SPRING 2025 ISSUE NO. 01
THE CARIBBEAN RENAISSANCE: NEW AESTHETICS, NEW IDENTITIES NEW THOUGHT AND MORE
DENISE LLOYD TYRONE MCKIE JONKANOO AND THE SPIRIT OF CHRISTMAS: A CELEBRATION OF FREEDOM AND CULTURE
HOW WE SEE NATURE
Nia Adonis
Javoniel Trowers
THE SOCIOECONOMIC CLIMATE OF A TRINIDAD PRIVATE SCHOOL CLASS CIRCA 2013 PROSPERITY’S PROPHET CONTRIBUTORS
President, Chief Curator and Editor-At-Large of MSC Publications
1st VP and Creative Director
2nd VP and Chief Editor of MSC Publications
mangoseedcollectiveca@gmail com
Kingston, Jamaica mangoseedcollective
Recently, my mother and I journeyed to Mexico City in celebration of her birthday. As two former history majors, we found ourselves immersed in a landscape rich with narrative and cultural depth From our base in the heart of the historic centre, we explored the ancient temples of Teotihuacan, swam in the hot springs of Tolantongo, and soared in a hot air balloon over the Temples of the Moon and Sun. It was a powerful reminder of how thoughtfully curated heritage can inspire both personal reflection and professional insight On one of our return trips from a site visit, my mother observed something that stayed with me She spoke of the seamless relationship between professionalism and cultural stewardship in how Mexico presents its history a symbiosis that left her deeply moved Then she asked a question that has lingered with me since: “Are we content with just being okay?”
This question, though simple, challenges us to consider the current state of heritage practice and cultural production in the Caribbean Have we become too comfortable with the bare minimum? Are we presenting our culture and creativity with the excellence it deserves? Are we actively protecting, interrogating, and reimagining our heritage or are we allowing them to become relics of nostalgia or casualties of modernization? Equally pressing: Are we, as scholars, curators, artists, writers, linguists, performers, and cultural workers, continuing to assert the importance of our disciplines beyond our immediate academic and creative circles? Are we cultivating new publics, methodologies, and standards for how Caribbean heritage is engaged with, interpreted, and transmitted?
At MSC, we hope that our journal responds to these questions Our inaugural issues bring together the work of individuals not content with the status quo- individuals who believe that the intersection of heritage and innovation is possible and necessary Each contribution reflects a commitment to scholarship, creative experimentation and new thought As you engage with these pages, I invite you to reflect, critique, and build But most importantly, let us continue to work diligently, creatively and for posterity
The Caribbean, our home, has always been a space of reinvention a crossroads where histories meet, cultures intertwine, and creativity thrives Today, something deeper is unfolding A renaissance is taking shape, driven by historians, artists, writers, scholars, and visionaries who are critically exploring, understanding, embracing and even redefining what it means to be a citizen of our magnificent and robust Caribbean in the 21st century. This inaugural issue of The Mango Seed Collective’s Digital Journal is a testament to this evolutionary process, paying homage to those before us who paved the path for this transformation while tastefully ushering in the current cadre of visionaries, artists and thinkers We explore the new aesthetics emerging from a region that refuses to be confined art that fuses ancestral traditions with cutting-edge expression, literature that bends language and form, and history that pulses with both memory and innovation We examine new identities, shaped by migration, digital interconnectedness, and a reclaiming of histories once overlooked I am very excited to be a part of MSC and our first issue where as young historians, anthropologists, sociologists, students, cultural enthusiasts and lovers of our beloved Caribbean region showcase who we are and what we are passionate about
Through essays, photographs, poems and other artistic showcases, we celebrate those who are pushing boundaries whether by reinterpreting folklore through contemporary media, confronting colonial legacies in visual art, or envisioning futures rooted in Caribbean intellectualism This renaissance is not just an artistic or academic moment; it is a cultural reckoning, a declaration that Caribbean voices are not just responding to history, but actively shaping it
BY DENISE LLOYD, B SC, DIP ED , M ED,J P
“Christmas a come mi wah mi lama, Christmas a come, me wah me deggeday, not a shoe pon mi foot, mi wah mi lama, pretty, pretty gal, mi wah me deggeday,” are just a few words of a popular Jamaican Christmas song that speaks to how eager the enslaved were to indulge in the treats that accompanied Christmas during the pre-emancipation era in Jamaica Christmas was a period of joy and celebration for the enslaved workers because it marked the beginning of their three (3) day holiday During this time, they were treated with food that was not afforded to them during the “hungry times” which were between the months of July- November (Senior, 2003) They were also treated with new apparels and clothing It was a time of merriment According to Senior (2003) “Christmas in fact signalled the end of a period of food scarcity and deprivation for the slaves” (p 111)
Not only were the enslaved afforded the joys of feasting on delicious food but they were given the opportunity to be engaged in festivals One such festival came in the form of a masquerade and this is known as Jonkonnu, Jonkanoo or John Canoe This particular activity was celebrated on Boxing Day (December 26) This vibrant celebration is a blend of African cultural heritage and local Jamaican traditions, characterized by elaborate costumes, music, and dance
The festival is believed to have evolved from various West African traditions, particularly those of the Akan and Yoruba peoples The name "Jonkanoo" is thought to derive from "John Canoe," a legendary figure symbolizing freedom and resistance
Over time, Jonkanoo has transformed into a celebration that reflects both African heritage and local Jamaican influences
Jonkanoo is characterized by its elaborate costumes and energetic performances Participants wear masks and costumes that depict various characters from folklore and history, creating a spectacle that captivates audiences The festival is celebrated in various towns across Jamaica, with local groups showcasing their interpretations of Jonkanoo traditions.
According to About Jamaica (2017) these events often include parades featuring costumed characters such as:
A King
A Queen
The man with the house on the head, known as Ku-Ku
Actor Boy/John Canoe/Pitchy-Patchy
The devil, complete with tail and pitch-fork
Belly Woman
Policeman
Cow Head
Warriors
Dancing Ladies
These participants are normally accompanied by a band who would be seen playing the bamboo fife, Gombay drum and grater (Sealey & Malm, 1991)
The Jonkannoo celebration was not only for entertainment it was said to represent a form of resistance against colonial oppression and it was also a method of preserving their African identity It would also be important to add that in North Carolina pre-emancipation Jonkanoo was a form of intimidating and mocking the whites/oppressors by carrying whips and threatening onlookers and some would dress in top hats and conduct an unflattering impersonation of the oppressors (Brockell, 2021)
The Jonkanoo celebration was much more than a form of entertainment; it embodied resistance against colonial oppression and served as a vital method for preserving African identity In North Carolina during the pre-emancipation era, Jonkanoo functioned as a means of mocking oppressors, with participants wielding whips to intimidate onlookers They often donned top hats and performed unflattering impersonations of their enslavers, creating a subversive spectacle that reinforced cultural resilience and defiance (Brockell, 2021)
This dual role of Jonkanoo as both a festive occasion and an act of resistance is further underscored by its historical roots. Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, enslaved peoples across the Caribbean, as well as in parts of Central, South, and North America, performed Jonkanoo as a masked parade of dance and song (Gibbs, 2021) According to Gibbs (2021), this Christmas tradition traces back to the memory of armed resistance led by John Konny, a West African tribal chief who was captured and sent to Jamaica as an enslaved individual He became a folk hero because of his heroic deeds and he as immortalized into Jonkanoo performances.
The mixture of African dance and carnival like traditions of the English indicated a cultural fusion
Though this celebration was tolerated and allowed by the oppressors the enslaved perceived this opportunity with ambiguous meaning, this opportunity symbolized resistance, freedom and memory (Gibbs, 2021) In modern Jamaica, Jonkanoo continues to be celebrated, particularly during the Christmas season While its forms have evolved over time, the festival remains a vital part of Jamaican cultural identity
Recent efforts have been made to revitalize Jonkanoo through community engagement initiatives that encourage participation among younger generations (Jamaica Information Service [JIS], 2022).
Jonkanoo stands as a testament to the resilience, creativity, and cultural pride of the enslaved people in Jamaica and beyond. Rooted in African traditions and adapted through local influences, this vibrant celebration symbolized resistance, freedom, and identity amidst the harsh realities of colonial oppression. Today, Jonkanoo continues to evolve as a cherished part of Jamaican heritage, serving not only as a reminder of the struggles and triumphs of the past but also as a vibrant expression of cultural continuity for future generations.
References: Jamaica Information Service [JIS] (2022) Culture Ministry seeking to revive Jonkonnu Retrieved from https://jisgovjm/culture-ministry-seeking-to-revive-jonkonnu/ About Jamaica (2017, November 3) “John Canoe (Jonkonnu/Jonkanoo): The Whole Story” About Jamaicacom https://wwwabout-jamaicacom/john-canoe/ Brockell, G (2021, December 26) Jonkonnu: The holiday when Black revelers could mock their enslavers The Seattle Times The Washington Post https://wwwseattletimescom/nationworld/jonkonnu-the-holiday-when-black-revelers-could-mock-their-enslavers/ Sealy, J, & Malm, K (1991) Music in the Caribbean (6th impression) St Edmundsbury Press Limited Senior, O (2003) Encyclopedia of Jamaican heritage Twin Guinep Publishers Gibbs, J M (2021) Jonkanoo Performances of Resistance, Freedom, and Memory In E O’Callaghan & T Watson (Eds), Caribbean Literature in Transition, 1800–1920 (pp 52–66) chapter, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Words By Andre Smith
She passed away one convenient Thursday morning,
She always wanted to be no trouble at all, But the family had long begun mourning, When the cancer made her whittled and small
We returned to her house to get affairs in place,
For the wake and the guests it would host, But without her it felt strange in her space, Like it was haunted...but we were the ghosts;
Drifting aimlessly
With unfinished business
Moving pictures and furniture round, Disappearing and appearing every minute, With occasional wailing sounds,
Even trying our hand at possession, Figuring out what should be ours, yours, mine.
I'm not even sure Father Time had a lesson Or its just the age where grandmothers die.
People exist as biological numeric algorithms. Historical names are spiritual creation concepts Each adapts to its time Etymologically, all these identities, “African, Negro, Caribbean” etc prove historically that we are the same people, who broke up into various tribes The traditions and customs based on historical influences may be different, but without a doubt or contradiction, we are who our ancestors were Pieces such as Reimagining Nanny and Christ, both illustrate a correspondence between the Most High and His people throughout different cultures The “proverb and byword” narratives in colonial discourse by people of African descent towards their own race, has resulted in Negroes all over the globe to assimilate into segregation; thus severing ties between powerful nations of people who were once a unified, indomitable force.
This traumatic conditioning of the mind has also created taboos, mass hysteria and even structural violence, especially towards Haitians and other indigenous groups of Negroes This has resulted in a malicious misrepresentation of their identities, whereby such peoples have become the victims of perpetual genocides, rape, poverty, cultural appropriations, natural resource wars, replacement, and displacement theology In an assiduous effort, I created this series of reimagining ancestors to share with my audience the hidden knowledge of forgotten and undiscovered ancestral groups, by way of symbolism I retell history through pop culture visual expressions that are appealing to younger audiences I’m passionate about using my work to help guide myself and others who are on a path to discovering their roots, identity, and purpose.
Christ can be imagined in every PARALLEL universe
People look for different messianic signs concerning the Prince of Peace Some look for King David, others Archangel Gabriel and the Revelation 2:8 “Light Bearer ” They're pretty much one of the same In ancient cultures, Sumerian carvings represented Christ as an Annunaki cherubim to reference his (Ezekiel 1: 5-11) “hybrid image ” In Mesopotamia, some see him as Enlil In Haitian Vodou, he’s seen as Agassou, a half human/leopard lwa
To the Aztecs, he is Kukulkan, the feathered serpent god. Astrologers point Christ’s throne to the Orion constellation and the coming of his army with NASA’s mysterious planet X In many ways, Christ shapeshifted I reimagine Christ as a boy king, to reinforce the 6 chapters of Ephesians, which teaches to be born of a new body, to receive enlightenment The gods were 1000 year old babies The more RUACH you absorb, the higher your frequency increases, the more youthful your body becomes
Nanny, the most iconic leader of the Maroons is not only associated with guerilla warfare, but also with the wisdom and mystical knowledge hidden within the vegetal kingdom that open doors to invisible realms. In the portrait, Nanny is seen wearing a halo that is decorated with multi-colored Adinkra symbols, which shows a connection to her Ashanti roots Her blue skin, blue hair and snake colored gazing eyes symbolize the metaphysical changes she experienced while traversing new paths The pineapple (in the head scarf) represents Nanny's awakened pineal gland, while the peppermint leaves in the background symbolize prophetic vision I also used the plants in the background to give the impression of camouflage
There’s a correspondence between Nanny and her algorithms throughout various African-Caribbean cultures, predominantly Haitian Vodou, Yoruba pantheon as well as Bantu- Hebrew biblical characters “Nanny” has lived many lives as an AVATAR As Grande Ayizan, the first Haitian Vodou high priestess As Asase Ya of the Akan people in Ghana As Ahia Njoku & Ala of the Igbos in Nigeria As Queen Esther & Judge Deborah, two powerful Hebrew Israelite women
In so many ways, the indomitable spirit of Nanny lives in the everyday God fearing Negro woman
AN EXCERPT FROM M.A THESIS “SOUNDS OF THE DRUM: EXAMINING THE INFLUENCE OF THE KUMINA DRUMS ON REVIVAL AND RASTAFARI”
By Chantal Cousins
Photograph: Kumina being performed in Manchioneal, Portland, National Library of Jamaica Photography Collection
Drums have played a significant role in various cultures and spiritual practices throughout history In Jamaica, the drum rhythms have served as a powerful cultural expression and spiritual connection medium The Kumina drums (Playing cast and Kbandu), have left an indelible mark on the island's musical and religious landscapes
Kumina is an African-Jamaican religion with dance usually counterclockwise, and music emanating from two drums Kbandu, and Playing cast for ceremonies such as birthdays, weddings, and healing The Kumina drum is a musical instrument and a key element of the Kumina religious practice in Jamaica The drum itself is believed to have originated from various West African ethnic groups, such as the Congo people (also known as Bakongo) and the Akan people, who were brought to Jamaica as indentured labourers between 1845 and 1865
Kumina ceremonies are characterized by intense drumming, dancing, chanting, spirit possession, and rituals aimed at healing, protection, and communication with the spirit world The ceremonies usually start with the greeting of the god and ancestral spirits and typically take place close to midnight and last until near dawn The rhythms played on the Kumina drums vary depending on the specific ritual or occasion, and they can range from slow and hypnotic to fast and energetic One special ritual of the drum is the beating of the rim at a specific tempo to make the drum “hot” and inviting to the spirits Also associated with the Kumina practice is the language called Country and Bailo, the “Country” is believed to be taught by the ancestral spirit and is only spoken during the time of “Myal” as a means of communication The “Bailo” on the other hand is usually used for songs at the beginning of the ceremonies
The Kumina drums are a fundamental instrument in Kumina ceremonies and rituals They serve as a means of communication with ancestral spirits and deities and play a central role in invoking and maintaining spiritual connections during Kumina ceremonies. Over time, the Kumina drum has become a religious instrument and a significant component of Jamaica's cultural heritage. The rhythmic patterns and percussive style of the Kumina drum have been incorporated into the African-Jamaican religion and musical genres, contributing to the rich tapestry of Jamaican culture
The Kumina drums are typically made from a hollowed-out log, traditionally carved from a hardwood tree such as Mahogany (Swietenia mahagoni), Lignum Vitae (Guaiacum Sanctum), or Cedar (Cederla Odorata), sometimes Cotton (Ceiba Pentandra) The log is carefully selected for its size, shape, acoustic properties, and spiritual connection The drums are then affixed with goat skin at the head and ropes or cords are tightly wound around the drum's body, creating tension to produce the desired sound
The Kbandu ‘bandu” drum is larger and was originally made from small coconut (Cocos nucifera) wood or kegs It is headed on one side only: with goat skin attached by nails through the band The drum is usually 0 61 (2ft) in length and 0 30m (1 ft) in diameter The playing cast is considered the lead drum, though it is smaller Traditional Drummers indicated that the Playing Cast is made from female goat skin and considered as the female Drum while the Kbandu is made from male goat skin and is known as the male drum
Shakas- are made from calabash and beads with a stick and held in the hand and shaken This resembles the Maracas which were used by Shamans in magic and healing rituals
Catta Stick- used to maintain a steady rhythm on the body of the Kbandu drum
Grater- is used with a kitchen fork to make a scraping sound
The Kumina drum is the only drum played faced down connecting with the earth This position is believed to allow the rhythm to flow downwards, inviting the ancestral spirits up from their resting place Additionally, the drums are positioned east and west with the Kbandu turned east and the Paying cast to the west The drum is then straddled by the drummer and played by hand and fingers with tonal variation attained by imposing and releasing pressure on the drumhead with one heel Catta sticks are also used to achieve a unique sonority in the Kumina band these are played by the “rackling men ” and keep a steady rhythm at the back of the body of the playing cast drum.
The Kumina drum's deep, resonant, and powerful sound is unique to its design and materials The timbre and tone quality of the hardwood log and the tightly stretched animal hide are distinct The drum's sound is rich in overtones and harmonics, resulting in an acoustically variable and textured nature When struck, the drum produces a range of tones, from deep bass-like notes to higher-pitched tones, depending on where its struck and how the drumhead is tensioned. The kbandu keeps a 2/2 heartthrob, while counterrhythms and rolls are slapped on the playing cast
The Kumina drum's sound is known for being both piercing and mesmerizing It has a primal and ancient aspect, which is vividly felt in Kumina ceremonies and rituals Drum beat and resonance tremendously influence individuals, frequently creating trance-like states
The sounds of the Kumina drum have resonated deeply within Jamaican culture, From its origins in the African indentured labourers to its integration into the musical construct of our country The Kumina drum stands as a testament to the enduring influence of African heritage in Jamaica It has served as a powerful tool for spiritual connection, cultural expression, and resistance against oppression The drum's rhythms continue to reverberate in the hearts and minds of Jamaicans, fostering a sense of identity, unity, and collective memory.
Bilby Kenneth and Elliot Leib 1986 Kumina the Howellite Church and the Emergence of Rastafarian Traditional Music in Jamaica Kingston: Institute of Jamaica Publication Limited
Davy Bandele Agyemang nd “Kumina in Rural Southeastern Jamaica: Beyond Resistance to Antithetical-Hegemonic-Subsumption” The Journal of Pan African Studies (Online) 44–76
Lewin Olive 2001 Rock It Come Over the Folk Music of Jamaica Kingston: University of the West Indies Press
Lewis Maureen Warner 1977 The Nkuyu : Spirit Messengers of the Kumina Mona Jamaica: Savacou Publications
Rashford, John 1985 “The Cotton Tree and the Spiritual Realm in Jamaica” Jamaica Journal 18 (1) February-april 1985, Pages 49-57
Stewart Dianne M 2005 Three Eyes for the Journey: African Dimensions of the Jamaican Religious Experience Oxford: Oxford University Press
Stewart Dianne 2017 Essay In Indigenous Wisdom at Work in Jamaica: The Power of Kumina Kunnie Julian E https://doiorg/104324/9781315252414-8
Tanna, Laura 1984 Kumina : Old Traditions in the New World Kingston (PO Box 105, Kingston 10): Creative Communications Inc for Air Jamaica
Words and Work By Bastick
Yearning to escape the unforgiving grip of Canadian winter, Rami and I went to the botanical garden a temporary refuge Within its walls, we were surrounded by what they’ve labeled as “exotic” plants I felt a quiet intimacy with these blooms that were not foreign to me but reminders of my father’s garden back in Haiti I moved among them, these strange, lush things, and felt a sudden kinship Like me, like my afro, these plants seemed to carry a weight seen as odd, beautiful, maybe a little out of place
There, in that moment, I was compelled to reflect on the notion of environment: What it means to be uprooted, planted outside of your natural soil, to be planted somewhere that treats us as spectacle Rami’s story, though different, weaves a similar thread born in America, raised in France and Haiti, with roots tracing back to Lebanon and Palestine Home, he says, is a concept that has always evaded him. He exists like those flowers, transplanted, “exotic” in every soil he touches, Montreal included.
A truth he has carried four or five times over I asked him how he copes, with this being my first taste of that dislocation, and he told me: home is found in the connections and the people that matter Home, for him, are roots reaching inward, yet branching out, grounding him wherever he lands.
When I returned, I felt a need to create, to honor this shared experience of dislocation and self-definition I made two portraits, using photographs from the garden, layering our faces with these elements of nature A way to anchor ourselves to claim, if only for a moment, a sense of rootedness where we stand.
By Kevarney K R
All Captioned Photographs Contributed by Kevarney K R
The Jamaican national flag is among the most globally recognizable and is notable for being one of only two national flags that do not feature red, white, or blue the traditional colours of European imperialism1 As the foremost symbol of Jamaica’s national identity, the flag serves as a powerful emblem of pride and unity for millions of Jamaicans, both at home and across the diaspora An electrifying spirit surges through the veins of Jamaicans whenever they witness the black, green, and gold banner triumphantly hoisted at award ceremonies or draped around the shoulders of our victorious Olympians However, despite the deep sense of national pride the flag inspires, its history is steeped in racial and political contention Discussions on the representation of Blackness in Jamaican national identity and differing perceptions of Jamaica among locals and foreigners have been reignited by the National Gallery of Jamaica’s latest exhibition, Kingston Biennial 2024: Green X Gold
Photography by Kimberly Nguyen
The National Gallery of Jamaica (NGJ), the country’s premier fine arts institution, is the oldest and largest national art museum in the English-speaking Caribbean. As a cultural institution, it plays a crucial role in shaping the dominant narratives of Jamaica’s art-historical canon by influencing which artists, curators, and aesthetic and curatorial choices gain prominence in the nation’s fine arts discourse The NGJ achieves this through its curatorial and exhibition practices, institutional recognition, scholarly art publications, collections and acquisitions, and public education programmes Its flagship exhibition, the Annual National Exhibition, was inaugurated in 1977, transitioned to a biennial schedule in 2002 as the National Biennial, and underwent further revisions to become the Jamaica Biennial in 2014 and the Kingston Biennial in 2019
Through its curatorial decisions, this premier exhibition grants institutional recognition and legitimacy to the artists and artworks it showcases These selections are further validated through the NGJ’s scholarly publications and public education programmes, reinforcing their place within the national arthistorical canon As a cultural institution, the NGJ not only reflects the state’s vision of national identity but also plays an active role in shaping it By deciding which narratives and images are presented to the public, the NGJ can either reinforce the status quo or challenge the hegemonic constructs that have long dominated Jamaican national discourse
Due to its prominent role in shaping dominant narratives of art history, artistic legitimacy, cultural memory, and national identity in Jamaica, the NGJ serves as a crucial space for examining how power operates through culture Specifically, analyzing the practices of cultural institutions reveals how both hegemonic and contesting ideologies about culture and value shape individual subjectivities and experiences of cultural identity among Jamaicans2. According to curator Ashley James, who is a Black American of Jamaican parentage, the exhibition’s title, Green X Gold, “draws its meaning from the colours, symbolism, and geometry of the Jamaican national flag” where green represents “fertile land” and yellow gold “symbolizes its distinctive sunshine ”3 Additionally, the exhibition also carries connotations of green and gold as “they might relate to paper money and the precious metal and by extension, notions of commerce, resources, and value more broadly”4
Green X Gold references the design of the Jamaican flag while conspicuously omitting its most significant element black This deliberate exclusion of black from Jamaican national identity is not particularly controversial, given the long history of contention surrounding the colour in Jamaica’s national symbols and observances The colours green and gold are venerated because of their supposed universal meanings: “ green to signify growth, fertility, agriculture,” and gold to represent “civilisation, the energy of the sun, and human achievement to high levels of thought and productivity based on the exercise of the creative imagination”5 In contrast, black has historically been an anathema in Brand Jamaica due to its use as a signifier for “all things negative as in Black Friday, blackmail, and the Oxford dictionary meanings given as deadly, sinister, wicked, hateful, dismal, sulky, threatening, and implying disgrace”6 Whether phrased as “Green by Gold,” “Green times Gold,” or “Green strikes Gold”7 , Green X Gold omits the Black concern from its central curatorial thesis
While some may argue that the omission of black in Green X Gold was a curatorial choice rather than a deliberate political statement, this perspective overlooks the historical context of the exclusion of Blackness in Jamaican national symbols The flag’s design, after all, was itself a product of contested negotiations around identity, and any omission of black in a national exhibition must be seen through this lens Thus, the exclusion of black from Green X Gold is more than a curatorial decision; it mirrors broader societal trends in Jamaica where Blackness is still often marginalized in favor of more palatable, non-confrontational narratives This omission also reflects the tension between the country’s creole vision of Jamaicanness and the African heritage that it often distances itself from This essay explores the Jamaican national flag as a symbol of national identity, focusing on how its contested history reflects tensions between colonial hegemony and anticolonial resistance In particular, it examines the ongoing ideological debates surrounding the representation of Blackness within Jamaican national identity, as reflected in exhibitions like the National Gallery of Jamaica’s Green X Gold
Having established the tensions surrounding the Green X Gold exhibition, it is important to understand the historical roots of these controversies The Jamaican national flag itself, a prominent symbol of national pride, has always been fraught with internal contradictions stemming from colonial legacies and racial politics The origins of the Jamaican national flag are rooted in the nationalist independence project, which sought to establish the emerging nation-state’s (brand) identity According to Deborah Thomas (2004), the Jamaican national identity that took shape at independence was a creole vision of Jamaicanness, shaped by brown political and intellectual elites who inherited authority from the colonial powers 8 This vision of Jamicanness was deeply embedded in a nexus of colour, class, gender, and culture, reflecting the values of the brown elite class, which closely aligned with British ideals.9
By the time of independence, race was subsumed into the universalizing ideology of the modern creole nation encapsulated in the creole nationalist slogan, “Out of Many, One People ”10
The Jamaica Information Service, the National Library of Jamaica, the Office of the Prime Minister, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, and presumably all other Government of Jamaica entities, present a unified consensus on the origin and meaning of the national flag 11 This is significant because Jamaica’s national identity (Brand Jamaica) is strategically packaged, managed, and exported by the government in collusion with elitist private interests, often foreign According to this consensus, the Jamaica House of Representatives, led by then-Premier Norman Manley, established a bipartisan Independence Celebrations Committee to oversee the organization of national festivities between 30 July to 12 August 1962
Among its responsibilities, the committee was tasked with adjudicating a national flag design competition
Twelve designs were selected from over 368 entries and presented to the Joint Committee of Parliament for final review; however, none were ultimately selected Instead, the Joint Committee eventually proposed a design featuring stacked horizontal bands of black, green, and gold. However, this design was also rejected for being too similar to the flags of newly independent Afrikan nations emerging during the era of decolonization, particularly that of Tanganyika (now part of modern United Republic of Tanzania) According to the official consensus, the design was then modified by the Committee into the version we recognize today. However, an alternative, unofficial history of the Jamaican national flag is provided by John McGhie He claims that his father, Rev. William R.F. McGhie, a minister of the Church of Scotland, was the flag’s true designer
Rev McGhie, a friend of then-Prime minister Alexander Bustamante, suggested to him that as a Christian country, Jamaica’s national flag should reflect this by incorporating a cross 13 The Scottish missionary then traced the saltire, which symbolizes St. Andrew’s Cross, from the Scottish flag, and replaced the blue and white with green, black, and gold Only then did the Joint Committee of Parliament approve the design 14 Thus, Brand Jamaica’s foremost national icon is, in fact, a British construct, deeply rooted in notions of British nationalism and religious symbolism
Although the government ostensibly sought public input on the flag’s design, these suggestions were ultimately disregarded in favour of colonial ideas a fitting reflection of how the Jamaican government often operates: creating an illusion of democratic participation while ultimately adhering to colonial frameworks
According to curator Ashley James’ description of Green X Gold, the exhibition’s interpretation of the flag’s symbolism aligns with the ‘official interpretation’ proffered by the Government of Jamaica, which states: “The sun shineth; the land is green; and the people are strong and creative ”15 Officially, green represents Jamaica’s hopes tied to the land and its abundant agricultural resources; gold symbolizes the wealth and natural beauty of the land, as reflected in its glorious sunlight; and black signifies the strength and creativity of Jamaicans 16 However, the original official interpretation of the Jamaican national flag stated: “Hardships there are, but the land is green and the sun shineth,” where black symbolized hardships rather than strength or creativity 17 According to a committee appointed by former Prime Minister P.J. Patterson in 1996 to review national symbols and observances, this interpretation was widely regarded by the Jamaican public as “yet another manifestation of the systematic denigration of things African, including the descendants of the people who were brought as cargo in the trans-Atlantic slave trade”18
‘ The committee’s research revealed that many Black Jamaicans associated their racial identity with the negative connotation of the colour black as representing hardships Consequently, after thirtyfour years of independence, the official interpretation was revised to redefine black as a symbol of “strength and creativity ” According to Thomas (2004), this change reflected a broader transformation in Jamaica’s public racial discourse, led by P J Patterson the first Prime Minister widely recognized as Black by the Jamaican public Thomas (2004) also attributes this redefinition of black symbolism to the declining influence of the creole elites, which coincided with a rise in Black nationalist sentiment among the Black population.
The Jamaican national flag, a powerful emblem of national identity and pride, embodies a complex history of racial, political, and cultural contentions While it is celebrated among Jamaicans as a symbol of unity, its design and evolving interpretations reflect deeper tensions within the nation’s postcolonial identity The exclusion of black from Green X Gold underscores the ongoing contestation over the representation of Blackness in national discourse, revealing persistent ideological struggles within Brand Jamaica. The flag’s origins, shaped by both nationalist aspirations and colonial forces, demonstrate how power operates through cultural symbols and are reinforced by cultural institutions The eventual redefinition of black as a symbol of “strength and creativity” rather than hardship signals a shift in Jamaica’s racial consciousness, coinciding with the decline of creole elite influence and the rise of Black nationalist sentiment
However, the broader pattern of elite control over national symbols often reinforcing colonial frameworks while creating an illusion of democratic participation remains a defining aspect of Jamaica’s cultural politics Ultimately, the black, green, and gold banner continues to be a contested space for shaping Jamaican identity The ongoing contestation over the flag’s symbolism and exhibitions like Green X Gold highlight the need for a more radical vision of Jamaicanness one that not only acknowledges the nation’s complex colonial past but also fully embraces its Black heritage Moving forward, there must be a concerted effort to address the exclusionary practices that continue to shape the nation’s cultural institutions, ensuring that Blackness is not just acknowledged but celebrated as an integral part of Jamaican identity
1
Williams, K, T Thompson and W van der Hoop 2021 A Nation’s Flag Says It All Jamaica’s Flag Symbolism Revealed https://wwwsandalscom/blog/flag-of-jamaicaexplained/
Thomas, Deborah A 2004 Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica Kingston: University of the West Indies Press 2
3 Ibid 4
James, Ashley, and O’Neil Lawrence 2024 Kingston Biennial 2024: GREEN X GOLD Kingston: The National Gallery of Jamaica
5 Ibid 6
7
Jamaica Information Service 1996 Report on National Symbols and National Observances, p 14 https://jisgovjm/media/2021/11/Report-on-NationalSymbols-pdf
James, Ashley, and O’Neil Lawrence 2024 Kingston Biennial 2024: GREEN X GOLD Kingston: The National Gallery of Jamaica
8 Ibid 9 Ibid 10
Thomas, Deborah A 2004 Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica Kingston: University of the West Indies Press
The Jamaica Information Service, the National Library of Jamaica, the Office of the Prime Minister, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade provide the same account of the history and symbolism of the Jamaican national flag
12
The National Library of Jamaica (nd) Jamaica independence, 1962 https://nljgovjm/jamaicaindependence1962/
13 Ibid 14
McGhie, John 2005 Alternate History of the Flag Flags of the World: Jamaica (1 February) https://wwwcrwflagscom/fotw/flags/jmhtml#alt
15
Jamaica Information Service 1996 Report on National Symbols and National Observances https://jisgovjm/media/2021/11/Report-on-NationalSymbols-pdf
16
17
19
References:
Believe in Scotland (nd) Independence lessons for Scotland from Jamaica https://wwwbelieveinscotlandorg/as-jamaicaproudly-celebrates-60-years-of-independence-scotland-canlearn-from-its-
example#:~:text=A%20Presbyterian%20minister%2C%20Rev%20 William,have%20a%20cross%20in%20it
Elite Jamaica Official Channel 2019 Evolution of the Jamaican Flag (3 March) https://wwwyoutubecom/watch? v=DBEjZIXJBQQ
Flag Up Scotland Jamaica 2014 Story of the Flags http://wwwflagupscotjamuk/story-of-the-flags/ Jamaica Information Service 1973 Code For National Symbols Jamaica Information Service 1996 Report on National Symbols and National Observances https://jisgovjm/media/2021/11/Report-on-NationalSymbols-pdf
Jamaica Information Service 2024 Jamaican Flag https://jisgovjm/information/symbols/jamaica-nationalflag/#: :text=Following%20a%20national%20flag%20design,Cel ebrations%20on%20August%206%2C%201962
Jamaica with Irie 2021 Flag of Jamaica The Origins and History You Never Knew (8 August) https://wwwyoutubecom/watch? v=9iEeuY-Rxfg
Jamaican House of Representatives 1962 Jamaican National Flag https://webarchiveorg/web/20190303101957/http://wwwnljg ovjm/MinistryPapers/1962/No28pdf
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade 2024 Facts about Jamaica https://mfaftgovjm/site/facts-about-jamaica/ National Library of Jamaica (nd) The Story of the Jamaican Flag https://nljgovjm/story-jamaican-national-flag/ National Library of Jamaica (nd) Jamaica independence, 1962 https://nljgovjm/jamaicaindependence1962/
Needham, Merrick 2011 A Unique Union Colour? And Your Jamaican Flags Jamaica Military Museum and Library
Office of the Prime Minister 2024 Jamaica’s National Symbols: National Flag https://opmgovjm/symbols/national-flag/ Thompson, Krista A 2004 “Black Skin, Blue Eyes”: Visualizing Blackness in Jamaican Art, 1922‐1944 Small Axe, 16 (September): 1–31
Williams, K, T Thompson and W van der Hoop 2021 A Nation’s Flag Says It All Jamaica’s Flag Symbolism Revealed https://wwwsandalscom/blog/flag-of-jamaica-explained/ McGhie, John 2005 Alternate History of the Flag Flags of the World: Jamaica (1 February) https://wwwcrwflagscom/fotw/flags/jmhtml#alt
Words and Works
By Tyrone Mckie
Cover Art
Title: Miracle of Life 2
Medium: Digital Painting Year: 2024
Dimensions: 11'x11"
This piece is a part of a series based around the admiration of nature This features someone swimming in water admiring a fiery plant growing on the bank It is meant to highlight that life began with plants on this planet, and their importance to human life. It takes inspiration from the first plant species to venture on land
Above
Title:Humans Face The Protectors
Medium: Digital Painting Year: 2025
Dimensions: 11"x11"
This piece features a large forest, being protected by two wolves and two bats, as two human figures approach It is meant to showcase both the destruction that humans often wreath upon forests and nature at large (as we perceive it being separate to us), and the resilience of nature in the face of it The wolves and bats represent the many ways in which animals of the forest's ecosystem often work together to care for and protect the forest They stand opposite human figures, cold and plastic-like, with shining weapons
Below
Title: The People Look Like Flowers At Last Medium: Digital Painting Year: 2024
Dimensions: 11"x11"
This piece was inspired by a line from Charles Bukowski, "The people look like flowers at last", and ut features a view of people through vision altering glasses, with them appearing as flowers through the glasses It is meant to represent how we are far more similar to the rest of nature than we realize,and the same essence of nature lies within us
Words by Siddonia Reid
Photography by Ksenia Chernaya
Tear-stained skin.
Wax-melted buttocks
Tightly wrapped bosom
Songs with only a melody
Snuffed harmonies we may never hear
The hummings that keep us sane
Safety
Warm touch a black girl's hands never grasp
Dirt beneath her fingernails
Gritted teeth.
The illusion of what they want a black girl to be:
Silent
Aggressive Abrasive
Bitter without cause
Defence mechanisms we are taught
By the violence of the men we know
The ones that tell us they love us,
Leaving ghosts of girls who never come home
Girls who apologize for the harm inflicted on them, Told to recognize their participation
In the breaking of their beings, Only to never be remembered
Names unsaid
Stories you never dare utter.
Truths they call horror
To be a black girl's smile is a resistance, A spiritual warfare, A freedom song, An emancipation of the life they tell her Is impossible to live
It is worship to a body That is destined for funeral Or a birthing.
Touch, But never of tenderness, But the backs of the women who carry this world And give of itself to give it life are tired, Lonely, Hollow, Dry bones, Desolate land
When will her voice be heard?
When will the life wrapped within the words of her mouth
And the meditation of her heart
Be acceptable in your sight?
Maybe her saviour will be a black girl too, Left to heal what she did not break
Tear-stained skin
Wax-melted buttocks
Tightly wrapped bosom
Songs with only a melody.
Snuffed harmonies we may never hear
The hummings that keep us safe
SOLANJAH SUBRATIE
HIGH SCHOOL FEATURE
By Nashae Lannaman
Despite the ardent efforts of Caribbean scholars, artists, creatives, and radical thinkers in propelling the Caribbean Identity and its value to the world as a complex, multicultural society, we still find ourselves, here in the 21st Century, witnessing the Caribbean’s multicultural reality being reduced to a singular image pictured through a mono-coloured lens The University of the West Indies Press’ Caribbean Biography Series, especially the biographies of Lovelace, Garvey, Walcott and Rodney, have imparted me with a deep appreciation of the struggle that my Caribbean ancestors have borne to dene and defend their identities with their agency
Establishing the Caribbean identity can be understood as a negotiation process among Caribbean peoples and outsiders Caribbean societies are products of Europe’s colonisation of indigenous, African, and Asian peoples within the archipelago. Thus, outsiders have historically dominated, populated, and governed the region Consequently, Caribbean societies are deeply entrenched with Euro-American cultural standards, which define our complex identity using external benchmarks While there are apparent cultural, historical, and social similarities among Caribbean countries, they can not be measured by the same metre stick
I believe a genuine understanding and appreciation of the complex Caribbean reality is necessary to foster and promote a holistic Caribbean identity, which the architects of our culture dedicated their lives to achieving.
Outsiders’ persistence to see Caribbean culture as an exotic spectacle to be used for their leisure, entertainment, and convenience, paired with the Caribbean’s indulgence in impropriety, erodes the work done and the work that continues to be done today in propelling the unparalleled multiplicity of the Caribbean identity Despite being very proud of the Caribbean and how far it has come, Caribbean people know that all Caribbean countries are not the same, do not necessarily share the same reality, and, like many other people in the world, value their respective histories and take pride in their national identities The measurement of Caribbean people against a singular metre stick that does not appropriately capture the multiplicity of Caribbean nations brews resentment among Caribbean people: setting us back decades in our efforts towards establishing true Caribbean Consciousness
The complexity of any culture with African elements is often overlooked Africanness, to others, has often presented as aberrant or peculiarity and has been subjected to the same singular mono-coloured lens as the Caribbean identity Africa consists of 54 countries with varying histories, ethnicities, cultures, languages, religions, and norms, yet this rich diversity is condensed into a single image denoted by the term “Africa.” The entire continent is viewed and measured by the same metre stick The same cannot be said for Europe European countries are always differentiated from their neighbouring nations when referenced One tends to specify when referencing a European country, whether its respective culture, music, food, or geography This is not the case for Caribbean countries. All countries are “the Caribbean”, all food is just “Caribbean food”, and all music made by Caribbean people is Reggae.
Caribbean Scholars before us have long fought to promote the Caribbean identity and its worth; now, our generation has inherited the struggle We must apply a microscopic analysis to our complex Caribbean realities, underscoring the proper depth and multiplicity we experience while representing this truth to outsiders This essay serves as my answer to the call of our ancestors, fulfilling my duty to the Walcotts, Lovelaces, and Rodneys before me
As a multidisciplinary art lover, I find Caribbean art a good centre for discussing the linear mono-cultured lens to which outsiders have subjected Caribbean culture Caribbean art was one of the mediums Caribbean scholars and creatives used to propel the Caribbean identity: literature, sculptures, paintings, and music They all played an essential part in bringing the world’s attention to the Caribbean identity But I fear the outside world does not see any value in understanding the Caribbean, its people, and their cultures beyond their desire for entertainment And this is evident now more than ever An outsider often refers to a Trinidadian or Jamaican as a Caribbean Though such a statement wouldn’t be entirely incorrect and is undoubtedly more preferred than “ someone from the islands”, this generalisation of the Caribbean grossly undermines the nuances of the many national, ethnic, and cultural identities within the region The contrast between the generalization of the Caribbean identity and the respect given to Europe’s dissimilitude reflects a history of cultural politics stemming from colonization
A prime example of this generalization of the Caribbean is evidenced in the lazy misclassification of all music from the Caribbean as Reggae when the Caribbean houses dozens of genres, including dancehall, soca, calypso, reggaeton, and dembo, to name a few. These have influenced music outside the region, as seen in the many samples of Caribbean music or features of Caribbean artists in many genres, including pop, rock, soul, rap, and hip-hop The Recording Academy is guilty of this The Academy’s 27th Annual Grammy Awards in 1985 introduced the “Grammy Award for Best Reggae Recording”, later changed to “Best Reggae Album” in 1992, which was awarded to Black Uhuru for their album Anthem The Grammy’s description indicates the award is for “quality reggae albums”. However, over the years, the nominees and winners of the award have come from genres not exclusive to Reggae
by Cord Allman
A lot of dancehall artists have been nominated for the Best Reggae Album since its inception, including Beenie Man, Shabba Ranks, Elephant Man, Sean Paul, Shaggy, Spice and Vybz Kartel, with Beenie Man, Shaggy, and Shaba Ranks having won Though I am grateful that dancehall artists have been able to win awards on such a big stage, it begs the question of what the criteria are for winning the award Is it merely being a Jamaican and making music? Making music that sounds like it could be from Jamaica? Is it just a “Best Jamaican Album” award? Is it not unfair to measure reggae artists against Reggartiststes? Wouldn’t doing so effectively blur the parameters of Reggae as a distinct genre? Would this not also pit dancehall and reggae artists and fans against each other? Wouldn’t non-reggae artists be at a realistic and unfair disadvantage? Wouldn’t authentic Reggae artistes be disgruntled when non-reggae artistes are awarded? Who determines the authenticity of Reggae? Should artists like SOJA, Sting, and Snoop Lion be nominated and, much less, awarded? And if it’s not a “Best Jamaican Album” award, where is the appreciation for other Caribbean-born genres? I guess maybe “Best Global Music”, but has anyone from the Caribbean been recently nominated for that category, let alone win? It is undoubtedly a quagmire
A prime example of the malarkey caused by the generalisation of our cultures is this year's Best Reggae Album nominees: Shenseea, Vybz Kartel, Collie Buddz, and The Wailers Shenseea and Vybz Kartel, dancehall artists whose albums were dancehall albums by the Grammy’s standards, cannot win the Grammy, and didn’t “How could a dancehall artiste be expected to win a reggae award?” ; “It's rigged!”; “Why them nuh just make a dancehall category? ” ; “Den anything Marley nuh mus win?”. These are the rhetoric of many dancehall fans and Jamaicans watching this year's Grammy awards “Can a deadman win a Grammy?”, “A time dem stop mek the marley dem win” The most absurd thing is that the album awarded Best Reggae Album was Bob Marley: One Love - Music Inspired By The Film (Delue), which features ten songs from ten artists none of whom are Bob Marley! Of the ten, only three are Jamaican Skip and Mystic Marley, Bob’s grandchildren, and Shensea, ironically, who covered Marley’s classic No Woman No Cry.
The record is essentially a crude compilation of covers of Marley’s classics, interpolated by and targeted to a younger demographic far removed from Marley’s era of Reggae This is easily the most obfuscated representation of Reggae in recent memory. This is easily the most obfuscated representation of Reggae in recent memory
We have allowed outsiders to dictate to us that the “Best Reggae Album” of the year is one inspired by the “Bob Marley movie”, featuring covers of Marley’s songs we already know, recorded primarily by nonJamaican, non-Reggae artistes, and this is a cultural low point Unacceptable This is everything the likes of Garvey, Rodney, and Walcott were against the cultural hegemony that European and North American outsiders wield over the Caribbean, and the subversion of our cultures to their standards and ideologies. Are we basing our value of our art on what outsiders think? When did it revert to this? And really, I blame us as Caribbean people We have allowed our identity, culture, and art to be measured by those without business holding the measuring tape Outsiders Were there any real Caribbean people or real appreciators of Caribbean culture present in the Recording Academy advocating for and promoting the true essence of the Caribbean identity, I would not be writing this essay The Grammys would not have to force music into genres they don’t belong to
We have placed too much importance on the opinions and standards of others rather than valuing how we interpret and measure our art The Caribbean Music Awards, first held in 2023, was a significant move to reclaim some power over our art how it is viewed and valued and is filled with categories aimed at honouring artists across the major genres in the Caribbean, including reggae, dancehall, soca, calypso and even kompa This way, fewer artists will fall through the cracks made by illtting Grammy categories It is now for us as Caribbean people to devalue the weight of a Grammy against that of a Caribbean Music Award, at least until some reverence is shown for our music and culture. This goes for any central platform that has imparted its standards unto the art and expression of Caribbean people As a society, we must reconsider the weight we place on the opinions of outsiders who see our culture as nothing more than frivolity or fun rather than serious art
Now is an essential time for creatives from the Caribbean to refocus on he creation of their art without the burden of pleasing outsiders or trying to win awards. Our art is not meant solely for their gaze. We need to void our minds from framing our art in ways we hope will tick or tick into the boxes of outsiders If this continues to be our aim, if outsiders continue to be our metre stick, we will inevitably lose the essence of Caribbean identity and what it means and stands for. And thus, the work and sacrifices of the Garveys, Rodneys, Walters and Lovelaces of the Caribbean would have been for nothing Our ancestors fought for us to be the authors of our destinies, judges and jurors–to create our own space and make our table. Countless efforts have been made to set the foundations we stand on today. Yet still, we find ourselves standing around the tables of others, waiting for an invitation or validation Who knows us better than ourselves? Who better than ourselves to judge us?
The British had Jamaica as their largest possession in the Caribbean and had a squadron at Port Royal, but it was over 1000 miles away from Antigua The Antiguan Assembly assigned English Harbour a suitable Naval Base for the Royal Navy The Royal Navy saw this arrangement as their Royal Navy could combine two squadrons to protect two regions
The suitability of English Harbour as a careening base was brought to the British Admiralty by Captain Robert Clarke in 1707 In a letter, he described the entrance; the harbour's depth would allow vessels to be easily cleaned Nearly all the Leeward Islands harbour offered shelter from winds and hurricanes, which prevail each year However, it was not until the 1720s, with investigations led by Captain Cooper and Del Garno of the British Navy, that the Board of Admiralty seriously considered English Harbour a naval base
By Javíer Gordon
Photography from UNESCO:© Nicola & Reg Murphy
The Antiguan Assembly and other affluent Antiguan planters advocated and signed petitions to establish the naval base, granting the Navy twenty acres of land for development. The money to build and maintain the Dockyard came from the Antiguan Assembly, not the Royal Navy Antigua’s English Harbour at the southern end of the island was considered a hurricane-proof area because of the anchorage, and it was decided to develop a Yard to careen vessels
These structures were the earliest signs of English Harbour being established as a Naval Base In 1734 the Dockyard was expanded across the harbour to the western side, where the current facilities are today as a tourist attraction to tour the Dockyard to understand Antiguan History and its importance.
The establishment of English Harbour was highly important at a financial and strategic level in the 1740s There needed to be a permanent squadron to harass enemy trade and threaten French possessions in the region while providing safe passage for English trade out of the Caribbean English Harbour, similar to Port Royal, was located at the southern end of the island, making it ideal for warships to intercept incoming ships from France, protecting the Leeward islands from invasion. The Dockyard at English Harbour offered advantages; the harbour was deep enough to accommodate a large number of vessels because of the lack of spring water for the navy ’ s supply However, not as much as Port Royal that William Spavens described as “being one of the best arsenals for the King’s naval stores, together with a good yard and wharf for careening ships of any rate ” From a Geographical perspective, Dockyard was also hidden by the hills that offered protection against hurricanes, which Port Royal could not However, Port Royal was the main naval base because of Jamaica’s large spring water supply, abundant cultivation land, and the Dockyard could accommodate more than 100 vessels Instead, English Harbour was a careening Yard as Port Royal offered itself as a protector, trade, and bully enemy ships
The island of Antigua held much economic importance to the Antiguan Planters. A primary consideration was the importance of Antigua and the other leeward islands as top sugar producers they wanted to protect From 1715-1717 over £400,000 exported goods from the Leeward Islands triumph the £382 576 from all British North American colonies The Antiguans surely had an economic reason to protect Antigua from danger and needed a naval presence to deter attacks from European rivals for survival For example, without a proper naval presence, French privateers seized over 100 ships, costing the Antiguan Planters a lot of profits.
The Antiguan government wanted a proper naval presence to keep the merchant shipping lanes open. The naval presence could protect merchant ships to receive safe passage to or from Antigua During the next ten years, it was understood that the Dockyard facilities would have to be increased to meet the demands at sea The first Dockyard was at Saint Helena that only had a storehouse, capstan house, and storage houses for careening equipment There were no Admiral's inns, shipwright cabins or Officers’ Quarters St Helena has maintained its dry dock facility to repair, refuel storage, and refit yachts From 1743 to 1745, the Dockyard was improved by Charles Knowles to prepare the Naval base for the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic war. He surveyed the land and wanted to construct a pier to enable an 80-gun warship to be careened on the western side of the Dockyard to accommodate more vessels The ships careening in the Harbours are very vulnerable to attacks from outside. As a result, the Harbour fortifications were improved under Charles Knowles Fort Berkeley, built in 1704 and improved in the 1740s to accommodate 29 guns guarding the entrance to English Harbour, was constructed by the Antiguan government and built by Charles Knowles By 1745, several buildings were built in the Dockyard behind the careening wharf A capstan house, a storehouse, and a watchhouse had been built Before this, a line of wooden storehouses had been built on reclaimed land to provide adequate facilities to victual and careening ships [3] [4]
A complaint was made by Thomas Frank Esquire, Rear Admiral of the Redd Bears, stated: “This Plan with the soundings was taken by Order of Admiral Frankland, to detect the Falsehood of the Publick Assertion of the President of the Councile and Speaker of the Assembly of Antigua; That there were at least 24 Feet Water, at the side of the Wharf” Whether as a result of this public report or because global events required better naval facilities in the Eastern Caribbean region, English Harbour and the Dockyard development kept steadily going over the years from 1755 to 1765 Unlike Port Royal, by the 1750s, it was already prepared to send ships to travel, refit them, and send warships throughout the Caribbean to mount operations and maintain a naval presence there The Antiguan Naval Dockyard saw incredible building activity from the 1760s- 1823 to enhance its capabilities to refit and maintain naval ships and accommodate naval men.
[4]
The British Royal Engineers constructed and developed the Antiguan Naval Dockyard throughout the 18th century Like Port Royal, they built and improved Fort Charles, Military barracks, the Naval Hospital, and dry docks They were crucial for constructing and enhancing various fortifications in Britain and its overseas colonies They played an important role in the global diffusions of improving or constructing fortifications Engineers’ officers gained considerable theoretical knowledge from Royal Military Academy and were taught to mix European experiences to adapt to the Caribbean environment This movement of skilled workers employed overseas where integral in the development of the Dockyards at Port Royal and Antigua that saw the construction of naval dockyard defences Moreover, it is important to acknowledge the workforce that was integral to both Dockyards' development The enslaved African communities had a slave labour society that worked within the Yards to construct these infrastructures The Antiguan Assembly ordered ‘inhabitants of Antigua or owners of property therein’ to send ‘ one able man save with a hoe and bucket’ for every 200 slaves they owned Slaves worked under harsh conditions that even caused illness or death In the event of a slave’s death at the dockyard, the Planters were compensated There were many times when slaves ran away and became fugitives in newspapers with high rewards for the capture of them alive so they could publicly execute to warn other slaves. However, English Harbour was managed by a different institution and required different labour The slaves were necessary for naval operations, but as property, they were employed because the Navy failed to recruit sufficient white labourers in the yard locally and from England.
[5]
The Naval Base at English Harbour continued for the next 85 years until the military garrison left in 1854 During this period, the Dockyard suffered immense damage In 1815 the buildings that victualed ships were set on fire by lighting. More serious damage happened in 1843 when an earthquake wrecked English Harbour The Dockyard saw the destruction of the piers, officers’ Quarters and the Guard House The town of Falmouth church was levelled to the ground, and Monks Hill and Dows Hill fortifications were greatly damaged Although the Dockyard went through this phase, its importance was still recognized, and repairs were quickly made to adapt, but the Dockyard could not adapt to the rapidly industrializing world The Dockyard was closed in 1895 as a Royal Naval facility because the large steamships of war could not pass the narrow entrance to English Harbour The new Naval ships required dry docks and not careening bay; that was a speciality that the Antiguan Naval Dockyard had As a result, the Antiguan Naval Dockyard facilities became obsolete in the Age of Steam The Dockyard officially ceased operations in 1906, and the Government of Antigua took over the lands. On the other hand, Port Royal during this period was expanded to meet the new steampowered vessels and had a wide enough Harbour to accommodate these vessels The victual wharf became a coaling station; coaling sheds and a slipway for torpedo boats were built Port Royal remained a British Naval Station until it ceased operations in 1905
Merriman, R D Queen Anne's Navy London: Routledge, 2019
Snow, Henry "Fugitive Harbour: Labour, Community, and Marronage at Antigua Naval Yard" Slavery & Abolition 42, no 4 (2021), 803-826 doi:101080/0144039x20211910470
Weaver, David B "English Harbour, Antigua: The Rise and Fall of a Strategic Military Site" Caribbean Quarterly 48, no 4 (2002), 1-11 doi:101080/00086495200211672156
Directed by Annastazia Chin and Shamara Spencer
The Hot Gyal Project serves as a platform showcasing the talents of some of Jamaica's most successful street and studio dancers This project focuses its intention on deserved recognition and respect of women within the Jamaican CulturalCreative and Entertainment Industry
Hot Gyal! A highly anticipated Summer Dance Project, showcasing the talents of some of Jamaica’s most successful Studio and Street Female Dancers Featuring choreography and movement direction by Shamara ‘Inspire’ Spencer, Amanyea Stines, Kimiko Versatile, Shae-J Osbourne, Ashley ‘Soleil’ Bromfield and Catherine ‘CatKingCole’ Reid Utilizing dancehall riddims and songs from the 90’s and early 2000’s with a modern twist, paying homage to movements and sounds of the past and present
The Project incorporates structured choreography as well as unstructured movement and dancehall vibes, with the intention of communicating that Jamaican Dancers are multifaceted.
The Project intends to address the issue of improper and unintentional incorporation of dancers and dance routines in videos and films within the Entertainment industry Jamaican Female dancers are MORE than just video vixens We used this platform to highlight that.
By: Nia Adonis
We were all very cordial with each other, and it was rare that we had open rivalries or disputes, but there were undercurrents The subtlety of 9-year-olds in conversation leaves the backhanded repartee of corporate gatherings in the dust. Over time, through the experiences shared over homecooked lunches with folding forks, Aloo pies, Chubby sodas, and Tamarind balls, some of us were able to identify socioeconomic strata, lighting up like tumors on a PET scan
You could tell who was aware of the strata from who was not. I witnessed this when my best friend came to It was the day we were speaking with our prep 4 class president who was not so named officially, but because she came first in weekly tests, took music and ballet classes after school, was mixed with Portuguese, and because all the parents knew her name.
My best friend made a brave start atop the monkey bars at an impromptu town hall “Have you ever realised it?” she asked “We’re different from some of you ” The ‘ we ’ was she and I, representing members of the working middle class. The president flicked deftly through the bars and, hanging upside down, asked her to expound on her statements “I don’t know, but I think there are levels in our class ” And I watched the fruit of good and evil slip down their throats Unable to articulate the concept myself, I could only nod in agreement when the president asked me for further explanation
I was taken aback by her naivety, but that would help to explain the main reason she was president why anyone was president. Her manifesto promised bridges where we had walls, giving no weight to ethnicity, 'What I did over summer break’ essays, and other contributing factors to social rank. However, her policies did not reach the small man My upward mobility was hindered as I lacked two things: fantastic grades (which I did not care to help) and ballet classes
But I could start ballet The studios are far, so I took virtual classes on Tuesdays with Madame Dubois And gosh, Madame DuPont is strict and merciless and always demands poise, even when you ’ re drinking water It was every Wednesday That’s why I dreaded Thursdays. Who could be bothered with.by Madame Du Pré and all her French words the day before the weekly test?
Maybe it was the inconsistency of the days, Madame’s many names, or the artificially advanced French terminology that had the president march me around the school, hand in hand, to find either an alibi for my story or a witness to my crime It was then that we found my honest-to-goodness sister in the assembly area When asked if either of us did ballet on any day, she testified against me
I would go on to wonder why the president continued to hold my hand, her face without an expression of satisfaction or judgment Instead, she displayed patience, leading me to understand that she had known Not only about the fabricated ballet classes, but also the strata She said she hadn’t asked because she wanted to know but because she wanted me to know it was okay. It was okay not to do ballet, not to be in the top ten in penmanship, to not have a calculator-bookmark from Germany or a water bottle that changed colours. She said seeing the strata was like wearing 3D glasses You could only see the extra layers if you had them on, but 2D was all that was necessary
But she didn’t say any of that out loud She just held my hand all the way back to our classroom, and looking around it, I took off my 3D glasses We were all just nine years old again, and that was enough.
Words by: Javoniel Trowers
Photography by: Ksenia Chernaya
Him gone pan a long business trip Holy man Everybody worships
Multiply bread pan di table that Him give Him pickney dem
All when Him deadjust watch! Three days Him rise gone Heaven America where business booms
Jamaica blooms wen a barrel of goods come down inna mi Heavenly Father’s name “Customs bless the pulpit! No other god but Septimus!”
But America Heaven mus ’ be a warzone cause mi Father neva come back Three nights
Mi pray. Mi bawl. Mi bun sage in Him name
Then He spoke -Selah
Denise Lloyd is the Research Officer for the Programmes Coordination Division (Junior Centres and Simon Bolivar Cultural Centre) at the Institute of Jamaica With over three years in the role, she has published four articles and remains committed to using research to enhance centre activities and address issues affecting children Her work focuses on education, Jamaican culture, and the visual and performing arts Denise is also a proud alumna of the University of the West Indies and Shortwood Teachers’ College
Hails from Spanish Town
Author, Poet and Artist by night, tired by day
Also dabbles in full-time employment
He is a jack of all trades, master of enough to pay the bills
Melissa Lyn is a Jamaican artist blending history and symbolism in bold, stylized portraits Her work, inspired by the Bible and African heritage, has earned multiple JCDC awards and international features In 2023, her project “Reimagining Nanny: Avatar Erzulie” appeared in the National Gallery of Jamaica’s The Face of Us.
Chantal Cousins is the Manager of Research and Information at the National Library of Jamaica, with over seven years of experience in various library settings She holds a BA in Library and Information Studies and an MA in Public History and Caribbean Heritage Chantal contributed to the Cultural and Creative Industry Policy and has researched the use of AI in preserving and promoting cultural heritage
Bastik (b 1997) began her artistic journey at age 4 under Kay Tiga in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, embracing the “Artistic Rotation” method that fostered fluidity across mediums Now based in Montreal, she is a mechanical engineer and multidisciplinary artist exploring connection, identity, and Haitian visual culture through painting, photography, film, fashion, and design
Kevarney KR is a self-taught Jamaican multidisciplinary artist and curator at the Olympia Gallery, with a focus on Jamaica’s modern and contemporary art history He is currently pursuing a Master’s in Government at the University of the West Indies, Mona, specializing in Comparative Politics and Political Theory Kevarney also serves as a researcher at the Gender and Development Studies Unit, Mona Most recently, he co-curated the In Spirit & In Truth exhibition at the Olympia Gallery
Tyrone Mckie (b 1997) is a multidisciplinary artist based in St Mary, Jamaica Working across painting, collage, photography, sculpture, and video, their practice explores identity, emotion, and nature through surreal, symbolic imagery Their series Stranger examines self-perception and dysphoria Mckie’s work has appeared in The Headlight Review, Crab Apple Literary, Wax International, and DO KRE IS
Siddonia, writing as Nia Navi, is a Jamaican-born writer who uses storytelling to explore identity, trauma, and healing She began writing in grade 7 to reclaim her voice, turning pain into art Through poetry and prose, she reflects on love, loss, and liberation crafting work that is both personal and universal. For her, writing is resistance, survival, and a calling
I’m 14, growing up in Jamaica, shaped by family, culture, and stories This painting, based on a childhood photo with my cousin, reflects that journey The bright colors echo Jamaica’s vibrance and the love that raised me It’s more than a memory it’s my identity in brushstrokes, honoring where I come from
Nashae Lannaman is a writer from Spanish Town, Jamaica, and founder of Writer’s Universe and the Unwanted & Untethered blog A graduate of UWI Mona and the Norman Manley Law School, she is pursuing a legal career while exploring her passion for writing and the arts Her work blends artistic critique with social commentary, aiming to inspire awareness and dialogue in the Caribbean community
Javíer Gordon is a Caribbean archaeologist and heritage professional focused on history, preservation, and public engagement He works as Registrar at the National Gallery of Jamaica and is pursuing an MSc in World Heritage Conservation at the University college of Dublin
The Hot Gyal Project is a dynamic showcase of Jamaica’s top female street and studio dancers, celebrating their talent, versatility, and rightful place in the Cultural-Creative and Entertainment Industry Featuring choreography by leading dancers like Shamara ‘Inspire’ Spencer and Amanyea Stines, the project blends 90s/2000s dancehall with modern flair It challenges stereotypes, highlighting that Jamaican women dancers are artists not just video vixens
Nia Adonis is a Jamaican poet, essayist, and musician whose work explores identity, nature, and Caribbean life She plays and teaches violin and piano, and shares her art through Instagram (@pmeadpoems) and YouTube (@niasayshello). She recently completed a degree in Biological Sciences at Northern Caribbean University
Javoniel Trowers is a Jamaican poet and actor known for powerful, engaging performances A Wake Up Jamaica Poetry finalist and a member of Team Jamaica for the 2025 World Championship of Performing Arts, he is also the founder of Tallawah Poetry a public speaking and media agency helping young men find self-mastery through performance A meditator and empathetic listener, Javoniel lives by the motto: “Go within and let Go(d).”
