1Buluma fired, resign fired. After President Lazarus Chakwera silently reversed Embattled National Oil Company CEO Helen Buluma was fired early October by Ombudsman Grace Malera, but received strange backing from Secretary to the President and Cabinet Collen Zamba who defied the order. On 15th November, Government released a letter firing Buluma in line with Ombudsman determination, but this was after a leaked letter from Buluma resigning a day earlier. She accused Zamba and PS Energy Alfonso Chikuni of attempting illegal sourcing of fuel. Ministry of Information spiced the furry of letters by claiming Buluma lied to public as she only wrote her letter after receiving a dismissal letter
On Thursday 1st September, the High Court in Blantyre reduced 17 year old Mussa Johns eight year sentence to three years and this was amid expectations that Mussa who, got the punishment for being found in possession of 78 plastic bags of Chamba, would be released.
Musician Penjani Kalua known as Fredokiss led a march on 15th September to protest what he termed as injustice. The case highlighted the inequality in justice as a well know CEO of a beer company was only fined for cultivating the same. The case is in the supreme Court of appeal
On July 29, 2022 Human Rights and Gender activist Emmie Chanika died in Lilongwe aged 66. Chanika was one of the principled activists that checked the first multiparty administration through Civil Liberties Committee which was chaired by renowned lawyer Ralph Kasambara. She was attacked by then ruling party UDF operatives in 2004 at the Comesa Hall during elections counting process. Four days later on 1st August 2022 another activist and former Minister Reen Kachere at Area 18 Med Clinic in Lilongwe.
She was a cabinet minister and served in portfolios including the Ministry of Gender and the Ministry of people with disabilities. She founded the Association of Progressive Women
30 August, 2022
Fired Minister of Agriculture Lobin Development and Marketing Corporation (Admarc) high levels of corruption, theft and professional owned grain trader.
Police have been deployed to all Admarc offices goes near the corporation’s premises, saying trespassing.
Admarc failed to account for about K1.5 billion sale of fertiliser under the Affordable Inputs Government gave K6 billion to the institution metric tonnes (MT) can so far not be traced
An audit report and parliamentary inquiry indicates the closure was mainly to hide that officials company where MCP officials got market access rice which they have not paid up to date.
October 3, 2022 Justice Kenyatta Nyirenda dismissed an application by the Anti Corruption Bureau – ACB that was him to recuse himself from presiding over a judicial case involving Former Inspector General of Police George Kainja.
a review in which Kainja is challenging his arrest in relation to the Zunneth Sattar Corruption case. had applied, asking Nyirenda to recuse himself from case arguing he is conflicted.
his ruling, Justice Nyirenda dismissed the ACB application, saying the reasons given in the application to satisfy the court.
Nyirenda accused the ACB of leaking information to Social activists including Stanley Onjezani Kenani, Idriss Nassah and Timothy Nundwe saying they have been attacking the Judiciary.
ACB alleges that some Judges benefitted from Zuneth
A Lilongwe-based businessman lost a filling station worth about MK2.5 billion for pushing someone to settle his debt amounting to MK1.5 million.
The victim, Geleson Mkweza, has been left with so many questions and suspicion with the court’s decision which favoured his debtor Alfred Gangata.
The matter is in court where Gangata has been asked to prove he made the losses being claimed.
Social media highlighted the loss
Lowe announced Agricultural (Admarc) had been closed citing professional negligence at the Stateoffices to ensure that no employee saying doing that will be considered billion of money realised from the Programme.
institution for the purchase of about 34,000 but no maize was procured.
indicates rot at the parastatal. But were looting the national grain access and up to 300,000 tons of
WASHINGTON (Sept. 28, 2022) — The U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and the President of Malawi Lazarus Chakwera joined nearly 100 leaders from the U.S. and Malawi today to sign the Malawi Transport and Land Compact — a $350 million infrastructure grant between the U.S. government’s Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) and the Government of Malawi.
MCC Chief Executive Officer Alice Albright and the Malawi Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs Sosten Alfred Gwengwe served as signatories for the compact.
28 May 2022
United Democratic Front (UDF) president Atupele Muluzi resigned and appointed an acting president Lillian Patel, MP for Mangochi South.
Muluzi announced his decision in a letter to UDF Secretary General Kandi Padambo. Padambo was suprised.
Muluzi is alleged to have made the haste decision after learning that he would be implicated in Zuneth Sattar scandal. (see our story). On 10th November 2022 the ACB quizzed Atupele in Lilongwe over the plots allegedly grabbed from Malawians and given to Sattar.
Thursday 28 July, 2022
Tired of never ending gimmicks by Director of Public Prosecutions of withholding consents denying the Anti Corruption Bureau to prosecute corrupt suspects, Parliament changed the law to give ACB freedom to prosecute.
Tabling the bill, MP for Likoma Islands Constituency Ashems Songwe said the move will strengthen and enhance the independence of the ACB.
“As lawmakers, we have done a service to the nation and Malawians through their representatives have made their point very clear regarding the fight against corruption. Malawians have won today,” he said.
Welcome to the first edition of The Investigator. The journey to getting this copy into your hands or screen has been long, eventful, and tedious. I wish to welcome you to a truly independent magazine that does not promote the interests of anyone, but those of readers.
The Investigator is the first magazine to dig into inequalities that have characterised our society since independence. The poor are our main concern. Malawi has all the resources, goodwill, and hardworking people, but somewhere greed and corruption high-jacked every opportunity that could have changed our country.
We have, therefore, invested in telling the story from the ordinary people’s perspective, in a simple and understandable manner. We hope to make our contribution to the Malawi literature as well as help bring accountability and indeed track every development as we follow every penny to its appropriate use.
We also hope to tell inspiring stories of Malawians who have made sacrifices or are working to change their lives, communities, and the nation. We are keen to tell the story of Malawi in the best possible way to inspire an
open and accountable society that works to develop its nation.
Today, we start with corruption as one of our nation’s major challenges We will track all the corrupt, expose them and let them come and account for their contribution to looting the nation’s scarce resources. In this fight, we will side with our poor communities which toil day and night to just put food on the table.
It is time to save Malawi from greedy people who think the country’s resources are their personal kitty that needs to be shared and enjoyed by the few. We hope to contribute to changing the mindset of our politicians, policymakers, businesses, and even individuals that having an equal and just society will benefit them more than allowing the current gap between the rich and the poor.
That is why we are publishing in four languages, English, Chichewa, Tumbuka, and Yao, to ensure that no one is left behind.
We believe that access to information is critical. We believe that independent media is a must in our democracy. We also believe that now is the right time to develop The Investigator as our contribution to our democracy.
Thank you for supporting us,
Kondwani Bell MunthaliManaging Editor and Publisher
Email: director@openmalawi.org
Millions of people from Chitipa to Nsanje every day wake up, thinking about how best to survive. They worry about how to put food on the table, move from one area to another and of course even to pay rent for those in cities, and towns and working away from their villages.
Yet, President Lazarus McCarthy Chakwera sees Malawi as a rising nation. He sees a free nation that is pursuing a new beginning. But poverty is biting hard, people who are tired of complaining, are now quiet, contemplating how to deal with thieving politicians, their enablers, and their backers.
The Malawi Police has become, once again a symbol of oppression, arresting journalist or demonstration leaders.
At least 1 300 plus Malawians lost their lives during the Covid-19 pandemic. Billions allocated to the fight against Covid-19 were plundered. Corruption, theft, and general abuse cost productive lives. It cost the nation its future. Nobody has been convicted for abuse of Covid-19. Life continues as normal, while children and women left behind struggle to make sense of why their breadwinners died.
In the 700 plus days of the Tonse Alliance administration, the President himself has been mentioned in an Anti-Corruption Bureau investigation, interviewed and his name used in a court hearing. His deputy Dr. Saulos Chilima has been fingered in a corruption scandal, and the President’s advisers Chris Chaima Banda (Strategy), Pastor Martin Thom, ironically the president’s adviser on Church and Religious Affairs, and Adamson Mkandawire (Adviser on Rural Transformation) are all rocked in scandals.
His chief of Staff Prince Kapondamgaga is suspended after the ACB told the President he is part of the Zuneth Sattar investigations. The list is quite long and simply disgusting. All sectors of public services are caught up in alleged corruption.
Unfortunately, the President who appointed most of these people has come out as clueless on how to deal with the malaise. Malawi looks like a speed train on its way to crash, with no one at the helm.
When President Bingu wa Mutharika collapsed and died, there was no properly equipped hospital that could have saved him. So, too is a lack of early diagnosis of cancers. We have lost a First Lady Ethel Mutharika, we lost one of the brilliant minds Aleke Banda, and we lost one of our great daughters Blandina Mlenga Khondowe to cancer. Every time the country loses someone, we speak and wail aloud, but later we fail to correct the mistakes that caused the grief. We can’t equip our hospitals because someone benefits from external referrals or drug procurements.
Corruption is the greatest impediment to our nation’s development. Corruption is killing our nation. From the presidency to
the village chief; from a police officer to a judge, it seems we are a nation that is run by corruption. In fact, it has become our culture to be corrupt.
It is all about greed. The fact that 60% of our population lives below the poverty line-- that means having literally nothing to fend for themselves--- does not move us out of our greed to feel sorry and help them. The poor are being fleeced more than the rich and powerful.
Teachers are found in a mess of pocketing examination fees. Teachers now sleep with girls in exchange for good examination grades, from prophets and religious leaders we hear of stories of stolen offerings. From notorious traffic police officers to colleagues who sell bail or police reports; to prison wardens trading in prisons; to magistrates and judges who release hardcore criminals and the rich and powerful through legal loopholes; to lawyers who eat clients’ money, conspire to overcharge clients and in the process share public finances. There is too much corruption in the justice delivery system, and the poor, without bribes and money, can’t have justice.
Corruption and bribery are now a way of life even for those who want to buy land in the village or those taking tobacco to auction floors. From a poor person processing a document, passport, or licence to huge contracts where people in public procurement connive with suppliers to land contracts; to presidents hosting corrupt barons at State Houses or political parties accepting “gifts” from criminals who are looting public coffers.
The sad thing is that even when one is sick, they must bribe a pharmacy assistant to get medical drugs or an attendant to be seen by a clinician quickly or to get into an operation theatre. Of course, our greed has made us lose any sense of morals as we even expect bribes from the dead.
One must prepare a little something if they want to speedily get a coffin or an emergency loan to support a funeral. Those who want to have a post-mortem done or having a dead body released quickly from the mortuary or to find space at graveyards, they have to lose some fortune. It is sad that at every stage of a Malawian life, from birth certificate to death certificate, one must prepare a small “thank you”. That’s our miserable way of life.
There is a difference between paying K1000 for someone to find a file from literally giving one corrupt baron K1 trillion worth of contracts. To give all the medicines and fertilisers contracts to a cartel that ends up buying apartments in South Africa, Dubai, and the UK while Malawians continue to suffer is something that puzzles the poor.
Corruption is suspected when a President’s account allegedly receives a K120 million cheque donation from a bogus supplier of food rations, or a President cannot fire a CEO of an oil company.
You know fighting corruption cannot be won when the office of the Attorney General and Director of Public Prosecutions, in words and deeds appear to have an axe to grind with the Anti-Corruption Bureau director general instead of focusing on corrupt barons. You know a nation is surely in a corruptioninduced coma when a Minister of Justice tells the public that nobody ate the baron’s money while the courts are releasing the baron’s agents.
Our 10 months investigations into corruption make a depressing read. But we believe, Malawians have a right to know the cause of poverty, the cause of death, and what has condemned us into perpetual begging and the poorest status despite being rich in resources, soils, and being blessed with hardworking people.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau tells us Malawians are now talking about corruption, a good sign that they are tired of those abusing power, those entrusted with our taxes abusing our quietness. The Investigator is there to amplify the voices of Malawians and to expose the bad apples and save our nation from dying. To avoid corruption, we did not accept or seek advertising from any agency or company. We might in the future, but only accept clean advertising. If anyone donates to us towards printing costs, we will surely print their names to account for any influences or biases that might arise from such gestures.
We want you to join the fight against corruption. We want you to help stop barons and cartels abusing our taxpayers assisted by public servants and politicians. Corruption is deep-rooted; we need to start uprooting it, from the State House to the village. Malawians deserve better.
Reading through the corruption stories, one question remains; why are our leaders complicit in killing their own people with poverty, poor health services and poor education to enrich barons?
We are writing to save the future of Malawi, from premature death. Aluta continua.
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Zuneth Sattar kept a ledger, 14 pages long which covers everyone who collected cash or favour from him. This is from Malawian presidents to even media personalities who worked in one way or another for him. Read Sattar’s control of government entities. He run Malawi as his own Republic.
The fertiliser scam: forgery and fake claims dodge the programme Fertiliser, a strategic commodity for Malawi has not been spared from corruption and mismanagement that has engulfed every sector. The Investigator can reveal that most suppliers contracted during the 2020/2021 farming season, with connections to the ruling Tonse Alliance, never supplied the product but still claimed payment for the product. This scam has been going on for years.
I am clean- Sattar Speaking to Zuneth Sattar reveals an image of a man eager to tell his story. He is bitter with President Chakwera for not doing enough to protect him and he still retains a soft spot for Vice President Saulos Chilima whom he believes will partner the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and take government from him.
The National Crime Agency completed its investigations in April 2022, it then submitted to the Crown Prosecution Services (CPS) for its decision to charge and prosecute Zuneth Sattar. We look at what might have sparked the investigations.
Zuneth Sattar told the Times of London he has over 100 properties across the world. We track some of them and find that in Malawi alone he owns property that is around 10 percent of the whole city centre in Lilongwe. We investigate how he got the land.
Salima-Lilongwe Waterway elusive financier
The K300 billion financing of the Salima-Lilongwe water pipeline is still a dream and with the current debt crisis, IMF and World Bank believe it is not a viable option, especially if government guarantees the loan. A financier was highlighted a few months ago, we investigated the proposed company.
Business and Finance Corruption hindering our economic growth
Zuneth Sattar, popularly called JK by his friends, has been a political Father Christmas to all political parties, including the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), the Democratic Progressive Party (MCP), UTM, and People’s Party, (PP) and the United Democratic Front (UDF).
The Investigator traced Sattar’s entry into presidential politics to 2005 when late Bingu wa Mutharika parted ways with his mentor and predecessor Bakili Muluzi. Since then, in a typical State capture, Sattar has had an unlimited access to Malawi presidents, including Bingu wa Mutharika, Joyce Banda, Peter Mutharika, and Lazarus Chakwera.
But Sattar’s political charity has come at a cost to the taxpayer. We estimate the contracts and payments to a horde of his companies for the past decade could cost more than K1 trillion and that the government still is making payments in rentals and contracts worth over K150 billion.
Introducing Sattar
The Investigator was informed by a source close to Sattar and former President Bakili Muluzi that he never managed to get to the former president as he was deemed “too young” to deal with. Sattar at that time was only 26 years old and had established Ocean Industries Limited, a company that is a hub of many other companies he would open after 2007. Sattar was born on the official birthday of the first Malawi President which is commemorated as Kamuzu Day, 14th May 1981, perhaps defining
his future role in exerting influence that no other politician or person has ever had during the reign of over four presidents.
None of Malawi’s current or former presidents have denounced him publicly as their names appear in his ledger as beneficiaries of his donations, which include cash, vehicles, television sets, and construction materials such as cement.
Sattar’s journey to Kamuzu Palace can be traced to the peak of the Bingu and Bakili political fight which led to the shift of power. New financiers for hungry politicians, especially as the DPP was new and fought for its existence.
The fight for access and control of the new resources spilled again into the justice delivery system when the news broke that the Anti-Corruption Bureau was investigating some ministers for corruption. Then Justice Minister Henry Phoya hit back, warning that he would reveal a “trio” that was at the State House and other departments milking “Asians”.
Then ACB Director Gustave Kaliwo dosed down the fire by refuting that any Cabinet minister was under investigation. Though the identity of the trio was never made public, fingers were pointed at the senior officials at the State House, Director of Public Prosecutions, and Attorney Generals’ offices. Interestingly, Sattar kept a ledger of all financial and material contributions he made to politicians and up to 14 pages was retrieved by the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) when it conducted a search around the 5th of October 2021. The search was also done at his property
in Oadby in the rural English city of Leicester.
The searches conducted upon Sattar’s arrest on October 5 2021 led to the retrieval of a number of internal Malawi government documentation from his premises. Those documents included letters from the Office of the President and Cabinet and the Public Procurement and Disposal of Assets Authority to the Army Commander, Malawi Defence Force, in September 2020, showing approval for the signing of two contracts for the procurement of antiriot equipment by the Malawi Defence Force.
Zuneth Sattar and his wife Tahara have registered more than 20 companies in Malawi, Hong Kong, Dubai, and the United Kingdom with known properties in various countries, including Malawi, Dubai, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and Singapore.
Sattar’s main business has been in Malawi as he has largely used the proceeds from Malawi contracts to buy properties across the world.
A check on Sattar in the United Kingdom revealed that he holds 11 Directorship in at least 11 companies with Xaviar Ltd being the oldest registered company on 27 October 2014 after he had obtained British citizenship earlier. The company has a cash balance of GBP £2,917,941.00 reported in 2020 and had assets worth GBP £6,863,341.00 with liabilities standing at GBP £606,612.00. The company had reported assets worth GBP £7,185,510.00 in 2019. The company registered initially as an events company and changed later to add public safety to its profile.
The second company is Xaviar Investment Ltd, which was registered on 13th April 2017 with reported liabilities worth GBP £3,547,007 and its value is worth only GBP £60,796 and had cash amounting to GBP £57 279.00 reported on its accounts of 2020.
Sattar registered another company Xotics Ltd on 25 June 2018 before dissolving it. The company however which started with GBP 9 555.00 as its cash, reported GDP its net worth as only GBP 2,500.00.
A day before his first arrest on 4 October 2021, listed as directors Zuneth and Tahara Sattar, they registered nine companies namely David Hues Ltd, David Hues Properties Ltd, David Hues Cleaning Services Ltd, and David Hues Holdings Ltd, David Huwes Cleaning Services Ltd, and David Huwes Properties Ltd. The companies are expected to file their accounts by early 2023.
Across the world, revealed Sattar owns or is associated with Pyrite General Trading Limited registered in Ajman, the United Arab Emirates in 2017, Xelite Strips which was also incorporated in Dubai, Malachite FZE, Rummage Pace, Top Prima Limited registered in Hong Kong in 2012, Molecules General Trading, and One Guard. In Malawi, his main company is Ocean Investments Limited, which owns the properties in Malawi.
Ocean Investments Ltd, however, is not among companies that Attorney General Thabo Chakaka Nyirenda banned in January.
On March 6 2017, the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament announced that five companies had been cleared of K236 billion cashgate-related cases. The then chairperson Alekeni Menyani announced the development after the then Attorney General Kalekeni Kaphale and the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) presented 10 files on companies that were being investigated.
Sattar’s companies namely Malachite FZE, Rummage Pace, Top Prima Limited, and Xelite Strip Ltd were among the cleared. Kaphale had advised against naming the 13 companies under investigation, fearing they would be legal ramifications, The Nation newspaper reported then.
The clearance and public announcement were perceived as a deliberate ploy to award more contracts to them as they were the conduits of public resources which would later go into the pockets of politicians and senior government officials.
The National Crime Agency of the UK estimates that the value of the contracts obtained by Xaviar Ltd and Malachitte FZE between 2019 and 2021 is more than US$45.5 million. President Lazarus Chakwera told Malawians that Sattar had contracts worth US$150 million between 2017 under his predecessor and 2021 under his watch.
The cashgate report by UK Baker and Tilly Auditors revealed that Top Prima in June 2012 invoiced the Malawi Defence Force (MDF) the supply of 1000 South Korean-made K2C rifles quoted by the company at US$5 490 000 Payments were made in September 2012 during President Joyce Banda’s administration, though the deal had started before she assumed office in April 2012.
Top Prima 2KC guns were priced at US$5490 each which was 250 percent times more than the price average of US$1540 provided through checks in 2022. Baker and Tilley indicate the second company which could not be traced in Hong Kong, just like Top Prima, got payments worth US$17 042 753.30 (US$1 =K310 in 2012).
Payments would continue until August 2013, totalling at least US$52,654,654.17 all paid to the two companies without formal procurement procedures. Baker Tilly’s report indicates that US$ $16,366,000.00 was made through four separate payments to Top Prima and Rummage Pace under the titles of K2C Rifles, Military Equipment and Anti-Riot Gear. The overpriced guns arrived in Malawi in August 2014.
At the height of anti-Jane Ansah demonstrations, Sattar and Malawi Police Services agreed to use Malachitte FZE to supply 6 armoured water cannon trucks to Malawi. Objections having been raised to a single supplier, the contract was eventually issued alongside a contract to Crimson Trading LLC to supply the Malawi Defence Force with AntiRiot Control Kits. Crimson Trading LLC is a UAE company belonging to Sattar’s associate, Iqbal Rafik Ebrahim. Malachitte FZE purchased six water cannon trucks from a UAE company, International Armoured Group FZE at a total cost of US$2,165,700. Malachitte FZE charged the Malawian Defence Force a total of US$10 524 000 for the same trucks. Sattar’s company was the only one invited to tender for the contract.
MDF commander General Vincent Nundwe has publicly said the army did not need public order riot vehicles which are now packed at the MDF Air wing in Lilongwe. Insiders named several officials in MDF as having pushed for the contract under the former commander and senior officials informed
Sattar’s banned companies resurfaced and got US$150 million contracts
Nundwe that everything had been signed. Nundwe was out of office when Sattar was awarded the last contract. Six senior officials in the MDF are named in the report.
The Investigator can reveal that four senior MDF officials were replaced in their positions and uninformed of pending prosecution in relation to their roles in military contracts given to Sattar companies.
Malawi Police officers get 2.5yrs each ration pack
National Crimes Agency (NCA) submission to the Uxbridge Magistrate Court in London on May 25 2022 in opposition to Sattar’s bail conditions variation application reveals that between July 15 2019 and March 24 2020 Xaviar Limited purchased at least 1,524,000 “24-hour ration packs” from Serac Nutritional Products (SNP) in South Africa for US$8 each. It sold them to the Malawi Police Service (“MPS”) for US$ 24.00 each.
The NCA told the court that it believes Sattar created invoices between his own Dubai-registered Malachitte FZE of which he is the sole owner, and Xaviar Limited to give the impression that there were multiple supply chains to fulfil the contract. The additional company created a buffer through which Sattar had an opportunity to inflate the price ultimately charged. SNP had already agreed to stamp the packs with the name “Xaviar Limited” prior to actual shipping. There was, therefore, no requirement for Malachitte FZE to be involved.
The 1 524 000 rations packs were deliberately excessive as only 16 000 Police officers were to receive or use them. The order means each Malawi Police officer was to receive 953 packs or ration packs enough to eat for two and half years.
A contract for Xaviar Limited to supply the MPS with 350,000 ration food packs was signed and agreed on September 14 2021. The value of the contract was US$7,875,000.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau arrested then Inspector General of Police George Kainja and legal counsel Mwabi Kaluwa in relation to the contract on 23 June 2022. The NCA asked Sattar after he was arrested why he charged the Malawian government US$24 per item for “ration packs” that he had purchased from a company in South Africa for US$8 per pack he claimed it was just good business and all profit. He denied that the real reason for the large price increase was to cover the bribes and other payments he had to make to obtain and keep the lucrative contract. He claimed that it was reasonable, based on what the previous person was charging the government.
The ACB claims Sattar gave US$8000 to Kainja and a Scania truck while Kaluwa received US$20,000 from the US$7 million contract. Apart from Kainja and Kaluwa, the report mentions procurement and finance teams as having received bribes from Sattar.
Sattar and his right hand man in Malawi who was identified as his accountant Kumar Sreedharan,
also known as Ashok Nair, were recorded by the NCA clandestine operation discussing how to defraud the Malawi Police services between December 14 and 17 2020.
Other discussions included discussions to add 40,000 to the contract price to cover the expenses of someone called Ahmed. They also were recorded discussing the potential loss of the goods so that they could charge the Police Services twice for the same goods. Sattar was recorded asking Sreedharan to create invoices between Xaviar Limited and “Xelec” (believed to be another Sattar company, Xelite Strips). This would appear to be for no legitimate commercial purpose and solely to justify the movement of monies from one Sattar entity to another.
Xelite Strips provide the MPS with 500ml bottled water at prices between 75 pence and £1.25 per bottle. Enquires on the Malawi market established that the retail cost of a 500ml bottle of water in a convenience store in Malawi varies from approximately GBP 9p to 33p depending on the brand. The conversations illustrate Sattar’s scheming in his businesses to rip off public institutions.
The Directorate of Public Procurement and Assets Disposal, whose chairman John Suzi Banda was one of the alleged people involved in the Sattar saga and was suspended by President Chakwera, refused to give The Investigator assets declarations or contracts approved in relation to the Sattar’s company.
DPP raked over K1.8bn from Sattar
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is the largest beneficiary of the Zuneth Sattar. Over K1.8bn was paid to officials close to party President Peter Mutharika and the party also received Nissan Navara vehicles paid for by Sattar.
The political donations peaked in 2020 when he donated US$200 000.00 for the DPP to clear its legal bills during the constitutional court case. The Investigator confirmed the day the money was handed over to a state house official, who claimed they were just instructed to receive the funds after Sattar had spoken to former President Peter Mutharika.
Apart from the party vehicles, Sattar 2009 donated containers of party paraphernalia during the presidential and parliamentary elections, and even with the DPP out of power between April 2012 and May 2014, he continued to donate to the party which was picked by the then intelligence which reported him to thenPresident Joyce Banda. President Banda was not amused.
Sattar ledgers indicate payments to Ministers of Finance, Lands, and Home Affairs during the DPP regime and in other cases, their Principal Secretaries and officials related to procurement.
The Investigator has identified 13 vehicles, including Mercedes Benz cars Sattar donated to senior DPP and government officials under
President Peter Mutharika. DPP spokesperson Shadreck Namalomba said he could not comment on the matter and senior officials, though they acknowledged having been assisted by Sattar, could not comment on the record.
The Investigator also learned during its investigations that some officials from the Ministry of Finance have been extorting money from senior DPP officials, claiming they will hide files on Sattar.
Sattar was introduced to senior party officials in the run up to 2009 General elections. He made some contributions to the party. President Lazarus Chakwera was introduced to Sattar immediately after he assumed office and the two had telephone and physical contact until his arrest in October 2021. Sattar, speaking to his friends privately, indicates he is bitter with the President for not keeping him “safe.”
Sattar’s donations to the MCP are slightly over K800 million collected between 2013 and 2021. His ledger, however, does not indicate direct payment to Chakwera but through various MCP officials, including the suspended State House Chief of Staff Prince Kaponda Mgaga mostly in United States dollars. Kapondamgaga according to the ACB report to the President received cash and vehicles. Sattar’s contributions to the MCP rose during the constitutional court case between 2019 and 2020
at one point giving out US$50,000 cash for expenses related to the court case, the same day he made a huge payment to the then ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
Mkaka is under a seperate investigation by the ACB for receiving two vehicles from Sattar. Mkaka in July 2022 told Malawians he had bought an E Class for himself, but the vehicle chasis and engine numbers are the same as the UKs NCA details of vehicles shipped by Sattar. MCP Publicity Secretary Maurice Munthali said the matter was beyond his office and referred the matter to secretary-general Eisenhower Mkaka who did not respond to our questionnaire. Other close aides of Chakwera in pro-government days such as MCP Youth Director Richard Chimwendo Banda ignored our questionnaire and did not respond.
Vice President Saulos Chilima is facing six counts of corruption and abuse of office in relation to the allegations that he recieved US$280,000.00 from Zuneth Sattar.
The ACB has charged him with lesser amounts than what its report to President Lazarus Chakwera which states that the Veep recieved over K1bn ans 15 cars from Sattar.
He becomes the first Vice President to be arrested over corruption.
Our questions sent to the Vice President were never acknowledged. The National Crime Agency (NCA) identified
Sattar gave
K800m
Vice-President Saulos Chilima as one of the people they recorded as having conversations with Sattar. Further, there are allegations that Kumar Sreedharan (Ashok Nair) frequently went to make cash drops to Chilima during the campaign, especially the 2020 reelection campaign.
Sources familiar with investigations in Malawi indicate the UTM senior officials were recorded requesting US$100 000 from Sattar after they sent back Ashok Nair who had brought US$50 000.
Chilima is alleged to have been instrumental in facilitating payments and the total donations Sattar is recorded according to the report the Anti Corruption Bereau submitted to the President , Speaker of PArliament and Chief Justice to have given Chilima cash worth up to K1bn and 15 vehicles.
The UTM mainly received cash and materials.
Former President Joyce Banda appears to have had a brief relationship with Sattar and she distrusted him as he was seen as a DPP loyalist. Sattar proved Banda’s suspicions right when he was reported to have been bankrolling the DPP. The two had a frosty relationship that did not last long.
The donations to the party are sparse and mainly after Banda took office and later in August 2013. There is no direct recording of payments to President Banda. People’s Party publicity secretary Ackson Kalaile Banda said the party had no business with Sattar.
The Investigator established that
not have any official contact with Sattar.
However, we also tracked a Tata Truck which initially had Ocean Investments Ltd whose ownership was transferred into the name of a wife of a very senior official. The truck was once on the campaign trail before it was pulled for private hire at ESCOM for a while.
Two Supreme Court Judges and one High Court judge are confirmed to have been part and parcel of the beneficiaries of Sattar donations. One of the Supreme Court judges has since retired.
ACB Director Martha Chizuma was clandestinely recorded by UTM die-hard Anderson Mwakyelu that judges were compromised which led to injunctions stopping arrests of former Lands Minister Kezzie Msukwa and Sattar’s right hand Kumar Sreedharan.
Msukwa and Sreedharanm claims on May 31, 2022. Justice Frank Kapanda granted Msukwa a stay pending an appeal of Kapindu’s ruling.
None of the judges so far handling the cases have appeared in the Sattars ledger. Chief Justice Rezine Mzikamanda received a report from ACB Director Martha Chizuma which contains a list of judicial officers implicated in the scandal.
One serving Judge at the Supreme Court is said to have received undisclosed sums of cash, another a Commercial Division of the High Court received school fees and cash, while two other Judges one still serving and one retired also are listed in the ACB report as beneficiaries of Zuneth Sattar charity.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau in September asked High Court judge Kenyatta Nyirenda to recuse
The 2014-2019 Parliament was party to the clearing of Sattar’s companies as announced by the Public Accounts Committee, but there is very little evidence that most Members of Parliament then realised the depth of the company’s involvement with the Malawi ruling elite.
On May 11, 2021, Public Appointment Committee (PAC) shocked Malawians by rejecting the highly regarded Ombudsman Martha Chizuma. She said after appearing for her interview that she would make “Malawians uncomfortable with corruption”.
During Tuesday’s interview, a total of 18 out of 21 members of PAC were available and, after aggregating the rating, it transpired that Chizuma scored 14.9 out of 25. The minimum pass rate is 17 scores.
It transpired that, out of the 18 members that participated in the interview, nine scored her 25 out
Ledgers suggest that payments to Parliament and some officials in the House had started earlier and payments to some committee chairpersons and senior business committee leaders who texted Sattar that the job had been achieved and payments were required.
Other Members of Parliament were recorded at a house in Area 9 in Lilongwe where they received payments for a job well done.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau’s former Director Reyneck Matemba was arrested on August 5 2022 alongside the former Chairperson of Public Procurement and Disposal of Assets Authority. The arrest of Matemba reveals the deep capture of Sattar’s reach. Another senior official at ACB at the Director level is also on the list,
In an interview with the Times of London in June, Sattar said he was used to a lavish lifestyle, and claimed he owns 100 homes across the country, as well as a fleet of prestige cars, including the pink Bentley, which he bought for his wife, and the yellow Lamborghini. Sattar declined to say if these two prized vehicles had been seized by authorities but he insisted they were still his.
The Times said the UK Land Registry documents show that the NCA has obtained freezing orders against 19 residential properties in Leicestershire and Greater Manchester, which Sattar owns with his wife through a UK company. Other records link him to properties in Dubai. Sattar told the newspaper that he has been able to pay his children’s private school fees despite the financial restrictions, was arrested in the UK in October in relation to these allegations but he has not been charged.
The Times observed that he and his wife live in a large, whitewashed detached home in a quiet corner of a tree-lined street.
The council recently granted him planning permission to extend the property further with a single-storey rear extension and loft conversion. Two Rolls-Royces are parked in the driveway.
Investigations show that the Ministry of Lands and the Lilongwe City Council all ganged up to harass Malawians and grabbed their land on behalf of Zuneth Sattar in weeks that resulted in the politically connected and protected billionaire earning 14 primes plots in a month. The Investigator has tracked most of the properties listed in the Anti-Corruption Bureau restriction order, revealing that offer letters for prime plots in Lilongwe City Centre, Area 13, Area 4, Area 9 and Area 46 were all issued within the same month.
Other land is in Kanengo, Area 10 and Njewa area in the capital.
Sattar literally now owns at least 10 percent of the City Centre in Lilongwe with properties that have been built between 2017 and 2020, making him the biggest landlord in the capital after public owned MPICO.
The properties include Ministry of Information offices in City Centre housing the government spokesperson Gospel Kazako, which means despite the cosmetic ban on doing business with Sattar’s companies; taxpayers are still paying the baron millions of kwachas monthly in rent.
Between 2017 and 2022, Sattar has erected five-multibillion-kwacha office blocks with the major one occupying plots number 13/127 and 13/128 in City Centre, another property under construction is on four plots in Area 16 behind the Reserve Bank of Malawi prime area.
While most Malawians remain on the waiting list, the gods of Sattar saw him clinch a total of 11 prime plots in Area 46. This is the area behind the Area 9 and mainly alongside the Lilongwe by-pass road where The Investigator found complexes of flats and a shopping mall being constructed.
The capturing of the Ministry of Lands is clearly reflected on Sattars ownership of 16 plots in Area 9 alone. On three plots 9/201, 9/202 and 9/203 The Investigator managed to gain access and counted to 28 three-bedroom flats that were yet to be occupied.
It is difficult to comprehend the source of funds Sattar has used to buy property in the United Kingdom and Malawi within a short period, but his lust for power is evident as he picked disputes with locals who tried to protect their own single pieces of land.
He managed to convince the Ministry of Land to sell him land along the Paul Kagame Highway. The Ministry’s Department of Surveys owned the building, which was razed and land mysteriously transferred to Sattar.
A property manager, who used to assess the properties, indicated that Sattar’s locations were most sought-after areas and that it was impossible for a Malawian or any company to generate income to buy and build the properties as Sattar had done within 8 years.
“The property list shows at least land alone more than K1 trillion. If you look at properties, selling
a building in City Centre today would be an average of K5 to K30 billion depending on size as Malawi kwacha has lost value, as such properties you are looking at K 300 billion or could be more,” said the property valuer.
The Ministry of Lands, the Lilongwe City Council and the Ministry of Information did not respond to our queries submitted in March 2022.
In early 2017, Zuneth Sattar in his Nissan Patrol SUV followed by his bodyguards Toyota Fortuner formed a convoy escorted by a then Central Region Commissioner of Lands and another Department of Lands officials, touring the Capital City estates identifying probable land that the politically connected businessman could be allocated.
At Area 13, behind National Bank in City Centre, a new area had been allocated. Sattar pointed at assorted plots, including plots13/127 and 13/128. The commissioner nodded his head, agreeing with the powerful businessman.
The businessman later pointed at a plot which had been allocated
to Late Chief Justice Lovemore Munlo, he was quickly advised that the plot could not be taken from Munlo but assured that plot number 13/127 was readily available despite having been allocated to a Malawian. The Lands official, according to Sattars close confidant who fell out of grace, was emphatic that the “boss” would be allocated the land.
Sattar was eventually allocated the two adjacent plots of 13/127 and 13/128 which he has constructed a property, the process that would be repeated elsewhere as Malawians were being repossessing their land by the Ministry of Lands officials to give it to the UK citizen.
Fired Lands Minister Kezzie Msukwa was dragged to court in case in which the Anti-Corruption Bureau arrested him for three charges related to doing bidding for Sattar’s land grabbing spree, a thing that had hallmarks of what had happened in City Centre over plot number 13/127.
The plot owner (whose identity is withheld to protect his work and community status) went to the Ministry of Lands, shocked that he was being asked to surrender the plot, almost months after being allocated.
“That was the beginning of my troubles,” narrates the owner, who was harassed by both the Department of Lands and City Council officials together with Ministry of Lands officials. The land grab saw the Malawian
booted out of Lands offices in City Centre after he mentioned the name “Sattar”.
“The man was feared within the corridors of Ministry of Lands. A Commissioner of Lands (name withheld) told me to get out of his office, immediately I mentioned the name of Sattar. It took his replacement later to advise that I will be allocated a new plot,” stated the victim who filed a complaint to the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) and the Ombusdman. The two institutions are yet to investigate the matter.
Meanwhile, the victim has erected a fence within the plot and after refusing to surrender it, City Council officials joined in harassing him, claiming the fence was to be taken down by the council as it was not approved. He charges, he sought advice and agreed to give in to the powerful Sattar’s wishes.
When he hired people to assess the value of the developments and they pegged them at between K40 and K45 million. The Sattar’s bidders at Lands Ministry told him point blank “the boss” would not pay the amount, he had his own valuation team, which pegged the developments at K25 million. Sattar refused to pay, declaring he would only pay K20 million.
Sattar operates in Area 4 in Lilongwe where Club 15:15 use to be off Chilambula (Paul Kagame)
Highway). The Ministry of Lands officials transferred their offices to his offices, bringing in people in dispute with him over plots. One of his victims alleges the officials from Lands brought him to Sattar’s offices and issued him with letters printed from Sattar’s computers. Another former employee confirmed that officials from Malawi Police Service, Malawi Defence Force and Ministry of Lands were frequent visitors to their bosses’ offices, and some literally camped at the offices.
When contacted, a former Commissioner for Lands for Central Region, who was identified as someone who literally operated from Zuneth Sattar’s offices, including acting as tour guide to Sattar’s land grabbing venture responded, “I am sorry, I am not aware of all this. You can formally ask the Ministry of Lands for information and may be Sattar himself. I was not responsible for allocations. I hope you are aware of plot allocations procedures.”
The Anti-Corruption Bureau has a rich dossier on ministers of Lands as they signed off Sattar’s land grabbing processes all over Lilongwe and some went out as far as Chipoka in Salima and Mangochi.
The charges slapped on Kezzie Msukwa, former Minister of Lands who is challenging his arrest in the Supreme Court include doing the
bidding of Sattar facilitating his land grabbing in Area 46 area of Lilongwe.
The damning indictment of Msukwa by the ACB states that on four occasions he allegedly abused his powers being concerned with a land dispute between Sattar and Malawians over Area 46 plot number 46/2057 which included payment of a Mercedes Benz C200. The vehicle’s duty, reads the ACB charge sheet, pegged at K4 million also came from Sattar which was collected by the then Minister.
According to the ACB, Msukwa offered K4 million to Malawians protesting in Lilongwe to cool down. The former Minister is also facing accusations that he collected a separate K15 million from Sattar, through his agent Ashok Kumar Sreedharan (also known as Ashok Nair) to buy land in Chipoka, Salima District.
Another former minister during the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) regime who allocated the plots for Sattar received a Tata truck and Toyota Prado which The Investigator tracked to Sattar’s Ocean Industries, used to meet Sattar at his residence in Area 9 and officials allege the Minister literally used to drop the offer letters for Sattar.
Msukwa did not answer our questionnaire sent to him in March 2022.
President Lazarus Chakwera has publicly rapped Anti-Corruption Bureau Director General Martha Chizuma in a space of five months but has failed to act against her as the public has supported her seemingly lone efforts to deal with Zuneth Sattar’s State capture case.
The Vice-President has not attacked Chizuma in public, but his close associate was implicated in the recording of Chizuma, which has been used as a basis for those calling for her removal.
Unconfirmed reports indicate that Attorney General Thabo Chakaka Nyirenda and a retired judge might have been proposed as replacements for Chizuma, but the plans to remove her and shield the corrupt barons have been backfiring spectacularly. Here are some of the backfired schemes since November, 2021.
Sattar and Asho Nair applied to the High Court to stop the Anti-Corruption Bureau from cooperating with a British government agency, National Crime Agency, in an investigation against the duo. Week earlier the duo had applied to the court for an injunction stopping Nation Publications Limited and Times Media Group from publishing stories on their investigations. Both applications were dismissed.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau arrests Sattar’s associate and accountant Ashok Nair. It also obtains a warrant of arrest for Lands Minister Kezzie Msukwa. Msukwa gets admitted at a private hospital in Lilongwe. ACB pounces on him there. His lawyers travel 300 kilometresto Zomba and obtain an injunction. Judge Zione Ntaba grants it, but refuses to grant a judicial review. A High Court Judge in Lilongwe Mdeza grants a judicial review. In February 2022, Nair sues Chizuma for defamation over a leaked audio that allegedly discusses
investigations into the Sattar dealings. Both Msukwa and Nair who were refused bail escape jail. In May 2022, the High Court rules against the two and they obtain injunctions delaying their arrests and prosecution further.
Chakwera fails to fire Msukwa President Chakwera fails to fire Msukwa from his portfolio for a t least 23 days after a warrant of arrest was issued. This is in sharp contrast to the same day firing of then Energy Minister Newton Kambala who was arrested on 11 August 2021. Kambala was from the camp of UTM. Msukwa has maintained his party posts and in May during a party fundraiser, the President publicly acknowledged him as one of the owners of the party.
Chakwera raps ACB After leaking of audio where ACB Director General Chizuma was speaking to Anderson Mwakyelu, a UTM diehard, President Chakwera in his speech said the audio exposed both Chizuma and the President to embarrassment.
Chakwera added that he has always demonstrated resolve to win the fight against corruption by not interfering with ACB investigations, by subjecting himself to questioning by ACB officers and by fighting with many forces to ensure that the bureau is fully funded and its chief is well-protected.
“I must, therefore, confess that because of how vested I am in the fight against corruption, listening to some of the remarks Ms. Chizuma makes on that recording was painful,” said Chakwera.
He also revealed that he was advised by legal minds that Chizuma’s improper conduct in the audio recording contains information justifying her removal as Director of the Anti-Corruption Bureau on the grounds of misconduct in terms of Section 6B (2) of the Corrupt Practices Act, 2019.
“I have determined that the best thing to do in this instance is to keep a watchful eye on her general conduct of the bureau’s affairs in order to ensure that there are no other incidents of concern about her fitness for office going forward.
As such, I have given her a stern warning about what the law demands and what I expect from her as the person I appointed to that office,” said Chakwera.
The recording and betrayal of Chizuma was a wellcalculated plan to expose the tough ACB director general and use it to remove her from office.
None of the State agencies have investigated nor arrested the recorder who clearly was in the company of some people as he said at the end, “that is how I speak to the ACB” director. Interestingly, Ashok Nair sued Chizuma for defamation based on the same audio.
As the heat on Zuneth Sattar went up, desperate attempts to shield them were coming into play.
On 9 January 2022, Attorney General Thabo Chakaka Nyirenda shocked Malawians when he announced an amnesty for all public coffer looters. He gave them 60 days to return what they had looted.
Interestingly, he included Zuneth Sattar. Chakaka Nyirenda called on all individuals and institutions that may have been complicit in dubious deals that
defrauded the government to come forward by March 9 or risk prosecution.
“Pursuant to justice and restitution balancing act, the Attorney General also wishes to announce a 60-day general amnesty to all those who might have defrauded the government or illicitly acquired wealth whether through procurement fraud and corruption or otherwise, but willing to restitute or voluntarily surrender the said wealth within 60 days from the date hereof,” Nyirenda said.
He added: “The amnesty extends to the 77 Cashgate files that are currently before the prosecution authorities, the commercial banks that facilitated Cashgate and to the investigations connected with Mr. Zuneth Sattar,” said Nyirenda.
The Attorney General, accompanied by his colleague Director of Public Prosecutions Steven Kayuni joined by government spokesperson Gospel Kazako tried to hoodwink Malawians that the decision was rational. It failed. President Chakwera distanced himself from the amnesty days later. Nyirenda indirectly told Malawians that Sattar was involved in dirty deals hence he deserved amnesty. This is a line that, like other attempts reveals how those implicated have been panicking to save their skins.
President Chakwera in his address to Parliament ironically hailed Chakakaka Nyirenda and Kayuni as icons of justice, suggesting again that he might have known what the two were up to.
On March 30, a privately-owned news website Platform for Investigative Journalism, where Gondwe works as the managing director, published an article alleging that the country’s Attorney General had approved payments to a businessman for contracts that were previously cancelled due to alleged fraud.
On Tuesday, April 5 2022, police in the commercial capital, Blantyre, detained Gondwe for about six hours, demanding that he reveal his sources for that article.
Police also searched the PIJ’s office and confiscated Gondwe’s cellphone and laptop, forced him to disclose his passwords, and then returned his devices the following day.
After the March 30 article was published, Gondwe said Attorney General Thabo Nyirenda had asked him to disclose his sources and, when the journalist refused, said he would get the information by other means.
Brighton Mphopo, a businessman and opposition United Democratic Front (UDF) official based at Dembo area near Chikwawa Boma travelled 800 Kilometres away to Mzuzu where he got an order for investigations into the authenticity and criminality of the leaked audio conversation between a person suspected to be Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) Director General Martha Chizuma and another person
The Malawi Law Society (MLS) challenged the decision by Mzuzu Senior Resident Magistrate (SRM) Godfrey Nyirenda and applied for a judicial review in the High Court in Blantyre. MLS sought a judicial review, aside from the criminal review that was sought by Chizuma’s lawyers in Lilongwe.
The Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) Steve Kayuni in one of the fastest decisions he has made in relation to the Zuneth Sattar case immediately asked the Inspector General of Police George Kainja to comply with the order. Kayuni has never asked for investigations on who recorded and leaked the audio.
Police attempt to arrest Chizuma Barely a day after Kayuni wrote to the Police, they summoned Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) Director General Martha Chizuma to the National Police headquarters in Lilongwe Friday 22 April.
The police claimed to have summoned Chizuma for questioning over leaked audio in which a person alleged to be her, speaking to a yet-toidentified person, claimed that some stakeholders such as lawyers and members of the Judiciary had been corrupted in the handling of the Zuneth Sattar’s case.
This was hilarious as the President had confirmed that it was Chizuma in his January address to the nation. It was not clear what the Police were to ask Chizuma.
The public mobilised itself through social media to “escort” Chizuma to Police. The Police backtracked and later abandoned, just like others, the attempt to harass Chizuma.
Kayuni refuses consent DPP Steven Kayuni’s indifference with Chizuma over Sattar’s case was evident again when he refused consent for the ACB to prosecute Msukwa and Nair. Kayuni was dragged to Parliament but has continued to refuse to grant consent on this particular case.
Parliament, angered with Kayuni’s decision, repealed the provision that requires ACB to seek consent. The Law Commission had years earlier recommended that consent from the DPP should be removed as it was being used to hamper progress in cases where political interests were vested.
Demonstrations, vigils Some Malawians led by a grouping trading under the banner’ Mzika Zokhumudwa’, led by former youth activist for PPM and DPP Redson Munlo, became the face of an anti-ACB movement seeking to have Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) Director General Martha Chizuma fired.
The group which also conducted vigils at Parliament where expensive paid-up meals and beers were served reached its peak when
it comically closed the ACB offices in July at Lilongwe District Commissioners’ offices.
In contrast, anti-corruption demonstrations are either met with last-minute injunctions or district commissioners (DCs) refusing permission, or Police tear-gassing innocent protesters.
Mvalo’s declaration
To cap it all, Justice Minister Titus Mvalo had to eat his own words, claiming he was misquoted when he addressed a press conference and declared nobody from Tonse administration had benefitted from Zuneth Sattar.
Mvalo is quoted to have made the claims in Lilongwe during a press briefing on May 18 this year which was aimed at making clarifications on the status of corruption fight in the country.
But in an interview with Times, Mvalo said he was referring to contracts that were awarded to Sattar that the current administration did not have a hand on. Two of Sattar’s contracts were during Tonse administration.
My brief meeting with Zuneth JK Sattar by Kondwani Munthali
After The Investigator had sent hordes of messages to speak to him, Zuneth Sattar finally responded in the third person. He suggested we go for a meal or a drink in Leicester. We initially agreed on a Saturday, before he quickly changed again to a Friday, saying he wanted to drop his kids to a boarding school, so he wanted to use Saturday for shopping.
How do you meet someone you have critiqued and has supposedly captured the whole country? Most of my critical advisers were against it, others called it a death wish.
I was excited to finally meet the most talked man.
I advised him I will drop at Leicester train station around 9 pm, then we could go somewhere nearby for coffee. I arrived in Leicester much earlier and went to a coffee shop on Evington Road where I knew the terrain well. Far from the train station. I advised him to find me there.
Sattar turned in a military green BMW, could be X5 or X6, I didn’t have time to check it. He asked me to jump into the car. I did hop in, with enough security. He was with his presumable bodyguard who did not or pretended not to speak English. They spoke one of the Indian languages.
We started driving around Leicester for the next half an hour. His emphasis was he was clean, and he would come out unscathed. He said he never broke into the
Treasury and that his businesses were all legit.
He went on to speak about the betrayal he felt he faced from those he had assisted, especially politicians. Asked him who, he took time to respond, evading mentioning names, but it was clear President Chakwera and the MCP were in mind.
Sattar believes both the NCA and ACB in Malawi will eventually clear him and denied sponsoring the anti-Martha Chizuma demonstration. Put to him why his associate and accountant Ashok Nair was suing Chizuma, he said Nair had his lawyers in Malawi. Would you come back to Malawi and defend yourself in court?
“I have not been charged with anything in Malawi and the UK. I am sure I am clean and will be exonerated. Donating to a political party or a politician cannot be a crime.”
Sattar believes he will one day go back to do business in Malawi, promising to “take care of you forever”. I smile, the man looks depressed, he sounded lonely, but he loves being seen as a friend than an adversary.
One thing that was clear, Sattar is still in touch with politicians from all parties and lots of other people as he kept referring to some in the present tense. Some with the most updated information.
“What can you do for me, work for me?” he asks, I smile. I tell him I own a public image company
and another political consultancy company, we can offer him services and we can send him a contract on what needs to be done and the costs.
He accepts, “let’s work together,” smiling he adds, “first to show we are working together, remove everything you have posted about me on your Facebook.” I smile back, “that won’t happen.” The image company business is separate from the news company we are building. I don’t own the media company. Our meeting ends with promises “to see each other soon” a diplomatic word for “don’t bother.”
Later in mid-October, Sattar calls informing the National Crime Agency had dropped his case, and his passport has been returned. I kindly ask for a copy of the letter, which is yet to come. The NCA communications department on Tuesday 22November 2022 said: “There is no update in the case at this time.”
In my own conclusion, Sattar still believes he can come out unscathed and reclaim his position, which is a far-fetched dream, and those still receiving his handouts are doing so to fleece him. Already none of the politicians who cheered him want to be associated with him, especially since they all know he sponsored their rivals. He helped MCP and UTM to get rid of DPP. MCP now knows UTM got more than them. It’s a vicious circle.
Then Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) Fahad Assani said in 2007 at least one-third of public funds are lost through corruption, fraud, and overpriced items by government ministries, department, and agencies. In conservative estimates, this would translate to K350 billion for every K1 trillion budget from 2007. But as The Investigator, using data obtained from the Centre for Public Accountability (CPA), has analysed, since 2011 corruption has became entrenched with both elected and public officials being key players in fleecing the public finances. Very little has come out of the national heist that has condemned Malawians to deep poverty.
CPA is involved in tracking funds across the world, which has been taken out of Malawi. Some of the lost funds come from the following.
1. US$396 million loans from India
Fraud, overpricing, and abuse
of funds for loans that have accumulatively been issued to the Malawi Government from Indian banks. The condition that Indian or Indian registered companies should be the suppliers or performers of the contracts has led to massive abuse and fraud as most projects have either stopped or not delivered the expected outcomes.
At US$400 million, these loans are almost one-third of Malawi’s international debt, leaving the country to pay for loans that it has not readily benefited.
Among the debts are:
14 May 2008 : US$ 30 million for One Village One Product.
1 February 2011 : 50 million= Green Belt and Cotton Processing
13 Dec 2012 : 76 million for fuel reserves and 177 tractors
16 June 2020 : 216 million line of credit
Interestingly, a President’s aide, Pastor Martin Thom was in 2020 exposed alongside Treasury
officials to have had a hand in smuggling a loan bill into the National Assembly to get approval. The aide was later reported to have travelled to India raising suspicions of possible collusion to defraud the people of Malawi through the Indian lines of credit.
The Bank in India, which was to be the loan provider, is also mentioned in various corruption deals in Malawi where funds have been paid from the Treasury, Reserve Bank of Malawi, and others.
Apart from Salima Sugar Factory and Fuel Reserves, there are no tangible benefits from the loans that Malawians are now obliged to pay back with interest.
2. US$390 million fuel procurement
Fuel importation has been characterised by fraud and corruption with politicians and National Oil Company bureaucrats allegedly fighting to have their suppliers win contracts at the expense of Malawians. (page Fuel Story on page 36)
3. Road and Infrastructure programmes: estimated the $350 million
A multinational company has dominated the sector since early 2000. The company became the dominating road contractor in 2007 and was associated with the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). At one point it publicly acknowledged to have contributed K10 million (then roughly US$40 000) to the party fundraiser.
Reports indicate that the company might have played a role or transferred funds for politicians in Malawi in Jersey Islands and bought the property in Portugal in exchange for overpriced contracts or contracts that were bid at a lower price and later extra claims were made almost trebling the original costs of the road.
The total estimated claims for over 30 roads the company has made in Malawi is more than US $350 million for a period of 15 years.
4. $250 million fertiliser subsidy programme (in excess of $1bn in 10 yrs)
The project which is an annual subsidy program on average requires the importation of at least 100,000 tonnes of fertilizer for the poorest of the poor to access. The project has so far spent over the US $1 billion in various forms, but one critical emerging element is that companies do not import the quantities required, but still make claims for payment.
The 2022/2023 program is already riddled with corruption and theft that as we went to press parliament and Police were investigating the payment of 750 million Kwacha paid to a meat processing company in the UK which was facilitated by the ruling MCP national organising secretary Mosees Khombe. See full story of fertiliser subsidy on page 30
5. $200 million Zuneth Sattar contracts
Our corruption dossier from page 8 covers in details on this mega giving of public funds to one individual by different political regime. See full stories from page 8
6. Malawi Rural Electrification Programme (Over $300 million)
Malawi Rural Electrification Programme (Marep) started in 1980 with Electricity Supply Corporation of Malawi (Escom) as the implementing agency through donor and own financing. Later, the Government of Malawi took over implementation of the programme in 1995 and the Department of Energy (DOE) was appointed implementing agency.
The programme is executed in phases. Since its inception, eight phases of the programme have been implemented. However politics has influenced contracts being given out for the program the current phase politicians both the Malawi Congress Party and its alliance partner UTM have received huge contracts despite having no history of being electrical contractors.
See our digital list of contractors that have been allocated this years contracts.
7. The diesel generators deal ($130 million)
Aggreko International leased Malawi power utility company
EGENCO generators to supply 78 megawatts of electricity. However, according to official figures, US $120 million was spent on the contract which was riddled with corruption and kickbacks as those that were qualified after bidding were side-lined.
For four years, Malawians have paid the high cost of electricity due to blatant corruption and at one point, 4.2 million liters of diesel went missing. Nobody has been brought to account for the deal or missing fuel, confirming that those in authority were part and parcel of this corruption.
There is a need to probe Aggrekko payments to Malawi Government officials.
8. Export Development Fund (US$40 million)
The various reports indicate an array of lost public funds given as loans to non-Malawian companies, where firms were given money that was not expected to be paid back. These include:
1. Cotton Ginners loans K20.6 billion
2. • TransGlobe Ltd K6 billion
3. Audit report losses of K12 billion
Malawians need help to trace and recover these funds sent to foreign banks through well-orchestrated moves to defraud them.
The United Kingdom-based Baker and Tilley Auditors revealed the extent of funds looted through the national treasury by a cartel of politicians, businesspersons, and civil servants. Though some were arrested, cases of major players have not been concluded in court almost nine years after the cases started. Others are said to own properties in South Africa and other parts of the world.
A private firm has been charged with evasion of US$32 million tax evasion. This is reflective of a wellorganised system that has for years seen Malawians lose revenue through tax fraud. Recent cases indicate senior and junior officials at the Malawi Revenue Authority conspiring with suppliers to defraud Malawians.
President Dr. Lazarus Chakwera in his State of Nation Address to Parliament in 2020 indicated that gold worth US$85 million is exported from Malawi by unknown persons. To date, there is no system to investigate and stop this stealing of national minerals to ensure that the US $85 million sales benefit ordinary Malawians.
Importation of 1.7 million cement bags estimated to be 40,000 metric tonnes which were done through Former President Peter Mutharika’s Taxpayer Identification Number. The tax evasion which could be well US$10 million revealed the extent of abuse of privileges by those in authority for selfish gains. The matter has been delayed in court.
13. Other major natural resources hidden information, corruption, and theft of public finances scandals
• Oil exploration on Lake Malawi: The contracts were riddled with secrecy and reports indicate bribes by international firms that were involved in exploration.
• Coal and Kayelekela mines: No transparency on how decisions were made and how Malawians are benefitting. This is the same with the new graphite mining announced by Sovereign Metals. So far, Mkango Resources mining rare earth in Phalombe has been transparent in its undertakings.
• Ruby mining at Chimwazulu mine: Malawi is one of the older mines in Africa with operations running since the 1950s. Chimwadzulu alone produces about five kilogrammes of gem-quality rough per month, and roughly a third of the yield is ruby. These rubies are mainly cabochan grade, though facet grade material is present. Chimwadzulu rubies are an orangish red to pure red, often lacking silk, and do not need to be heat-treated.
However, the mines have been hidden from Malawians and nobody knows who collects royalties or the resources. The mine does not appear anywhere in government projects and is never mentioned by politicians because there are indications, that they benefit from it.
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The 2021/2022 farming season saw the fumbling of the Affordable Inputs Programme as the commodity, especially Urea fertiliser, was not available on the market as queues formed everywhere yet the Ministry of Agriculture failed to explain what happened.
Add this year’s woes with low stocks and up to K750 million paid to a dubious agent for 2022/2023 farming season.
Malawi maize prices on the market have already hit a record high in places such as Nsanje district hitting K25, 000 a 50kg bag while in many places a 50kg bag sales between K18,000 to K20,000 which is 90% more than the average of 2019 to 2020 farming season.
The truth is that the programme has been captured by politicians and businessmen, allowing them to claim over K160 billion annually for the fertiliser they never import or supply. The scam is even part of small-scale traders in rural communities who are acting as agents for crooked suppliers.
In the past decade, only half of the paid imports of fertiliser subsidy reached the intended targets as suppliers and government officials have been colluding to pay for hundreds of thousands of tons of the commodity which was never supplied, The Investigator has established.
Malawi needs between 100,000 and 150 000 tonnes of fertiliser for subsidy programmes, but data shows that the country has been budgeting and ordering on paper 328,000 tonnes which were never delivered but paid.
The Malawi Revenue Authority and the Ministry of Agriculture could not provide figures of cleared as imported for subsidy programme which has been running since 2005 only changing names and amounts throughout.
The Farm Inputs Subsidy Programme (FISP) reached its peak during the campaign of 2009, when then President Bingu wa Mutharika put the price at K500 per 50kg bag. The retail price was around K2100. The import of close to 200,000 tonnes of fertiliser saw congestion at Nacala and Beira
ports necessitating Transport Minister Henry Mussa to fly to Mozambique and sort out the congestion.
Mussa’s predecessor Mohammed Sidik Mia also visited the ports in 2010. The huge imports were done through State-owned Smallholder Fertiliser Farmers Fertiliser Revolving Fund of Malawi (SFFRFM) and very little has come from private traders, many of whom use political links to gain contracts.
One of the key importers whom the Tonse Administration had dumped in the 2020 supply list confirmed that Malawi only needs 100,000 to 150,000 tonnes for the subsidy programme but the commodity has been over-imported on paper to hide kickbacks and money paid to officials.
Government has been importing between 200,000 to 328,000 tonnes of fertiliser, according to the budget and in the 2021/2023 budget season, the government placed an order of 428,000 tonnes of fertiliser for distribution.
Data from the European Union show that Malawi had only 130,000 tonnes in August 2021 with SFFRFM having 75 000 tonnes and private traders accounting for 55 000 tonnes. This meant that Malawi was expected to have imported 298 000 tonnes for the subsidy programme by October 2021 to meet the farming season. (It takes on average 8 weeks from the time an international order is placed for fertiliser to arrive to Malawi. Orders placed at the beginning of September will not land in Malawi until the end of October, and will, therefore, not be distributed until November at the earliest.
Figures show huge inputs for the 2013/2014 and 2019/2020 farming seasons that are likely to have landed in Malawi, but the rest of the year’s actual imports data is lower than what the government through the Ministry of Agriculture has been paying.
Fertiliser subsidy programme, apart from the years that SFFRFM has been a leading player, has remained a domain of at least eight companies in the agro sector and each getting between K2 billion to K8 billion annually.
The rest of the funds are spent on overpriced transport contracts, some of which are performed directly by politicians or their associates.
Increased quantities on paper Successive governments since 2011 have allocated huge amounts for the fertiliser subsidy programme just to use it as a conduit of funds for political campaigns and patronage. In the 2020/2021 farming season Government announced that 1.5 million people will benefit from the programme.
The government was set to procure 428 000 tonnes of fertiliser. This is 428 million kilogrammes of fertiliser which would translate into 8 560 000 bags of 50 kilogrammes of fertiliser when the programme beneficiaries were only to be 1.5 million.
Each beneficiary receives a total of two 50 kilogrammes bags of fertiliser for 1.5 million beneficiaries only 3 million bags were required. The excess each year has varied from 1 million bags to an obscene 5 million bags which nobody accounts for. The programme, however, has always budgeted for more than 250,000 tonnes of the commodity, despite low distribution figures.
The initial figure of Farm Input Subsidy Programme (Fisp) was 2.6 million beneficiaries and included seed and legumes and over the years the programme has reduced beneficiaries but not the actual budget.
Analysis of the 2011 to 2015 Fisp programme shows that in 2011/12 at least US$106 million managed to procure 149,000 tonnes of fertiliser while in 2012/2013 farming under President Joyce Banda, the programme only spent US$77 million to procure 177,000 tonnes of fertiliser.
In 2013/2014, at least US$95 million managed to procure 213,000 metric tonnes for the programme. This was whe President Joyce Banda was in power and the programme was chaired by her depty Khumbo Kachali. The figure, however, went up on 2014/2015 to US$157 million for 208,000 tonnes of fertiliser. At donor’s insistence, the programme underwent reforms starting in with the 2015/2016 season.
An expert evaluation led by Professor Ephraim Chirwa found that in the 2015/16 agricultural season, Fisp was in its 11th year and included 150,000 metric tonnes (MT) of fertilisers (NPK and urea), 7,135 MT of maize seeds (of which 87% were hybrid maize seeds), 0.16 MT of pigeon peas, 0.03 MT of cowpeas, 1.3 MT of beans, 0.53 MT of soya bean seed and 0.75 MT of groundnut seed. The cost was never recovered as floods hit the country lowering production. Timothy Wise, author of Eating Tomorrow rightly observed that the subsidy programme only benefits agri-businesses more than actual farmers and the excess buying of the commodity on paper shows how, just like many other public procurement schemes, the programme is working against the same Malawians.
“While Fisp has not lifted Malawians out of hunger, it has benefitted the multinational agribusiness companies whose hybrid seed and chemical fertiliser are paid for by the programme. Without subsidies, these multinational companies would have a much smaller market in poorer countries, as farmers could not afford to buy the inputs they sell. The subsidies are, therefore, crucial to the business of these firms in Malawi–regardless of the program’s impact,” said a report by Oakland Institute.
The Investigator discovered a wellestablished network of buying Fisp coupon vouchers and their replacement AIP National Identity card numbers from beneficiaries that most suppliers have been running for years. The operation in Mulanje, Thyolo, Phalombe, Mwanza and Chiradzulu is run by Blantyre and most small-scale agro dealers described it as a money maker.
Coupons were initially photocopied or reproduced and claims were launched until the dissolved UK’s Department for International Development started printing them in the UK. This saw suppliers got into the market and buy off coupons from farmers who wanted quick cash.
Chiefs and agriculture officials were also part of the largest sellers of coupons and IDs as they created
ghost villages and beneficiaries. In a system where everyone is stealing, it was difficult for anyone to raise an alarm, says a retired former District Agricultural official in Kasungu.
In the 2021/2022 farming season where National Identity cards were used, the dealers would buy off the beneficiary card at K10, 000 or less and they would sell it to the suppliers at K20,000 which gave them 100% profit.
“I buy like 1 million worth of IDs that will be 1000 cards. I will make a cool K1 million profit without travelling or spending anything. This is a fast business that we deploy our boys across the district to get as many as possible,” explained one agro-dealer.
This meant that for a bag of fertiliser government set at K38, 000, suppliers would make at least K18,000 per bag without incurring any shipping costs, storage, or labour costs. One supplier with 20,000 tonnes would easily make a K6.480 billion profit without any importation costs.
Though the Ministry of Agriculture tried to unbundle the fertiliser contracts resulting in small 100 MT supply contracts, party cronies and family members of the officials formed the larger group of new suppliers, and they either re-sold the contract to larger suppliers or those that attempted to supply could not get bank guarantees or actual supplies. This created a huge
shortage and delays in the supply as the majority did not have the commodity.
A few others tried to pack and deliver bags of sand with lime stones disguised as fertilisers, but the majority opted to buy National IDs from the farmers to claim the money.
Auditors shocked the new suppliers when they demanded proof of importation documents, including bills of lading which many did not have. The agro-dealers in several districts informed the Investigator that they had to contribute money that was to be used to buy forged papers from a shipping agency that would show proof of supply. “We contributed each a certain amount as payment had been delayed and the money ended up at the Ministry of Agriculture and we were paid,” explained one dealer who estimated that only a few tonnes were actually sold to beneficiaries.
Ministry of Agriculture spokesperson Gracian Lungu could not say if all the 2021/2022 suppliers delivered their orders and why Urea was not available on the market. The spokesperson also in a written response did not respond if the Ministry has ever taken an audit of the suppliers.
MRA questionnaire did not yield any response.
Public coughs K64bn to pay for Nocma’s expensive procurement
For every tanker of fuel Malawi imports, there is an excess of US$1 910 (K2.4m) per tanker on the pricing translating into a whooping K2.24 billion per month which is feared to be shared among policymakers related to fuel importation in the country.
The public, through the Fuel Stabilisation Fund (FSF), has coughed K66 billion from January to July this year after the National Oil Company of Malawi (Nocma) claimed losses for insisting on using a highly secretive Delivered Duty Unpaid (DDU) against the Malawi Energy Regulatory Authority (Mera) regulations.
Petroleum Importers Limited (PIL) is a private importation firm that imports half of the nationally required fuel imports using the recommended ExTank system and they have only asked the FSF for K13 billion losses for the same period Nocma is asking for K66 billion.
Questions sent to Nocma) and Mera did not yield any response and The Investigator solicited an insider’s account of the pricing, costs, and transportation of the strategic commodity.
Fuel importation controversy has been there since
the advent of multiparty democracy in 1998 then President Bakili Muluzi was forced to fire his close ally late Reverend Dr. Dumbo Lembani and then Petroleum Control Commission (PCC) head Dennis Kambalame after allegations that US$14 million had disappeared from the State energy importing company.
Lemani was never charged and returned to Cabinet as Water Minister, but in 2004 Kambalame was convicted and jailed for accepting a US$25, 000 bribe from a British firm Hamble Energy to award its consultancy to construct strategic fuel reserves.
High Court Judge Frank Kapanda acquitted Kambalame of two other graft charges, including one that accused him of accepting US$1.3 million from several fuel companies. He said the State had failed to prove its case on those charges.
In 2020, it emerged that Nocma acting CEO Helen Buluma allegedly recorded then Minister of Energy Newton Kambala, presidential aide Christopher Chaima Banda and Alliance for Democracy (Aford) President Enock Chihana accusing them of trying to influence fuel procurement.
The case is still being heard at Chief Resident Magistrate’s Court in Lilongwe but in August 2022, Kambala accused Buluma of playing hide-seek despite ruining his political and financial standing with the allegations.
Buluma has told the court that Kambala promised her US$500,000 if she awarded fuel supply contracts to companies favoured by the then Minister named Finergy, Orex, and Trafigura. Buluma alleged that Chaima Banda claimed he was being sent by President Lazarus Chakwera.
The Investigator has detailed costs and alleged malpractices that continue to rock fuel procurement resulting in high pump costs and an angry population.
Leonnard Chikadya, Board Chairman of the Malawi Energy Regulatory Authority (Mera) resigned on 26 February 2022 after he was summoned to appear before a parliamentary committee allegedly under the influence of the then Secretary to the President and Cabinet Zangazanga Chikhosi who was the Board Chair for Nocma.
Chikadya, who heads the Times Group of companies which are owned by the Late Kamuzu Banda estate alleged that Chikhosi’s Office of the President and Cabinet had been searching for “good reasons to remove Mera board because of the professional manner in it handled various strategic matters in the interests of protecting the economic and social welfare of Malawians,” which can translate that the OPC wanted the issues handled unprofessionally.
Chikadya eloquently penned Parliament that critical to the cat and mouse relationship between the Mera and OPC was fuel procurement again as Nocma headed by the Secretary to the President was procuring fuel using expensive methods not approved by the regulatory body.
“There are Nocma premiums fuel contracts that have not been approved by the Mera Board to date, and yet Nocma is receiving fuel supplies with premiums that remain unapproved. The Mera Board refused to grant such approval on account of the uncompetitive premiums, which would unduly burden Malawians with frequent fuel pump price rises,” said Chikadya in his letter.
Mera calculates the country’s pump fuel prices based on all the related costs, including the price of fuel (premiums) and transportation and all related costs. This enables the authority to come up with the best possible prices.
Nocma’s insistence on using the Delivered Duty Unpaid (DDU) system was one of the reasons Mera protested the premiums as it would be difficult for the authority to come up with the prices. The DDU means the supplier would deliver the product into Malawi and this covers both the premiums and transportation costs.
The DDU which was adopted in 2018 by Nocma has led to massive losses that an audit report for the period between July and December 2019 shows a record K15 billion losses despite the world fuel prices plummeting.
For the next four months from January to May 2020, Nocma claimed K10 billion which means the losses were pegged at around K2.5 billion per month. This figure has not changed until now raising suspicions about the pricing and transportation despite global price changes. Malawian transporters have cried foul and
dragged Nocma to court, challenging the decision as they claim DDU does not support businesses and disadvantages local industry.
“It gives room for foreign transporters to be contracted leaving local transporters jobless. It increases the import bill since all the payments are done in United States Dollars, therefore, it drains forex which is already a scarce resource for our country. They are not subjected to all the taxes, levies and all other related fees that are collected from the local transporters, hence big loss of revenue by our government,” reads a document submitted by the transporters who argue there are no employee benefits to both the sector and insurance companies in Malawi.
The DDU, however, is easily manipulated by both supplier and importer as its costing model does not provide a tangible breakdown that despite transportation being quoted at Mera rates, suppliers have been paid US$1, 100 less at US$4, 500 per 36,000-litre tanker. Nobody has explained where the difference has ended up.
Figures from an invoice submitted by supplier Sahara for July 2020 show Malawians were paying US$134 345.51 more on one invoice alone, which explains the accumulative figure of close to US$ 2 million being added to the fuel bill.
In terms of fuel premiums, the calculations show that DDU-supplied fuel is US$900 per tanker and that Malawi has about 900 tankers per calendar month translating into US$810,000 per month which cannot be justified in a struggling economy.
The total unexplained figure of at least US$1910 per tanker using the secretive DDU method accumulates to US$ 1 719 000 (K2.2 billion) per month. The PIL still uses the recommended Ex-Tank and has registered lower claims to the fuel fund.
The fuel suppliers are themselves quite in bed with politicians with one being said to have made custom watches embossed with Malawi Government logos that were shared by senior Tonse officials in 2020. The suppliers for Nocma 2020 to 2021 were Oryx and Sahara while the companies that were transporting the fuel were Lake Oil and Camel Oil. This year Lake Oil and Camel Oil are the main suppliers for the Nocma deal.
Using the DDU the companies identify their own storage facilities, unlike EX Tank which could see Malawi port storage facilities owned by the Malawi Cargo Centres in Dar es Salaam and Mbeya in Tanzania being utilised.
Nocma and Mera have become highly politicised institutions that are financing ruling parties and senior management is recruited on political considerations. The role of the Secretary to the President and Cabinet complicates the scenarios as Public Appointments Committee once recommended the office’s removal from the board.
The political goldmine is unfortunately funded by the taxpayers paying high fuel costs and depletion of the Fuel Stabilisation Fund (FSF).
Suppliers, according to President Chakwera have met with him, while reports indicate bags of cash have been dropped to various politicians who benefit from the rot being presided at Nocma.
A Senior Counsel once remarked, “Nocma is an unnecessary cost centre and fertile territory for corrupt practices. Should have been closed down and let PIL deal with fuel imports as a business with Mera playing an oversight role.”
Despite the changes since the 1998 PCC case, fuel procurement remains a scam for Malawi political elites that they will protect at the expense of ordinary people.
Politicians, public servants, and others feasted on funds meant for Covid-19 while 2,000 Malawians were dying and thousands more were struggling to breath or spending live savings to get treatment at a time ordinary Malawians were selling cars, farms, and businesses to support the Citizen’s response.
In a second slap on the wrists of the dead, which included high-profile politicians such as Muhammed Sidik Mia who was MCP first vicepresident, civic leaders, and celebrities such as Wambali Mkandawire and Maria Chidzanja Nkhoma, Principal Secretaries and their lieutenants who marshalled a feast over funds meant to mitigate Covid-19 have returned to
offices and nobody has been called to account for. Ombudsman Grace Malera investigated several district councils on the second K17.2 billion released in February 2021 after Covid-19 killed many people, forcing Malawians to contribute from their pockets through various platforms to mitigate its impact
Councils were out for a party
Ombudsman found that K150 million of the K392 150 150.00 spent at Lilongwe District Council was used for allowances (K104 million) and other items such as fuel, consumables, and publicity for the district.
Zomba District Council shared K87 million in allowances while spending only K41 million on protective clothing while at Ntcheu District Council shared K39 million as allowances out of the K123 million with some people being paid allowances in offices.
At Phalombe District Council, out of K78 million funded, K23 million was shared as allowances, and they only bought protective clothing worth K20 million. In Karonga, out of the K86 million, they shared about K23 million in various allowances, spending only K8.8 million on masks.
The Citizens initiative headed by writer Onjezani Kenani and Dr. Thandi Hara Msulira raised over K200 million but managed to purchase lifesaving oxygen machines, maintain equipment, including generators at district hospitals and saved lives.
Ombudsman Grace Malera notes laxity and misplaced priorities in public resources at the council level and asks Government to strengthen its financial management capacity.
Nobody has been convicted of abuse of Covid 19 funds.
Friday 25th November 2022, Vice President Saulosi Chilima was charged with six counts of corruption and abuse of office. Is this an end to a man many thought would sanitise our politics.
On February 17 2014, Professor Peter Mutharika, then Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) leader unveiled former Airtel Managing Director Saulos Klaus Chilima as his deputy. He was only 41 years old.
He would be the youngest Vice-President in Malawi’s history and the first to have been elected with two different Presidents. He is also the first Vice -President to be accused of corruption while in office.
Four years later, he would return on July 21, 2018, to announce the formation of the United Transformation Movement, after a failed political coup where DPP senior officials led by Former First Lady Callista Mutharika, widow of the party’s founding President Bingu, openly called for the retirement of his brother and successor Peter Mutharika.
Chilima, clean from the corporate world, was a fresh breath of air in politics, instantly wooing most young people to associate with someone that had created winning brands for Carlsberg Malawi and Airtel Malawi.
He launched one of the most flamboyant and
impressive political campaigns, promising to throw bombs at his political mentors, promising jobs, bullet train, mega-farms, unexpired driver licences, free water, and electricity, dealing with corruption, and guaranteeing public accountability.
His promises resonated with the youth who were tired, and battered by poverty. Chilima represented their generation. He had the potential future First Lady Mary Chilima release a rap single. However, Chilima’s marketing was not equal to Malawi’s politics of tribalism, cronyism, and simply grassroots patronage.
He relied heavily on media presence and savoured praises from his admirers who still are awed in his presence. He told them he was winning; he had made Peter Mutharika win. They believed him, many young professionals, who have no idea of what constitutes a party area or branch.
What Chilima did not know was that he was talking to those who supported Atupele Muluzi in 2014 and those disgruntled by Mutharika and the Lhomwe patronage in DPP. Many in People’s Party, too, who felt the party was not going anywhere, were wowed by Chilima.
These numbers could not take anyone to State House. They are urbanites, young and they even forget to go and register and vote. Most are happy to support a political party on social media than at the local level. The majority of voters have no access to social media.
In his first attempt at the presidency in 2019, he ditched experienced politicians to partner with Micheal Usi, a popular radio and TV comedian. This is after a 48-hour alliance named Tikonze Alliance ended abruptly as they could not agree on presidency and running mate with former President Joyce Banda and former Vice-President Cassim Chilumpha. He remained with Enock Chihana of Aford, his close ally.
He managed an impressive 20.24 votes in a very chaotic election. At least 1 018 369 votes were recorded to have voted in his favour. The elections were to be cancelled by the Constitutional Court. Initially, UTM loyalists claimed he had won. Briefly accepted the results, but later changed the tune calling the vote fraud.
The cancellation gave Chilima a second chance. He launched a massive campaign. The public wanted him to partner with others to ensure the DPP was out forever. The DPP was facing a national revolt, but everyone feared their strong regional and tribal base would return them to power.
In 2020, Chilima, whom some of his closest aides had described as “arrogant and does not listen to anyone” proved his growing critics wrong when he signed up to a nine-party alliance named Tonse Alliance led by the Malawi Congress Party (MCP).
Just like most of his many positions on his political journey, Chilima’s signing up to Tonse Alliance was seen as “personal humility” and once the Tonse administration was elected, his supporters credited him with a win. This angered another member of the alliance; a virtual rivalry grew from first day.
Chilima, for reasons best known to himself, agreed to hide the Tonse Alliance agreement, a political blunder that would contribute to his downfall some 24 months into Government. The agreement was clear that he would take over the Tonse Alliance in 2025.
But Chilima has always spoken when it suits him and not the public. Most of his speeches are aimed at placing himself in a better position. During the
DPP excesses, Chilima was quiet as a Vice President until was pushed out of the power circle. His critics, then including President Lazarus Chakwera’s blue-eyed boy Richard Chimwendo Banda, were emphatic about it in the run-up to the 2019 general elections.
Chilima failed to correct President Chakwera when he announced a “family cabinet” and repeatedly told Malawians that was a cabinet that they had agreed together. The President more than once openly debunked Chilima’s public statements. He appointed his mother-in-law a top diplomat, in a sharp U-turn over his cries against nepotism by the DPP. Chilima was also silent when President Chakwera publicly lied that his government had created close to a million jobs.
Before they assumed office, Chilima told a public rally that he would be Minister of Finance in the new administration. Chakwera denied any knowledge of it and his first appointment saw his closest friend Felix Mlusu take the post.
Chakwera later fired Chilima as Economic Planning Minister, a public snare on his capabilities, and later reduced the influence of the reforms team the Vice-President chaired by creating a Presidential Delivery unit.
Chilima has a powerful media team that calls itself the “hawks” and comprises some of the editors of national media outlets. He has avoided intense scrutiny, that a Nation on Sunday story questioning his K200 million trip to the United States of America was followed by an “apologetic” The Nation story explaining the trip amid the foreign exchange crisis Malawians are facing.
Interestingly, Chilima, believed keeping silent was the best option until Zuneth Sattar emerged. Zuneth Sattar’s investigations came into the limelight after the businessman was arrested in October 2021 in the UK.
The Vice-President is being probed also over the purchase of his UTM vehicles whose number is under dispute.
Despite standing by him when he made political
blunders, President Lazarus Chakwera delivered a nail on the political coffin of Chilima’s career, when he confirmed that he was suspected to be among those that had benefited from Zuneth Sattar. Chakwera told Malawians he was suspending Chilima from delegated duties.
Chilima’s belated response was to ask for the removal of Section 91 which provides for presidential immunity but refused to comment publicly on his alleged involvement with Sattar. Despite running on anti-corruption campaign, Chilima has refused to disclose the source of his well-oiled campaigns, making him one of those politicians that change tune according to their own benefit.
It is now public knowledge that Sattar helped the vice-President’s UTM campaign. Chakwera made sure, that nobody is in doubt. Chilima’s attempt to put mud on Chakwera sounds hollow.
His rivals have gone wild, resuscitating a judicial review ruling stipulating that the Constitution limits the President as well as first and second-vicepresidents to serve only two five-year consecutive terms stands in the way of Saulos Chilima’s presidency ambitions.
The 2009 Constitutional Court ruling, which followed an application by former president Bakili Muluzi and his UDF party (applicants) after the Malawi Electoral Commission (respondents) had rejected his third term presidential nomination, also in its literal interpretation restrains any presidential candidate from picking a vice-president or second vice-president as their running mate if they served the maximum two terms.
The interpretation puts Vice-President Chilima between a rock and hard place as he is serving his second term running up to 2025. Delivering their judgement on May 16 2009, the three judges, Edward Twea, Healey Potani and Michael Mtambo said, “Ordinarily, a Vice-President would be eligible to contest for the office of the President when the President’s tenure comes to an end.
However, our Constitution bars this. If this were not so, one could, in ascending order, be a Second-Vice President, then be a First Vice-President and then the
President, or, in descending order, be the President, First Vice -President and then the second VicePresident.”
If it’s not corruption, where his well-known associate was accused as having clandestinely recorded ACB’s Chizuma, the legal battles on his eligibility will add to his growing headaches.
The clean-cut image he carefully cultivated from the first, however, is now gone. He goes down as one of those many politicians who are perceived to have come to promote self-interests. But Chilima had long been in politics. He was once Aford leader at Chancellor College later joining the UDF.
Born on 12 February 1973 at Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital, in Blantyre, Malawi, Chilima is the first child of Henderson Brown Chilima of Ching’anga Village, T/A Njewa, Lilongwe and Elizabeth Frances Chilima of Mbilintengerenji Village, T/A Champiti, Ntcheu. Chilima spent most of his early life in Blantyre where his parents were working. He played basketball among other sports.
Chilima did his primary school at HHI and Dharap primary schools, and his secondary education at the Marist Brothers Mtendere Secondary School Thiwi in the Dedza District. He went on to the University of Malawi, Chancellor College, where he graduated with a degree in social sciences in 1994. After working for a few years, he returned to Chancellor college to pursue a master’s degree, graduating in 2006.
On 10 August 2015, Chilima received his doctorate in Knowledge Management from the University of Bolton in the United Kingdom.
Chilima started his career at Lever Brothers (Mw) Limited (now Unilever) before moving on to the Leasing and Finance Company of Malawi, and later Southern Bottlers Limited (now Castel Malawi). He later joined Airtel Malawi where he was hired to lead its sales team before rising to become managing director for the company in 2010.
The erstwhile ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is in a crisis similar to what led the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) to spend 26 years outside government between 1994 and 2020. Leadership transition in personalised parties is always a challenge.
Only the African National Congress (ANC) remains a party of its members in the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) region, all ruling parties and opposition ones across the 14-member economic bloc are too personalised that it is difficult to have a smooth transition. The leaders through patronage own the parties and dominate them.
The DPP is suffe ring from years of ownership by the Mutharika family and those that believe have a right to inherit the party. Interestingly, the party
was started as a collection of different people including Uladi Mussa, Khumbo Kachali, Zikhale Ng’oma and Gwanda Chakuamba. Others like Chimunthu Banda and Davies Katsonga became the anchors in the early days for fending off Bakili Muluzi and his UDF political fight.
Until 2011, DPP’s first president Bingu wa Mutharika listened to his lieutenants and run an open party system. He continuously stated that the presidency is a relay race. He would quit at the end of his term and go to his farm at Ndata. This changed, just like Muluzi in early 2000, when a team of some tribesmen decided power should stay within the Southern Region, and subsequently, another Mutharika was propped up. President Joyce Banda, who was fired from the
DPP, is on record to have agreed with Bingu to “hand her power.”
President Peter Mutharika is an academician and not a politician. He rarely engaged in proper frontline politics in the office. People that had never done frontline politics suddenly became the face of his regime. At one point everyone wondered who was making the decisions.
This was evident in the selection of one Everton Chimurilenji as running mate. He had no presidential qualities. Someone wanted a political weakling to easily get rid of in 2025. Chimurilenji could not win his old parliamentary seat, a feat only equalled by Brown Mpinganjira as JZU running mate in 2009.
While Bingu, like Banda after
Will Mutharika retire? Signs are that he rumours circulating some groups convinced about to collapse. He allegedly told
he might want to have a go again with convinced him that Tonse Government was everyone “I am standing myself”.
him and Muluzi realised the power of party structure, DPP under Peter was a shadow of itself. Non-party officials yielded more power than Ministers and Parliamentarians had through State House officials.
The same team was influential in the appointment of Chimurilenji and at the same time after the party lost, they were left with hundreds of party materials they could not use for the campaign. The team seems not to have learnt lessons. They are still trying to control succession, which might see DPP break into main factions- pro-Mutharika and anti-Mutharika, as MCP did with Gwanda Chakuamba and Tembo, and UDF with Friday Jumbe, Joseph Kubwalo and Sam Mpasu on one hand against Muluzi. So who is the next DPP leader? So far the following are likely to emerge as strong contenders to succeed Mutharika; Joseph Mwanamvenkha, Brigth Msaka, Kondwani Nankhumwa and Dalitso Kabambe.
Joseph Mwanamvenkha, 58A technocrat and someone who is keen on detail, those that know Mwanamvenkha will attest to the fact that he is someone more knowledgeable, more rounded, and who knows how to delegate. He has managed to leave a track record wherever he has been and is seen as someone who believes and rewards loyalty.
His biggest political asset is his experience in government
and finances. He also served in Trade and Industry portfolio and agriculture as well, giving him the much-needed experience to run crucial sectors with first-hand knowledge and experience.
His biggest challenge is that he limits his cycle of friends to those that he is familiar with and showcase as stiff. His weakness is that he is seen as more of a technocrat than a politician. Even as a party treasurer he did not seem open to party structures to get hold of him.
His frequent arrests could give him the political visibility he lacks if he wins the cases.
The only non-Lhomwe in the competition, Bright Msaka is a well-known figure but very little is known about him as a person. He falls into the team of those who were part of Bingu wa Mutharika’s first term success and he has, perhaps, survived political tsunamis more than any other candidate in the race.
He served in Bakili Muluzi’s administration as a high-ranking diplomat, then Deputy Chief Secretary, and eventually Chief Secretary under Presidents Bingu and Joyce Banda. He has been known as an effective bureaucrat and was credited with taming Bingu’s excesses, especially during his first term.
His terms of Cabinet posts did not produce much effect which should have boosted his image across the country. However, he was married
to a lady from Mzimba which gives him a second village outside his Yao base.
So far Msaka does not have corruption cases hanging above his head which give him political capital and he is largely seen as a safe pair being an outsider from the Lhomwe belt.
His popularity, however, among the grassroots is his weakness, most people might have heard of him, but do not know him. His other weakness is propaganda from his rivals that he is the candidate of choice for Former First Lady Gertrude Mutharika many suspect has been pulling strings from behind.
The youngest and most controversial candidate, Kondwani Nankhumwa, understands the need for grassroots connection than most of the blue-collared candidates. He seems to have built his base across the regions sending the DPP establishment into panic mode.
Unfortunately, the DPP ruling clique has no idea on how to deal with Nankhumwa without damaging the party. They want him out before the convention. During the last convention, he sent the anointed George Chaponda and Mwanamvenkha away from the post of vice-president for the south.
His strength is that many of supporters see him as one of them who understand them. He also has served in various Cabinet
portfolios and as Leader of Opposition.
However, his own popularity with some of the party structures does guarantee him a vote from the DPP supporters who at a convention are likely to listen to Mutharika’s final endorsement. Rumours of him working with perceived “enemies” of the DPP do not help his image. His weakness will include his academic credentials, including his choice to announce a PhD that is generally perceived to be from a diploma mill.
Dalitso DK Kabambe, 48
Both his strength and weaknesses are tied to the economy. His salary as Reserve BanK governor raised eyebrows as he was one of the highest paid Malawians, yet it was querried. But Dalitso Kabambe comes as an anointed candidate with speculations abound about his relationship with the Mutharika’s.
Those that have worked with him, talk of a workaholic and someone who gets things done. He performed better both as a Bank Governor and Budget Director. At Foreign Affairs, he championed cost reduction measures for all embassies and he is well-acquainted with the public services after being in various departments during his career.
A regular player of basketball, Kabambe’s issues including
arrests, make him more likely the most feared among the candidates. Party supporters, however, like most of the candidates have seen less of him as an individual.
He needs to come out clearly on what he brings and try to get other party regions scared of Lhomwe domination after the vote.
His arrests are political baptism while his high salary will always be used against him. He can point at the economy, which was relatively stable.
The DPP cannot afford another year of squabbles as voters move on. The time Chakuamba and Tembo split the MCP, those tired of MCP but did not trust UDF, went for a third party- Brown Mpinganjiras NDA.
There are already two third parties---- People’s Party of Joyce Banda and UTM of Saulosi Chilima and these offer sanctuary to the moderate who think DPP has no direction.
Peter Mutharika should have retired and given the party a chance to rebuild.
It is predictable that a losing candidate might try to join forces and run in 2025 if the convention will appear manipulated.
In the present state, the DPP’s search for the next leader could do long-term damage if delayed
further and new political alliances emerge that will speak on behalf of Malawians now wallowing in economic hardships without any credible opposition to check government.
The DPP needs to develop a strong women’s vote after the removal of Joyce Banda and now Gleselder Jeffrey, among the ranks of a male-dominated party. The women and youth are likely to dominate the next elections as they will likely feel as the most cheated that they could spoil the chances of any political leader not working to capture this vote.
President Lazarus Chakwera seems to be making a statement with high-profile women appointments that could give him leverage when seeking reelection in 2025. Otherwise, the search for an appropriate leader for the DPP to take it back into government would take a few decades like the MCP.
Despite a weak Tonse administration, Peter Mutharika is unlikely to win any vote now or next election. He needs to come to reality that his delay to have a successor might break the DPP and eventually condemn them to opposition for a long time. The Muluzis and Tembos history proves this historical occurence.
Bakili Muluzi might as well be the first and last UDF leader to win the presidency. Of course, the late Bingu wa Mutharika won the 2004 elections as its candidate, but largely it was Muluzi’s campaign. Bingu only had a few minutes of speeches allocated to him. As we went to the press, UDF leader Atupele Muluzi had suddenly developed an interest in business and decided to quit politics unceremoniously, he did not think he owed Malawians, and about a million UDF followers that have followed his politics since he became a leader, any explanation. To date, like many politicians, he still thinks Malawians will demand his return.
In fact, reports have emerged that he might actually return to active politics after all.
Atupele, is both liked and disliked because he is a Muluzi. What he mainly lacks is his father’s natural charm and political acumen. Muluzi used to threaten, that if it didn’t work, create charges and if that did not work, too, buy off rivals both inside and outside the UDF. He did it with Gwanda Chakuamba, John Tembo and Brown Mpinganjira. They all ended up back in UDF at one point.
The UDF now needs another Muluzi, not in a name, but a character. Unfortunately, most UDF parliamentarians are young and keen to keep their seats. The UDF needs a boost from a serious national figure that will rebuild its base.
The party’s resilience has been seen by candidates that have gone to win seats in Nkhotakota, Blantyre, Chikwawa, and even councillors across the country, including the Northern Region, meaning the party has a future if it reworks and reshapes itself more differently than the past.
UDF needs not another Bakili Muluzi, but a figure that can pump energy to the dying former ruling party. It needs to find its roots and come up with personalities that will detach from the Muluzi ownership and control.
The UDF base, traditionally the eastern political district, has crumbled. Mangochi, Machinga and Balaka now vote for other parties as well while party president Atupele Muluzi was ditched in Machinga North East constituency. The young Muluzi, who ditched the party unceremoniously as many speculated that he could have been linked to Sattar’s investigations. Political analysts argue that he should have at least called for a convention and taken leave in a more gracious manner than the way he did which leaves room for speculation that he is not entirely gone.
In a typical fashion of the Muluzi’s, instead of a national executive committee (NEC) meeting to hand over the party to it, long-time loyalist and ally Lillian Patel was chosen to act as president despite the party having vice-presidents across the regions. Patel is vice-president for the east. Others are Rodrick Khumbanyiwa for South, Micheal Antoinne for the centre and Victoria Mponela for the North.
Secretary General Kandi Padambo who told the media he heard of his president’s resignation on the radio, refused to comment on Patel’s appointment and whether Atupele would be allowed to come back if he wanted to do so.
A senior official who did not want to be named argues that Muluzi’s appointment of Patel was
illegal but there is none willing to fight the decision, saying the party was Muluzi’s property and that nobody could dare to go against their will.
“Everything had been paid by Atupele. He is in huge debt because of the campaigns. Nobody would want to inherit the party in debt. The party structures are used to having handouts. You need a very rich man to inherit the party,” said the official.
As of now, the UDF future looks the same as yesterday- waiting for another Bakili Muluzi.
Lazarus Chakwera, now President of the Republic of Malawi, is the fifth president of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), a party formed in 1959. Orton Chirwa and Kamuzu Banda both paved the way for their successors.
Only John Z.U Tembo and Chakwera were voted at a convention. Of course, Chakuamba had to undergo a series of elections before finally losing to Tembo in 2003 a convention held at Motel Paradise in Blantyre, which ended in violence.
Chakwera, the presidency of the country comes for renewal in 2025, and with the 50 plus 1 electoral system, he is not guaranteed to easily make it. The worst to happen would be to lose the elections to another alliance that is likely to emerge as polls are nearby.
God forbid is a scenario where the President is incapacitated. President Chakwera is human after all.
In the two scenarios, MCP, being a lead
governing party, pressure would be on the party to have a clear succession plan in case there is a need to replace Chakwera at any point before or after elections.
The pressure would be less if the party were sure to win the 2025 elections alone, but with the current spate of allegations of corruption, murky economic outlook with no direction coupled with a litany of broken promises, the party will need to work extra hard as the campaign will be easy for its competition pointing out at the mess.
A party in government has a lot to lose than in opposition. Unfortunately, MCP’s laxity and arrogance are modelled on DPP and People’s Party before losing the presidency in 2014 and 2020 respectively.
MCP unfortunately is looking for a weak vicepresident that would not upset its Central Region base, especially in the South where the party’s financier and political guru late Muhammed Sidik Mia hailed from and
was touted as one of the likely successors of Chakwera.
Mia died from Covid-19 complications in January 2021 and almost 18 months later replacing him is proving a difficult task that threatens to rip apart the party in a region it desperately needs to make a mark if it has serious intentions of returning to power.
The country’s majority of voters are in the Southern Region and until now, the party still struggles to win parliamentary seats save for the lower shire where its former president late Chakuamba and vice-president late Mia came from.
Since Mia’s death, four factions have appeared in the region one backing Mia’s widow Abida who is now Water Minister, party’s Campaign Director Moses Kunkuyu, who has been off the political pitch due to health reasons, Information Minister Gospel Kazako, and a group among Cabinet ministers from the Central Region who do not want any of the three to succeed.
The MCP base believes power should be maintained in the region and after 26 years outside government all structures of importance, including parastatals are being run by a group of people who called themselves “Let’s make Chakwera president”. The influential group includes ministers and senior parastatal officials.
Mrs. Mia, a well-known figure in political mobilisations and charity was always the power behind the husband. She has been the one leading in discussions on their family’s role. She rolled out DPP first rally in 2005 and single handily supported the People’s Party’s first and last convention at the College of Medicine in Blantyre in 2012.
Abida Mia knows how to work the grassroots and she has been an operational engine, replacing the influence of Late Lovemore Munlo across the south and eastern political area. Being a lady and a Muslim would give extra votes and power.
Such power combined with financial muscle makes many of MCP senior officials uncomfortable as she can easily buy influence, which is quite cheap among party supporters and eventually succeed Chakwera.
For President Chakwera, having Abida would lessen his burden to campaign in the region and improve his chances in the Lowershire, Blantyre, and parts of the Eastern region which would help him focus on the Central and Northern regions.
But the young Turks in MCP who include Secretary General Eisenhower Mkaka, Director of Youth Richard Chimwendo Banda and Deputy Speaker of Parliament Madalitso Kazombo are unlikely to support Abida Mia as she could prove to be a future
block to their personal or collective ambition.
Kunkuyu, originally from Dedza South where he attempted a parliamentary seat, is largely seen as a safe pair of hands but politically immature. He has failed to reclaim his seat and his financial status, despite being awarded an advisory role for the presidency and few business contracts cannot match that of Mia.
Kunkuyu’s long absence has seen some recruit people like Brown Mpinganjira who are part of the larger circle of those that believe they control political power in the region. This is likely to be the final nail on Kunkuyu’s political hopes of becoming MCP vice-president.
Gospel Kazako, on the other hand still is yet to
penetrate the structures of MCP who view him suspiciously as he has been previously alleged to have close ties with MCP’s rival vice president Saulosi Chilima and his UTM.
He has never been an active politician before but a popular broadcaster. Kazako has been visible in the region more than before and he is said to be favoured by top gurus to assume the post of first vice-president for the party. However, his age, popularity and decent financial muscle mean he can play a waiting game until Chakwera leaves office and claim the top prize for himself of becoming a vice-president.
Mia and Gospel all come from the same political area and within the structures, Mia is more popular which could curtail the Information Ministers’
ambition to become a frontline politician through the MCP.
Helping to search for a weaker candidate are likely to be Harry Mkandawire the sole vice-president who has been visible in by-elections, but lacks political clout to mobilise the public. Mkandawire’s age would work against him.
The Northern region will watch the competition closely which includes the first female Speaker Catherine Nyahara Gotani, who is being mentioned alongside others, that she could make a political cut and become Chakwera’s number two and eventually join the president on the ticket.
For now, the MCP wants a weak vice-president from the south.
The Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority’s (Macra) reputation as a lap dog for the ruling party took a further dip as the body went on a rampage to close down television and radio stations on the pretext of not paying licence fees.
Aprogressice channel, Rainbow TV, was officially closed down on August 31, 2022, after Macra refused to renew its licence. Only dictators and people with things to hide, use the law to trump free media. President Chakwera’s administration has too much rot to hide.
In a sluggish economy and shrinking broadcasting space due to migration to digital, lower access to television owing to a lack of electricity (only 15%of Malawians have access to electricity), and many factors Macra decided to close down stations, shrinking further the broadcasting space.
Macra Director General Daud Suleman defended his organisation, saying it was serving the interests of Malawians by closing down their source of information. Suleman, whose appointment to head Macra was under parliamentary probe, told several social media followers that he was following the law.
Media Institute for Southern Africa (Misa) Malawi chapter president Theresa Ndanga questioned the hurried manner in which Macra is closing the stations even when attempts have been made to settle the arrears.
“The issues that are leading to the revocation of licences are not new. Past administrations did not close down stations for delay to pay licence fees. We believe the decision not to close down stations was due to respect for fundamental rights, including media freedom, access to information and economic rights of hundreds of Malawians employed by the affected media outlets,” said Misa president in a statement.
She argued: “Through several platforms and engagements, broadcasters have raised concerns about high annual fees that they have to pay to Macra: The fees being pegged in US dollars, other monthly fees that they have to pay to MTL and MBDNL and the fact that business has generally not been smooth in the last few years due to the Covid-19 pandemic and the generally poor performance of the economy.
“Despite the engagem ents, Macra, whose regulatory mandate also includes creating a favourable environment for the growth of the sector, has not done anything to address such concerns. Despite Macra’s inaction, broadcasters made efforts to pay in instalments, but Macra went ahead to revoke licences even where the final payments had already been made. This leaves us with questions on Macra’s real intentions,” reads part of the statement
Macra on July 14 and 22 2022 floated notices of enforcement action against non-
compliant communication licencees, affecting licences for 23 radio stations and six television stations may be revoked by the end of 2022.
Macra has already revoked licences of three television stations and six radio stations over delays to pay annual licence fees. The stations include Rainbow Television, Angaliba Television, Ufulu Television, Angaliba FM, Sapitwa FM, Joy Radio, Ufulu FM and Galaxy FM.
The regulatory authority made a u-turn on the revocation of Capital FM whicvh employees 45 people by granting them a new licence probably following a huge public outcry. Ndanga says 70 employees have been affected at Rainbow Television, 34 at Ufulu FM, 40 at Joy Radio and others coming from Sapitwa FM, Galaxy and Angaliba.
“This is happening at a time the Chakwera administration is championing an agenda of job creation and preserving the available ones through the Ministry of Labour, which has unfortunately remained silent on the issue,” she observes.
Suleman posting on renowned lawyer Khumbo Soko’s post questioning if the closures would not lead to one radio station remaining, retorted, “If a lawyer does not pay his annual fee, what does Malawi Law Society do?”
Rainbow TV has been a target of the administration due to its “Katsukuluza programme” and others have been silently warned to tow the administration’s line which is facing massive criticism over its poor handling of the economy.
There has been a deafening silence from the President and his Minister of Information Gospel Kazako.
Despite raising high hopes following the calamitous showing of DPP, The Tonse Alliance started off on a shaky ground. Immediately after the announcement of its inaugural Cabinet, the country was in uproar against it. They dubbed it a family Cabinet. The President defended his decision. That was the first mistake seen in his failure to listen to the public.
Ever since, the President and his team have been playing hide and seek with a very high-alert public that within 90 days in office, the President’s titles were long. He is now known as “indecisive, kwantere or simply clueless.”
The President lost the public when he promised them a Cabinet review and then decided to hide the report on civil service reforms after tasking his deputy to ask the public for their opinion.
Two schools of thought emerge. One attributes the failure to the President and his team’s lack of experience while the other looks at as simply sheer incompetence. I will only explore the first part.
For a President, who spoke about transparency and accountability, living by those standards was a must not just a wish. Malawians react badly to leaders who show arrogance or try to hide things. The DPP learned with elections and maize case and the People’s Party
with presidential jet. During the first Mutharika’s regime, it was his wife’s salary and attempts to buy a Maybach Benz. Muluzi learned when he attempted a third term. Unfortunately, most of our politicians don’t spend time to see what caused the downfall of the other.
The President has been quick to act when UTM Minister Newton Kambala was implicated in corruption, yet on weekly basis, his advisers were being mentioned in various corruption scandals. The President failed to act on Covid-19 report after 2,000 plus Malawians lost their lives.
The Presidents team has been a big let-down with inconsistency in what he says and does so glaringly. He criticises Martha Chizuma today and praises her tomorrow. He suspends his vice but fails to fire his secretary general for allegedly receiving a bribe.
His contradictions are very worrisome. Even the church where he spent 20-plus years now is worried of his indecisiveness. Someone is recruiting unqualified people or party stooges in parastatals, the thing he was passionately against, now he seems to condone it with a smile.
Malawi Bureau of Standards, National oil company of Malawi, Malawi Energy Regulatory Authority, Escom, Egenco,
Admarc and others stuffed with party zealots are all facing leadership challenges, his office seems to think appointing loyalists will solve the public mistrust of his administration.
Malawians now live in darkness; no solution is seemingly possible and the President says he has delegated a Minister. He lives in light but lots of voters like barbers, saloons owners, butchers, freezes makers, restaurants, welders, battery charging services, and many more are losing their daily incomes.
His team should visit markets and get what people are thinking of him. Afrobarometer did this for him, telling him as much as 90% of rural Malawians do not believe what this administration says.
The President, however, always chooses to listen to the few paidup voices from his party. Very few of the promises have been fulfilled and compared to Zambia’s registered success, Tonse Alliance led by Chakwera seems to be lost on how to recover the economy, has no strong narrative and for now, is in defensive mode in what his advisErs tell him are attacks from his vice, DPP and even social media influencers- something he himself acknowledged.
For now, the President is only in charge of himself and his party, the rest is on a free mode.
No electricity, no fuel to even run generators, and a currency- the Malawi kwacha is on the run, so elusive that Standard Bank of Malawi describes it in one word “murky.” It is only public institutions that have not displayed a sense of urgency.
The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) last mission to Malawi was clear, improve governance and sort out the debt crisis. Most borrowing is local and Treasury does not seem to draw a line. The country is funding presidential trips from borrowed funds and still borrowing for basic things.
The country has plunged into darkness and the Minister responsible Ibrahim Matola decided to dramatise the pain being felt by small-scale businesses that rely on electricity such as barber shops, saloons, fish mongers, icecream and fizzes businesses, butchers, tailors, battery charging (most households have no electricity) , welders and electronic fixers. These, form a bulk of people operating in most markets and the blackouts are causing immense pain with others failing to pay rent or feed their families as Malison Zambia at Mgona market in Lilongwe explained to The Investigator: “They switch off lights during the day and bring them at night. Our businesses are supposed to be during the day. Six days in a row. I have run out of cash and I am thinking of selling my welding kit and returning to the village.”
But there is no hope in the village. The botched-up Affordable Inputs Programme for 2021/2022 farming season which connected politicians, their sons, and families was awarded supply contracts, which means there is less staple food- maize, prices have grown up, and so too crime. The crime rate in urban and rural areas is now high; people are stealing everything from produce to household items. The price of maize is at all time high comparable to the time of harvest with an average of 50 kilogrammes of maize costing between K15 000 to K25 000. The highest by end of August was Fatima in the Nsanje district.
“We don’t know what we will do come December, maize is simply going up every day,” Madaliso Kaitane told our team compiling data on the cost of living.
For government, it has been business as usual. The last talk of economic recovery was in November 2021, while the budget in February 2022 has failed to change or halt the sliding economy evidenced by the devaluation of the kwacha by 25% during the tobacco season.
atSorting out the effects of the economic meltdown should have been a priority of the Tonse administration and some tough decisions from leadership would have demonstrated the seriousness of the situation which Afrobarometer survey released on August 31 shows that up to 80% of Malawians think the country is headed in the wrong direction.
For some petty reasons, the Tonse administration decided to cancel an existing programme with the IMF and two years later with high-level
corruption scandals being reported from the president’s office right to district councils, it is unlikely that the IMF board will indulge Malawi’s wishes.
The IMF program gives confidence to donors and lenders that the economy is capable of repaying loans and is well managed. The Tonse administration’s high-level corruption requires decisive leadership that will bring the confidence back.
Bringing the IMF program back is a critical and most appropriate short-term intervention that could bolster the country’s ability to borrow again on the international market as lending rates are lower and terms longer than domestic borrowing.
IMF door shut on ECF
The government engaged a French firm Global Sovereign Advisory (GSA), whose advice, according to the Minister of Finance Sosten Gwengwe, includes that Malawishould default on loan obligations with regional banks, something that is too risky and dangerous for Malawi.
Gwengwe has not said how much Malawi is to pay for the services and if they have been dumped after giving the default advice which would collapse the country’s ability to borrow again. Malawi’s total public debt stands at around K5.8 trillion, representing 56.8 percent of gross domestic product and the IMF has said the country should manage its debt.
The IMF executive was quoted in India in early September that they are not ready to enter the Malawi programme.
The recent report by the Ombudsman over the abuse of Covid-19 funds indicates that one-third of public resources are draining in allowances, even where people claim when are in offices.
To demonstrate serious expenditure cuts, the President should cancel all public-funded travel and any claim to allowances until the economy improves. This according to available data could save one-third of recurrent government expenditure or close
to K150 billion in annual savings, reducing the need to borrow to finance recurrent costs.
In the medium short term, government should ban imports of readily available products or raise taxes to make them uncompetitive.
A special local manufacturing fund with matching grants from donors can target booster programmes for local production to increase to 100% in the areas where supplies are being restricted from outside. The programme can finance cooperatives and small and medium-scale businesses in the supply chain.
Green energy that includes solar, wind, and hybrid solutions had funding that is quick and would reduce Malawi’s dependency on hydro energy sources in the short term. A series of quick projects would attract external funding and assist in stabilising the economy in the short term.
Malawi’s mineral sector is run by different systems that data of how much is mined and exported cannot be quantified. The current mineral prices are on the rise globally and Malawi’s non-producing economy can benefit in the short term to have mineral resources accounted as part of national product.
Join the regional UniVisa and reduce the cost of travel within. Sort the Airline sector, preferably with a proper airline setup that can have direct links to Europe or Dubai where most of Malawi traffic comes from. Have special Tourism events from Festivals to Water sports such as scuba diving, Yachting marathon, and even mount hiking on a larger scale. Attracting 1 million tourists to spend US$1000 each can raise an enormous amount of muchneeded forex.
Contract farming and proper market structure for all crops
The politically inclined subsidy programme dubbed Affordable Input Programme cannot save Malawi in crisis. Government should resort to contracting farming for national silos and export markets. Smallscale farmers in cooperatives will be subcontracted to grow crops that will be purchased by the National Food Reserve Agency and Admarc. These institutions and Malawi Investment and Trade Agency (MITC) should enter into contracts with international buyers and formal markets for all crops, including maize, soybeans, groundnuts, and sugar beans should be established in an auction format that buyers can compete based on minimum prices.
Licences should be given for buying at auction markets, not in the villages.
There are many options to reviving the Malawi economy and avoiding a total collapse, but only if the leader priorities production over expenditure.
Quay Energy (PTY) a firm only in existence for six months is supposed to provide Khato Civils a whopping K313 billion to finance the controversial Salima- Lilongwe Waterway which both the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) think will increase Malawi’s debt burden. Simbi Phiri, owner of Khato Civils and a close friend of President Lazarus Chakwera, has been adamant and his team has threatened to sue government for equipment it assembled, and in March 2022, according to insiders, was calling Minister of Finance Sosten Gwengwe and Minister of Water Abida Mia to fast track the programme.
Gwengwe could not confirm allegations that he was under pressure to approve Quay Energy insisting he will, under his watch protect the interests of Malawians. Gwengwe in late May confirmed to Daily Times that he was ready to offer a government guarantee to the company.
“We have written the contractor that as a government we are ready to issue a guarantee, a government guarantee and that they should also be able to come forward with a detailed loan agreement and we intend to subject that loan agreement to due diligence before we actually give the actual guarantee.
“So, we would want to see the loan agreement on the table and we negotiate it and we also subject it to some due diligence and then we proceed from there so we are just waiting for the contractor to provide such details. We wrote the contractor a week or two after Parliament,” Gwengwe is said to have told The Daily Times.
Despite Gwengwe saying due diligence has been done, our investigations reveal the company has no track record in sourcing huge contracts and its Australian presence cannot be verified which will raise eyebrows why Khato is using such a financier instead of established banks in countries such as South Africa or Botswana where it has a huge presence.
Already the figure of K313 billion is five percent of Malawi’s total K6 trillion debt which the IMF wants Malawi to manage and Lilongwe Water Board, the main contracting agency, is already saddled in huge debts that makes the project a burden.
The government has not been keen to take up a World Bank-funded project that would have seen the construction of a new water supply dam at Linthipe at a lower cost and with some of its financings as grants that could have saved Malawians from high water costs to repay the Khato’s private loan.
On March 30, in Parliament Gwengwe mentioned Quay Energy Corporation as the financing
company but the fact is that the company will only seek funds on behalf of Khato, raising questions that taxpayers have to pay Khato, the arranger, and the financing agency.
The Lilongwe Water Board signed an engineering, procurement, and construction contract on December 19, 2016, with Khato Civils Pty and South Zambezi Joint Venture, and Khato claimed it had already spent US$75 million on the project despite the legal and financing hurdles not being cleared.
Gwengwe promises in May to conduct due diligence contradicts his Ministry’s earlier statement that Quay Energy Corp (Australia) Pty Ltd was a reputable company and that claimed that due diligence was conducted. Khato Civils spokesperson Daniel Mababa said the Ministry of Finance was better placed to comment on the matter.
The Project involves abstraction and treatment of 100,000m3/day water from Lake Malawi (Salima) and transportation of treated water through a 120km transmission pipeline. The project objective is to increase water availability for Lilongwe City and strengthen capacity of LWB and surrounding towns to respond to adverse climatic conditions, hence sustain reliable water supply to its customers.
A Malawian based in the USA notes of the project: “Lilongwe Water Project was overpriced. In Tanzania, there is a project of similar stature that is covering a distance of 700km and costs under $500 million dollars. Our project covers 100 km and costs almost $400 million dollars. The correct estimate for this project is probably under $100 million dollars.” Khato reduced the cost to US$300 million after public outcry which is still higher compared to estimates of US$120 million.
we,
The Tourism Minister Michael Usi talks tough on Malawi tourism, tackling the challenges, and way forward for the country’s journey towards prosperity in that industry. He talked more during a comprehensive interview with journalist Francis TayanjahPHIRI
EXCERPTS:
What is the current vision and policy for the country on tourism?
Our priority is to urbanise all tourist attraction sites and make our beautiful country a regional and international tourist destination, harnessing the SADC and Sub-Saharan continental tourist market as well as the rest of the world.
We will do this by adopting an integrated approach to tourism service provision, facilitated by broad based cross-sectoral policy and programmatic linkages. Key to this will be transport, communication and technological infrastructure. We shall particularly harness the potential of our freshwater Lake Malawi, national parks and our beautiful mountains to create regional and international conference centres that will be well serviced with all the requisite economic infrastructure and amenities.
Malawi shall be among the first destinations of choice for international conferences in the region. This will be facilitated by deliberate and intensified marketing of our tourism industry.
Tourism development efforts shall specifically consider our creative
industries. These are an upcoming sector that possesses great potential to create employment, diversify the economy and increase foreign exchange earnings. Our creative industry will be expanded with products packaged for the local, regional and international markets.
As a country, we will develop world-class infrastructure and facilities and put in place institutional, legal and regulatory frameworks that protect and support the development of the creative industries.
We shall brand our country using our rich natural heritage, vibrant culture and rich diversity in skills and the potential to create a unique tourism industry based on our value systems.
The goal of the National Tourism Policy is to create an enabling environment for the development, regulation and promotion of a sustainable tourism sector which enhances tourist experiences and satisfaction whilst improving the socio-economic well-being and maintaining cultural identity of the local communities.
Many people argue that Malawi is an extremely expensive tourism destination, going by hotel rates. Do you subscribe to this and what should be the way forward?
This is a speculation that is subjective. The only available and substantiated research on this topic testifies that there is value for money. In recent years, there has been a great improvement in the quality as well as quantity of the accommodation infrastructure in the country. There is, however, a great need to improve on the
service provided in these units. As such, the government through the ministry already intensified its quality assurance drive through annual inspections, spot checks and star grading. In the same vein, the ministry developed a Tourism Capacity Development Plan which consists Service Quality Development Strategy under the PICTS project which is funded by AfDB.
In the past Malawi used to enjoy the tag of ‘The Warm Heart of Africa’, what went wrong?
various advertising and awareness campaigns via various media channels to enhance the brand.
Why is it that Malawi is not adhering to the international standards of hotels’ STAR classification, rather some hotels are, by political muscle, being classified as 5-Star, when the standards are very low?
All Quality Assurance issues are guided by the Tourism and Hotels Act, which provides for the required Minimum Standards of Operation for all classes of accommodation in the country. The Star Grading classification is therefore guided by the Star Grading regulation which looks at quality beyond the minimum standards categorized between 1 to 5 stars. Suffice to say; since it is an issue of quality, the grade is valid for one year within which clients of the property are also given a chance to provide feedback to the Ministry on the service provided through feedback boxes at the property, letters to the Ministry and email. We also have a mystery guest programme, which was suspended due to effects of the Covid-19 pandemic. Recently we have also introduced a toll-free line (437) to encourage feedback on all matters relating to tourism from the public. After the validity period elapses, the star grading plaques are withdrawn from the property and they are supposed to apply for reassessment.
However, there has been less awareness on these issues to the general public and my ministry is working on an awareness campaign on the benefits of the
grading system and the rights of the consumer.
The road to Nyika National Park - which is one of the country’s tourism Mecca, is in very sorry state. Does the government have any deliberate plans to upgrade it to a passable standard?
Government through the Transport Masterplan is upgrading several key roads across the country in the short term, including the main access road to Nyika National Park from Rumphi to Thazima gate (40km) which will extend to Chitipa due to its economic significance.
Usisya and Likoma are deemed to be the best Lake destinations with immaculate beaches, why is Malawi not keen of promoting these as “excellent tourism destinations”?
For Likoma we have an activity centre as one of the priority projects for government under the Tourism Investment Masterplan that is intended to support the existing infrastructure and create demand for more up market accommodation facilities.
For Usisya, there are plans to develop a world-class eco-lodge to trigger tourism development within the area. However, this is not among the short to medium term projects under the Tourism Investment Masterplan, due to limited supporting infrastructure such as utilities and access. The tourism development will therefore be aligned to the development of the supporting infrastructure. It should, however, be noted that
these two places are fragile in nature and development in such areas has to follow sustainability approach to minimize the risk of destroying the destinations.
Some people are arguing that the recent declaration by President Lazarus Chakwera, that government meetings and workshops should not take place at lakeshore hotels and other resorts will choke the tourism industry in Malawi. What’s the views of your ministry? How are you going to mitigate this problem?
Meetings, Incentive Travel, Conventions and Events (Mice) Tourism has become a major component in most Lakeshore resorts within the country. Most of the operators have also invested in Conferencing facilities due to this trend. Undoubtedly, the declaration will affect such properties significantly as they will lose a market share in Mice tourism by Government.
However, the same provides an opportunity for conferencing facilities away from the lakeshore as most meetings will have to look for venues elsewhere. It also offers the operators at the lakeshore the opportunity to intensify their marketing efforts to other clients, creating a larger market base for their operations.
As a government ministry at the centre of this, we are yet to receive official complaints from operators within the affected areas. My ministry has already started engaging relevant stakeholders on the same. We will also continue
to promote the lake as a prime holiday and Mice destination for other clients in the interim.
There have been allegations that some tourism operators at Cape Maclear do not entertain Malawians, rather black people, on their joints (Establishments), purely on racist grounds. What is your ministry doing about this?
It should be highlighted that the Tourism and Hotels Act provides for Right to Services for clients (section 38) and Right of Admission to the Tourism Establishments (Section 39). The ministry has a procedure of query handling when and if such issues arise.
In the few official complaints that we have received so far, investigations were done to substantiate the complaints. Please note that most establishments at Cape Maclear have limited capacity. During the peak seasons and festivities, they are most of the times fully booked as such may not be able to accommodate walk-in clients. Given such circumstances, the operators prioritise pre-booked clients over walk-ins.
To mitigate this, the Tourism and Hotels Board encourages the general public to make reservations before travelling to avoid inconveniences.
What are your priorities as a minister? How do you describe Malawi as a tourist destination?
As I indicated earlier on, the goal of the National Tourism Policy is to create an enabling environment for the development, regulation and promotion of a
sustainable tourism sector which enhances tourist experiences and satisfaction whilst improving the socio-economic wellbeing and maintaining cultural identity of the local communities. My job as Minister is to ensure that the policy is successfully implemented.
My priorities are, therefore: To ensure mainstreaming of tourism across all sectors for tourism development; To strengthen the institutional and legal framework; To facilitate capacity building and strengthening for improved coordination and effective delivery of programs and services; To guide tourism development and adoption of best practices; To facilitate the development and enforcement of standards (skills, facilities, services, investments) of the industry and improve service delivery; To provide for the development and adoption of an effective and efficient tourism marketing system; and To ensure integration of crosscutting issues in tourism sectoral strategies II. Overall, Malawi is: Rich in Contrast, offering diverse lake experience, variety of landscapes, habitats, climates and cultural assets, Compact in Size, having short distances and comparatively less crowded, and
Big in Hospitality, with peaceful environment, neighbourly social interaction, tolerant and authentic relationship with visitors and other cultures.
To the international Market, Malawi is a safe, innately welcoming, off the beaten track destination with a diverse natural
and cultural experience factor within short distances.
For regional market, Malawi is the neighbour of small distances, a safe haven to relax, connect with contrasted nature and enjoy true hospitality.
In the domestic market, Malawi is our home and pride, the place where our nation´s natural and cultural highlights come together which we treasure and actively enjoy whenever possible.
Has the notion: “Tiziyamba ndife Amalawi” succeeded in luring the local Malawians to sample tourism establishments? What have been the challenges?
Yes, not only has it succeeded to lure domestic travel but it has built pride in Malawians as they can now quote the “Tidziyamba Ndife
A Malawi” tagline in other local initiatives beyond tourism.
This is evidenced by the spur of domestic excursions to Tourist attractions within the country, especially on public holidays and weekends. Further to this, the domestic corporate market has adopted the “Takulandirani” tagline, a subset of the “Warm Heart of Africa”.
According to the Malawi Domestic and Outbound Tourism Survey, willingness to visit tourist attractions was 75.1% in urban areas and 61.9% in rural areas. At National Level 64.1% expressed willingness to spend on tourism activities. Residents from both rural & urban areas wished to visit water bodies followed by Mice and Wilderness.
However, the utilisation of Tourism facilities which is measured by bed nights is under 40%. This indicates that although the locals are travelling they are not spending a night in most cases which in the survey was attributed to financial constraints.
The conversion rate from the willingness to travel to the actual travel through excursions is encouraging and my Ministry is optimistic that the domestic market will increase demand for accommodation services as they are now exposed to it.
How drastic has been the impact Covid-19 pandemic to the Malawi Tourism Industry?
The covid-19 pandemic necessitated travel bans globally, Malawi included. This led to a sharp decline in the number of international visitors from 978,000 in 2019 to 198,000 in 2020 having similar impact on the revenues. The contribution of the sector to the national GDP dropped from 6.7% in 2019 to 3.3% in 2020.
For operators whose main focus market is international, it meant suspension of operations or permanent closure/sale of the business entities. On the domestic front, the locals were equally unable to fully patronize the facilities either due to economic problems, travel controls and general anxiety caused by the pandemic. Most operations were forced to scale down, completely remove part-time workers from their operations or sale some of their business properties to keep the business afloat.
Malawians across various tribes have beencelebrating their cultural heritage. Among these photos are Chewas Kulamba, Ngonis Umtheto and Maseko Umhlangano, Chiwanja cha Yao, Chitipa and Karonga Heritage and Mulhako wa a Lhomwe.
Andale, ogwira ntchito m’boma komanso anthu osiyanasiyana anatsuka mkamwa ndi ndalama zothandizira kuthana ndi mliri wa Covid 19 pomwe Amalawi pafupifupi 2,000 anali akudwala pamene enanso ambiri anali akuthatha ndi imfa ena mpaka anagulitsa katundu wawo monga galimoto, minda ndinso mabizinesi kuti athandizire pa nkhondoyi.
Pa mndandanda wa anthu omwalira panali anthu akuluakulu monga wachiwiri kwa mtsogoleri wa chipani cha MCP a Muhammed Sidik Mia, mafumu komanso asangalatsi monga Wambali Mkandawire ndi Maria Chidzanja Nkhoma.
Panalinso alembi mu ma Unduna osiyanasiyana kuphatikizapo akuluakulu ena omwe anatsogolera kusinkha ndalama zomwe zimayenera kuthandizira kufala kwa mliri wa Covid 19. Koma chodabwitsa ndichakuti onsewa akugwirabe ntchito zawo popanda wina kumangidwapo. Wamkulu womva madandaulo a anthu (Ombudsman) a Grace Malera anafufuza makhonsolo angapo malingana ndi K17.2 biliyoni yomwe inaperekedwa mu mwezi wa Febulawale 2021 mliriwu utatenga miyoyo ya anthu ambiri mbiri kufikira poti
Amalawi ena anayamba kusonkha ndalama zawo kuti zithandizire pa nkhondo yothana ndi mliriwu. Makhonsolo kunyambitira pa kamwa.
A Malera anapeza kuti ndalama zokwana K150 miliyoni kuchoka ku K392
150 150.00 ku khonsolo ya Lilongwe zinagwiritsidwa ntchito ngati ma alawansi (104 miliyoni) ndinso zinthu zina monga mafuta a galimoto ndi zina.
Khonsolo ya Zomba inagawana K87 miliyoni kudzeranso mma alawansi pomwe K41 miliyoni ndiyomwe anagwiritsa ntchito pogulira zipangizo zodzitetezera pamene ku Ntcheu, K39 miliyoni inagwira ntchito ya ma alawansi kuchoka ku ndalama yokwanira K123 miliyoni ndipo kumeneku ena amalandira ma alawansiwa asanagwire ntchito iliyonse.
Ku khonsolo ya Phalombe,
ku ndalama yokwana K78 miliyoni yomwe inalandira, K23 miliyoni inagwira ntchito ngati alawansi ndipo K23 miliyoni ndiyomwe inagwiritsidwa ntchito pogulira zipangizo zodzitetezera. Amnzawo ku Karonga pa K86 miliyoni yomwe analandira, K23 miliyoni inagwira ntchito ngati ma alawansi ndipo K8.8 miliyoni inagulidwira katundu wodzitetezera monga zodzitchingira kukamwa ndi mphuno (masiki).
Chilinganizo chomwe wolemba zosiyanasiyana a Onjezani Kenani ndinso a Dr. Thandi Hara Msulira chotolera ndalama chinakwanitsa kupeza ndalama zoposa K200 miliyoni ndipo zinakwanitsa kupulumutsa miyoyo kudzera mu kugulira makina othandizira kupuma ndi kukonzetsera ma genereta mzipatala za m’mbaboma. Malingana ndi a Malera pali kutayilira komanso kusagwiritsa ntchito moyenera ndalama mma khonsolo choncho akupempha boma likhwimitse ndondomeko zake zogwiritsira ntchito ndalama.
Kufikira timalemba nkhaniyi, panalibe amene wamangidwapo chifukwa cha kuba ndalama za Covid 19.
Nyengo ya ulimi ya 2021/2022 inachitira umboni kusokonezeka kwa pologalamu ya fetereza wa sabuside ya (Affordable Inputs Programme-AIP) kaamba koti feterezayu makamaka wa mtundu wa Urea siumapezeka pa msika ndipo boma linalibe mau olongosolera izi. Pakadalipano mitengo ya chimanga yakwera kale kwambiri mpaka kufika K25,000 thumba lolemera makilogalamu
50 zomwe ndizosiyana ndi mmbuyomu. Chilungamo chake ndichakuti ndondomeko ya fetereza wa sabusideyu ikungopindulira a ndale ndi a mabizinesi omwe akumapeza K160 biliyoni pa chaka kuchokera ku fetereza yemwe sanagulidwe ndikomwe. Izi zalowereranso mpaka ku madera akumidzi komwe a mabizinesi ang’onoang’ono
nawonso akugwiritsidwa ntchito ndi operekera feterezayu. Magazini iyi yapeza kuti m’mbuyomu, theka la fetereza ogulidwa ndiyemwe amafikira anthu oyenera kupindula chifukwa cha chinyengo. Dziko lino limafunika mlingo wa matani okwanira 100,00 ndi 150,000 wa fetereza otsika mtengo koma zikuwoneka kuti boma lakhala likumayitsa
wokwanira matani 328,000 yemwenso samafika. Mlingowu unatsimikizidwa ndi imodzi mwa kampani yomwe imayenera kunyamula nawo feterezayu koma inasiyidwa. Ndipo mu bajeti ya 2021/2023 boma linayika mlingo wa 438,000.
Nayo nthambi ya Malawi Revenue Authority (MRA) ndi Unduna wa zamalimidwe wakhala
ukulephera kupereka mlingo weni weni kuchokera mu 2005. Ndondomekoyi inafika mchimake mu nthawi ya kampeni ya mchaka cha 2009 ndi mtsogoleri wakale wa dziko lino malemu Bingu wa Mutharika pomwe feterezayu anali wotchipa kwambiri. Malingana ndi bungwe la European Union, dziko lino linali ndi matani 130,000 mumwezi wa Ogasiti
chaka cha 2021 ndipo bungwe la SFFRFM linali ndi 75,000 pomwe ena anasungira matani 55,000. Izi zikutanthauza kuti dziko lino linayitanitsa matani okwanira 298 000 pofika mwezi wa Okutobala a AIP mchakachi (2021). Zimatenga nthawi yokwanira masabata asanu ndi atatu kuti katundu ngati fetereza afike mdziko muno kotero katundu woyitanitsa
kumayambiriro a Sepitembala atha kimafika kumapeto kwa Okutobala ndikuyamba kugawidwa mu Novembala.
Pali kusagwirizana pakati pa zipangizo za ku munda zomwe zinayitanitsidwa kunja mu chaka chimodzi zomwe Unduna wa zaulimi ukuwonetsa ndi katundu yemwe anafika mu sizoni ya 2013/2014 komanso 2019/ 2020. Mu kaundula wake, katunduyu akuoneka wochepa. Chinyengo Kupatula SFFRFM, makampani asanu ndi atatu ndi amene akhala akutumikira kwambiri ndondomekoyi ndipo yiliyonse imalandira pakati pa K2 biliyoni ndi K8 biliyoni pa chaka. Kwambiri awa amakhala amnzawo a anthu a ndale omwe akulamula boma ndipo nthawi zambiri iwo iwo amakwezera dala mitengo. Kukwezera dala mitengo Maboma omwe akhala akubwera akhala akumayika ndalama zochuluka ku ndondomekoyi ngati nyambo yongotulutsirako ndalama komanso kutchuka. Mchaka cha 2020/2021 boma linalengeza kuti anthu 1.5 miliyoni ndi amene atapindule. Boma limayembekezeka kugula matani a fetereza okwanira 428 000 omwe ndiolemera makilogalamu 428 amene ndi mabagi 8 560 000 a makilogalamu
50 pamene opindula amayembekezeka kukhala 1.5 miliyoni. Wopindula aliyense amalandira mabagi awiri a fetereza ndipo kwa chiwerengero chokwana 1.5 miliyoni, mabagi 3 miliyoni ndiamene amafunika. Koma chaka chilichonse, mabagi oyambira 1 miliyoni mpaka 5 miliyoni ndiamene akumatsala ndipo palibe amene amalabada kuti ayenda bwanji. Koma ndondomekoyi yakhala ikumakonzekera matani oposa 250,000. Chiwerengero cha opindula ndi sabuside chakhala chili 2.6 miliyoni ndipo anthuwa amalandira mbeu koma chiwerengero cha opindulawa chakhala chikutsika chonsecho bajeti siimasintha mu zaka zonsezi. Mu chaka cha 2011/2012, US$106 miliyoni inaguamatani a fetereza 149,000 pomwe mu 2012/2013 pansi pa a Joyce Banda US$77 miliyoni inagwiritsidwa ntchito kugula matani 177,000. Mu 2013/2014, US$95 miliyoni inagula matani 213,000 (ulamuliro wa a Peter Mutharika), mu 2014/2015 US$157,000 inagula matani a fetereza 208,000. Koma ndondomekoyi inawunikiradwanso mu 2015/2016 mabungwe othandiza dziko lino atakkamiza kutero. Katswiri wina wolemba a Timothy Wise anapeza kuti ndondomekoyi imangopindulira kwambiri ochita
malonda a mbewu osati alimi. Ndipo lipoti la Oakland Institute limachita kunena poyera kuti pologalamuyi ndiyongolemeretsa makampani omwe ali mu ndondomekoyi. Kugula ziphaso ndi Makuponi Magaziniyi inapeza kuti pakumakhala chikonzero chakabisira chomagula makuponi a sabuside ndikusinthanitsa
nthawi yayitali. M’maboma a Mulanje, Thyolo, Phalombe, Mwanza ndi Chiradzulo, chinyengochi chikumatsogoleredwa ndi anthu aku Blantyre. Makuponi amatha kupangidwa fotokope kapena kupangidwanso kumene mpaka zinasinthidwa kuti makuponiwa adzikapangidwa ku mangalande. Izi ndizomwe zinapangitsa ena kumachita kumakagula makuponiwa kwa alimi. Mafumu ndi ogwira ntchito za ulimi ndiamenenso anali patsogolo
pogulitsa makuponi ndukumapanga midzi yabodza. Ndipo pamakhala povuta kuti wina atsine khutu ena pakakhala kuti pafupifupi onse akuchita nawo mchitidwe wakubawu, malingana ndi Bwanamkubwa wopuma ku Kasungu. Mchaka cha 2021/2022 momwe chiphaso cha unzika chinagwiritsidwa ntchito, madobadoba amagula kadi la opindula pa K10,000 kapena kutsikirapo ndikumakaligulitsanso
pa mtengo wa K20,000. “Mwachitsanzo nditha kugula ziphaso 1 miliyoni zomwe ndi makadi 1000, pamenepa ndekuti ndapanga kale K1 miliyoni yosayivutikira kwenikweni,” anatero wogulitsa mbewu wina.
Ngakhale Unduna wa zamalimidwe unayesa kusintha mlingo wa makontilakiti a fetereza kukhalirapo wochepa wa matani 100, zinapezeka kuti ambiri omwe analowa mu makontilakitiwa amakhala achipani ndinso abale kapena amnzawo a ogwira ntchito zaulimi zomwe zinabweretsa mavuto a kusapezeka kwa katunduyu. Ena anayesetsa kumayika michenga koma ambiri mwa iwo amachita kumakagula ziphaso za unzika. Ambiri mwa makampaniwa amalephera kuwonetsa makalata omwe anawodetsera katunduyo kunja ndipo ogulitsa mbewu m’maboma ambiri anatitsina khutu kuti amachita kusonkha ndalama zokagulira makalata a bodza. Mneneri wa Unduna wa zamalimidwe a Gracian Lungu analephera kufotokoza ngati makampani onse mchaka cha 2021/2022 anakwanitsa kuperekera mawoda awo komanso kuti chifukwa chani fetereza wa Urea samapezeka. Iwo sanalongosolenso ngati Unduna wawo unawunika momwe makampaniwa anagwirira ntchito yawo. Titafikira nthambi ya MRA, iyo inalephera kutiyankha.
A Lazarus Chakwera omwe ndi mtsogoleri wa dziko lino ndi pulezidenti wachisanu wa chipani cha Malawi Congress (MCP) chomwe chinayamba mchaka cha 1959. Atsogoleri onse a kale a chipachi monga Orton Chirwa ndi Kmuzu Banda onse anapereka njira kuti ena achitsogolere pomwe Chakwera ndi John Z.U Tembo anachita kuvoteredwa ku msonkhano waukulu.
Kusankhidwanso kwa a Chakwera kukuyembekezeka kukumana ndi zokhoma mu 2025 makamaka chifukwa cha ndondomeko yovotera ya 50+1 kapena kuti wopambana chisankho adzikhala ndi mavoti opitirira theka la ovota ndipo chochititsa manyazi kwambiri chidzakhala akadzagonja ku mgwirizano wina wazipani womwe ukuyembekezeka kudzakhalako. Choopsa kwambiri ndi kukhala kuti a Chakwera adwalika kufika polephera kuyendetsa dziko, siwunganeneretu chilichonse chitha kuchitika.
Mu zitsanzo ziwirizi, zikutanthauza kuti MCP pokhala chipani chotsogolera mgwirizano wa zipani zolamulira boma, icho chikuyenera kukhala ndi chikonzero kapena ndondomeko yabwino yokhala ndi mlowammalo wa a Chakwera china chake chitawachitikira 2025 isanafike.
Chipanichi sichikanakhala pa mpanipani umenewu
chikanakhala kuti chilibe chikayiko chodzapambana chisankho cha mu 2025, koma malingana ndi namsanganya wa zomwe zilipo monga, za katangale, kusayenda bwino kwa chuma ndikusakwaniritsa kwa malonjezo ake, chipanichi chikuyenera kuwonjezera giya chifukwa otsutsa adzatengerapo mwayi.
Kuchiwunguza bwino chipanichi, icho chikusakasaka wotsatira wa a Chakwera wofooka woti sangasunthe mtima wa chipanichi mchigawo chapakati, makamaka kuchokera mchigawo cha kumwera komwe nkhumekume pa ndale malemu Muhammed Sidik Mia amachokera komanso amawonedwa ngati mlowammalo wa a Chakwera.
Koma zikuwoneka zovuta kupeza mlowammalo wa a Mia omwe anamwalira ndi matenda a Covid-19 kumayambiriro a 2021. Izi zikupereka chiopsezo kwa chipanichi chosapeza mavoti ochuluka mchigawo chakumwera chomwe chimawavuta ndi kale. Chigawochi ndichomwe chili ndi ovota ambiri ndipo mpaka pano MCP imavutika kupeza mipando ya aphungu kupatula ku chigwa cha Shire komwe pulezidenti wake wa kale a Gwanda Chakuamba ndi a Mia amachokera choncho icho chikuyenera kuchitapo kanthu.
Kutsatira imfa ya a Mia, pali magulu anayi omwe
atulukira mchipanichi, lina la mkazi wa malemu a Mia a Abida omwenso ndi nduna ya za madzi ndi Ukhondo, la mlangizi wa a Chakwera a Moses Kunkuyu omwe azilala pa ndale kaamba ka kusapeza bwino, la nduna yofalitsa nkhani a Gospel Kazako komanso gulu lina la nduna mchigawo cha pakati zomwe zikufuna kuti atatuwa asakhale alowammalo. Phata la MCP likufuna kuti upulezidenti usachoke chigawo cha pakati.
A Abida anali gawo lalikulu pa ndale kwa amuna awo. Iwo anatsogolera okha msonkhano woyamba wa chipani cha DPP mu 2005 nkuthandiza okha msonkhano waukulu wa chipani cha Peoples mu 2012. Pokhalanso msilamu, iwo ali ndikuthekera kokhala ndi ulamuliro wa mphamvu mzigawo za kumwera ndinso kummawa. Izi ndizomwe zikulepheretsa tulo a namandwa a MCP chifukwa akudziwa kuti amayiwa omwenso ndi makhumucha atha kupeza sapoti mosavuta mpaka kulowa mmalo mwa a Chakwera.
Kwa a Chakwera, kukhala ndi a Abida chifupi kutha kuwachitira ubwino chifukwa zidzawachepetsera ntchito yopanga kampeni kumwera amakamaka Blantyre, ku chigwa cha Shire, komanso ku chigawo cha kummawa. Koma ‘tianyamata’ tina ku chipaniku monga mlembi wamkulu a Eisenhower Mkaka, woona za achinyamata a Richard
Chimwendo Banda-onsewa omwe ndi nduna komanso wachiwiri kwa sipikala wa ku Nyumba ya Malamulo a Madalitso Kazombo sangalole kupereka mwayi kwa a Abida chifukwa cha malingaliro awo.
A Kunkuyu omwe kwawo ndi ku Dedza komwe analepheranso kubwereza mpando wa uphungu amadzawaonako nkhasako koma ndiwosakhwima pa ndale ndipo ali kutali ndi a Mia. Kuwonjezera apo, kuzilala kwawo pa ndale kwachititsa ena kubweretsa anthu ngati mkhalakale a Brown Mpinganjira omwe ena amawaonabe ngati ali ndi ulamuliro mchigawo cha kumwera. Uwu ndi msomali womaliza pa a Kunkuyu pa malingaliro awo okhala wachiwiri kwa pulezidenti wa chipanichi.
Akakhala a Gospel Kazako omwe sanachitepo ndale, iwo amatengedwabe mlendo ku MCP ndipo amawaganizirabe kuti adakali mnzawo kwambiri a a Saulosi Chilima omwe ndi wachiwiri kwa a Chakwera komanso ndi mtsogoleri wa chipani cha UTM.
Koma iwo akhala akuwoneka kwambiri mchigawo kusiyana ndi poyamba ndipo akukonderedwabe kwambiri ndi nkhumekume za MCP kuti adzakhale wachiwiri woyamba kwa mtsogoleri wa chipanichi. Komabe kutengera kuti adakali wachichepere, wotchuka komanso wa ndalama za mlingo wake, iwo atha kudikirabe kuti adzatenge mpandowo akadzachoka a Chakwera. A Abida ndi a Kazako onse
ndiamodzi, komabe a Abida ndiwotchuka kwambiri zomwe zingatsamwitse malingaliro awo (a Kazako). Kuthandizira kusaka wachiwiri kwa pulezidenti wofooka atha kukhalanso a Harry Mkandawire omwe anangooneka kwambiri pa zisankho zapadera zomwe zinachitika. Iwo alibe ulamuliro mu ndale komanso ndi aakulu. Chigawo chakumpoto chiwonerera guleyu modekha.
Manong’onong’o akuloza kwa sipikala wa Nyumba ya Malamulo Catherine Nyahara Gotani kuti ndiamene atha kudzasankhidwa kukhala wachiwiri. Komabe pakadalipano, MCP ikusaka wachiwiri kwa pulezidenti wochokera kumwera.
Yakomboleka kuti che Bakili Muluzi mpaka awe wandanda ni wamalisya kupambana pa ulongola wa chipani cha UDF. Anta mose kuti malemu che Bingu wa mauthalika wapambene pa mpandowu mchaka cha 2004, nambo tukuimanyirira kuti watendere kampeni waliji che Muluzi.
Yakuti mlongola jwapanopano jwa chipanichi che Atupele Muluzi ayikopweche ya ndale, yakuti atandite bizinesi, wakulemba ngani alembire kala. Atupere wangalisoni ndawi jakulilongosola kwa wakwakuya wawo. Agamba ganisya kuti wakwakuyawa chachawilasya soni kuti watamire mlongola jwawo.
Ligongo lyakuti atupere ali mwanache jwa che Muluzi, anta wangakusanonyera, akusanonyerape ndawi jinejwake. Chachikusasowa mwa Atupele ni itendo ya babagwe. Matala gigakamulisyaga che Muluzi masengo kuti idyendeje mchipani mpera kwajogoya wandu ni kulimba mtima pakutenda indu kuti ine yakwe ikamule nsewu.
Wandu mpera che Gwanda Chakuamba, John Tembo ni Brown Mpinganjira ni wiwakamulaga nawo masengo gelega. Chipani cha UDF chikusosegwa mlongola mpera Bakili muluzi. Mundu jwakulimbanana nga achachanda wasigere mchipanichi wagamba ganisya yakusunga mipando jawo.
Chipanichi chikonekape kuti chana umi maka pakulola mamembala ga nyumba ja malamusi gigajigere mipando kupitira muchipanichi mpera wa ku Nkhotakota, Blantyre, Chikwawa mpaka ma khansala kusyungulira chilambo cha Malawi chino. Maboma ga kungopoko lyuwa mpela Mangochi, Machinga ni Balaka kwele chipanichi chawisire michiga gabalaliche. Sambano akuvoteraga ipani ine kwichira mpaka kuntoposya mlongolaju ku nkuli wa Machinga North East.
Wandu wane akuganisya kuti Atupere nganalanga chenene ku chipani cha UDF ligongo wajogopaga kuti mwine chakwayane ni ngani ja magambo ga che Sattar. Wakuwechetela pa ngani sya ndale wane mchilambo muno atite Atupere akatendekasyisye msongano wekulungwa ni kulanga chenenepe. Akuti yiwatesire Atupere ikupereka nganisyo jakuti
mwine chaujire soni Antamose kuti chipanichi chikwete jwawiri kwa mlongola, palisiku lyakutula pasi udindoli, Membala jwakala jwa chipanichi mama Lillian Patel wali jwawiri kwa mlongola jwa chipani cha UDF ku nkuli wa kungopoko lyuwa ni wiwasagulidwe kuti awe mpera mlongola Mlembera jwa chipanichi che Kandi Padambo wawapikanire pa wailesi yakuti a presidenti wawo atusile pasi udindo wakanire kuwichira ndemanga pa nganiji Mundu jwine jwakumanyika chenene jwijwakanire kuti tunkolanje lina watite yiyatesile Atupele ili yakutindana ni malamusi nambo ikuoneka kuti pangali wakuikosya pakuwecheta kuti chipanichi chili chawo ni ligongo lyakwe nganakuya malamusi.
“Atupele akulaga ni ngongole siwajasime ndawi ja kampeni. Ngingukulupilira kuti apali wa mpaka aligwisire nawo mu ngongolesi. UDF jikusosegwa kuti jilokotedwe ni mundu jwakwete makobili gejinji,’’jwatite myoyo mundujo. Pakali apano chisogolo cha UDF chigamba koneke mpela mwa lisope – wandu akulindilira che Bakili Muluzi wane.
Achakulungwakulungwa wandale, wakamula masengo mboma ni wane wakumanyika chenene, wajonasile mbiya syejinji sisyasosegwaga kamula masengo gakamusya pa ulwere uwabuchire wa covid 19 pele wandu wapunda 2,000 waliji nkuwa ni ulwelewu. Wajinji wasumise katundu ni mabizinesi gawo kulingalinga kuti apate umi.
Ulendo wawili wele ulwelwewu wabuchile soni mchirambo muno wajigere wandu wakumanyika ndi wakusichira mpera che Muhammed Sidik Mia wiwaliji jwakunkuya jwandanda jwa mlongola jwa chipani cha MCP, Wambali Mkandawire, Maria Chidzanja Nkhoma ni wane wajinji. Anta mose kuti ayi yatendekwe, achakulungwakulungwa wiwajonasire mbiya sya covid 19wa nganatawidwe. Akukamulape masengo gawo mpela nganalemwa. Ombudsman Grace Malera watesire kaungunya mma nkonsolo ga maboma gane pa mbiya syakwana k17.2 Biliyoni sisyakopweche mu February chaka cha 2021 pele ulwelwe wa covid 19 wajigalire wandu wajinji kumalembe kwaleka wakusigala palyuwa.
Makhonsologa galiji gali nkutauna mbiyasi Ombudsman Malera wasimene kuti pa k150 miliyoni jijapochere nkonsolo ja Lilongwe, k392 150 150.00 wajikamuchisye mpera alawansi nipo k104 miliyoni wasumire indu ine mpera yakulya, mauta ga galimoto ni ine.
Nkonsolo ja boma ja Zomba
jagawene K87 miliyoni mpela alawansi. K41 miliyoni wasumire yakuwala wakuliteteyera pakamula masengo. Nombe ku Ntcheu wagawene ma alawansi ga mbiya syakwana K39 miliyoni. K123 miliyoni jakusigalajo wandu wapocheraga ma alawansi ali agambire kutama mmaofesi gawo.
Khonsolo ja Phalombe nombe najo jatawine mbiya syakwana k23 miliyoni pa K78 miliyoni jijapochere nipo k20 miliyoni wakamuchisye masengo gakusumira yakuwala yakuliteteyera pakamula masengo. Ku Karonga wapochere mbiya syakwana K86 miliyoni. K23 miliyoni wajijonasire, K8.8 miliyoni wasumire masiki.
Mkamulano wa mzika sya chirambo chino mwakulongololedwa ni wakulemba indu yakulekanganalekangana che Onjezani Kenani ni Dr. Thandi Hara Msulira wakombwere kulupusya mbiya syakwana K200 miliyoni siwasumilire mashini gakupeleka mphweya ni kulinganisya ma jeneleta mu ipatala ine ya boma.
Wanduwa wakulupwisye ma umi ga wandu.
Ombudsman Grace Malera watite wakamula masengo mma ofesi ga boma wangaganichisya ya maumi ga wandu nipo kuti kasamalidwe ka ipanje ya boma kakusosedwa kola ndondomeko jakamula mtima. Mpaka apano, pangali wiwagamulidwe pa magambo gakonanga mbiya sya Covid 19.
Muyaka ya 2021/2022 ndondomeko jakusumisya ipangisyo yakutuluka mtengo ya unamalima jatendekasisye wandu kuimanya kuti jili jangadalilika mnope makamaka ligongo lyakusowa kwa feteleza jwa Urea pamsika. Unduna wa ya unamalima walepere kulongosolera yayatendekweyi. Mitengo ja msaku wa imanga wa 50kg uyiche kala pa 25,000 m’maboma gane mpera ku Nsanje. Mmaboma gane wandu akusuma msakuwu pa K18,000 kapena K20,000. yakuona yakwe ni yakuti wandale ni wakutenda mabizinesi wakutiga kuti mbiya syakwana K160 biliyoni ni sikusasosedwaga kuti asumire feteleza pa chaka chimo agamba kulya mbiyasi. Agamba kulipira fetelezaji mmabukupe. Wakuungunya wane asimene kuti muyaka ya munyumamu achakulungwakulungwa wane wa boma waliji kalikiliki kulipira ngongole ja feteleza antamose kuti fetelezaju nganijuikaga
mchirambo muno. Chilambo chino chikusasowa ma tani ga feteleza ga pasikati pa 100,000 ni 150,000 mu pologalamu jakupeleka ipangiso yakutuluka mtengo. Nambo mmapepala ga kusumira fetelezaju ikulosya kuti chilambo chino chikuodaga matani gakwana 328,000 gele gakusalipilidwaga nambo ngaika chirambo muno.
Wa Malawi Revenue Authority wakusalora ya misonkho ni unduna wakulola ya unamalima akulepera kupeleka ipepala yakulongosolera kusumidwa kwa fetelezaju kutyochela myilambo ya kusa kutandila mchaka cha 2005 pele mitengo ni mena ja pologalamuji jigamba chenga. Mchaka cha 2019, Malemu Bingu wa Muthalika wawisire mtengo wa feteleza pa K500 pa msaku wa 50kg pa woda. wandu wasumaga msaku umo pa mtengo wa k2100.
Mundawi jelejo feteleza jwejinji jwasumidwaga kupitila ku chiwanja cha boma cha Smallholder
Farmers Fertiliser Revolving Fund of Malawi (SFFRFM). iwanja yayakolaga malinki ni wanndale ni walinjiliraga kuwoda nawo fetelezaju. Kampani jine jele boma ja Tonse nganajiwika nawo pa mndandanda wakusuma nawo feteleza mchaka cha 2020 ni jajiulwile kuti Amalawi akusowaga feteleza matani 100,000 kapena 150,000 anta kuti boma jikuwodaga jwejinji. Malingana ni bajeti ja 2021/2023, boma jawisile kuti chijisume feteleza jwakwana matani 428,000 jwakuti amsumiswe pa mtengo wetuluche. Imanyiche kuti mbiya sinesi sikwalaga kwa achakulungwakulungwa wane wa boma nga feteleza.
Mmabuku ga European Union ngakulosya kuti chilambo cha Malawi chasumire matani gakwana 130,000 mu August 2021. SFFRFM japatile matani 75,000 nipo wakusumisya wane ma tani 55,000 gopolera kuti chilambo cha Malawi chajembecheyaga kusuma matani 298 000 pakwikwa October 2021 kuti achinamalima apate fetelezaju mwachitema. (pakusapita ijuma nsanu ni itatu kuti feteleza ayiche mchirambo muno naga ali awodedwe. wayikwakwaya ya feteleza jwakutuluka mtengo kuleka kuti wa SFFRFM awele ali wakuilongolera ya kusuma ni kusumisya fetelezaju, nambope pana makampani gane gasanu
ni gatatu gagakusagawana mbiya syakwana K2 biliyoni mpaka K8 biliyoni pachaka. Kugopolela kuti kampani jimo jikupataga K10 biliyoni pachaka. Mbiya sine syakujonjechesyasyo sikusawaga sya ma transport ni indu ine yele wandu wandale akusagamba kuijonjechesya pa bajeti kuti apate makobili ga pansaku. Kutandila mchaka cha 2011 boma jiwele jili nkuwika mbiya syejiji ku masengo gakupeleka feteleza jwakutuluka mtengo ni chakulinga chagamba kupata upile wa mbiya syakutendela ma kampeni. Mchaka cha unamalima wa 2020/2021 boma jalengesye kuti wandu 1.5 miliyoni ni
wakapindwile ni pologalamuji. Boma jakoseche kusuma matani gakwana 428,000 gele gali misaku 8 560,000 ja ma 50kg. Wandu wasyenesyene wakusasosegwa kupochera fetelezaju nambo soni mbeju ali 2.6 miliyoni. Muyaka yaikupita, chiwalanjiro cha wandu wakusapindula ni pologalamuji chiwele chili nkutuluka nambo mbiya syakusumira fetelezaju sipitilila kukwela. Kalondolondo jwa mchaka cha 2011 mpaka 2015 akulosya kuti mu 2011/12 mbiya syakwana US$106 miliyoni syasumile feteleza matani 149,000 pele mu 2012/13 pansi pa ulamusi wa mayi Joyce Banda, US$77 miliyoni jasumire matani 177,000 ga feteleza. Mu mchaka cha 2013/2014 US$95 miliyoni jasumire matani 213,000 ga feteleza jwa pologalamuji. Achi chaliji chaka chandanda cha ulamusi w ache Peter Muthalika. Mtengo wa mbiya syasumira feteleza watandite kukwera mchaka cha ulimi cha 2014/2015 kwika pa US$157 miliyoni ja matani 208,000 ga feteleza iyatendekasisye wakuchikamuchisya chilambo chino kuti awunichire soni ya masengoga mu nyengo ja 2015/2016.
Anamatetule wane mwakulongololedwa ni Professor Ephraim Chirwa wasimene kuti mu 2015/16 pologalamu ja feteleza jwa sabuside jwaliji mchaka cha 11 nambo mbeju sisyapelechedwe mpera imanga, mteza, mbwanda, soya ni ine nganiipindula ligongo lya kusefuchira kwa mesi kwikwatendekwe mu ndawijo. Jwakulemba jwine, lina lyakwe Timothy Wise jwijwalembire buku ja Eating Tomorrow akuti chakuchiona ni chakuti
pologalamu jwa feteleza ni mbeju syakutuluka mtengo jigamba kupindulira wakusumisya induyi nga achinamalima mwaikusaonechera.
“Pologalamuji gajikwatosya Amalawi mu sala. Makampani gagakupindulaga gakawele gali gawile ikawe kuti boma gajikutenda nawo bizinesi ligongo lyakuti mitengo jakawikaga achinamalima wajinji nkanajikombolaga.”likuti myo lipoti lya Oakland Institute. Kusuma makoponi ni makadi ga unzika Wakuungunya wane aapatile kuti wakusuma makoponi ni makadi ga unzika ga wandu wali mavenda akutenda mbiya syejinji mu pologalamuji nipo wajinji awele ali nkutenda ayi kwa yaka yejinji. Feteleza ni mbeju sya mmaboma ga Mulanje, Thyolo, Phalombe, Mwanza ni Chiladzulu akusumisyaga wamalonda wa ku Blantyre yele akuti ikwatenderaga mbiya syejinji.
Wane akusagakoposya soni makoponiga pa kompiyuta kulitendekasya boma kupanganyaga makoniga ku Uk Department for International Development.
Nombe ma mwenye waliji kalikiliki kupeleka mena ni misi jaunami nichakulinga chakuti apinduleje. Mu masengo gakuti waliwose akwiwa nawo, ili yakusyausya kuti wane aulure kuti mwana yachinyengo, jwatite myoyo jwakulora ya unamalima ku Kasungu jujwapumwire pa masengoga.
Mu chaka cha ulimi cha 2021/2022 mavendaga gasumireje makadi gaumzika pa mtengo wa K10,000 nikusumisya pa mtengo wa K20,000.
“ngusasuma makadi 1000 pa mtengo wa K1 miliyoni ni ngusasumisya nikupata soni K1 Miliyoni japachanya. Aji bizinesiji jachitema soni jangajinjira munsaku,” jwatite myo venda jwine.
Anta mose kuti unduna wa ya unamalima wanondiye makampani gakwapa ma kontilakiti, makampani ganyuwaniga nombenago gapereche makontilakitiga kwa makapampani gekulungwakulungwa gakala.
Wawalinjilire kuti asumisye soni nganapata upilewo kutyochera ku mabanki. Ayi yatendekasisye kuti feteleza juchelewe.
Wane walinjilire kutenda yachinyengo mpaka kusumisya michenga mmalo mwa feteleza , nambo wajinjipe wasumaga makadi ga unzika kwa achinamalima kuti awusisye mbiya syawo.
Wakuwalanjira (maoditala) ali nkwendera makampaniga kusosa ipepala yaumboni wakuti wasumire fetelezaju mwachilungamo, akuti achinsyenewa wasumaga mapepala kwa wakusaikaga ni fetelezaju mchirambo muno (shipping agency) kuti alosye kwa maeditalaga Wakuwechetera unduna wa ya unamalima, che Gracian Lungu nganasala chilichose chakwayana ni kwikwa kwa feteleza josope jwijwawodedwe jwa 2021/2022. Mwanjawo nganalongosola soni ligongo lilyatendekasisye kuti feteleza jwa Urea akasapatikanaga pa msika. Mu nkwanga kwawo mu chikalata nganajanga soni naga undunawu ukusawalanjira ya mbiya syasikusyakamusya masengo nikulola naga ikamulana ni m’mapepala. Wa MRA nganajanga pa mausyo gitwatumichisye.
…mamiliyoni yalikunjila mumaji pa feteleza wambula pelekeka ku boma.
By Kondwani Bell Munthali/Baxter Chikoko NkhomaPa ulimi wa mu chaka cha 2021/2022 ndondomeko ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo ikuyenda makola yayi chifukwa feteleza wa Urea wakasoba chomene panyengo yakukhumbikwa, ndipo unduna wavya ulimi ukabaji zgolo
pakusowa kwa feteleza wa Urea mu misika yagulilako feteleza.
Panyengo yasono mtengo wavingoma pa msika wakwera chomene chomene m’boma la Nsanje uko banthu akugula thumba la 50 kilograms pamtengo wa
K25,000.00. Apo mumadela ghanandi thumba la 50 kg banji bakugula pa k18,000.00 panyakeso K20,000.00. Ivyo vikulekana na umo vikabila mu chaka cha 2019 kufika mu 2020. Vyose ivi vikuchitika chifukwa chakuti ndondomeko iyi balikuyinjizga chomene kubanthu ba ndyale kweniso bama business abo bakubalipila ndalama zakujumpha K160 billion pachaka izo bakurya waka kwambula kupereka feteleza. Ba buzinesi zichokozichoko mumamizi nawo balikunjila nawo pavya ukhuluku uwu pakutumikila ba buzinesi zikulu zikulu awa, kweniso ba ndyale banyake.
Bamtola makani ba magazine ya Investigator balikusangaso kuti pa vyaka 10 vyajumpha ivi feteleza uyo boma likagulanga wakafikanga yose yayi chifukwa chakuti bakuguliska feteleza na baalala ba boma banyake bakapanganananga kuti boma liripile feteleza munandi uyo wakafikanga chala ku boma.
Chalo cha Malawi chikukhumbikanga ma toni gha feteleza ghakukwana 100,000 na 150,000 kweni tasanga kuti boma la Malawi laba likupanga bajeti ya ma toni nghakukwana 328,000 pachaka gha feteleza agho boma lindapokelepo cha kweni ndalama zake zilikulipilika kale.
Wupu wakutolela misonkho chalo chino wa MMRA na unduna wavya ulimi bakutondeka kupereka ma figala ghakulongola kuti feteleza uyo walikunjila mchalo chino ni muñandi uli kwambiri mchaka cha 2005 nangauli paba kusintha kwa mazina ghalendeskelo gha ndondomeko ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo kwa balimi mchalo chino. Nkhani ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo ikafika peneko mchaka cha 2009 apo President Bingu wa Mutharika wakakhiza mtengo wa feteleza kufika pa 500 kwacha. Panyengo iyo balimi feteleza bakagulangala pa mtengo wa 2,100 kwacha pa thumba la 50 kg. Ivi vikachitiska kuti boma la Malawi lichemeske 200,000 metric tons za feteleza kuti bazagabile balimi.
Chifukwa cha ichi, malo ghakupolelela feteleza ku Nacala na Beira mchalo cha Mozambique kukazula ivyo vikachitiska kuti uyo wakana nduna ya vyamendelo chalo chino ba Henry Mussa balute ku Mozambique kukanozga ndondomeko ya mendelo. Uyo wakanjira mumalo mwa ba Mussa, ba Mohammed Sidik Mia nawo bakalutaso kwenekuko mchaka cha 2010 kukaona umo vinthu vikwendala. Ndondomeko yakuchemeska feteleza uyu ikaba mumaghoko gha wupu wa boma wakuona vya feteleza wa Small Farmers Fertiliser Revolving Fund of Malawi(SFFRFM). Makampani ghachokonwaka ndiwo bakaba na mwabi wakuti bachemenye.feteleza kuvyalo buakuwalo chifukwa chakuti bakaba bakukolelana na banyake banyake abo bakaba mu boma.
Kampani yinyake iyo boma la Tonse likayipa yayi mwabi wakuchemeska. nawo feteleza mu 2020 yaphalila magazine ya Investigator kuti chalo cha Malawi chikukhumbikwanga matini ghakukwana 100,000 na 150, 000 gha feteleza pachaka kweni feteleza wakuchemeskeka munandi pa pepala kuti babise vya vimbundi ivyo vikuchitika pakuchemeska feteleza uyu.
Boma la Malawi laba likuchemeska feteleza pakati ma matani ghakukwana 200,000 panji 328,000 kwakuyana na bajeti iyo yikapelekeka mubajeti ya chaka cha 2021 kufika 2023, boma likachemeska feteleza wakukwana 428,000 metric tanzi uyo ligabenge kwa balimi bachokobachoko.
Kwakuyana na ivyo tasanga kufuma ku wupu wa European Union chalo cha Malawi chikaba na matani gha feteleza ghakukwana 130,000 munmwezi wa August mchaka cha 2021. Wupu wakusunga feteleza wa SFFRFM ukasunga matani ghakukwana 75,000 pela gha feteleza apo 55,000 ya feteleza yikaba mumaghoko gha banthu ba buzinesi. Ivi vikachitiska kuti boma la Malawi likwenela kuchemeska feteleza
munyake wakukwana 298, 000 metric tanzi pakufika mu mwezi wa October mchaka cha 2021 uyo wakayenelanga kuluta kwa balimi bachikobachoko. Pakujumpha ma sabata 8 kuti feteleza uyo bachemeska wafike mchalo chino. Feteleza yose uyo wabakamuchemeska kwambirilo kwa mwezi wa September wakugomezgekanga kufika mchalo chino kuwumaliro kwa mwezi wa October ndipo kugaba wakayenelanga kwamba yayi mpaka mwezi wa November kwambirio. Muvya vya 2013/2014 na 2019 kufika 2020 boma la Malawi likagomezgekanga kupokela feteleza munandi chomene kweni feteleza uyo wakafika mcharo chino, wakawa mchoko kulekana na mlingo uwo bakauwoneska pa feteleza uyo likalipira kwizila muunduna wa vyaulimi.
Kufumila apo wupu wa SFFRFM ukaleka kuba kubapanthazi pa ntchito akugula na kugaba feteleza wakukhila mtengo, ntchito ya kugula na kugaba feteleza wakukhila mtengo yaba ya makampani 8 pela mcharo chino ndipo kampani iliyonse yikupokelanga ndalama za kujumpha 2-billion kwacha panyake 8-billion kwacha pacha.
Ivi vikulongola kuti boma la Malawi laba likulipila zakukwana 100-billion muvyaka 10 vyajumpha ivi. Ndalama zinandi zikunangika chifukwa chakukwezga mitengo pa ma kontalikiti chomene ghakunyamula feteleza uyu. Agho ghanandimwaiwo
beneko ni banthu bandyale panji banyake na abale nawo.
Kukwezga kwa vinthu: Maboma ghose agho ghakwiza kwambira mu 2011 ghaba ghakupeleka ndalama zinandi ku ndondomeko ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo ngathowa yimoza ghakupangira kampeni pa ndyale. Mu chaka cha 2020 kufika 2021 boma likaphalazga kuti banthu wakukwana 1.5 million ndiwo bapokelenge feteleza wakukhila mtengo ndipo boma likanozgeka kupeleka kubanthu 428 million kilogilamuzi ya feteleza kwa balimi awo bakaba kuthumba ghakukwana 8,560, 000 gha feteleza apo banthu
bakuti bapokele feteleza uyu bakaba wakukwana 1.5 million pela. Ivyo vikulongola kuti mathumba 3-million gha feteleza ndiwo ghakakhumbikanga panyengo iyi. Kwe boma likagula feteleza wakujumpha mathumba 8-million. Ndipo chaka chilichonse mathumba ghakukwana 5 million gha feteleza ghakumanyika chala uko ghakuluta. Chaka na chaka boma tikupanga bajeti ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo wakukwana 250,000 tanzi nangauli kugaba kwake kukubanganso kwakupelebela. Pakwambilila banthu awo bakabikika kuti bapokelenge feteleza na mbeu vyakukhila mtengo
ivi bakaba 2.6 million kweni boma laba likukhizga nambala ya banthu, apo budget yake indakhilepo yayi chiyambile.
Nkhwantha za masamu zikuti mu pulogalamu ya chaka cha 2011 kufika mu 2015, vikulongola kuti boma likakwaniska kugula matani gha feteleza ghakukwana 149,000 nandalama zalikwana $106-million apo mu 2012 kufika mu 2013 mu ulamuliro wa amama Joyce Banda boma likagula matani ghakukwana 177,000 ghafeteleza na ndalama zakukwana $77-million pela. Ndipo mu 2013 kufika 2014 $95-million zikakwaniska kugula matani gha feteleza ghakukwana213,000 gha
pologalamu yafeteleza wakukhila mtengo. Ichi chikaba chaka chakwamba cha ulamulo wa President Peter Muthalika. Nanga uli ivi vikaba nthena mafigala ghakakwelamu 2014 na 2015 apo $157-million yikagula matani ghakukwana 208,000 pela. Pachifukwa ichi vyaro vyakuwalo ivyo vikovwira chalo chino vikapempha boma kuti ndondomeko ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo iyi bayiwoneso mu muulimi wa cha 2015 na 2016.
Kauniuni wa kuonanso umo ndondomeko yakugaba feteleza wakukhila mtengo kwa balimi yikendela mu 2015 na 2016 iyo bakadangilira ni Professor Ephraim Chirwa wakasanga
kuti ndondomeko iyi yikaba yafika mchaka cha 11 yikugwiriskika ntchito, ndipo yikaba kuti yagwiriska kale ntchito matani ghakukwana 150,000 gha feteleza wa NPK na Urea kweniso matani ghakukwana 7,135 gha mbuto ya vingoma, ivyo vinandi mwa ivyo ni vya hybrid, kweninso mbuto zinyake nga nandolo uyo waka wakukwana matani 0.16, khobwe wakana pa 0.03, ntchunga zikaba matani ghakukwana 1.3, soya 0.53 kweniso skaba zikakwana matani 0.75 izo boma likaba lagabila balimi. Pa ndondomeko iyi phindu lake pakabaji chifukwa cha kusefukila kwa maji uko kukachitika mcharo chino ivyo vikachitiska kuti balimi bakolole vuna lakuchepa chomene.
Ba Timothy Wise abo balikulemba buku la “Eating Tomorrow Rightly” balikuona kuti ndondomeko ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo iyi yikuphindiliralanga waka makampani agho ghakuguliska vipangili vya ulimi mcharo chino kulekana na beneko balimi bachokobachoko. Kweninso kusazgilako kwa katundu uyo wakugulika pa ma kontalikiti vikupanikizga waka kuti ndondomeko iyi yikupeleka phindu chala kwa balimi.
“Nanga uli ndondomeko ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo yichali indamazge njala pakati pa bina Malawi,kweni yaphindulila chomene makampani agho ghakuguliska mbuto za hybrid na feteleza ivyo boma likuba kuti lalipila kale
kwizila mu ndondomeko ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo. Kwanbula ndondomeko iyi makampani agha ghangapanga phindu yayi muvyaro nga cha Malawi chifukwa balimi bangakwaniska yayi kugula mbuto zawo chifukwa chakukwela kwa mtengo kwa mbuto izi. Kwakuyana na lipoti ilo wupu wa Oakland ulikufumiska, ndondomeko ya feteleza wakukhila mtengo njakukhumbikwa chomene ku makampani agha kwambula kughanaghanila phindu ilo liripo kwa balimi panji bina Malawi. Kugula ma kuponi na viphasi vya unzika: Magazine ya Investigator yasangaso kuti ma kuponi kweniso viphasi vya unzika vikugulika chomene kufuna kwa balimi, ivyo vikichitika na abo bakupeleka feteleza ndipo ivi vyaba vikuchitika kwa vyaka vinandi sono. Banthu abo bakuguliska feteleza na mbuto ku Blantyre ndiwo bakugula chomene viphasi ivi kwa balimi ba kuma boma gha Phalombe, Mulanje,Thyolo,Mwanza na Chiradzulo. Chifukwa ndiko bakuti bakupangila ndalama zinandi.
Ma kuponi ghakapangikanga fotokope apo banyake bakakapanganga ghabo na kulutiskanga ku boma kuti libalipile ndalama . Dipatimenti yakuona yakuona vyachitukuko vya muvyalo vyakuwalo kwa boma la Britain likayamba kupangiska ma kuponi ku UK kuti lichepeske nkhalo yaubendezi uyo
yikachitikanga iyi. Chifukwa banandi bakatondekanga kukapanga fotokope kweniso kuti apange ghano, bakalutanga kwa balimi nakugula makoponi agha kuti iwo bapeleke ku boma nga anthuwa imoza yakwibila ndalama zaboma. Mafumu na bakugwira ntchito ku unduna wavyaulimi bakabaso gulu limoza lakuguliska makoponi na viphasi. Bakapanganga mizi iyo pakabavyi nachilato chakuti bapokele makoponi ghanandi kuti baguliske. Kwakuyana na uyo wakagwirapo ntchito muunduna wa vyaulimi m’boma la Kasungu kweni walikupumula wati vikaba vyakusuzga kuti waliyose waulele kuti pakuchitika vyavumbundi apo wose bakuchita nkhalo yimoza yakwiba.
Mundondomeko ya feteleza wa kukhula mtengo ya mchaka cha 2021na 2022 apo bona likagwiriska ntchito viphasi vya unzika kuti balimi bapokele feteleza, banthu bakagulanga viphasi ivi kwa balimi pa mtengo wa K10,000 panyakeso wakukhila ndipo iwo bakalaguliskanga kwa abo bakuguliska feteleza pa mtengo wa K20,000.
“Mwachiyelezgero pala munthu wagula viphasi vya ndalama zakukwana 1-million kwacha pa mtengo wa K10,000.00 ivyo ni 1000. Nakukaguliska pa mtengo wa K20,000.00 apo munthu wapanga 1-million kwacha yapachanya kwambula kusuzgikila,
izo nindalama zalubiro chomene. Ivi tikuchita pakutuma banyamata both mumaboma ghakupambanapambana kuti batigulirenge iwe ulichete pakhomo”. Wakayowoya nthena yumoza mwabanthu abo bakupanga buzinesi yakuguliska feteleza na mbuto.
Ivi vikung’anamula kuti pala thumba la feteleza likuguliskila pa mtengo wa K38,000.00 boma limulipilenge ndipo iyo wapangenge ndalama yapachanya yakukwana K18,000.00 pa thumba kwambula kunjizgapo kalikose. Ndipo ppa wana matani gha feteleza ghakukwana 20,000 mbwenu wapangenge phindu la K6.480 billion kwacha kwambula kufumiskapo ndalama yakuchemeskela feteleza . Nangauli unduna wavyaulimi ukayezga kugaba ma makampani kut iliyonse yichemeskenge matani ghakukwana 100 pela kweni ba bale na abo balikundyale ndiwo batola chikaba chiku chakuchemeska feteleza uyu, ndipo banyake bakaguliska kontalikiti zawo ndipo abo bakayezga kuti bakwaniske pabekha bakatondeka kupelekela feteleza uyu ku boma. Chifukwa cha ivi vikachitiska kuti feteleza wasobe kweniso wachedwe chifukwa banandi abo bakapika mazaza kuti bapelekele feteleza uyu bakabaji ndalama zakuti baguliske feteleza kweninso ma bank ghakabakanika
kubakhalila ukaboni. Mwabanji bakayezga kupanga vyaubendezi pakupakila mchenga na lime kuti wabe nga feteleza kweni banandi mwa iwo bakagulanga waka viphasi kuti babe ngabapelekela feteleza kwa balimi Banandi mwa bakupelekela feteleza aba bakazizwa apo abo bakulondolozga vya ndalama zaboma ma odita, ghabaphalira kuti wakukhumba vikalata vyakulongola kuti bakuchemeska feteleza kweninso vikalata vyakulongola kuti feteleza wafika mchalo chino, ivyo banandi bakabavyi. Magulu ghanandi awo bakapika mwabi wakupelekela feteleza uyu baphalira magazine ya Investigator kuti bakachita kusonkhelana ndalama kuti bakugula mapepala vyakulongola kuti balikuchemeska feteleza.
“Tikasonkhelana ndalama kuti tikalipile
kuti batipangile mapepala ghakwenelela ndipo ndalama zithu zikazela ku unduna wavyaulimi nanga uli zikachedwa kweni bakatilipila” wakayowoya nthena yumoza mwabanthu abo bakati bapeleke feteleza ku boma ndipo matani ghachoko waka ndiwo ghakapelekeka.
Uyo wakuyowoyela unduna wavya Ulimi ba Gracian Lungu wakatondeka kuyowoya unenesko pala wose abo bakapika ma kontilakiti kuti bapelekele feteleza mu ndondomeko ya 2021 na 2022 usange bakakwaniska kweniso nchifukwa uli feteleza wa Urea wakasoba pa msika. Ba Lungu bakatondekaso kulongosola usange unduna wawo ulikuonaso vya makampani ghakupelekela feteleza agha. Ndipo wupu wakutolela misonkho wa MRA undatizgole yayi mafunso pa makani agha.
Banthu ba ndyale na bakugwira ntchito zaboma na banji bakasangilapo mwabi pa matenda gha covid 19 kuti barye ndalama izo zintchito yake ikaba yakugulira vipangili vyakovwila banthu kuthuta. Banthu bakujumpha 2000 bakaba bakufwa muvipatala na mumanyumba ghawo apo banyake bakaba bakusuzgika nakuthuta muvipatala chifukwa cha kusowa vipangizgo vyakovwira pakuthuta. Ndipo banji mwa bina Malawi bakaba bakuguliska vinthu yawo vyakupambanapambana kuti bavwirepo kweni ndipo bandyale banyake na bakugwira ntchito ku boma baryanga ndalama izi.
Panyifwa izo zikiza chifukwa cha covid 19 banthu balalabala bandyale nawo balikufwapo ninga ba Mohammed Sidiki Mia uyo wakaba wachiwiri wakwamba kwa President wachipani cha Malawi Congress badangiliri ba mawupu nga Maria Chidzanja Nkhoma, bakwinba bakumanyikwa makola nga Wambali Mkandawire kweninso balembi ba boma nabanyake bakugwira ntchito zaboma. Panyengo yasono mwabanyake awo bakakhwaskika nakwanangika kwa ndalama za covid 19 abo bakabayimiska dankha pamaudindo ghawo bawerelaso kumaofesi ndipo palije waliyose uyo wafumbapo vyaumo ndalama izi zilikwendela.
Mlala wakwendeska wupu wakuona vyamadandaulo mcharo chino wa Ombudsman bamama Grace Malera bakapanga kafukufuku mumaboma ghanyake pandalama izo zikafuma kachibiri mwezi wa February zakukwana 17.2 billion kwacha zakuti tigwire ntchito yakulimbana na matenda gha covid 19 iyo yakoma banthu banandi mcharo chino ndivyo vikachichizga wupu wabo kupenjerezga uno ndalama zagwirila ntchito yake. Wupu wa Ombudsman ukasanga kuti 150-million kwacha mwa ndalama zakukwana K392,150,150.00 zikalipilika nga ma alawanse kwa banthu bakugwira ntchito muboma la Lilongwe ndipo 104 -million kwacha bagulila mafuta gha
galimoto kweniso vinthu vinyanyake vyakovwila kuphalalazga uthenga wa covid 19.
Muboma la Zomba banthu bakagabana ndalama zakukwana 87-million kwacha nga ma alawanse apo 41-million kwacha bakagulira vyakuvwala vyakujivikilila kumatenda agha. Ndipo m’boma la Ntcheu banthu bagabana 39-million kwacha nga ma alawanse pandalama yakukwana 123 million iyo bakapokela yakuti bagwiriske ntchito pa matenda gha COVID19. Ndipo banji mwa banthu mumaboma agha bakapokelanga ma alawanse bali muofesi kwambula kukagwira ntchito.
Apo mu boma la Phalombe pa ndalama zakukwana 78-million kwacha izo balapokela, 23-million kwacha ndiyo bakagabana nga ma alawanse ndipo 20-million ndiyo bakagulira vyakuvywala vyakujivikilika . Apo banyawo m’boma la Karonga pa ndalama zakukwana 86-million kwacha izo.bakapokela 23-million ndiyo bakapokela nga ma alawanse ndipo 8.8-million pela ndiyo bakagulira vinthu vyakukhumbikwa nga ma mask.
Msonkhansokha uwo wakachitiska ba Onjezani Kenani na Dr. Thandi Hara Msulira bakasanga ndalama zakukwana 200-million kwacha ndipo bakakwaniska kugula makina ghakovwila kuthuta kweniso kunozgeskela makina ghanyake agho ghakanangika, kusazgilapo ma jeneleta muvipatala vyamumaboma.
Bamama Chalera bati kuleka kubikapo mtima nakuleka kumanya kwamba kuchita vinthu vyakukhumbikwa pantchito muma boma ndiyoti vikachitiska kuti ndalama zinandi zinangikenge. Iwo bapempha boma kuti liviwire chomene banthu abo bakwendeska vya ndondomeko yavyachuma muma khaunselu.
Nangauli ndalama zilikwanangika nthena palije waliyose uyo walikukakika nakuponyeka mu jele.
kuchita pachanya nyifwa:Umo balikwibila za
Ndalama zakukwana 64-billion kwacha zikulutangaku NOCMA kuti bagulirenge mafuta. Wakulemba: Kondwani Munthali/Baxter Chikoko Nkhoma Pagalimoto iliyose yakunyamula mafuta agho charo chino chikugula , pakubanga ndalama yapachana yakukwana $1,910(2.4million kwacha) pa galimoto iliyonse izo kuziskazga pPamela zikukwananga K2.24 billion pamwezi izo zikughanaghanilika kuti bakugabana ni banthu abo bakwendeska vyakugula mafuta agha mcharo chino. Kufuma mwezi wa January kuzafika mwezi wa July chaka chino bina Malawi balikulipila
ndalama zakukwana 66-billion kwacha izo wupu wa NOCMA ukati ukukhumbanga chifukwa chakuti ukapanga phindu yayi.
Bungwe lapadela lakugula mafuta la Petroleum Importers Limited(PIL) ilo likugula hafu mwa mafuta agho wupu wa NOCMA ukugula likati ndalamazo liri kutaya pakulondezga ndondomeko Ex-Tank System nizakukwana 13-billion kwacha pera kulekana na 66-billion kwacha izo wupu wa NOCMA ulikuyowoya. Mafumbo agho magazine ya Investigator ikatumizga ku wupu wa National Oil Company of Malawi (NOCMA) kweninso
ku bungwe la Malawi Regulatory Authority (MERA) kulikwiza zgolo chala. Kweni mtolamakani wa magazine iyi wakasanga mazgolo pamafumbo agho ghakafumbika kufumila kwanthu banyake bakugwira ntchito ku NOCMA kwenekuko. Nkhani ya umo mafuta ghakugulikila mcharo chino yaba ilipo kwambira apo chalo chino chikazomelezga ndyale zavipani vinandi.
President Bakili Muluzi panyengo iyi wakachichizgika kufumiska ntchito uyo wakaba munyake chomene Dr. Dumbo Lemani apo wupu uwu ukamanyikwanga na zina lakuti Petroleum Control Commission (PCC)
ilo mlala wake wakaba Denis Kambalame kwati kwafuma nkhani yakuti ndalama zakukwana $14-million zasoba ku bungwe ili.
Ba Dumbo Leman bakaba zenga mlandu chala pamakani agha ndipo bakabasolaso kuba nduna ya boma yakuona vya maji mu chaka cha 2004 , apo ba Kambalame bakabajalila ku ndendende chifukwa chakupokela vimbundi vya ndalama zakukwana $25,000 kufumila ku kampani inyake ya ku Britain ya Hamble Energy kuti bayipe ntchito yakuzenga malo ghakusungilamo mafuta.
Jaji waku khoti likulu Justice Frank Kapanda
wakabasanga bakubuda yayi ba Kambalame pamilandu yibiri kusazgilapo wakuti bakapokelaso vimbundi vinyake kufumila ku makampani ghanyake ghakuwalo zakukwana $1.3million ndipo jaji Kapanda wakati boma likatondeka kupeleka ukaboni wakukwanila pamlandu uyu.
Mu chaka cha 2020 vikaululikaso kuti uyo wakakolelanga udindo wa mlala wa wupu wa NOCMA bamama Hele Buluma wakatepa uyo wakaba nduna yavyamagesi na mafuta ba Newton Kambala,kweniso momviri wa President ba Christopher Chaima Banda, na President wachipani cha Alliance
For Democracy(AFORD) Ba Enock Chihana pakubachombola kuti bakukhumbanga kubachichizga kuti bagule mafuta ku makampani agho iwo bakakhumbanga. Mlandu uwu uchali mkhoti la majesteti ku Lilongwe. Mu mwezi wa August ba Kambala bachombola ba Buluma kuti bakuyowoya unenesko yayi pamakani agha nangauli balikubanangila kale mbiri yawo pamakani gha ndyale na chuma pakati pa banthu.
Buluma wakaphalira khoti kuti ba Kambala bakati bampenge ndalama zakukwana $500,000 pala wapereka ntchito yakupeleka mafuta ku wupu uwu kwa makampani agho ba Kambala bakakhumbanga nga ya Finergy, Orex na Trafigura. Ndipo bamama Buluma bakaphalilaso khoti kuti ba Chaima Banda bakamphalira kuti bakatumika na ba President Chakwera kuti bamphalire vya makampani agha. Wupu wa kulimbana na vimbundi na ubendezi wa Anti Corruption Bureau(ACB) ndiwo ulikukaka banthu aba.
Sono banthu banandi baba bakufumba, kuti pala banthu mbakunozgeka kupereka ndalama zinandi ngaizi kwa munthu yumoza? Ni ndalama zilinga izo bakwiba pakugula mafuta mcharo chino? Magazine ya Investigator ili namitengo yose yakugulira mafuta kweninso umo banthu aba bakwibilanga pala wakukhumba kugula mafuta ivyo vikuchitiska kuti mcharo chino mafuta gha galimoto banthu bagulenge pamtengo wakukwela chomene kuleka navyaro vinyake.
Uyo wakaba mlala wakwendeska ntchito za MERA ba Leonard Chikadyab bakathula pasi udindo wawo pa 26 February 2022 komiti ya mphala yamalango yakuona vya magesi na mafuta yati yabachemeska kukabafumba vyakaguliro ka mafuta, ivyo vikachitika chifukwa cha uyo wakaba mlembi mlala waboma ba Zangazanga Chikhosi uyo wakabaso mlala wakwendeska ntchito za wupu wa NOCMA.
Ba Chikadya abo ni mlala wa makampani ya Times Group iyo mweneko wakaba Kamuzu Banda, vikupulikwika kuti ba Chikhosi bakaba penjelelanga nthowa zakuti babafumiskilepo pa udindo uwu ba Chikadya chifukwa bakagwiranga ntchito yawo mwa unkhwantha pakughanaghanila bina Malawi kweniso chuma cha charo chino,ivyo vikulongola kuti ofesi yaba Chikhosi yikavitemwa yayi. Ba Chikadya bakaba bakulembela komiti yakumphala yamalango iyi kuti nkhani ikusuzga njakuti njakaguliro ka mafuta mcharo chino ivyo wupu wa NOCMA ukugulila mafuta pakugwiriska nthowa zambula kwenelela izo bungwe la MERA liri kukana kuzomelezga.
“pali ndalama zakusonkha pakugula mafuta izo zilimuma pangano zakuti bungwe la MERA lindazomelezge yayi mpaka sono, kweni wupu wa NOCMA ukupokela mafuta pakugwiriska ntchito maphangano agha. Bungwe la MERA likakana kuzomelezga mapangano agha chifukwa bakaba ghakupweteka bina Malawi
chifukwa mitengo yamafuta yikwelenge pafupipafupi “ bakapataula nthena ba Chikadya mukalata yawo iyo bakalembela komiti yakumphala ya Malango.
Ndalama zakusonkha pakugula mafuta na kuyegha mafuta: Pakwiza na mitengo yakuguliskila mafuta mcharo chino wupu wakuona vya mafuta namagesi wa Malawi Regulatory Authority(MERA) ukusazga kalikokose ako kakunjirapo pa pakuchemeska nakuyegha mafuta agha. Ivi vikachitiska kuti wupu uwu ube na mtengo yeneko yakaguliskilo ka mafuta mcharo chino Wupu wa kusunga mafuta mcharo chino wa NOCMA ukakhumbanga kuti wupu wa MERA ungawikangapo chala mitengo iyi kweni vyoze bachitenge ndiwo ba NOCMA. Bungwe la MERA likasuska makani agha chifukwa likatipala vinthu vingaba nthena bungwe lawo limanyenge makola chala umo lingaperekela mitengo yakuguliskila mafuta mcharo chino. Wupu wa NOCMA ukakhumbanga kuti wuchemeskenge waka mafuta kwambula kubelengela kutipanjirenge ndalama zilinga kuti mafuta ghazafike kuno ku Malawi
Wupu wa NOCMA ukamba kugwiriska ntchito ndondomeko pakuchemeska na kuyegha mafuta kwambula ndalama zakusonkha izi kwamba mchaka cha 2018 ndipo lipoti la mwezi wa July kuzafika mwezi wa December mchaka cha 2019 lalongola kuti wupu uwu ulikunanga ndalama zakukwana 15-billion
kwacha nangauli mtengo wakugulisa mafuta pacharo chose ukakhira.
Kwa mmiyezi yinayi kwambira mwezi wa January kuzafika mwezi wa May mu 2020, wupu wa NOCMA ukati wataya ndalama zakukwana K10-billion kwacha ivyo vikung’anamula kuti wupu uwu ukutaya K2.5-billion kwacha pamwezi ndipo ndalama izi zikusintha chala, ivyo vikulongola kuti pakuchitika ubendezi unyake nanga uli kuti mitengo ikusinthanga pachalo chose.
Banthu abo bakupanga ntchito za mendelo mcharo chino batolela wupu wa NOCMA ku khoti chifukwa cha umo wukambila kugwiritsa ntchito makampani gha vyaro vyakuwalo kuti ndiwo bayeghenge mafuta ghachalo chino ivyo bakati vikomenge buzinesi zawo. “Vikupeleka mwabi wantchito za bizinesi mwabanthu ba vyaro vyakuwalo apo abo banamagalimoto ghakuyegha mafuta mcharo chino bazamuba balijentchito zakuti bagwire. Ndipo ivi vikusazgilako ndalama zakuchemeskela mafuta nakukwezga mitengo chifukwa malipilo ghose ghakupelekeka mu ndalama vyakuwalo, izo zakuchepa kale mcharo chino. Kweniso beneko bamakampani ghakuyegha mafuta agha bakunadumula misonkho yayi kweniso bakulipila kalikose yayi, uko kuli kutaya ndalama zinandi pa misonkho.” Ndivyo chilli kupataula chikalata icho beneko bamagalimoto ghakuyegha mafuta mcharo chino bakalembela ku khoti.
Nthowa yakuchemeska mafuta kwambula kubikilatu ndalama zakuhumbikwa pakugula mafuta njakusuzga yayi kuti pakuchemeska kweniso bakupelekela mafuta bapangilepo vya ubendezi chifukwa nthowa iyi yikulongola yayi umo bakusangila mitengo nanga uli ndalama zakulipila mendelo zikupangika kufumila ku wupu wa MERA. Bakupelekela mafuta baba bakubalipila ndalama zakuchepala $1100 pa ndalama zakukwana $4500 pa galimoto yakuyegha mafuta ghakukwana ma lita 36,000. Ndipo palije wakuyowoya uko ndalama yapachanya iyi yikuluta.
Mafigala ghapalisiti lakupokelela malipo ilo kampaniya Saharaikapeleka mu July 2020 ghakulongola kuti bina Malawi bakalipilanga ndalama zakujumpha $134,345.51 palisiti limoza ivyo vikulongola kuti ndalama zakukwana $2million
zikasazgikilangapo pa mtengo wakugulira mafuta uwu.
Pandalama zakusonkha zakugulila mafuta pala bagwiriska ntchito ndondomeko ya DDU ndalama zake tikupanga $900 pagalimoto imoza yakuyegha mafuta ndipo chaka cha Malawi chikukhumbikwa magalimoto ghakuyegha mafuta 900 pamwezi uliwose ivyo vikung’anamula kuti chalo cha Malawi chikulipilanga ndalama zakukwana $810,000 pa mwezi ivyo vyakuziziswa kweniso chalo cha Malawi chingakwaniska yayi na umo chuma chacharo cha Malawi chikwendela. Ndalama izo zikumanyikwa makola yayi pagalimoto iliyonse yakuyegha mafuta kwizila mu ndondomeko ya DDU zakukwana $1910 ndipo pala basazga zose pamoza zikukwana $1,719,000(2.2 billion kwacha pa mwezi.
Bungwe ilo likugula ma mafuta mcharo chino ilo ndaboma yayi la PIL likugwiriska ntchito ndondomeko ya kulipililanga kwenekuko bakuti liri kulipira ndalama zakuchepa kulekana na izo wupu wa NOCMA likulipilanga.
Wakuperekera mafuta wali pa ubwezi na wakwendeska boma ndipo yumoza mwa iwo wakapangiska nyengo mpaka kudindapo vimanyikwiro vya boma. Walalawalala wakwendeska boma ba mu Tonse Alliance wakagabana nyengo izi mu chaka cha 2020.
Bakupelekela mafuta ku NOCMA kwamba mu 2020 kuzafika mu 2021 ikaba kampani ya Oryx na Sahara apo kampani ya Lake Oil na Camel Oil ndiwo bakaba ma kampani agho ghakayeghanga mafuta agho. Chaka chino kampani ya Lake Oil na Camel Oil ndiwo
bakupelekela na ķuyegha mafuta agha pakugwiriska ntchito nthowa ya DDU iyo yikubapa mwai makampani agha kusanga bekha malo ghakusungilako ma mafuta. Ivyo vikulekana na nthowa yakuti wupu wa NOCMA ugwiriskenge ntchito malo agho chalo cha Malawi chili nawo ku Dar es Salaam na Mbeya mcharo cha cha Tanzania gha Malawi Cargo Center.
nawo ntchito za mawupu agha. Komiti yakuona vyakulemba ntchito banthu mu boma ikapeleka sachizgo lakuti mlembi mlala wamuofesi ya President wangabanga mlala chala pakwendeska ntchito za mawupu agha.
Malawi kweniso ni malo agho vyavimbundi na ubendezi vikuchitikilako chomene. Iyo wakati boma lipeleke waka nkhongono ku kampani ya PIL kuti ndiyo yichemeskenge mafuta mcharo chino apo bungwe la MERA waka mahala ku PIL.
KUPELEKA
Kuma wupu gha NOCMA na MERA kuli Kuzula ndyale chomene panyengo yasono ndipo ma wupu agha ghakugomenezgeka kuti vyakovwila chomene chipani icho chikuwawa boma ndipo balala balala bakugwira ntchito ku mawupu agha bakuwikika mumaudindo chifukwa cha ndyale. Ntchito ya mlembi mlala mu ofesi ya President na kabineti yikutimbanizga chomene ntchito zama wupu agha kuti wabenge mlala wakwendeskanga
Chakukhozga chitima chomene ntchakuti mawupu agha, agho ghakovwila vipani, ndalama zake bakulipila ni bina Malawi kwizila mumisonkho kwenso pakugula mafuta pa mitengo yakukwela chomene.
Kwakuyana na President Chakwera wakati bakupelekela mafuta banandi bakumanapo naye ndipo malipoti ghakulongola kuti bandyale banandi baba bakapokela ndalama zinandi kufumila kwa bakupelekela mafuta agha.
Yumoza mwa maloya ghalala mcharo chino wakati “Wupu wa NOCMA ukukhumbika kuti baujale waka chifukwa ukunanga waka ndalama zabina
Kufumila apo dango lakendeskelo na kaguliro ka mafuta mcharo chino likasinthira kufuma ku PCC mchaka cha 1998, kugula kwa mafuta mcharo chino ilikuba mugodi wakusangilako ndalama kwa banthu bandyale ndipo akuchita chilichonse kuvikilila mugodi wawo nangauli bakuona kuti ba Malawi banandi bakusuzgika.
Malawi is one of the most unequal nations in the world. Ranks as one of the most poorest.
In our next edition out January 2023, we track the richest in our society.
READ also of the new MCP billionaires with contracts in every Govt department
A people that elect corrupt politicians, imposters, thieves and traitors are not victims... but accomplices - George Orwell
Reject every form of corruption which diverts resources from the poor - Pope Francis
REJECT AND REPORT CORRUPTION
