revolutionary fertile ground without a national consensus is a recipe for anarchy. So, as the late popular musician Sonny Okosun, used to ask in that popular song: “Which Way Nigeria?”
Those desirous of urgent change in Nigeria are frustrated.Worse still, those who hope that lasting change in Nigeria’s social and political landscape will come about as a result of popular protest and upheaval need to think again. They may have to wait a little longer if they insist on such change coming about in defense of a national consensus. That consensus does not exist and has never existed. Citizen action in demand for urgent change seems to be a futile project and a futile hope. There is no popular revolt or revolution in the horizon. Worse still, those who are impatient with the reticence and apparent indifference of the Nigerian public to their hard lives cannot understand the burden of our national history. They cite instances of recent social and political upheaval in places like the Arab Spring nations and even as recently as in Kenya and cannot seem to understand why the Nigerian populace is so docile and apathetic. We are so many and our social and economic troubles are so huge that all sensible political observers would expect us to flare up in the kind of massive unrest that brings about instant change. Our anger is massive enough to overturn the Titanic of any state. We are so many that our deprivations can sack any government. But yet it never happens. Not by any chance now or in the foreseeable future. The reasons are ingrained in our historical and political DNA.
On the contrary, there are inbuilt series of factors that have frustrated and negated the possibility of revolutionary change in Nigeria. The military coup of January 1966 was not exempt from this revolutionary reticence. Even before the gunpowder of the coupists dried up, ethnic, religious, regional and all manner of conspiracies had seized the day. The original revolutionary fervor of the young officers was dissipated. The nationalist ideals that fired their original youthful anger was darkened. Motives and purposes were imputed that were never dreamt of and, soon enough, those originally hailed by the populace as redeeming messiahs and revolutionaries were quickly rounded up, locked up or neutralized as treasonous traitors. Soon enough, the mainstream counter revolutionary establishment forces seized the day and have held strong and strangulated the Nigerian state and society from quick change for the last more than half a century. In a sense then, the whole of Nigerian history since the collapse of the 1966 military coup has been a chronicle of counter revolutionary upheavals and the entrenchment of reaction as a permanent feature of our political DNA as a nation. Our successive political dynasties may call themselves fancy names like “progressives” , “nationalists” or “patriots” as the case may be.
Some exceptions have been made in recent times- the ENDSARS protests, the Covid-19 hardship protests etc. But these were isolated episodic stirrings of mass anger. They were only tangentially political and hardly ever national in scope. Nor did they reach wide enough on the national scale. Collections of citizens driven by hunger and hardship to march in protest against the government of the day would be normal in nearly every society.
The possibility that such anger movements could spiral into widespread political movements is usually a function of national history and political leadership culture. Even more important is the factor of the configuration of a national society. But in and of themselves, adversity, no matter how dire widespread , cannot bring about sudden total political change.
In today’s Nigeria, for instance, adversity is everywhere in evidence and multifaceted. The things that make other people restive and explosive are in abundance everywhere in Nigeria.
Insecurity has reached a Hobbesian height. There is hunger all over the land. Food is scarce and expensive. Most people cannot afford the bare necessities of life because they are dirt poor. People are homeless, sleeping in open spaces. Most people cannot afford basic primary healthcare while most others are marooned because the cost of transportation has gone beyond the reach of many. Even what used to be the semblance of a Middle Class has been traumatically eroded into a penurious incapacity. The cries of anguish echo throughout the land. In this landscape, one would expect a nationwide upheaval and wild protest demanding immediate change of the status quo as a minimum. Not quite. No one is convinced about the possibility of such change. The doctrine of state security and public order are ingrained into the brains of a police and military that trace their origins to a colonial vanquish ethos.
To reinforce the air of animosity between government and people, those elected by our successive democracies to preside over the state are openly displaying levels of hostility inherited from the colonialists. Their opulence from clearly unearned resources is mind buggling . On occasion, popular anger has even approach the precincts of power. Demonstrators have occasionally invaded the precincts and premises of even the National Assembly. The state has retorted through hooded goons and overfed Alsatians!
Calls for protests by civil society
groups and known populist leaders have only been met with apathy and isolated adherence. On the few occasions when populist leaders have called the populace out to protest the hardship in the land, only a handful have shown up. In some cases, those who showed up were paid to protest or mobilized by political and other interests.
On balance, our grudges are too many. Our troubles come from too many different directions. When people are hungry, are threatened by bandits, kidnappers, abductors and rapists in droves, they need extraordinary strength and focus to decide which pain is most dire. As it were, Nigerians now need to be reminded and mobilized to respond to their own many grudges and existential threats. People no longer know when hardship to protest against or who exactly is the target of which adversity. Thus overwhelmed by multiple worries and deprivations, it becomes hard to choose which pain is more severe. In this situation, people are only reminded of the things that divide rather than unite us. On the day of protest, our dividing lines come alive.
People ask what religious sects are the protest organizers? Are they Muslims or Christians? If Christians, are they Pentecostal or legacy sects? What ethnicity are the inspirers? Are they Igbos, Hausas, Yorubas or Ijaws? Is it a northern or southern protest? What geo-political zone is leading the protest? What do the organizers want? Which political faction or interest is behind it? Why can’t they come out in the open to demand for “something” from the people in Abuja?
Parents caution their children and wards to stay home and away from the equally hungry and frustrated soldiers and policemen who are in any case looking for people to shoot to death? Even if you are killed protesting,
there are no consequences. In a land without consequences for the most heinous crimes and offences, why go out to commit suicide in the hands of those paid by the state to kill the very citizens whose tax money pays for the guns and bullets used to keep the peace and maintain the order of the devil?
In times past, there used to be a united nation. There was a time when our pains were collective and our sufferings a shared burden. We used to hear each other’s cries and feel each other’s pain. Our hunger, homelessness, insecurity or bereavement never used to speak in sectional dialects. In the 1970s, student demonstrations used to gravitate around national issues. As undergraduates, we heard each other from across great divides. Without modern cell phones, we heard each other loud and clear from ABU to Ife, from UNILAG to Nsukka and from UNIBEN to UI. Whether it was the price of fuel, the cost of food, unemployment, alleged corruption by government officials , inflation or sectarian intolerance, there was a national consensus from Maiduguri to Badagry, from Sokoto to Yenagoa. In those days, it used to be the belief that hunger and hardship obey no geography, worship no specific gods or speak no differential languages. Now, our hurt has been divided by the same things that have come to divide our people. Yes, indeed, as Chinua Achebe lamented before he bowed out, “there was a country”!
We lost our nation and the things that ought to unite us. Above all, we have never found a consensus as n elite, let alone one that we can pass down to our masses. Yet, we need to explore and understand the factors that breed and erode consensus in a diverse plural society. Our politics is divided. Our politicians are disciples of regional deities and ethnic creeds rather than a national belief. With no gods to worship, we have become a very religious people. Our values are less dictated by national pressures and more by promptings from churches and mosques than anything else. Superstition rules our lives instead of the fear and respect for enforceable laws and codes of conduct. Belief in the afterlife and the goodness that lies beyond the here and now. If hunger ravages today, look to the future when God will reward us with an El Dorado of abundance and feasting. The gods that find the most adherents are those that confer abundance and instant wealth. Those who come to church in Keke and Okada should return home in limousines as a demonstration of the favour of the Almighty. Those who have abundance today happen to be enjoying the blessing of Allah, our turn is coming!
The pursuit of divisive federalism in most matters has deepened our search for a national consensus. Most Nigerians now think of their states and geo political zones before they bother about a pan Nigerian reality. More often than not, Nigerians off load their frustrations at the doorstep of their respective state governors. These tin gods and petty emperors are the more visible emblems of the nation that has kept our hopes in abeyance. Most Nigerians even forget that the National Assembly is populated by idle people who are supposed to represent our constituencies as Nigerians.
The greatest casualty of this balkanization of expectations is the crucial element of national elite consensus. No nation grows or achieves meaningful progress without a tangible national elite consensus. We need a platform of common grounds to unite the expectations and aspirations of all Nigerians irrespective of class, belief, ethnicity and orientation. In a nutshell, what is the Nigerian dream or vision of a good life? To what platform of self fulfilment should the Nigerian child grow up in life? What society should form the benchmark of our collective aspiration as a people?
On a casual school visit in the company of a governor friend of mine some years ago, we asked some JSS 3 kids what they would like to become when they grew up! The answers were quick and revealing:
“Militant!”, “Kidnapper!”, “Dangote!”, “Governor!”
Edited by: Duro Ikhazuagbe
email:duro.Ikhazuagbe@thisdaylive.com
Duro Ikhazuagbe
After two wins from two games, Nigeria’s senior men’s team, D’Tigers, will battle Cameroon’s Indomitable Lions with similar results this afternoon in Group B of the ongoing 2025 Afrobasket Championship in Luanda, Angola.
The winner of this top-ofthe-billing clash will earn the Group B ticket to the quarterfinals while the loser will be forced to take the longer route through the playoffs to reach the knockout phase. The odds however favor the Nigerian men who are desirous of emulating their female counterparts who won the women’s version of the continental basketball showpiece a month ago in Côte d’Ivoire.
D’Tigers’ route to this third game has been brilliant. They kicked off with a 7759 mauling of Madagascar before another emphatic 8766 win over Tunisia. In the
clash with the Indian Ocean Island nation, Caleb Agada’s brilliance shone through as the D’Tigers turned a slim halftime lead into a dominant second-half display. Agada led the charge with 22 points, 7 rebounds, 2 assists, and 3 steals, while Stan Okoye and Ike Nwamu added 13 and 12 points respectively.
Against Tunisia, NBA star and Houston Rockets’ latest signing, Josh Okogie, who makes a return to the national team after almost five years absence, clocked 33 points in that game. He not only energised the squad but also signaled that Nigeria may be peaking at the right time for a possible shot at the trophy they won last 10 years ago.
With depth across positions, a versatile bench, and the ability to switch gears mid-game, the D’Tigers have shown they are not just here to compete but to reclaim glory.
A win against Cameroon would send a powerful message to the rest of the field that Nigeria is a front-runner for the title they last won in 2015.
On the other hand, these Cameroonians has also proved they are not in Luanda
The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) has provided some financial support for the organisation of the final funeral rites for former Nigeria captains, ‘Chairman’ Christian Chukwuemeka Chukwu and Prince Peter ‘Dodo Mayana’ Rufai.
Chukwu (MFR), who captained the Nigeria team to its first triumph in the Africa Cup of Nations competition 45 years ago, died in Enugu on 12th April this year, and was interred in his home town, Obe, on Saturday after a week-long celebration (which included a highly-publicised novelty match in Enugu on Friday) of an illustrious life.
The attack-minded centreback, also known in his playing days as Field Marshal, afterwards coached the Super Eagles to a bronze-medal finish at the 2004 Africa Cup of Nations in Tunisia, and coached the senior men national teams of Kenya and Lebanon in an occupational career solely dedicated to the beautiful game.
The NFF was also well-represented at the principal events of Chukwu’s final rites, with the Chairman of Nigeria National League (NNL) and Member of the NFF Executive Committee, Chief GeorgeAluo representing
the NFF President,Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gusau (MON).
The NFF’s delegation also included the Federation’s Director of Legal Services, Barr. Okey Obi and Chairman of the Anambra State FootballAssociation, former Nigeria international defender Chikelue Iloenyosi. Gusau, in a message delivered by Aluo, lauded ‘Chairman’ for his dedication to Nigeria as a sportsAmbassador and for his exceptional leadership qualities. At a Night of Tributes organised on Thursday, Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State announced the retirement of the number 5 jersey that Chukwu wore throughout his stellar career with 1977 Africa Cup of Cup Winners champions Enugu Rangers, and also committed to ensuring the welfare of 109 former players of the Club.
He also pledged that the Enugu State Government will collaborate with the Federal Government and the NFF towards immortalizing Chukwu’s legacy.
Rufai (MON), arguably the most flamboyant goalkeeper to have represented Nigeria, and captain of the Super Eagles to Nigeria’s first appearance at the FIFA World Cup finals in the USA 31 years ago, will be buried in Lagos on Friday, after a wake-keep programme on Thursday evening at his house inAmuwo-Odofin, and a funeral mass at the Catholic Church of Visitation in Festac Town.
on
ticket as they take on Cameroon’s Lions this afternoon in the final Group B game of the ongoing 2025 Afrobasket Men’s Championship in Luanda, Angola
to make up the numbers.
The Lions roared into AfroBasket 2025 with a commanding 86-65 victory over defending champions Tunisia, ending the North Africans’ remarkable decadelong unbeaten run in the tournament. Williams Narace
led with 20 points, while Jeremiah Hill, Yves Missi, and Fabian Ateba provided vital support.
Cameroon’s squad is buoyed by the presence of three NBA players, namely Yves Missi and Ulrich Chomche of the New Orleans
Pelicans and Christian Koloko of the LA Lakers, marking a resurgence of Cameroonian basketball at the continental stage.
Their second game tested their resolve, as they narrowly escaped a Madagascar upset, edging 80-77 thanks to
Jeremiah Hill’s late-game heroics. That result kept their record unblemished but also exposed areas they must tighten against a stronger Nigerian side. Sunday’s matchup is more than just a group-stage clash, but it’s a battle for supremacy.
Erling Haaland scored twice and Tijjani Reijnders shone on his Premier League debut on Saturday evening as Manchester City began the season by thrashing Wolves 4-0 at Molineux.
Box-to-box midfielder Reijnders joined City from AC Milan in the summer Premier
Aston Villa
Brighton 1-1
Sunderland 3-0
Tottenham 3-0
Wolves 0-4
La Liga
Mallorca 0-3
Alaves 2-1 Levante
Valencia 1-1 Sociedad
Ligue 1
Lens 0-1
Monaco 3-1 Le Havre
Nice 0-1 Toulouse
and showcased his talent by contributing to three goals in City’s victory
Pep Guardiola’s side ended last season in disappointing fashion, without winning a major trophy for the first time in eight years, but started this
campaign with a statement victory.
Talisman Haaland had nodded over on the stretch early on but converted from close range following Rico Lewis’ low cross.
Dutchman Reijnders was heavily involved in the opening
goal and doubled City’s lead on the break just four minutes later with an unerring finish low into the bottom corner. The game was over as a contest on the hour mark as Reijnders pulled the ball back for the onrushing Haaland to drill in an emphatic finish, while Rayan Cherki came off the bench to convert late on.
My friend and I were passing by a car parked next to my street. We usually discuss Nigeria during our daily exercise and it is our wont to analyse trending events and developments, trying to highlight the problems and propose possible solutions. I always tell David: “It is very easy to point out Nigeria’s problems. Every Tom, Dick and Harry can do that. The hard part is proffering workable solutions from the position of knowledge, not emotions.” On Friday, the topic of our discussion was the recent aviation dramas: the one between Prince Wasiu Anifowose, the fuji maestro also known as K1 De Ultimate or KWAM 1, and Valuejet; and the other between Ms Comfort Emmanson and Ibom Air.
What have we really learnt from these episodes? “You see that car and all the gadgets?” I asked David, rhetorically. “When cars were first made, I can assure you there were no side mirrors, wipers or sound systems. With driving experience, motoring evolved. Manufacturers began to see the need for these additions to improve user experience.” Today, cars have dashboards to help with camera-guided reversing and parking, for performance management, navigation, etc. There are now airbags to protect passengers in the event of an accident — and many lives are being saved by this. Serious societies learn from every experience and take measures to address identified shortcomings.
In the Valuejet incident, we saw video clips of K1 trying to stop a flight from taking off at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja. When the pilot eventually decided to call his bluff and take off, K1 had to skilfully duck under the right wing which would have knocked him down and probably ended his life. I had never seen anything like that in my life, not even on Netflix. He had tried to board the flight with a flask — whether or not it contained water or alcohol was another matter. By aviation rules, there is a limit to the volume of liquid allowed beyond security gates. Denied boarding, K1 made a scene and allegedly poured some liquid on the captain who had intervened.
The second incident involved Emmanson a week later. We first saw a video of her hitting a member of Ibom Air crew who was obviously blocking her from disembarking. The hostess, also named Comfort (and my mum is also Comfort, so I am a bit uncomfortable here), did not retaliate. I suspect she knew the drama was being video-recorded. Emmanson was eventually physically pulled out of the aircraft because she was apparently under arrest. According to Ibom Air, Emmanson had refused to comply with safety instructions on mobile phone use, assaulted crew members, and tried to use a fire extinguisher as a weapon — but Emmanson is yet to tell us her own recollections of the events.
Back to K1, the civil aviation authorities first placed him on a six-month no-fly list — which
KWAM 1
means no airline operating in Nigeria can fly him, else its licence will be suspended — and sent a criminal complaint to the attorney-general of the federation and the inspector-general of the police. Because of his social status (for those who don’t know, K1 is the pre-eminent Fuji artiste and one of the biggest stars in the world of Yoruba music), it would appear nobody was willing to arrest him. Blocking the path of an aircraft is unheard of and would qualify as an act of terrorism in many countries. Referring his matter to the AGF and IGP, I think, was a coded move to kill the matter.
Emmanson, an “unknown” Nigerian, was not that lucky — as is usually the case with “unknown” Nigerians. I mean, the prisons are full of people who stole a piece of meat, whereas those who pilfered billions get a slap on the wrist, after which they may be rewarded with national honours. Not only was she bundled out of the aircraft, she was also promptly charged to court, and the judge wasted no time in sending her to detention at the Kirikiri prisons (with the fancy name “correctional centre”) until October 6, 2025. After protests and criticisms — especially the comparison with the more serious offence allegedly committed by K1 — Emmanson was freed from prison detention.
I now return to the question: what did we learn? By the way, I am not interested in the 2027 politics that coloured some reactions. I want to stick to the facts in the public domain in making my comments. K1 said he passed security with an empty flask and it was only at the lounge that he filled it with water to take it on board. He said he suffers severe dehydration, which means he needs to constantly take water. If it is true that the flask was empty when he passed airport security screening, no offence had been committed at this stage. Aviation rules do not allow you to take a certain volume of liquid beyond security point. However, there is no limit
if you get it after screening point. When K1 was challenged at the boarding gate, Valuejet’s suspicion was that the flask contained alcohol. I do not think the officials did enough diligence to keep evidence that it was alcohol. And if it was indeed alcohol, is it permitted on board? To the best of my knowledge, alcohol can be carried into an aircraft. In fact, airlines serve alcohol on certain flights. Also, alcohol is sold after security screening and people buy and take it aboard. So, even if K1 was carrying a flask filled with alcohol, he had not committed any offence. In other words, merely carrying a flask of liquid to the boarding gate doesn’t mean you have broken the law as long as the content was obtained after security screening.
The question that will need to be answered here is: was the flask really empty when he passed security? How are we going to find out? The way our airport “security” officials behave, security is the last thing on their minds. For one, they can be star-truck. Once they see a public figure or celebrity, they lower their guard. Those ones can get away with anything. I would, therefore, suggest that fixing this part of the leak should be of utmost concern to the aviation authorities. Airport officials are less than professional in the way they do their job and it is something I have witnessed many times. Regrettably, we may never know if K1’s flask was empty or not at the screening point.
When K1 was told by the Valuejet officials that he could not board with the flask, he pushed back, allegedly pouring the liquid on the captain. This, if true, was the beginning of the misdemeanour. He should have been restrained by airport security. When he further went to stand in front of the aircraft, the flight should have been grounded for security reasons until the human obstruction had been cleared. Instead, ground officials were pleading with him. By the time K1 was doing “James Bond” as the pilot recklessly decided to take off, he should have been in handcuffs. Our airport security can be very weak. K1 can’t try that in Togo. The US is too far to be used as an example.
What are the lessons? One, security screening at the airport must become stricter. Any VIP who refuses to submit to scrutiny should be cautioned. If it is the “big” people with their own security that are causing the disruption, this should be properly documented and reported to the appropriate agencies, including the DSS. Let it be on record. Two, if passengers have to take certain things on board for medical reasons, there must be a doctor’s report. This is also necessary for documentation. We need to set these ground rules so that there is no room for guesswork or doubts. Three, if any passenger should behave the way K1 did, they should be arrested and charged to court immediately.
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After we had gone on a binge of creating tertiary institutions in virtually every local government (OK, I know I’m exaggerating) without the slightest idea of how to fund them and where the teachers will come from, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) has now placed a seven-year ban on establishing new ones. Dr Tunji Alausa, minister of education, said: “In our country, access to quality education is no longer an issue. What we are witnessing today is duplication of new federal tertiary institutions, a significant reduction in the current capacity of each institution, and degradation of both physical infrastructure and manpower.” Typical policymaking in Nigeria: shoot first, think later. Amazing.
Mr Ola Olukoyede, chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), recently revealed that there are many abandoned housing estates in the federal capital territory (FCT) and across Nigeria, which he suspects were being developed by civil servants with stolen money. “The moment they leave public service and the money is no longer coming, they abandon the estate. Then, the developer will start looking for investors to support them to complete the project,” he said. The focus of money laundering via property development is often on politicians, but those ones are still learning the craft compared to a class of civil servants. Can EFCC crack the hard nut? Watching.
I was at the Tayo Aderinokun Hall of the University of Lagos last week as my mentor and renowned sports journalist, Dr Mumini Alao, presented his autobiography, with a guest lecture by Mr Babatunde Fashola, former governor of Lagos state, titled ‘Rethinking the Current Football Business Model in Nigeria as a Catalyst for Sports Development’. Alao, who discovered my sports writing talent in 1991, inspired and mentored a whole generation of sports journalists. As editor of Complete Football, he played a key role in Nigeria’s football development (not just journalism) in the 1990s with his exposés and insightful journalism. I intend to devour every word in the book. Legend.
Mrs Kemi Badenoch, the erratic leader of the UK Conservative Party and world-famous Nigeriabasher, says she no longer identifies as a Nigerian. “I am definitely an Essex girl,” she later said in her makeshift British accent. So sad. Since her earthshaking proclamation, the sun has stopped shining in Nigeria. We are completely finished! I know it is none of my business, but the real British people know themselves. When Mr Nigel Farage, the British version of Donald Trump and leader of the antiimmigration UK Reform party, asks Badenoch to “go back to your country”, what would she say? “Please, I’m a white woman trapped in a black skin. My name is Chemical, not Kemi.” Hahahaha.