MSC Digital Journal Issue 1- FINAL

THE MANGO SEED COLLECTIVE

JOURNAL SPRING 2025 ISSUE NO. 01

THE CARIBBEAN RENAISSANCE: NEW AESTHETICS, NEW IDENTITIES NEW THOUGHT DENISE LLOYD JONKANOO AND THE SPIRIT OF CHRISTMAS: A CELEBRATION OF FREEDOM AND CULTURE

TYRONE MCKIE HOW WE SEE NATURE ... AND MORE

Tyrone McKie-Miracle of Liife 2 (2024)

TABLE Of CONTENTS JONKANOO AND THE SPIRIT OF CHRISTMAS: A CELEBRATION OF FREEDOM AND CULTURE Denise Lloyd

LESSONS FROM TIME Andre Smith

REIMAGINING HERITAGE AND IDENTITY Melissa Lyn

SOUNDS OF THE DRUM: KUMINA; THE CONSTRUCT, PLAY, AND SOUNDS Chantal Cousins

(UP)ROOTED Bastik

THE POLITICS OF THE BLACK, GREEN AND GOLD Kevarney K.R.

07 10 11 13 17 19

TABLE Of CONTENTS HOW DO WE SEE NATURE? Tyrone McKie

THE HUMMINGBIRDS THAT KEPT US Siddonia Reid

ROOTS IN COLOUR Solanjah Subratie

WHY ARE OUTSIDERS OUR UNIT OF MEASUREMENT Nashae Lannaman

FUNCTION OF THE ANTIGUAN NAVAL DOCKYARD 17151905 Javier Gordon

HOT GYAL SUMMER PROJECT Annastazia Chin and Shamara Spencer

25 27 28 29 34 38

TABLE Of CONTENTS THE SOCIOECONOMIC CLIMATE OF A TRINIDAD PRIVATE SCHOOL CLASS CIRCA 2013 Nia Adonis

PROSPERITY’S PROPHET Javoniel Trowers

CONTRIBUTORS

40 44 45

THE MSC team President, Chief Curator and Editor-At-Large of MSC Publications

BREYA KERR-THOMPSON

1st VP and Creative Director

JAVÍER GORDON

2nd VP and Chief Editor of MSC Publications

ASHLEIGH ONFROY

mangoseedcollectiveca@gmail.com mangoseedcollective

Kingston, Jamaica

EDITOR-atLARGE

THE CARIBBEAN RENAISSANCE: FOR NOW & FOR POSTERITY

Recently, my mother and I journeyed to Mexico City in celebration of her birthday. As two former history majors, we found ourselves immersed in a landscape rich with narrative and cultural depth. From our base in the heart of the historic centre, we explored the ancient temples of Teotihuacan, swam in

the hot springs of Tolantongo, and soared in a hot air balloon over the Temples of the Moon and Sun. It was a powerful reminder of how thoughtfully curated heritage can inspire both personal reflection and

professional insight. On one of our return trips from a site visit, my mother observed something that stayed with me. She spoke of the seamless relationship between professionalism and cultural stewardship in how Mexico presents its history—a symbiosis that left her deeply moved. Then she asked a question that has lingered with me since: “Are we content with just being okay?”

This question, though simple, challenges us to consider the current

state of heritage practice and cultural production in the Caribbean. Have we become too comfortable with the bare

minimum? Are we presenting our culture and creativity with the excellence it deserves? Are we actively protecting, interrogating, and reimagining our heritage—or are we allowing them to

become relics of nostalgia or casualties of modernization? Equally pressing: Are we, as scholars, curators, artists, writers, linguists,

performers, and cultural workers, continuing to assert the

importance of our disciplines beyond our immediate academic and

creative

circles?

Are

we

cultivating

new

publics,

methodologies, and standards for how Caribbean heritage is engaged with, interpreted, and transmitted?

At MSC, we hope that our journal responds to these questions. Our

inaugural issues bring together the work of individuals not content

with the status quo- individuals who believe that the intersection of heritage

and

innovation

is

possible

and

necessary.

Each

contribution reflects a commitment to scholarship, creative experimentation and new thought. As you engage with these

pages, I invite you to reflect, critique, and build. But most importantly, let us continue to work diligently, creatively and for posterity.

05

Breya Kerr-Thompson

CHIEF EDITOR’S notes ENGAGE. QUESTION. BE INSPIRED.

The Caribbean, our home, has always been a space of reinvention—a crossroads where histories

meet, cultures intertwine, and creativity thrives. Today, something deeper is unfolding. A renaissance is taking shape, driven by historians, artists, writers, scholars, and visionaries who are

critically exploring, understanding, embracing and even redefining what it means to be a citizen

of our magnificent and robust Caribbean in the 21st century. This inaugural issue of The Mango Seed Collective’s Digital Journal is a testament to this evolutionary process, paying homage to those before us who paved the path for this transformation while tastefully ushering in the current

cadre of visionaries, artists and thinkers. We explore the new aesthetics emerging from a region

that refuses to be confined—art that fuses ancestral traditions with cutting-edge expression, literature that bends language and form, and history that pulses with both memory and innovation.

We examine new identities, shaped by migration, digital interconnectedness, and a reclaiming of

histories once overlooked. I am very excited to be a part of MSC and our first issue where as young historians, anthropologists, sociologists, students, cultural enthusiasts and lovers of our beloved Caribbean region showcase who we are and what we are passionate about.

Through essays, photographs, poems and other artistic showcases, we celebrate those

who

are

pushing

boundaries—

whether by reinterpreting folklore through

contemporary media, confronting colonial

legacies in visual art, or envisioning futures rooted in Caribbean intellectualism.

This renaissance is not just an artistic or academic

moment;

it

is

a

cultural

reckoning, a declaration that Caribbean

voices are not just responding to history, but actively shaping it.

Ashleigh Onfroy 06

JONKANOO AND THE SPIRIT OF CHRISTMAS:

a celebration of FREEDOM

BY DENISE LLOYD, B.SC, DIP.ED, M.ED,J.P

AND CULTURE

Isaac Mendes Belisario – Koo-Koo, or Actor Boy (From Sketches of Character, 1837-38), Collection: NGJ

“Christmas a come mi wah mi lama,

Christmas a come, me wah me deggeday, not a shoe pon mi foot, mi wah mi lama,

pretty, pretty gal, mi wah me deggeday,”

are just a few words of a popular Jamaican Christmas song that speaks to how eager the enslaved were to indulge in the treats that accompanied Christmas during the pre-emancipation era in

Jamaica. Christmas was a period of joy and celebration for the enslaved workers because it marked

the beginning of their three (3) day holiday. During this time, they were treated with food that was not afforded to them during the “hungry times” which were between the months of July- November (Senior,

07

2003). They were also treated with new apparels and clothing. It was a time of merriment. According to Senior (2003) “Christmas in fact signalled the end of a period of food scarcity and deprivation for the slaves” (p.111).

“(IT) EMBODIED RESISTANCE AGAINST COLONIAL OPRESSION” According to About Jamaica (2017) these events often

include parades featuring costumed characters such Not only were the enslaved afforded the joys of

as:

feasting on delicious food but they were given the

A King

festival came in the form of a masquerade and this is

The man with the house on the head, known as Ku-Ku

particular activity was celebrated on Boxing Day

The devil, complete with tail and pitch-fork

African

Policeman

opportunity to be engaged in festivals. One such

A Queen

known as Jonkonnu, Jonkanoo or John Canoe. This

Actor Boy/John Canoe/Pitchy-Patchy

(December 26). This vibrant celebration is a blend of

Belly Woman

traditions, characterized by elaborate costumes,

Cow Head

cultural

heritage

and

local

Jamaican

music, and dance.

Warriors

Dancing Ladies

The festival is believed to have evolved from various West African traditions, particularly those of the Akan and Yoruba peoples. The name "Jonkanoo" is thought

to derive from "John Canoe," a legendary figure

symbolizing freedom and resistance. Over time,

Jonkanoo has transformed into a celebration that reflects both African heritage and local Jamaican influences.

Jonkanoo is characterized by its elaborate costumes

and energetic performances. Participants wear masks and costumes that depict various characters from

folklore and history, creating a spectacle that captivates audiences. The festival is celebrated in

various towns across Jamaica, with local groups showcasing traditions.

08

their

interpretations

of

Jonkanoo

Photography by Safe Entertainment

These participants are normally accompanied by a band who would be seen playing the bamboo fife, Gombay drum and grater (Sealey & Malm, 1991).

The

Jonkannoo

celebration

was

not

only

for

entertainment it was said to represent a form of resistance against colonial oppression and it was

also a method of preserving their African identity. It

would also be important to add that in North Carolina pre-emancipation Jonkanoo was a form of

Recent efforts have been made to revitalize Jonkanoo through

community

engagement

initiatives

that

encourage participation among younger generations (Jamaica Information Service [JIS], 2022).

Jonkanoo stands as a testament to the resilience, creativity, and cultural pride of the enslaved people in Jamaica and beyond. Rooted in African traditions and

intimidating and mocking the whites/oppressors by

adapted

through

local

would dress in top hats and conduct an unflattering

identity amidst the harsh realities of colonial oppression.

vibrant

celebration

impersonation of the oppressors (Brockell, 2021).

Today, Jonkanoo continues to evolve as a cherished

The Jonkanoo celebration was much more than a

reminder of the struggles and triumphs of the past but

against colonial oppression and served as a vital

future generations.

of

entertainment;

it

embodied

resistance

resistance,

this

carrying whips and threatening onlookers and some

form

symbolized

influences,

freedom,

and

part of Jamaican heritage, serving not only as a also as a vibrant expression of cultural continuity for

method for preserving African identity. In North

Carolina during the pre-emancipation era, Jonkanoo

functioned as a means of mocking oppressors, with participants wielding whips to intimidate onlookers.

They

often

unflattering

donned

top

impersonations

hats of

and

their

performed

enslavers,

creating a subversive spectacle that reinforced cultural resilience and defiance (Brockell, 2021).

This dual role of Jonkanoo as both a festive occasion

and an act of resistance is further underscored by its

References:

Jamaica Information Service [JIS]. (2022). Culture Ministry seeking to revive Jonkonnu.

Retrieved from https://jis.gov.jm/culture-ministry-seeking-to-revive-jonkonnu/

About Jamaica. (2017, November 3). “John Canoe (Jonkonnu/Jonkanoo): The Whole Story.”

About Jamaica.com. https://www.about-jamaica.com/john-canoe/

Brockell, G. (2021, December 26). Jonkonnu: The holiday when Black revelers could mock their

enslavers. The Seattle Times. The Washington Post. https://www.seattletimes.com/nationworld/jonkonnu-the-holiday-when-black-revelers-could-mock-their-enslavers/

Sealy, J., & Malm, K. (1991). Music in the Caribbean (6th impression). St Edmundsbury Press Limited.

Senior, O. (2003). Encyclopedia of Jamaican heritage. Twin Guinep Publishers.

Gibbs, J. M. (2021). Jonkanoo Performances of Resistance, Freedom, and Memory. In E.

O’Callaghan & T. Watson (Eds.), Caribbean Literature in Transition, 1800–1920 (pp. 52–66). chapter, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

historical roots. Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, enslaved peoples across the

Caribbean, as well as in parts of Central, South, and

North America, performed Jonkanoo as a masked

parade of dance and song (Gibbs, 2021). According to Gibbs (2021), this Christmas tradition traces back

to the memory of armed resistance led by John Konny, a West African tribal chief who was captured

and sent to Jamaica as an enslaved individual. He

became a folk hero because of his heroic deeds and he as immortalized into Jonkanoo performances.

The mixture of African dance and carnival like

traditions of the English indicated a cultural fusion.

Though this celebration was tolerated and allowed by the oppressors the enslaved perceived this

opportunity with ambiguous meaning, this opportunity symbolized resistance, freedom and memory (Gibbs,

2021). In modern Jamaica, Jonkanoo continues to be celebrated, particularly during the Christmas season.

While its forms have evolved over time, the festival remains a vital part of Jamaican cultural identity.

09

Photography by Paul H. Williams

LESSONS IN TIME Words By Andre Smith

She passed away one convenient Thursday morning,

She always wanted to be no trouble at all, But the family had long begun mourning,

When the cancer made her whittled and Photograph: Kool Shooters

small.

We returned to her house to get affairs in place,

For the wake and the guests it would host,

But without her it felt strange in her space,

Like it was haunted...but we were the ghosts;

Drifting aimlessly

With unfinished business

Moving pictures and furniture round,

Disappearing and appearing every minute, Photograph: Samer Daboul

With occasional wailing sounds,

Even trying our hand at possession,

Figuring out what should be ours, yours, mine.

I'm not even sure Father Time had a lesson.

Or its just the age where grandmothers die.

Photograph: Andrey Grushnikov

10

MELISSA LYN

REIMAGINING Heritage IDENTITY People exist as biological numeric algorithms. Historical

This traumatic conditioning of the mind has also created

its time. Etymologically, all these identities, “African,

especially towards Haitians and other indigenous

names are spiritual creation concepts. Each adapts to

Negro, Caribbean” etc. prove historically that we are the same people, who broke up into various tribes. The traditions and customs based on historical influences

may be different, but without a doubt or contradiction, we are who our ancestors were. Pieces such as Reimagining Nanny and Christ, both illustrate a

correspondence between the Most High and His people throughout different cultures. The “proverb and

byword” narratives in colonial discourse by people of African descent towards their own race, has resulted in Negroes

all

nations

of

over

the

globe

to

assimilate

into

segregation; thus severing ties between powerful people

indomitable force.

11

who

were

once

a

unified,

taboos, mass hysteria and even structural violence, groups of Negroes. This has resulted in a malicious misrepresentation of their identities, whereby such peoples

have

genocides,

become

rape,

the

poverty,

victims

cultural

of

perpetual

appropriations,

natural resource wars, replacement, and displacement

theology. In an assiduous effort, I created this series of reimagining ancestors to share with my audience the

hidden knowledge of forgotten and undiscovered ancestral groups, by way of symbolism. I retell history through

pop

culture

visual

expressions

that

are

appealing to younger audiences. I’m passionate about

using my work to help guide myself and others who are on a path to discovering their roots, identity, and purpose.

Image 0.1: “REIMAGINING CHRIST: Pilli Mwami”

42 x 42 inches, colored pencil and ink on paper

Christ can be imagined in every PARALLEL universe.

To the Aztecs, he is Kukulkan, the feathered serpent

the Prince of Peace. Some look for King David,

constellation and the coming of his army with NASA’s

People look for different messianic signs concerning others Archangel Gabriel and the Revelation 2:8 “Light Bearer.” They're pretty much one of the same.

In ancient cultures, Sumerian carvings represented Christ as an Annunaki cherubim to reference his (Ezekiel 1: 5-11) “hybrid image.” In Mesopotamia, some see him as Enlil. In Haitian Vodou, he’s seen as Agassou, a half human/leopard lwa.

god. Astrologers point Christ’s throne to the Orion mysterious

planet

X.

In

many

ways,

Christ

shapeshifted. I reimagine Christ as a boy king, to

reinforce the 6 chapters of Ephesians, which teaches to be born of a new body, to receive enlightenment.

The gods were 1000 year old babies. The more

RUACH you absorb, the higher your frequency increases, the more youthful your body becomes.

Image 0.2: “REIMAGINING NANNY: Avatar Erzulie” 42 x 42 inches, colored pencil and ink on paper

Nanny, the most iconic leader of the Maroons is not

There’s a correspondence between Nanny and her

wisdom and mystical knowledge hidden within the

cultures,

only associated with guerilla warfare, but also with the vegetal kingdom that open doors to invisible realms.

In the portrait, Nanny is seen wearing a halo that is

decorated with multi-colored Adinkra symbols, which shows a connection to her Ashanti roots. Her blue skin,

blue hair and snake colored gazing eyes symbolize the metaphysical

changes

she

experienced

while

traversing new paths. The pineapple (in the head

scarf) represents Nanny's awakened pineal gland, while the peppermint leaves in the background symbolize prophetic vision. I also used the plants in the background to give the impression of camouflage.

12

algorithms pantheon

throughout

predominantly as

well

as

various

Haitian

Bantu-

African-Caribbean Vodou,

Hebrew

Yoruba

biblical

characters. “Nanny” has lived many lives as an AVATAR. As Grande Ayizan, the first Haitian Vodou

high priestess. As Asase Ya of the Akan people in Ghana. As Ahia Njoku & Ala of the Igbos in Nigeria. As Queen Esther & Judge Deborah, two powerful Hebrew Israelite women.

In so many ways, the indomitable spirit of Nanny lives in the everyday God fearing Negro woman.

SOUNDS OFthe drums

KUMINA; THE CONSTRUCT, PLAY, AND SOUNDS AN EXCERPT FROM M.A THESIS “SOUNDS OF THE DRUM: EXAMINING THE INFLUENCE OF THE KUMINA DRUMS ON REVIVAL AND RASTAFARI”

By Chantal Cousins

Photograph: Kumina being performed in

Manchioneal, Portland, National Library of Jamaica Photography Collection

13

Drums have played a significant role in various cultures and spiritual practices throughout history. In

Jamaica, the drum rhythms have served as a

powerful cultural expression and spiritual connection medium. The Kumina drums (Playing cast and Kbandu), have left an indelible mark on the island's musical and religious landscapes

THE KUMINA DRUM: ORIGINS AND RITUALISTIC POWER Kumina is an African-Jamaican religion with dance

usually counterclockwise, and music emanating from two drums Kbandu, and Playing cast for ceremonies

such as birthdays, weddings, and healing. The Kumina

drum is a musical instrument and a key element of the Kumina religious practice in Jamaica. The drum itself is believed to have originated from various West

African ethnic groups, such as the Congo people

(also known as Bakongo) and the Akan people, who

were brought to Jamaica as indentured labourers between 1845 and 1865.

KUMINA'S SPIRITUAL SIGNIFICANCE Kumina ceremonies are characterized by intense drumming, dancing, chanting, spirit possession, and rituals

aimed

at

healing,

protection,

and

communication with the spirit world. The ceremonies

usually start with the greeting of the god and ancestral spirits and typically take place close to

midnight and last until near dawn. The rhythms played on the Kumina drums vary depending on the specific

ritual or occasion, and they can range from slow and

hypnotic to fast and energetic. One special ritual of the drum is the beating of the rim at a specific tempo to make the drum “hot” and inviting to the spirits. Also

associated with the Kumina practice is the language called Country and Bailo, the “Country” is believed to Photograph Credits: Kumina. Being performed in Manchioneal, Portland, National Library of Jamaica Photographuy collection

be taught by the ancestral spirit and is only spoken during

the

time

of

“Myal”

as

a

means

of

communication. The “Bailo” on the other hand is usually used for songs at the beginning of the ceremonies.

ROLE OF THE DRUM IN KUMINA CEREMONIES The Kumina drums are a fundamental instrument in Kumina ceremonies and rituals. They serve as a means

of communication with ancestral spirits and deities and play a central role in invoking and maintaining spiritual connections during Kumina ceremonies.

Over time, the Kumina drum has become a religious

instrument and a significant component of Jamaica's cultural

heritage.

The

rhythmic

patterns

and

Photograph: Gleaner Jamaica Co/Paul H. Williams

percussive style of the Kumina drum have been

14

musical genres, contributing to the rich tapestry of

incorporated into the African-Jamaican religion and Jamaican culture.

Photograph:Roots and Rhytms: The Cultura Significance of Jamaica Drumming, IReggaeNation

SOUNDS OFthe drums

BEAT THE DRUM: KBANDU AND PLAYING CAST. CONSTRUCT The Kumina drums are typically made from a hollowed-out hardwood

log,

tree

traditionally

such

as

carved

Mahogany

from

a

(Swietenia

mahagoni), Lignum Vitae (Guaiacum Sanctum), or Cedar (Cederla Odorata), sometimes Cotton (Ceiba

Pentandra). The log is carefully selected for its size, shape, acoustic properties, and spiritual connection.

ACCOMPANIMENTS

Shakas- are made from calabash and beads with a

stick and held in the hand and shaken. This resembles the Maracas which were used by Shamans in magic and healing rituals.

Catta Stick- used to maintain a steady rhythm on the body of the Kbandu drum.

Grater- is used with a kitchen fork to make a scraping sound.

The drums are then affixed with goat skin at the head

PLAY

drum's body, creating tension to produce the desired

The Kumina drum is the only drum played faced

The Kbandu ‘bandu” drum is larger and was

believed to allow the rhythm to flow downwards,

and ropes or cords are tightly wound around the sound.

originally made from small coconut (Cocos nucifera) wood or kegs. It is headed on one side only: with

goat skin attached by nails through the band. The

drum is usually 0.61 (2ft) in length and 0.30m (1 ft) in diameter. The playing cast is considered the lead

drum, though it is smaller. Traditional Drummers indicated that the Playing Cast is made from female

goat skin and considered as the female Drum while

the Kbandu is made from male goat skin and is known as the male drum.

15

down connecting with the earth. This position is inviting the ancestral spirits up from their resting

place. Additionally, the drums are positioned east

and west with the Kbandu turned east and the Paying cast to the west. The drum is then straddled

by the drummer and played by hand and fingers with tonal variation attained by imposing and releasing

pressure on the drumhead with one heel. Catta sticks

are also used to achieve a unique sonority in the

Kumina band these are played by the “rackling men” and keep a steady rhythm at the back of the body of the playing cast drum.

THE SOUND The Kumina drum's deep, resonant, and powerful

sound is unique to its design and materials. The timbre

and tone quality of the hardwood log and the tightly stretched animal hide are distinct. The drum's sound is rich in overtones and harmonics, resulting in an

acoustically variable and textured nature. When struck, the drum produces a range of tones, from deep

bass-like

notes

to

higher-pitched

tones,

depending on where its struck and how the drumhead

is tensioned. The kbandu keeps a 2/2 heartthrob,

while counterrhythms and rolls are slapped on the playing cast.

Photograph: Institute of Jamaica

The Kumina drum's sound is known for being both

piercing and mesmerizing. It has a primal and ancient

aspect, which is vividly felt in Kumina ceremonies and

rituals. Drum beat and resonance tremendously influence individuals, frequently creating trance-like states.

The sounds of the Kumina drum have resonated

deeply within Jamaican culture, From its origins in the African indentured labourers to its integration into the

musical construct of our country. The Kumina drum stands as a testament to the enduring influence of

African heritage in Jamaica. It has served as a powerful

tool

for

spiritual

connection,

cultural

expression, and resistance against oppression. The drum's rhythms continue to reverberate in the hearts Photograph: Institute of Jamaica

and minds of Jamaicans, fostering a sense of identity, unity, and collective memory.

REFERENCES Bilby Kenneth and Elliot Leib. 1986. Kumina the Howellite Church and the Emergence of Rastafarian Traditional Music in Jamaica. Kingston: Institute of Jamaica Publication Limited.

Davy Bandele Agyemang. n.d. “Kumina in Rural Southeastern Jamaica: Beyond Resistance to Antithetical-Hegemonic-Subsumption.” The Journal of Pan African Studies (Online) 44–76.

Lewin Olive. 2001. Rock It Come Over the Folk Music of Jamaica. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press.

Lewis Maureen Warner. 1977. The Nkuyu : Spirit Messengers of the Kumina.

Mona Jamaica: Savacou Publications.

Rashford, John. 1985. “The Cotton Tree and the Spiritual Realm in Jamaica.”

Jamaica Journal 18 (1) February-april 1985, Pages 49-57.

Stewart Dianne M. 2005. Three Eyes for the Journey: African Dimensions of

Photograph: Scene from a Kumina Wake in Port Morant Gleaner Jamaica Co/Paul H. Williams

the Jamaican Religious Experience. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

16

Power of Kumina. Kunnie Julian E. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315252414-8.

Stewart Dianne. 2017. Essay. In Indigenous Wisdom at Work in Jamaica: The Tanna, Laura. 1984. Kumina : Old Traditions in the New World. Kingston (P.O. Box 105, Kingston 10): Creative Communications Inc. for Air Jamaica.

(UPROOTED) Belonging Words and Work By Bastick

Yearning to escape the unforgiving grip of

Canadian winter, Rami and I went to the

botanical garden—a temporary refuge.

Within its walls, we were surrounded by what they’ve labeled as “exotic” plants. I felt a quiet intimacy with these blooms

that were not foreign to me but reminders

of my father’s garden back in Haiti. I moved among them, these strange, lush

things, and felt a sudden kinship. Like me, like my afro, these plants seemed to carry a weight—seen as odd, beautiful, maybe a little out of place.

There, in that moment, I was compelled to reflect on the notion of environment: What

it means to be uprooted, planted outside of

your

natural

soil,

to

be

planted

somewhere that treats us as spectacle.

Rami’s story, though different, weaves a similar thread—born in America, raised in

France and Haiti, with roots tracing back

to Lebanon and Palestine. Home, he says,

is a concept that has always evaded him.

He exists like those flowers, transplanted,

“exotic” in every soil he touches, Montreal included.

17

“TO BE PLANTED SOMEWHERE THAT TREATS US AS A SPECTACLE” A truth he has carried four or five times over. I asked

When I returned, I felt a need to create, to honor this

that dislocation, and he told me: home is found in the

I made two portraits, using photographs from the

him how he copes, with this being my first taste of

connections and the people that matter. Home, for

him, are roots reaching inward, yet branching out, grounding him wherever he lands.

18

shared experience of dislocation and self-definition. garden, layering our faces with these elements of

nature—A way to anchor ourselves—to claim, if only for a moment, a sense of rootedness where we stand.

THE POLITICS of

BLACK, GREEN & GOLD

The Jamaican national flag is among the most globally

recognizable and is notable for being one of only two national

flags that do not feature red, white, or blue—the traditional

colours of European imperialism1. As the foremost symbol of Jamaica’s national identity, the flag serves as a powerful

emblem of pride and unity for millions of Jamaicans, both at

By Kevarney K.R.

All Captioned Photographs Contributed by Kevarney K..R.

home and across the diaspora. An electrifying spirit surges

through the veins of Jamaicans whenever they witness the black, green, and gold banner triumphantly hoisted at award ceremonies or draped around the shoulders of our victorious

Olympians. However, despite the deep sense of national pride the flag inspires, its history is steeped in racial and political

contention. Discussions on the representation of Blackness in Jamaican national identity and differing perceptions of Jamaica among locals and foreigners have been reignited by the

19

National Gallery of Jamaica’s latest exhibition, Kingston Biennial 2024: Green X Gold.

Due to its prominent role in shaping dominant

narratives of art history, artistic legitimacy, cultural memory, and national identity in Jamaica, the NGJ

serves as a crucial space for examining how power

operates through culture. Specifically, analyzing the practices of cultural institutions reveals how both

hegemonic and contesting ideologies about culture and

value

shape

individual

subjectivities

and

experiences of cultural identity among Jamaicans2.

According to curator Ashley James, who is a Black American of Jamaican parentage, the exhibition’s title, Green X Gold, “draws its meaning from the

colours, symbolism, and geometry of the Jamaican

national flag” where green represents “fertile land” and

yellow

gold

“symbolizes

its

distinctive

sunshine.”3 Additionally, the exhibition also carries

connotations of green and gold as “they might

relate to paper money and the precious metal—

Photography by Kimberly Nguyen

The National Gallery of Jamaica (NGJ), the country’s

premier fine arts institution, is the oldest and largest national

art

museum

in

the

English-speaking

Caribbean. As a cultural institution, it plays a crucial

role in shaping the dominant narratives of Jamaica’s art-historical canon by influencing which artists, curators, and aesthetic and curatorial choices gain

prominence in the nation’s fine arts discourse. The NGJ

achieves this through its curatorial and exhibition practices,

institutional

recognition,

scholarly

art

publications, collections and acquisitions, and public

education programmes. Its flagship exhibition, the

Annual National Exhibition, was inaugurated in 1977,

transitioned to a biennial schedule in 2002 as the National Biennial, and underwent further revisions to become the Jamaica Biennial in 2014 and the Kingston Biennial in 2019

grants institutional recognition and legitimacy to the artists and artworks it showcases. These selections are validated

publications

and

through

public

the

NGJ’s

education

scholarly

programmes,

reinforcing their place within the national art-

historical canon. As a cultural institution, the NGJ not only reflects the state’s vision of national identity but

also plays an active role in shaping it. By deciding

which narratives and images are presented to the public, the NGJ can either reinforce the status quo or

challenge the hegemonic constructs that have long dominated Jamaican national discourse.

20

and value more broadly”4.

Green X Gold references the design of the Jamaican flag while conspicuously omitting its most

significant element—black. This deliberate exclusion

of black from Jamaican national identity is not particularly controversial, given the long history of contention surrounding the colour in Jamaica’s

national symbols and observances. The colours

green and gold are venerated because of their supposed universal meanings: “green to signify

growth, fertility, agriculture,” and gold to represent “civilisation, the energy of the sun, and human achievement

to

high

levels

of

thought

and

productivity based on the exercise of the creative

imagination”5. In contrast, black has historically

been an anathema in Brand Jamaica due to its use

Through its curatorial decisions, this premier exhibition

further

and by extension, notions of commerce, resources,

as a signifier for “all things negative as in Black Friday,

blackmail,

and

the

Oxford

dictionary

meanings given as deadly, sinister, wicked, hateful,

dismal, sulky, threatening, and implying disgrace”6.

Whether phrased as “Green by Gold,” “Green times

Gold,” or “Green strikes Gold”7 , Green X Gold omits the Black concern from its central curatorial thesis.

While some may argue that the omission of black in

By the time of independence, race was subsumed

Green X Gold was a curatorial choice rather than a deliberate

political

statement,

this

into the universalizing ideology of the modern

perspective

creole

overlooks the historical context of the exclusion of design, after all, was itself a product of contested

the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade,

this lens. Thus, the exclusion of black from Green X

and presumably all other Government of Jamaica

Gold is more than a curatorial decision; it mirrors

entities, present a unified consensus on the origin

broader societal trends in Jamaica where Blackness is

and meaning of the national flag.11 This is significant

still often marginalized in favor of more palatable,

because

non-confrontational narratives. This omission also

led by then-Premier Norman Manley, established a

bipartisan Independence Celebrations Committee

tensions between colonial hegemony and anticolonial

to oversee the organization of national festivities

resistance. In particular, it examines the ongoing

between 30 July to 12 August 1962.

ideological debates surrounding the representation of Blackness within Jamaican national identity, as

reflected in exhibitions like the National Gallery of Jamaica’s Green X Gold.

understand

the

exhibition,

historical

it

is

roots

important of

to

these

controversies. The Jamaican national flag itself, a

prominent symbol of national pride, has always been fraught with internal contradictions stemming

from colonial legacies and racial politics. The origins of the Jamaican national flag are rooted in

the nationalist independence project, which sought to establish the emerging nation-state’s (brand)

identity. According to Deborah Thomas (2004), the Jamaican national identity that took shape at independence was a creole vision of Jamaicanness, shaped by brown political and intellectual elites

who inherited authority from the colonial powers.8 This vision of Jamicanness was deeply embedded in

a nexus of colour, class, gender, and culture,

reflecting the values of the brown elite class, which closely aligned with British ideals.9

21

(Brand

consensus, the Jamaica House of Representatives,

identity, focusing on how its contested history reflects

Gold

identity

private interests, often foreign. According to this

This essay explores the

Jamaican national flag as a symbol of national

X

national

exported by the government in collusion with elitist

vision of Jamaicanness and the African heritage that it

Green

Jamaica’s

Jamaica) is strategically packaged, managed, and

reflects the tension between the country’s creole

Having established the tensions surrounding the

creole

Library of Jamaica, the Office of the Prime Minister,

black in a national exhibition must be seen through

NATIONAL FLAG

the

The Jamaica Information Service, the National

negotiations around identity, and any omission of

THE ORIGINS OF THE JAMAICAN

in

nationalist slogan, “Out of Many, One People.”10

Blackness in Jamaican national symbols. The flag’s

often distances itself from.

nation—encapsulated

Beat the drum: Kbandu and Playing Cast. construct

Although the government ostensibly sought public input on the flag’s design, these suggestions were

ultimately disregarded in favour of colonial ideas— a fitting reflection of how the Jamaican government

often operates: creating an illusion of democratic

participation while ultimately adhering to colonial frameworks.

The Meaning of the Jamaican National Flag According to curator Ashley James’ description of

Green X Gold, the exhibition’s interpretation of the flag’s Among its responsibilities, the committee was tasked with adjudicating a national flag design competition.

Twelve designs were selected from over 368 entries and presented to the Joint Committee of Parliament

for final review; however, none were ultimately selected. Instead, the Joint Committee eventually

proposed a design featuring stacked horizontal

bands of black, green, and gold. However, this design

was also rejected for being too similar to the flags of newly independent Afrikan nations emerging during the

era

of

decolonization,

particularly

that

of

Tanganyika (now part of modern United Republic of Tanzania). According to the official consensus, the

design was then modified by the Committee into the version we recognize today. However, an alternative, unofficial history of the Jamaican national flag is

provided by John McGhie. He claims that his father, Rev. William R.F. McGhie, a minister of the Church of Scotland, was the flag’s true designer.

Rev. McGhie, a friend of then-Prime minister

Alexander Bustamante, suggested to him that as a Christian country, Jamaica’s national flag should reflect this by incorporating a cross.13 The Scottish missionary then traced the saltire, which symbolizes St.

Andrew’s Cross, from the Scottish flag, and replaced the blue and white with green, black, and gold. Only

then did the Joint Committee of Parliament approve

the design.14 Thus, Brand Jamaica’s foremost national icon is, in fact, a British construct, deeply rooted in notions of British nationalism and religious symbolism.

symbolism

aligns

with

the

‘official

interpretation’ proffered by the Government of

Jamaica, which states: “The sun shineth; the land is green; and the people are strong and creative.”15 Officially, green represents Jamaica’s hopes tied to the land and its abundant agricultural resources; gold symbolizes the wealth and natural beauty of

the land, as reflected in its glorious sunlight; and black signifies the strength and creativity of Jamaicans.16

However,

the

original

official

interpretation of the Jamaican national flag stated: “Hardships there are, but the land is green and the

sun shineth,” where black symbolized hardships

rather than strength or creativity.17 According to a committee appointed by former Prime Minister P.J.

Patterson in 1996 to review national symbols and observances,

this

interpretation

was

widely

regarded by the Jamaican public as “yet another

manifestation of the systematic denigration of things African, including the descendants of the people

who were brought as cargo in the trans-Atlantic slave trade”18.

‘ The committee’s research revealed that many Black Jamaicans associated their racial identity with

the negative connotation of the colour black as representing hardships. Consequently, after thirtyfour

years

of

independence,

the

official

interpretation was revised to redefine black as a symbol of “strength and creativity.” According to

Thomas (2004), this change reflected a broader transformation in Jamaica’s public racial discourse,

led by P.J. Patterson—the first Prime Minister widely

recognized as Black by the Jamaican public.

Thomas (2004) also attributes this redefinition of

22

black symbolism to the declining influence of the

creole elites, which coincided with a rise in Black nationalist sentiment among the Black population.

CONCLUSION The Jamaican national flag, a powerful emblem of

national identity and pride, embodies a complex history of racial, political, and cultural contentions.

While it is celebrated among Jamaicans as a symbol of unity, its design and evolving interpretations reflect

deeper tensions within the nation’s postcolonial identity. The exclusion of black from Green X Gold underscores

the

ongoing

contestation

over

the

representation of Blackness in national discourse, revealing

persistent

ideological

struggles

within

colonial

forces,

Brand Jamaica. The flag’s origins, shaped by both nationalist

aspirations

and

demonstrate how power operates through cultural symbols and are reinforced by cultural institutions. The

eventual redefinition of black as a symbol of “strength and creativity” rather than hardship signals a shift in

Jamaica’s racial consciousness, coinciding with the

decline of creole elite influence and the rise of Black nationalist sentiment.

However, the broader pattern of elite control over national

symbols—often

reinforcing

colonial

frameworks while creating an illusion of democratic participation—remains a defining aspect of Jamaica’s cultural politics. Ultimately, the black, green, and gold banner continues to be a contested space for

shaping Jamaican identity. The ongoing contestation over the flag’s symbolism and exhibitions like Green X

Gold highlight the need for a more radical vision of Jamaicanness—one that not only acknowledges the nation’s complex colonial past but also fully embraces

its Black heritage. Moving forward, there must be a concerted

effort

to

institutions,

ensuring

address

the

exclusionary

practices that continue to shape the nation’s cultural that

Blackness

is

not

just

acknowledged but celebrated as an integral part of Jamaican identity.

23

Beat the drum: Kbandu and Playing Cast. construct

Endnotes:

References:

1. Williams, K., T. Thompson and W. van der Hoop. 2021. A

Nation’s Flag Says It All — Jamaica’s Flag Symbolism

Believe in Scotland. (n.d.). Independence lessons for Scotland

explained/

proudly-celebrates-60-years-of-independence-scotland-can-

Revealed. https://www.sandals.com/blog/flag-of-jamaica-

from Jamaica. https://www.believeinscotland.org/as-jamaica-

2. Thomas, Deborah A. 2004. Modern Blackness: Nationalism,

learn-from-its-

Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica. Kingston:

example#:~:text=A%20Presbyterian%20minister%2C%20Rev%20

University of the West Indies Press.

William,have%20a%20cross%20in%20it.

3. James, Ashley, and O’Neil Lawrence. 2024. Kingston

Elite Jamaica Official Channel. 2019. Evolution of the Jamaican Flag.

Biennial 2024: GREEN X GOLD. Kingston: The National Gallery of Jamaica.

Flag

4. Ibid.

and

National

Observances,

p.

Scotland

https://www.youtube.com/watch?

Jamaica.

2014.

Story

of

the

Flags.

Jamaica Information Service. 1973. Code For National Symbols.

14.

https://jis.gov.jm/media/2021/11/Report-on-National-

Up

March).

http://www.flagupscotjam.uk/story-of-the-flags/

5. Jamaica Information Service. 1996. Report on National Symbols

(3

v=DBEjZIXJBQQ

Jamaica Information Service. 1996. Report on National Symbols and

Symbols-.pdf

National

Observances.

https://jis.gov.jm/media/2021/11/Report-on-National-

6. Ibid.

Symbols-.pdf

7. James, Ashley, and O’Neil Lawrence. 2024. Kingston Biennial

Jamaica

2024: GREEN X GOLD. Kingston: The National Gallery of

Information

Service.

2024.

Jamaican

https://jis.gov.jm/information/symbols/jamaica-national-

Jamaica.

Flag.

flag/#:~:text=Following%20a%20national%20flag%20design,Cel

8. Thomas, Deborah A. 2004. Modern Blackness: Nationalism,

ebrations%20on%20August%206%2C%201962.

Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica. Kingston:

Jamaica with Irie. 2021. Flag of Jamaica. The Origins and History

University of the West Indies Press.

You Never Knew. (8 August). https://www.youtube.com/watch?

9. Ibid.

v=9iEeuY-Rxfg

10. Ibid.

11. The Jamaica Information Service, the National Library of

Jamaican House of Representatives. 1962. Jamaican National

Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade provide the same account

https://web.archive.org/web/20190303101957/http://www.nlj.g

Flag.

Jamaica, the Office of the Prime Minister, and the Ministry of

ov.jm/MinistryPapers/1962/No.28.pdf

of the history and symbolism of the Jamaican national flag.

12. The

National

independence,

Library

of

Jamaica.

(n.d.).

Beat the drum: Kbandu and Playing Cast. construct

13. McGhie, John. 2005. Alternate History of the Flag. Flags of the Jamaica.

(1

https://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/jm.html#alt

February).

14. Ibid.

15. Jamaica Information Service. 1996. Report on National Symbols

and

National

Observances.

https://jis.gov.jm/media/2021/11/Report-on-NationalSymbols-.pdf

Jamaica. https://mfaft.gov.jm/site/facts-about-jamaica/

1962.

https://nlj.gov.jm/jamaicaindependence1962/ World:

Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade. 2024. Facts about

Jamaica

National Library of Jamaica. (n.d.). The Story of the Jamaican Flag. https://nlj.gov.jm/story-jamaican-national-flag/

National Library of Jamaica. (n.d.). Jamaica independence, 1962. https://nlj.gov.jm/jamaicaindependence1962/

Needham, Merrick. 2011. A Unique Union Colour? And Your Jamaican Flags. Jamaica Military Museum and Library.

Office of the Prime Minister. 2024. Jamaica’s National Symbols: National Flag. https://opm.gov.jm/symbols/national-flag/

Thompson, Krista A. 2004. “Black Skin, Blue Eyes”: Visualizing

16. Ibid.

Blackness in Jamaican Art, 1922‐1944. Small Axe, 16 (September):

18. Ibid.

Williams, K., T. Thompson and W. van der Hoop. 2021. A Nation’s

17. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

1–31.

Flag Says It All — Jamaica’s Flag Symbolism Revealed. https://www.sandals.com/blog/flag-of-jamaica-explained/

McGhie, John. 2005. Alternate History of the Flag. Flags of the World:

Jamaica.

(1

https://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/jm.html#alt

24

February).

HOW DO WE See NATURE

Words and Works By Tyrone Mckie

25

Cover Art

Above

Medium: Digital Painting

Medium: Digital Painting

Title: Miracle of Life 2

Title:Humans Face The Protectors

Year: 2024

Year: 2025

This piece is a part of a series admiration

of

nature.

features someone swimming

This

in water admiring a fiery plant growing on the bank. It is

meant to highlight that life began with plants on this

planet, and their importance to human life. It takes

inspiration from the first plant species to venture on land.

Title:

People

Look

Like

Medium: Digital Painting Year: 2024

This piece features a large forest,

Dimensions: 11"x11"

being protected by two

wolves and two bats, as two human figures approach. It is meant

to

showcase

destruction that humans

both

the

often wreath upon forests and nature at large (as we

perceive it being separate to us), and the resilience of

nature in the face of it. The wolves and bats represent the

This piece was inspired by a line from

Charles

Bukowski,

"The

people look like flowers at last", and ut features a view of people

through vision altering glasses, with them appearing as flowers through the glasses. It is meant to

represent how we are far more

many ways in which animals of the

similar to the rest of nature than

often work together to care for and

of nature lies within us.

forest's ecosystem protect the forest.

They stand opposite human figures, cold and plastic-like, with shining weapons

26

The

Flowers At Last

Dimensions: 11"x11"

Dimensions: 11'x11"

based around the

Below

we realize,and the same essence

THE HUMMING BIRDS THAT KEEP US

Names unsaid.

Stories you never dare utter.

Truths they call horror.

To be a black girl's smile is a resistance,

Words by Siddonia Reid

A spiritual warfare,

Photography by Ksenia Chernaya

A freedom song,

An emancipation of the life they tell her Is impossible to live.

Tear-stained skin.

Wax-melted buttocks.

It is worship to a body

Tightly wrapped bosom.

That is destined for funeral

Songs with only a melody.

Or a birthing.

Snuffed harmonies we may never hear.

Touch,

The hummings that keep us sane.

But never of tenderness,

But the backs of the women who carry this world

Safety.

And give of itself to give it life are tired,

Warm touch a black girl's hands never grasp.

Lonely,

Dirt beneath her fingernails.

Hollow,

Dry bones,

Gritted teeth.

The illusion of what they want a black girl to be:

Desolate land.

Aggressive. Abrasive.

When will her voice be heard?

Silent.

Bitter without cause.

When will the life wrapped within the words of her

Defence mechanisms we are taught

And the meditation of her heart

mouth

Be acceptable in your sight?

By the violence of the men we know.

The ones that tell us they love us,

Leaving ghosts of girls who never come home.

Girls who apologize for the harm inflicted on them, Told to recognize their participation In the breaking of their beings,

Only to never be remembered.

By Javier Gordon Photography from UNESCO:© Nicola & Reg Murphy

Maybe her saviour will be a black girl too, Left to heal what she did not break.

Tear-stained skin.

Wax-melted buttocks.

Tightly wrapped bosom.

Songs with only a melody.

Snuffed harmonies we may never hear.

The hummings that keep us safe.

27

ROOTS IN COLOUR SOLANJAH SUBRATIE

HIGH SCHOOL FEATURE

WHY ARE OUTSIDERS

our unit of measure?

By Nashae Lannaman

Despite the ardent efforts of Caribbean scholars,

Establishing

the Caribbean Identity and its value to the world as

Caribbean

artists, creatives, and radical thinkers in propelling a

complex,

multicultural

society,

we

still

find

ourselves, here in the 21st Century, witnessing the Caribbean’s multicultural reality being reduced to a

singular image pictured through a mono-coloured lens.

The University of the West Indies Press’

Caribbean

Biography

Series,

especially

the

biographies of Lovelace, Garvey, Walcott and Rodney,

have

imparted

me

with

a

deep

appreciation of the struggle that my Caribbean ancestors have borne to dene and defend their identities with their agency.

29

understood

the

as

a

Caribbean

peoples

negotiation and

identity

process

outsiders.

can

be

among

Caribbean

societies are products of Europe’s colonisation of indigenous, African, and Asian peoples within the archipelago.

Thus,

outsiders

Consequently,

Caribbean

have

historically

dominated, populated, and governed the region. societies

are

deeply

entrenched with Euro-American cultural standards,

which define our complex identity using external benchmarks.

While there are apparent cultural,

historical, and social similarities among Caribbean countries, they can not be measured by the same metre stick.

Barrington Watson – Out of Many, One People (1962), whereabouts unknown (Photo from NGJ Website)

I

believe

a

genuine

understanding

and

Caribbean Scholars before us have long fought to

holistic

our generation has inherited the struggle. We must

appreciation of the complex Caribbean reality is necessary

to

foster

and

promote

a

Caribbean identity, which the architects of our culture dedicated their lives to achieving.

Outsiders’ persistence to see Caribbean culture as

an exotic spectacle to be used for their leisure, entertainment, and convenience, paired with the Caribbean’s indulgence in impropriety, erodes the

promote the Caribbean identity and its worth; now, apply a microscopic analysis to our complex

Caribbean realities, underscoring the proper depth and multiplicity we experience while representing this truth to outsiders. This essay serves as my answer

to the call of our ancestors, fulfilling my duty to the Walcotts, Lovelaces, and Rodneys before me.

work done and the work that continues to be done today in propelling the unparalleled multiplicity of the Caribbean identity. Despite being very proud of the Caribbean and how far it has come, Caribbean people know that all Caribbean countries are not

the same, do not necessarily share the same reality,

and, like many other people in the world, value their respective histories and take pride in their national

identities. The measurement of Caribbean people against a singular metre stick that does not

appropriately capture the multiplicity of Caribbean nations

brews

resentment

among

Caribbean

people: setting us back decades in our efforts towards establishing true Caribbean Consciousness .

The complexity of any culture with African elements is often overlooked. Africanness, to others, has often

presented as aberrant or peculiarity and has been subjected to the same singular mono-coloured lens as the Caribbean identity. Africa consists of 54

countries with varying histories, ethnicities, cultures, languages, religions, and norms, yet this rich

diversity is condensed into a single image denoted by the term “Africa.”

The entire continent is

viewed and measured by the same metre stick. The

same cannot be said for Europe. European countries are always differentiated from their neighbouring nations when referenced. One tends to specify

when referencing a European country, whether its respective culture, music, food, or geography. This is

not the case for Caribbean countries. All countries

are “the Caribbean”, all food is just “Caribbean

food”, and all music made by Caribbean people is Reggae.

Artwork by the Rodney Foundation and Peepal Tree Press

30

As a multidisciplinary art lover, I find Caribbean art a good centre for discussing the linear mono-cultured

lens to which outsiders have subjected Caribbean

culture. Caribbean art was one of the mediums Caribbean scholars and creatives used to propel the

Caribbean identity: literature, sculptures, paintings, and music. They all played an essential part in bringing the world’s attention to the Caribbean

identity. But I fear the outside world does not see any value in understanding the Caribbean, its people, and

their

cultures

beyond

their

desire

for

entertainment. And this is evident now more than ever. An outsider often refers to a Trinidadian or Jamaican as a Caribbean. Though such a statement

wouldn’t be entirely incorrect and is undoubtedly more preferred than “someone from the islands”, this generalisation of the Caribbean grossly undermines

the nuances of the many national, ethnic, and

cultural identities within the region. The contrast between the generalization of the Caribbean identity

and

the

respect

given

to

A prime example of this generalization of the

Caribbean is evidenced in the lazy misclassification of all music from the Caribbean as Reggae when the Caribbean houses dozens of genres, including

dancehall, soca, calypso, reggaeton, and dembo, to

name a few. These have influenced music outside the region, as seen in the many samples of Caribbean music or features of Caribbean artists in many genres, including pop, rock, soul, rap, and hip-hop.

The Recording Academy is guilty of this. The Academy’s 27th Annual Grammy Awards in 1985 introduced the “Grammy Award for Best Reggae

Recording”, later changed to “Best Reggae Album”

in 1992, which was awarded to Black Uhuru for their album Anthem. The Grammy’s description indicates

the award is for “quality reggae albums”. However,

over the years, the nominees and winners of the award have come from genres not exclusive to Reggae.

Europe’s

dissimilitude reflects a history of cultural politics stemming from colonization.

Photography by Cord Allman

31

A lot of dancehall artists have been nominated for

The record is essentially a crude compilation of

Beenie Man, Shabba Ranks, Elephant Man, Sean

targeted to a younger demographic far removed

the Best Reggae Album since its inception, including Paul, Shaggy, Spice and Vybz Kartel, with Beenie Man, Shaggy, and Shaba Ranks having won. Though I am grateful that dancehall artists have been able to win awards on such a big stage, it begs the question of what the criteria are for winning the award. Is it

covers of Marley’s classics, interpolated by and

from Marley’s era of Reggae. This is easily the most

obfuscated representation of Reggae in recent memory.

This

is

easily

the

most

obfuscated

representation of Reggae in recent memory.

merely being a Jamaican and making music? Making

We have allowed outsiders to dictate to us that the

just a “Best Jamaican Album” award? Is it not unfair

the “Bob Marley movie”, featuring covers of Marley’s

music that sounds like it could be from Jamaica? Is it

to measure reggae artists against Reggartiststes?

Wouldn’t doing so effectively blur the parameters of

Reggae as a distinct genre? Would this not also pit

dancehall and reggae artists and fans against each

other? Wouldn’t non-reggae artists be at a realistic and

unfair

disadvantage?

Wouldn’t

authentic

Reggae artistes be disgruntled when non-reggae artistes

are

awarded?

Who

determines

the

authenticity of Reggae? Should artists like SOJA,

Sting, and Snoop Lion be nominated and, much less,

awarded? And if it’s not a “Best Jamaican Album” award,

where

is

the

appreciation

for

other

Caribbean-born genres? I guess maybe “Best

Global Music”, but has anyone from the Caribbean been recently nominated for that category, let alone win? It is undoubtedly a quagmire.

A prime example of the malarkey caused by the

generalisation of our cultures is this year's Best

Reggae Album nominees: Shenseea, Vybz Kartel,

“Best Reggae Album” of the year is one inspired by songs we already know, recorded primarily by non-

Jamaican, non-Reggae artistes, and this is a cultural low point. Unacceptable. This is everything the likes

of Garvey, Rodney, and Walcott were against—the cultural

hegemony

that

European

and

North

American outsiders wield over the Caribbean, and the subversion of our cultures to their standards and ideologies. Are we basing our value of our art on

what outsiders think? When did it revert to this? And really, I blame us as Caribbean people. We have

allowed our identity, culture, and art to be measured by those without business holding the measuring tape. Outsiders. Were there any real Caribbean

people or real appreciators of Caribbean culture present in the Recording Academy advocating for and promoting the true essence of the Caribbean

identity, I would not be writing this essay. The

Grammys would not have to force music into genres they don’t belong to.

Collie Buddz, and The Wailers. Shenseea and Vybz

We have placed too much importance on the

dancehall albums by the Grammy’s standards,

how

Kartel,

dancehall

artists

whose

albums

were

cannot win the Grammy, and didn’t. “How could a dancehall artiste be expected to win a reggae

award?” ; “It's rigged!”; “Why them nuh just make a

dancehall category? ”; “Den anything Marley nuh mus win?”. These are the rhetoric of many dancehall fans and Jamaicans watching this year's Grammy

awards. “Can a deadman win a Grammy?”, “A time dem stop mek the marley dem win”. The most absurd

thing is that the album awarded Best Reggae Album

was Bob Marley: One Love - Music Inspired By The Film (Delue), which features ten songs from ten artists —none of whom are Bob Marley! Of the ten, only

three are Jamaican—Skip and Mystic Marley, Bob’s grandchildren, and Shensea, ironically, who covered Marley’s classic No Woman No Cry.

32

opinions and standards of others rather than valuing we

interpret

and

measure

our

art.

The

Caribbean Music Awards, first held in 2023, was a

significant move to reclaim some power over our art —how it is viewed and valued and is filled with

categories aimed at honouring artists across the major genres in the Caribbean, including reggae,

dancehall, soca, calypso and even kompa. This way, fewer artists will fall through the cracks made by ill-

tting Grammy categories. It is now for us as

Caribbean people to devalue the weight of a Grammy against that of a Caribbean Music Award, at least until some reverence is shown for our music and culture. This goes for any central platform that

has imparted its standards unto the art and expression of Caribbean people. As a society, we must reconsider the weight we place on the opinions

of outsiders who see our culture as nothing more than frivolity or fun rather than serious art.

Now is an essential time for creatives from the Caribbean to refocus on he creation of their art without the burden of pleasing outsiders or trying to win awards. Our art is not meant solely for their gaze. We need to void our minds from framing our art in ways we hope will tick or tick into the boxes of outsiders. If this continues to be our aim, if outsiders continue to

be our metre stick, we will inevitably lose the essence of Caribbean

identity and what it means and stands for. And thus, the work and sacrifices of the Garveys, Rodneys, Walters and Lovelaces of the Caribbean would have been for nothing. Our ancestors fought for us to

be the authors of our destinies, judges and jurors–to create our own

space and make our table. Countless efforts have been made to set the foundations we stand on today. Yet still, we find ourselves standing around the tables of others, waiting for an invitation or validation.

Who knows us better than ourselves? Who better than ourselves to judge us?

Editorial credit: Andres Virviescas

33

FUNCTIONS OF THE

Antiguan NAVAL DOCKYARD

TITLE: FUNCTIONS OF THE ANTIGUAN NAVAL DOCKYARD 1715-1905

By Javíer Gordon

Photography from UNESCO:© Nicola & Reg Murphy The British had Jamaica as their largest possession in the Caribbean and had a squadron at Port Royal, but it was over 1000 miles away from Antigua. The

Antiguan Assembly assigned English Harbour a suitable Naval Base for the Royal Navy. The Royal

Navy saw this arrangement as their Royal Navy could combine two squadrons to protect two regions.

The suitability of English Harbour as a careening base was brought to the British Admiralty by Captain

Robert Clarke in 1707. In a letter, he described the

entrance; the harbour's depth would allow vessels to be easily cleaned. Nearly all the Leeward Islands

The Antiguan Assembly and other affluent Antiguan

planters advocated and signed petitions to establish the naval base, granting the Navy twenty acres of

land for development. The money to build and maintain the Dockyard came from the Antiguan

Assembly, not the Royal Navy. Antigua’s English Harbour at the southern end of the island was considered a hurricane-proof area because of the

anchorage, and it was decided to develop a Yard to [2]

careen vessels.

These structures were the earliest signs of English

harbour offered shelter from winds and hurricanes,

Harbour being established as a Naval Base. In 1734

1720s, with investigations led by Captain Cooper and

the western side, where the current facilities are

Admiralty seriously considered English Harbour a

understand Antiguan History and its importance.

which prevail each year.[1]However, it was not until the

the Dockyard was expanded across the harbour to

Del Garno of the British Navy, that the Board of

today as a tourist attraction to tour the Dockyard to

naval base.

34

The establishment of English Harbour was highly important at a financial and strategic level in the 1740s. There needed to be a permanent squadron to harass enemy trade and

threaten French possessions in the region while providing safe passage for English trade out of the Caribbean. English Harbour, similar to Port Royal, was located at the southern

end of the island, making it ideal for warships to intercept incoming ships from France,

protecting the Leeward islands from invasion. The Dockyard at English Harbour offered

advantages; the harbour was deep enough to accommodate a large number of vessels because of the lack of spring water for the navy’s supply. However, not as much as Port Royal that William Spavens described as “being one of the best arsenals for the King’s

naval stores, together with a good yard and wharf for careening ships of any rate.” From a Geographical perspective, Dockyard was also hidden by the hills that offered protection against hurricanes, which Port Royal could not. However, Port Royal was the main naval

base because of Jamaica’s large spring water supply, abundant cultivation land, and the

Dockyard could accommodate more than 100 vessels.[3] Instead, English Harbour was a careening Yard as Port Royal offered itself as a protector, trade, and bully enemy ships.

The island of Antigua held much economic importance to the Antiguan Planters. A primary consideration was the importance of Antigua and the other leeward islands as top sugar

producers they wanted to protect. From 1715-1717 over £400,000 exported goods from the Leeward Islands triumph the £382 576 from all British North American colonies.[4] The

Antiguans surely had an economic reason to protect Antigua from danger and needed a naval presence to deter attacks from European rivals for survival. For example, without a

proper naval presence, French privateers seized over 100 ships, costing the Antiguan Planters a lot of profits.

The Antiguan government wanted a proper naval presence to keep the merchant shipping

lanes open. The naval presence could protect merchant ships to receive safe passage to or from Antigua. During the next ten years, it was understood that the Dockyard facilities would have to be increased to meet the demands at sea. The first Dockyard was at Saint

Helena that only had a storehouse, capstan house, and storage houses for careening equipment. There were no Admiral's inns, shipwright cabins or Officers’ Quarters. St Helena has maintained its dry dock facility to repair, refuel storage, and refit yachts. From 1743 to

1745, the Dockyard was improved by Charles Knowles to prepare the Naval base for the

French Revolutionary and Napoleonic war. He surveyed the land and wanted to construct a pier to enable an 80-gun warship to be careened on the western side of the Dockyard

to accommodate more vessels. The ships careening in the Harbours are very vulnerable to attacks from outside. As a result, the Harbour fortifications were improved under Charles

Knowles. Fort Berkeley, built in 1704 and improved in the 1740s to accommodate 29 guns

guarding the entrance to English Harbour, was constructed by the Antiguan government and built by Charles Knowles. By 1745, several buildings were built in the Dockyard behind the careening wharf. A capstan house, a storehouse, and a watchhouse had been built.

Before this, a line of wooden storehouses had been built on reclaimed land to provide adequate facilities to victual and careening ships.

35

Photography: Royal Navy ships such as HMS Blanche docked at Nelson’s Dockyard in the 1870s, Antigua & Barbuda Musuem

A complaint was made by Thomas Frank Esquire, Rear Admiral of the Redd Bears, stated: “This Plan

with the soundings was taken by Order of Admiral Frankland, to detect the Falsehood of the Publick Assertion of the President of the Councile and Speaker of the Assembly of Antigua; That there were

at least 24 Feet Water, at the side of the Wharf”. Whether as a result of this public report or because

global events required better naval facilities in the Eastern Caribbean region, English Harbour and the Dockyard development kept steadily going over the years from 1755 to 1765. Unlike Port Royal,

by the 1750s, it was already prepared to send ships to travel, refit them, and send warships throughout the Caribbean to mount operations and maintain a naval presence there.[4]The Antiguan

Naval Dockyard saw incredible building activity from the 1760s- 1823 to enhance its capabilities to refit and maintain naval ships and accommodate naval men.

The British Royal Engineers constructed and developed the Antiguan Naval Dockyard throughout the 18th century. Like Port Royal, they built and improved Fort Charles, Military barracks, the Naval

Hospital, and dry docks. They were crucial for constructing and enhancing various fortifications in Britain and its overseas colonies. They played an important role in the global diffusions of improving

or constructing fortifications. Engineers’ officers gained considerable theoretical knowledge from Royal Military Academy and were taught to mix European experiences to adapt to the Caribbean

environment. This movement of skilled workers employed overseas where integral in the development of the Dockyards at Port Royal and Antigua that saw the construction of naval dockyard defences.

Moreover, it is important to acknowledge the workforce that was integral to both Dockyards' development. The enslaved African communities had a slave labour society that worked within the

Yards to construct these infrastructures. The Antiguan Assembly ordered ‘inhabitants of Antigua or

owners of property therein’ to send ‘one able man save with a hoe and bucket’ for every 200 slaves they owned. Slaves worked under harsh conditions that even caused illness or death. In the event of a [5]

slave’s death at the dockyard, the Planters were compensated. There were many times when slaves

ran away and became fugitives in newspapers with high rewards for the capture of them alive so they could publicly execute to warn other slaves. However, English Harbour was managed by a

different institution and required different labour. The slaves were necessary for naval operations,

but as property, they were employed because the Navy failed to recruit sufficient white labourers in the yard locally and from England.

36

The Naval Base at English Harbour continued for the next 85 years until the military garrison left in

1854. During this period, the Dockyard suffered immense damage. In 1815 the buildings that victualed

ships were set on fire by lighting. More serious damage happened in 1843 when an earthquake wrecked English Harbour. The Dockyard saw the destruction of the piers, officers’ Quarters and the Guard House. The town of Falmouth church was levelled to the ground, and Monks Hill and Dows Hill

fortifications were greatly damaged. Although the Dockyard went through this phase, its importance was still recognized, and repairs were quickly made to adapt, but the Dockyard could not adapt to the rapidly industrializing world. The Dockyard was closed in 1895 as a Royal Naval facility because

the large steamships of war could not pass the narrow entrance to English Harbour. The new Naval

ships required dry docks and not careening bay; that was a speciality that the Antiguan Naval [6]

Dockyard had. As a result, the Antiguan Naval Dockyard facilities became obsolete in the Age of Steam. The Dockyard officially ceased operations in 1906, and the Government of Antigua took over

the lands. On the other hand, Port Royal during this period was expanded to meet the new steam-

powered vessels and had a wide enough Harbour to accommodate these vessels. The victual wharf became a coaling station; coaling sheds and a slipway for torpedo boats were built. Port Royal remained a British Naval Station until it ceased operations in 1905.

References

1. Merriman, R. D. Queen Anne's Navy. London: Routledge, 2019.

2.

3. Snow, Henry. "Fugitive Harbour: Labour, Community, and Marronage at Antigua Naval Yard." Slavery & Abolition 42,

4.

no. 4 (2021), 803-826. doi:10.1080/0144039x.2021.1910470.

5. Spavens, William. The Narrative of William Spavens: A Chatham Pensioner. Bloomsbury Academic, 1998.

6.

7. UNESCO. "Antigua Naval Dockyard and Related Archaeological Sites Nomination." UNESCO World Heritage

8.

Centre. Last modified 2015. https://whc.unesco.org/uploads/nominations/1499.pdf.

9. Weaver, David B. "English Harbour, Antigua: The Rise and Fall of a Strategic Military Site." Caribbean Quarterly 48, no. 4 (2002), 1-11. doi:10.1080/00086495.2002.11672156.

Photography: Nelson’s Dockyard: From ‘Vile hole’ to national treasure taken by Dr. Reginald Murphy, BBC

37

THE HOT GYAL Project

VIDEO PROJECT

The

Hot

Gyal

Project

serves

as

a

platform

showcasing the talents of some of Jamaica's most Directed by Annastazia Chin and Shamara Spencer Photography by Britney Holung

successful street and studio dancers. This project

focuses its intention on deserved recognition and respect of women within the Jamaican CulturalCreative and Entertainment Industry.

38

TO VIEW THIS VIDEO SUBMISSION CLICK THIS LINK

Hot Gyal! A highly anticipated Summer Dance Project, showcasing the talents of some of Jamaica’s most successful Studio and Street Female Dancers.

Featuring choreography and movement direction by

Shamara ‘Inspire’ Spencer, Amanyea Stines, Kimiko

Versatile, Shae-J Osbourne, Ashley ‘Soleil’ Bromfield

and Catherine ‘CatKingCole’ Reid. Utilizing dancehall

riddims and songs from the 90’s and early 2000’s with a modern twist, paying homage to movements and sounds of the past and present.

The Project incorporates structured choreography as

well as unstructured movement and dancehall vibes, with the intention of communicating that Jamaican Dancers are multifaceted.

The Project intends to address the issue of improper

and unintentional incorporation of dancers and dance

routines

in

videos

and

films

within

the

Entertainment industry. Jamaican Female dancers are

MORE than just video vixens. We used this platform to highlight that.

39

THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC CLIMATE of a Trinidadian Private School Class CIRCA 2013

By: Nia Adonis

40

Photograph: Queen’s Royal College (Main Block) National Trust of Trinidad and Tobago

We were all very cordial with each other, and it was rare that we had open rivalries or disputes,

but there were undercurrents. The subtlety

of

conversation

9-year-olds leaves

backhanded

repartee

Over

time,

through

cooked

lunches

in

the

folding

identify

socioeconomic strata, lighting up like tumors on a PET scan.

ever realised it?” she asked.

“We’re different from some of

witnessed this when my best

and Tamarind balls, some of us to

impromptu town hall. “Have you

the

forks, Aloo pies, Chubby sodas, able

start atop the monkey bars at an

You could tell who was aware of

experiences shared over home-

were

My best friend made a brave

of

corporate gatherings in the dust.

with

“LIGHTING UP LIKE TUMORS ON A PET SCAN” the strata from who was not. I friend came to. It was the day we were speaking with our prep 4

class president—who was not so named officially, but because she

came first in weekly tests, took music and ballet classes after school,

was

mixed

with

Portuguese, and because all the parents knew her name.

you.” The ‘we’ was she and I, representing working

members

middle

of

class.

the

The

president flicked deftly through the bars and, hanging upside

down, asked her to expound on her statements. “I don’t know, but

I think there are levels in our class.” And I watched the fruit of good and evil slip down their

throats. Unable to articulate the

concept myself, I could only nod

in agreement when the president asked me for further explanation

Photography by: Ksenia Chernaya

Photograph: Shari John (Unesco Website)

41

“HOWEVER HER POLICIES WERE NOT REACHING THE SMALL MAN“ I was taken aback by her naivety, but that would

But I could start ballet. The studios are far, so I took

why anyone was president. Her manifesto promised

gosh, Madame DuPont is strict and merciless and

help to explain the main reason she was president—

bridges where we had walls, giving no weight to

ethnicity, 'What I did over summer break’ essays, and other contributing factors to social rank. However, her policies did not reach the small man. My upward mobility was hindered as I lacked two things:

fantastic grades (which I did not care to help) and

virtual classes on Tuesdays with Madame Dubois. And always demands poise, even when you’re drinking water. It was every Wednesday. That’s why I dreaded Thursdays. Who could be bothered with.by Madame Du Pré and all her French words the day before the weekly test?

ballet classes.

Photograph: Trinidadian School Children (Shutterstock)

42

Maybe it was the inconsistency of the days,

Madame’s many names, or the artificially advanced

French terminology that had the president march me

around the school, hand in hand, to find either an

alibi for my story or a witness to my crime. It was then that we found my honest-to-goodness sister in the assembly area. When asked if either of us did ballet on any day, she testified against me.

Photograph: Kiran Maharaj

“TO FIND EITHER AN ALIBI FOR MY STORY OR A WITNESS TO MY CRIME.” I would go on to wonder why the president continued

to hold my hand, her face without an expression of

satisfaction or judgment. Instead, she displayed patience, leading me to understand that she had

known. Not only about the fabricated ballet classes, but also the strata. She said she hadn’t asked because she wanted to know but because she Photograph: Desilon Daniels

wanted me to know it was okay. It was okay not to do

ballet, not to be in the top ten in penmanship, to not have a calculator-bookmark from Germany or a water bottle that changed colours. She said seeing

the strata was like wearing 3D glasses. You could only

see the extra layers if you had them on, but 2D was all that was necessary.

But she didn’t say any of that out loud. She just held

my hand all the way back to our classroom, and looking around it, I took off my 3D glasses. We were all just nine years old again, and that was enough.

Photograph: BBC.co.uk

43

PROSPERITY’S PROPHET

(For my father’s legacy)

Words by: Javoniel Trowers

Photography by: Ksenia Chernaya

Him gone pan a long business trip.

Holy man. Everybody worships.

Multiply bread pan di table

that Him give Him pickney dem.

All when Him dead -

just watch! Three days

Him rise gone Heaven America where business booms.

Jamaica blooms wen

a barrel of goods come down

inna mi Heavenly Father’s name.

“Customs bless the pulpit!

No other god but Septimus!”

But America Heaven mus’ be a warzone cause mi Father neva come back.

Three nights.

Mi pray. Mi bawl.

Mi bun sage in Him name.

Then He spoke.

-Selah.

44

Denise Lloyd, B.Sc., Dip.Ed., M.Ed. J.P. Denise Lloyd is the Research Officer for the Programmes Coordination Division (Junior Centres and Simon Bolivar Cultural Centre) at the Institute of Jamaica. With over three years in the role, she has published four articles and remains committed to using research to enhance centre activities and address issues affecting children. Her work focuses on education, Jamaican culture, and the visual and performing arts. Denise is also a proud alumna of the University of the West Indies and Shortwood Teachers’ College.

Andre Smith

Hails from Spanish Town.

Author, Poet and Artist by night, tired by day.

Also dabbles in full-time employment.

He is a jack of all trades, master of enough to pay the bills.

Melissa Lyn

Melissa Lyn is a Jamaican artist blending history and symbolism in bold, stylized portraits. Her work, inspired by the Bible and African heritage, has earned multiple JCDC awards and international features. In 2023, her project “Reimagining Nanny: Avatar Erzulie” appeared in the National Gallery of Jamaica’s The Face of Us.

Chantal Cousins Chantal Cousins is the Manager of Research and Information at the National Library of Jamaica, with over seven years of experience in various library settings. She holds a B.A. in Library and Information Studies and an M.A. in Public History and Caribbean Heritage. Chantal contributed to the Cultural and Creative Industry Policy and has researched the use of AI in preserving and promoting cultural heritage.

Bastik Bastik (b. 1997) began her artistic journey at age 4 under Kay Tiga in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, embracing the “Artistic Rotation” method that fostered fluidity across mediums.

Now based in Montreal, she is a mechanical engineer and multidisciplinary artist exploring connection, identity, and Haitian visual culture through painting, photography, film, fashion, and design.

Kevarney K.R.

Kevarney K.R is a self-taught Jamaican multidisciplinary artist and curator at the Olympia Gallery, with a focus on Jamaica’s modern and contemporary art history. He is currently pursuing a Master’s in Government at the University of the West Indies, Mona, specializing in Comparative Politics and Political Theory. Kevarney also serves as a researcher at the Gender and Development Studies Unit, Mona. Most recently, he co-curated the In Spirit & In Truth exhibition at the Olympia Gallery.

Tyrone Mckie Tyrone Mckie (b. 1997) is a multidisciplinary artist based in St. Mary, Jamaica. Working across painting, collage, photography, sculpture, and video, their practice explores identity, emotion, and nature through surreal, symbolic imagery. Their series Stranger examines self-perception and dysphoria. Mckie’s work has appeared in The Headlight Review, Crab Apple Literary, Wax International, and DO KRE IS.

Siddonia Reid

Siddonia, writing as Nia Navi, is a Jamaican-born writer who uses storytelling to explore identity, trauma, and healing. She began writing in grade 7 to reclaim her voice, turning pain into art. Through poetry and prose, she reflects on love, loss, and liberation— crafting work that is both personal and universal. For her, writing is resistance, survival, and a calling.

Solanjah Subratie I’m 14, growing up in Jamaica, shaped by family, culture, and stories. This painting, based on a childhood photo with my cousin, reflects that journey. The bright colors echo Jamaica’s vibrance and the love that raised me. It’s more than a memory—it’s my identity in brushstrokes, honoring where I come from.

Directed by Annastazia Chin and Shamara Spencer Photography by Britney Holung

Nashae Lannaman Nashae Lannaman is a writer from Spanish Town, Jamaica, and founder of Writer’s Universe and the Unwanted & Untethered blog. A graduate of UWI Mona and the Norman Manley Law School, she is pursuing a legal career while exploring her passion for writing and the arts. Her work blends artistic critique with social commentary, aiming to inspire awareness and dialogue in the Caribbean community.

Javier Gordon

Javíer Gordon is a Caribbean archaeologist and heritage professional focused on history, preservation, and public engagement. He works as Registrar at the National Gallery of Jamaica and is pursuing an MSc in World Heritage Conservation at the University college of Dublin.

Hot Gyal Summer Project The Hot Gyal Project is a dynamic showcase of Jamaica’s top female street and studio dancers, celebrating their talent, versatility, and rightful place in the Cultural-Creative and Entertainment Industry. Featuring choreography by leading dancers like Shamara ‘Inspire’ Spencer and Amanyea Stines, the project blends 90s/2000s dancehall with modern flair. It challenges stereotypes, highlighting that Jamaican women dancers are artists—not just video vixens.

Nia Adonis

Nia Adonis is a Jamaican poet, essayist, and musician whose work explores identity, nature, and Caribbean life. She plays and teaches violin and piano, and shares her art through Instagram (@p.mead.poems) and YouTube (@niasayshello). She recently completed a degree in Biological Sciences at Northern Caribbean University.

Javoniel Trowers Javoniel Trowers is a Jamaican poet and actor known for powerful, engaging performances. A Wake Up Jamaica Poetry finalist and a member of Team Jamaica for the 2025 World Championship of Performing Arts, he is also the founder of Tallawah Poetry—a public speaking and media agency helping young men find self-mastery through performance. A meditator and empathetic listener, Javoniel lives by the motto: “Go within and let Go(d).”

THE MANGO SEED COLLECTIVE FEBUARY 2025

ISSUE NO. 01

THE CARIBBEAN RENAISSANCE: NEW AESTHETICS, NEW IDENTITIES NEW THOUGHT

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