2023-2024 Double Issue of the Saint Rose Journal of Undergraduate Research

The Journal of Undergraduate Research of The College of Saint Rose

Editorial Staff

May Caroline Chan, English

Ann Neilson, Physical Education

Rone Shavers, English

Cover

Images courtesy of The College of Saint Rose website (www.strose.edu) and The College of Saint Rose Archives Digital Collection (http://faculty.strose.edu/archives/digcoll.htm)

Top: View of Events and Activities Center from the Hubbard Interfaith Sanctuary

Middle row, far left: Graduates planting rosebush, 1961

Middle row, middle: Students Outside Saint Joseph Hall, 1925

Middle row, right: Sister Marguerite with biology student, 1974

Bottom row, left: Community Service Group Picture inAlbany

Bottom row, right: Students Outside Saint Joseph Hall, 1925

Advisory Board

JanetAcker, Social Work

SaraAlvaro, Chemistry

Warren Cook, Management

Emma Bedor Hiland, Communications

Jenise DePinto, History and Political Science

Katlyn Farnum, Forensic Psychology

SallyAnn Geiss, Communications Sciences

Kelly Hallstrom, Biology

Brian Jensen, Biology

Jin Kim, Communications

Kathryn Laity, English

Angela Ledford, Political Science

David Morrow, English

Stephen Maher, Criminal Justice

Ryane McAuliffe Straus, History and Political Science

Karen McGrath, Communications

Ann Neilson, Physical Education

Christina Pfister, Education

David Rice, English

Lilian Rodriguez Steen, Forensic Psychology

Michelle Soule, Writing Center

Jennifer Suriano, Education

Brian Sweeney, English

David Williamson, Business

Ann Zak, Psychology

Ann Zeeh, Biology

Founding Editor: Ryane McAuliffe Straus, History and Political Science

Editor’s Note

This is my first and last edited issue of The Journal of Undergraduate Research for The College of Saint Rose. This issue actually comprises two separate volumes: the first volume, Volume X, was edited by Professor Rone Shavers with ProfessorAnn Neilson inAcademic Year 2022-2023, but was not officially published because they hoped for a higher number of essays. With Professor Shavers’departure in the Summer of 2023, I accepted the editorship and the able assistance ofAnn Neilson. Together we have collected additional essays to add Volume XI in order to make this a complete issue.

The array of student research and writing presented in this issue shows some of Saint Rose students’best qualities. In nearly eighteen years of teaching at The College of Saint Rose, I have observed very earnest students pursue their curiosity in order to find answers to their questions, and then produce thoughtful, insightful analysis of their findings that are accessible to general and specialist readers. The essays in this issue show these characteristics across the different disciplines, which are sure to make faculty, students, and parents very proud of the work achieved, and of the potential demonstrated here. Such work points to future successes to come for each student writer.

Unfortunately, my faculty colleagues and I will not be able to witness these future successes as part of The College of Saint Rose as we know it today. We are headed into the last days of this college, and we will bear witness to its closure as we try to send off our students with as much support and goodwill as we can give them and as much as they can carry.

I wish each writer and reader a pleasant journey through the different worlds explored in each essay published here, and to remember that we were able to accomplish this together as The College of Saint Rose.

Sincerely,

May Caroline Chan Associate Professor, English Editor, The Journal of Undergraduate Research

The College of Saint Rose

Survival of Bacteria in a Simulated Human Intestinal Microbiome

Marialuisa Berghela Class of 2023

Biology

Faculty Introduction

The bacteria in our gut microbiomes are known best for helping us properly digest food, but these beneficial bacteria keep us healthy in other ways, including helping our immune systems to properly function. We first acquire our microbiomes from our mothers at birth, and then we steadily add more bacteria from our diets and environments as we grow. The composition of the gut microbiome differs from one person to another, but in general a healthy microbiome consists of bacterial species that don’t provoke our immune systems. Significant fluctuations in the presence or absence of some bacterial species in the gut is linked to multiple inflammatory health conditions, most notably inflammatory bowel diseases like Crohn’s disease and ulcerative colitis. There is ongoing debate as to whether altered bacterial populations cause the inflammatory conditions or whether the inflamed environments themselves are what throw the bacterial populations off balance; the more we understand about these bacteria, the better chance we have at sorting out cause and effect.

Because we acquire bacteria from the foods we eat, many researchers are investigating the link between diet, the gut microbiome, and gut health. Maria is building on this work by identifying what types of bacteria are commonly found on produce, determining whether organic produce contains different bacteria from those found on non-organic produce, and assessing if any of the bacteria she finds could survive in the digestive tract and become part of the gut microbiome.After literature searches, we were surprised to find that despite the growing popularity of organically grown foods, there appeared to be no dedicated study asking whether there are differences in the bacteria found on organic produce versus non-organic produce. Maria’s work addresses this gap.

Kelly Hallstrom Biology

Abstract

Gut bacteria supply essential nutrients to the body and can have significant beneficial or detrimental effects on our health and wellness. In this study, bacteria were extracted from common produce and tested in a simulated human intestine-like environment to see if they could potentially survive in the small and large intestines of the human gut microbiome. The results show that there are many bacteria on produce that could potentially survive in the microenvironments of the small and large intestines.

Introduction

The human gut microbiome is made up of many bacteria and other microbes. Most bacteria in the human gut microbiome are symbiotic, but various species can cause illness if there is overgrowth. Under normal circumstances, all the bacteria naturally coexist. However, introducing new bacteria through the food we eat can create an imbalance in our microbiome. The human gut microbiome is sometimes referred to as a “supporting organ” because it plays various key roles in promoting the daily functions of the human body (1).

The bacteria in the human gut microbiome can benefit the body in critical ways. It plays a key role in the function of our bodies. The gut is the major site of antimicrobial protein production (2). Studies have shown that certain helpful bacteria break down fibers into shortchain fatty acids, stimulating immune cell activity (2). Bacteria in the gut play a crucial role in the synthesis of different vitamins and amino acids (1).An example of this could be the formation of vitamin B12. The enzyme needed to form B12 is not found in plants and animals, only bacteria (1). The bacteria of the human gut microbiome also contain digestive enzymes needed to break down complex carbohydrates such as starches and fibers (1).

The diet plays an essential role in determining which bacteria live in our gut, either benefiting or causing harm to our immune system (2). If the balance of the microbiome is thrown off by a poor diet, gut health can be weakened, and may lead to intestinal diseases such as irritable bowel syndrome and inflammatory bowel disease (3). Many bacteria, such as lactic acid fermenting bacteria, produce a lot of gas, which contributes to the bloating and cramps we may feel after eating certain foods (3). In this study, bacteria were extracted from common produce and tested in a simulated human intestine-like environment to see if they could potentially survive in the microenvironments of the small and large intestines.

Methods

Isolation and Maintenance

Bacteria were collected through swabbing produce with sterile cotton swabs and streaking nutrient agar plates. Bacteria were also collected using a mortar and pestle to liquefy produce enough to be spread onto a nutrient agar plate. Colonies were maintained and stored on nutrient agar plates.

Characterization Tests

All bacteria were tested for Gram-stain status, ability to form endospores and ability to utilize lactose, sucrose, dextrose and glucose using standard microbiology techniques. Morphology was examined via light microscopy.

Sequencing

NEB Monarch Kit T3010 was used to extract DNA. PCR analysis was performed using PCR primers 27F and 1492R and reagents from NEB (4).Aliterature search yielded standard times and concentrations for running a routine Taq PCR (5). Gel electrophoresis was used to examine the PCR results. Bacterial DNA was sent to MCLAB for genome sequencing of the 16S ribosomal RNAgene.

Gut Environment Simulation

Temperature: Bacteria were streaked on nutrient agar plates and incubated at 37o C, the temperature of the large and small intestines found within the human gut.Aset of control nutrient agar plates were grown at room temperature.

pH: Bacteria were streaked on pH 6 nutrient agar plates, the pH most found throughout the small and large intestines.Aset of control nutrient agar plates of a neutral pH, 7, were grown at the same temperature.

Oxygen: Bacteria were streaked on nutrient agar plates and placed into a GasPak EZ Anaerobe Container System to assess the ability to survive in an environment lacking oxygen, like the small and large intestines.

Results

Table 1. Identification of produce type. The data table below shows the genome sequencing results for each type of nonorganic and organic produce.

Produce Type Organic/Nonorganic Genus & Species

Strawberry Inside Nonorganic Brevibacterium epidermidis

Strawberry Outside Nonorganic Peribacillus frigoritolerans

Grape Nonorganic N/A

Spinach Nonorganic Pseudomonas aeruginosa

Romaine Nonorganic Pseudomonas fluorescens

Tomato Nonorganic Pseudomonas putida

Strawberry Inside Organic N/A

Strawberry Outside Organic Sphingobacterium

Romaine Organic Pseudomonas proteolytica

Spinach Organic Sphingobacterium multivorum

Apple Organic Agrococcus citreus

Tomato Organic N/A

Grape Organic N/A

Organic/ Nonorganic Produce Type Morphology

Nonorganic Strawberry

Gramstatus

Ability to form Endospores

Inside coccus Negative No

Nonorganic Strawberry

Nonorganic

Outside coccus Negative Yes

Grape bacillus Negative No

Nonorganic Spinach coccus Negative Yes

Nonorganic

Nonorganic

Romaine coccus Positive No

Tomato coccus Negative No

Organic Strawberry

Inside bacillus Positive No

Organic Strawberry

Outside coccobacillus Negative Yes

Organic Romaine bacillus Positive No

Organic Spinach bacillus Negative No

Organic Apple coccobacillus Positive No

Organic

Tomato coccus Negative No

Organic Grape coccobacillus Negative No

Ability to ferment lac. / glu./suc./dext. PCR Result

Positive for all Positive

Positive for all Positive

Positive for glucose and dextrose Negative

Positive for all Positive

Positive for lactose and glucose Positive

Positive for glucose, dextrose and lactose Positive

Positive for glucose, sucrose and dextrose Negative

Positive for all Positive

Positive for all Positive

Positive for all Positive

Positive for glucose, sucrose and dextrose Positive

Positive for glucose, sucrose and dextrose Negative

Positive for all Negative

Table 2. Produce characterization testing results. The data table below shows the characterization testing results for each produce type.

Figure 1. Temperature testing results for Figure 2. Temperature testing results for an nonorganic romaine. This image represents the organic grape. The nutrient agar plate on the left temperature testing results for the produce. The shows the growth of bacteria found on an organic nutrient agar plate on the left shows the growth of grape at room temperature, 25o C, after 24 hours. bacteria found on nonorganic romaine at room The nutrient agar plate on the right shows the growth of temperature, 25o C, after 24 hours. The bacteria found on the same organic grape at the nutrient agar plate on the right shows the growth of temperature of the small and large intestines, 37o C, after 24 bacteria found on the same nonorganic romaine at hours. the temperature of the small and large intestines, 37o C, after 24 hours.

Figure 3. pH testing results for all produce. This image Figure 4. pH testing results for organic romaine. This image shows the pH testing results for each type of produce listed in is an up-close representation of the results shown in figure 3. table 1. In each set, the plates on the left side were The plate on the left shows the bacterial growth of organic grown at room temperature in a pH of 6, a common pH romaine at room temperature in a pH of 6, a common pH found found throughout the small and large intestines, for 24 hours. throughout the small and large intestines, for 24 hours. The plate The plates on the right side of each set were grown at room on the right shows bacterial growth from the same sample of temperature in a neutral pH, 7, for 24 hours. organic romaine at room temperature in a neutral pH, 7, for 24 hours.

Figure 5. Oxygen testing results for organic tomato. Figure 6. Oxygen testing results for nonorganic spinach. This image represents the oxygen testing results for This image shows the bacterial growth from nonorganic the produce. The nutrient agar plate shows the bacterial spinach under anaerobic conditions after 24 hours. growth from an organic tomato under anaerobic conditions after 24 hours.

Discussion

The isolation and maintenance of each bacterial sample has been successful since January 2022. Table 2 shows that DNAwas amplified by PCR in 9 of the 13 bacterial samples. The 9 positive samples from PCR analysis, listed in Table 1, were sent to MCLAB for sequencing of the 16s ribosomal RNAgene, which is commonly used for bacterial species identification. The results from the genome sequencing served as a basis for the confirmation of the characterization testing results. Once we knew the genus and species for each sample, a literature search provided the same results as the characterization testing.

The small and large intestine simulations have been successful thus far. The idea behind the simulation was that if the samples could survive in the conditions of the intestinal microbiome, then they could potentially survive within it and contribute to the microbiota found in our own microbiome. Every sample survived both the temperature and pH testing, showing tremendous growth in just 24 hours. The oxygen testing did not produce the same results. 4 of the 13 samples showed visible growth after 24 hours in an anaerobic environment. However, when the samples were taken out of the anaerobic environment and left in an aerobic environment for 24 hours, every plate became covered in growth. This showed that the samples were not killed by the anaerobic conditions, they were just dormant and did not grow. There is an oxygen gradient throughout the intestinal tract, so it is not completely anaerobic, or devoid of oxygen (6). The low levels of oxygen could be enough for the bacterial growth of these samples. The results of the intestinal simulation tests support the idea that the bacterial samples would survive in the microenvironments of the small and large intestines.

References

1. Chan, T.H. (2022). The microbiome Harvard School of Public Health.

Retrieved from: https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/nutritionsource/microbiome/

2. Chan, T.H. (2022). Nutrition and immunity Harvard School of Public Health

Retrieved from: https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/nutritionsource/nutrition-and-immunity/

3. Robertson, R. (2017). When the gut microbiome is crucial for your health. Healthline

Retrieved from: https://www.healthline.com/nutrition/gut-microbiome-and-health

4. Argolo, C.,Argolo, R., & Ribiero Martin dos Santos et al. (2019). A16s rdna pcr-based theoretical to actual delta approach on culturable mock communities revealed severe losses of diversity information. BMC Microbiology, 74(19), 1-14.

5. Protocol for a routine taq pcr. (2022). NEB. Retrieved from:

https://neb.com/protocols/0001/01/01/protocol-for-a-routine-taq-pcr-reaction

6. Shah, Y. & Singhal, R. (2020). Oxygen battle in the gut: hypoxia and hypoxia-inducible factors in metabolic and inflammatory responses in the intestine. National Library of Medicine, 295(30), 10493-10505. Retrieved from:

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7383395/

The Warsaw Pact and The Brezhnev Doctrine: NATO, The Liberal Order, and the Persistence of Russo-American Tensions

Mark Edidiong Edem Class of 2022

History and Political Science

Introduction

Since the Bolsheviks came to power in 1917, the bilateral relationship between the United States has exhibited signs of strain and tension. This relationship further soured with the formal establishment of the United Socialist Soviet Republics (USSR) in 1922, under Vladimir Lenin (Haslam 48). This strain arose from the antithetical ideological orientations of both the United States and the USSR. The United States is a liberal democracy, the economic extension of which is capitalism and private ownership. The Soviet Union was a communist federation and thus, employed an economic model of centralized ownership/nationalization of resources.

Despite these oppositional models of economic and political practices, the US and the USSR entered a short alliance during WWII. This alliance formed as a response to the expanding Nazi-German empire. Both the US and the USSR recognized this expansion as a mutual existential threat, and worked in concert to defeat Hitler and the Nazis. This period in history was incredibly significant as the defeat of the Germans bolstered the military strength, nuclear arsenals, economy, influence, and international posture of both countries. While the victory of theAllies had liberated the world (for some time) from the terror of fascism, the victory also brought the competition, rivalry, and polarizing outlooks between the US and the USSR into closer proximity. Sensing that the hegemony of the Soviet Union was already deeply entrenched in Eastern Europe and would soon spread across the rest of Europe (and outside Europe), the United States led the charge to form the NorthAtlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (Mastny 16). While the public claim was that NATO was nothing more than a defensive military alliance, itsAmerican members had outlined three primary objectives; to keep the Soviets out, to keep the US in, and to keep the Germans down (Clansy 2022). While maintaining anAmerican presence in Europe and suppressing the reemergence of a belligerent Germany were key, the foremost objective of NATO was to preclude the expansion of Soviet influence (Haslam 71).

The formation of NATO was one of the first concrete realizations of the Truman Doctrine, alternatively known as the containment policy, which sought to suppress burgeoning Soviet power. The Soviet’s interpreted the Truman Doctrine as the open declaration of the Cold War (Haslam 71). In 1955, the USSR responded, signing the Warsaw Pact, the Soviet equivalent of NATO (Haslam 71). Like NATO, the Warsaw Pact stipulated that any challenge to communist rule in one state is tantamount to a challenge against all its signatories, and thus, necessitated a collective military response. The Warsaw Pact was officially disestablished following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 (“Collapse” 2001). The burden of this paper is to argue that while the Warsaw Pact and Brezhnev Doctrine are no longer de jure policy, it remains the de facto policy of present-day Russia vis-a-vis its satellite states. I will determine the strength of this hypothesis by examining how the Pact and Doctrine were enforced when they were active, and comparing that to Russia's foreign policy history post-disestablishment. If the policies

implemented over these two periods mirror each other in significant ways, it confirms my hypothesis that the Warsaw Pact is, in effect, still operational. I will go further to argue that the reason present-day Russia has retained elements of the Warsaw Pact (and the Brezhnev Doctrine) in its foreign policy is because, for legitimate reasons, it still regards NATO as an existential threat.

Formation of Warsaw Pact

When the Allied Powers won the Second World War, Germany was divided into four quarters, then two halves, as agreed upon in the Potsdam conference (Gaddis 25). The Western half was presided over by France, the UK, and the US. The Eastern half of Germany was controlled by the Soviet Union (Gaddis 25).As both halves of the country began slowly to reach independence (a sort of quasi-independence however, as the strict paternalism of both the US and the USSR did not afford Eastern nor Western Germans full, unilateral control of their territories), they began assuming some level of control over their domestic and international affairs. One affair of great import was the bloc (and consequently, the military alliance) that either half would become a member of. (Gaddis 135). In 1955, then chancellor of West Germany, KonradAdenaur successfully applied for NATO membership (“Germany” 2012). This presented a challenge for the Soviets, as the annexation of West Germany to the alliance greatly increased NATO’s military prowess (Mastny 19). The enhanced formidability of NATO (and a once-again powerful Germany), the Soviets felt, reinforced the threat of an attack by members of this alliance. In 1955, the Soviet Union had signed and brought into effect the Warsaw Pact as a counterweight to NATO, deterring any potential attack, and to entrench and defend communist rule (Gaddis 109). This led to the emergence of two well-known terms in Cold War discourse; the Eastern bloc and the Western bloc. The treaty was signed by Nikita Khruschev and the presidents of seven other Soviet satellite states;Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany (formally known as German Democratic Republic), Hungary, Poland and Romania (Haslam 201). The Pact explicitly prohibited the other member states from direct and deliberate interference in the internal affairs of any other member (Haslam 201). The only justification for intervention was if there existed the perception that communist rule was being challenged. The leadership of the Soviet Union had chosen this language carefully so as to create the illusion that the prerogatives of all the members of the Pact were equal. The leadership also did this to imply an egalitarian distribution of power between all member states, implicitly repudiating claims of Soviet dominance, hegemony, and colonialism in Eastern Europe. This, of course, was not the case, and the Soviet Union did exert its strength and influence in controlling the other signatories. It repeatedly made unilateral decisions about how the Pact would be interpreted and enforced (It is important to highlight that NATO too is largely controlled and given directives by the United States. Several experts see it simply as a military architectural framework that allows for the advancement ofAmerican foreign policy interests through its Europe partners).

When comparing the strengths and military capabilities of both blocs, we find that the Pact was in fact a formidable counterweight to NATO. NATO had compiled a list of the military inventory that both itself and the Warsaw Pact member states possessed. Warsaw Pact members outperformed their NATO counterparts in the certain areas of warfare, including the number of military personnel, battle tanks, combat aircraft, submarines, aircraft carriers, destroyers, and of course, nuclear weapons (“NATO and Warsaw” 2022). Nuclear weapons are very important and are central in understanding the relationship between the US and the USSR during the Cold War. Nuclear weapons acted largely as a deterrent, coercing outside forces from incursion, attack, or

interference in its own affairs. However, both countries, and thereby both military alliances (NATO and Warsaw Pact), continued building and expanding their arsenals, entering a nuclear arms race (Clansy 2022). The utility of these weapons had departed from their strictly deterrent purposes, as they had several times almost been deployed (during the Cuban Missile Crisis, Turkey, Stanislov Petrov incident etc.). As one side continued to amass these weapons, in response, the other would do the same (Clansy 2022). The Warsaw Pact, while it was active, was successful in marshaling the might of much of Eastern Europe around the direction and the control of the Soviet Union.

The Enforcement and Implementation of the Warsaw PACT and Brezhnev Doctrine Inside and Outside Eastern Europe

One of the first invocations of the defense of communism clause of the Warsaw pact was in Hungary. The Hungarian situation was rather unique, as the Soviet leadership had given strict directives to the Hungarian communists about how to structure their economy and society (Fry, Rice 85). In 1956, Hungarian citizens began to protest against the austere restrictions put in place by the communist government. To appease the protestors, the Hungarian communist government had appointed Imre Nagy as the new premier (Fry, Rice 87). Imre Nagy had previously served as premier of Hungary, but had been deposed because he had openly criticized the Stalinist policies imposed in his country and throughout much of Eastern Europe (Fry, Rice 86). The communist leadership had hoped that making cosmetic changes, such as reappointing Nagy, would be enough to stymie the growing sentiments for democratization. Once Nagy reentered the country’s leadership, however, he pushed for further democratization by unbanning political parties, allowing free elections, and promising to rescind Hungary’s membership in the Warsaw Pact (Fry, Rice)(Gaddis 109). Khruschev and the Soviet leadership believed that the presence of multiple political parties gave the bourgeoisie channels to represent their class interests. This was unacceptable for Khruschev as allowing bourgeois representation in parliament was tantamount to directly aiding counterrevolutionary efforts. It was these events that preceded the invasion of Hungary by Soviet force. The Soviets sent in upwards of 30,000 troops and 1,130 tanks to Hungary to quell the uprisings (“Hungarian Revolution” 2009). This period in the Hungarian chapter was extremely violent; 3,000 Hungarians were killed (both civilians and paramilitary forces) and about 200,000 Hungarians adopted refugee status so as to flee the country’s repressive government (many of these refugees fled to the United States, as the country supported “the “liberation” of “captive peoples in communist nations”)(“Hungarian Revolution” 2009). The invasion and indiscriminate murder of civilians was so brutal that even China, the Soviets’communist ally, condemned the invasion and tacitly suggested that the Hungarians continue resisting Soviet domination (“Hungarian Revolution” 2009) . The Soviets were able to resecure strict communist rule in Hungary following the deposition and assassination of Imre Nagy (Fry, Rice 89).

Another period in which the Warsaw Pact was violently enforced was in Czechoslovakia. In 1968,Alexander Dubcek, a Slovak politician, was elected to be the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Bischof 217). Dubcek implemented a series of liberalization and democratization reforms in the country that saw it become less centralized. These reforms included the decentralization of the economy, and removing restrictions on the media and speech (Bischof 217). This happened in concurrence with the period of deStalinization throughout Eastern Europe, as the hardline policies of Stalin were being abandoned (Bischof 218). Leonid Brezhnev, premier of the Soviet Union during this period, had seen

Dubcek’s ceding of central authority as undermining the communist regime in Czechoslovakia. He also feared that the stronger sentiments of liberalization and openness would develop and spill over into Eastern Europe, challenging communism across the continent.

As a result of Dubcek’s policies, Leonid Brezhnev introduced the Brezhnev Doctrine in which he described the posture that the Soviet Union would assume when communist rule was challenged (Gaddis 150). This, of course, largely meant that the Soviet Union would use military intervention to bolster the communist government of the satellite states and repress anticommunist dissent.

Outside of having clearer delineations about the grounds for intervention, the Brezhnev doctrine did not diverge significantly from its antecedent, the Warsaw Pact. In fact, in many ways, the Brezhnev Doctrine can be understood to be the return to the principles and tenets outlined in the Warsaw Pact. It simply reaffirmed the commitment to the use of tactics that the Soviet Union employed to safeguard communism throughout Europe. 500,000 Soviet troops and 5,000 tanks were sent to Czechoslovakia (Bischof 220). Five other members of the Pact, at the Soviet Union’s behest, sent an additional 150,000 troops (Bischof 220). The troops were able to stage a coup that ousted Dubcek from the presidency and he was replaced by Soviet loyalist and Marxist hardliner, Gustav Husak. Husak ushered in a period known as “normalization.” This period saw a return to the policies of centralization and control that were characteristic of preDubcek communist regimes. Upwards of 400 people died and 300,000 people fled the country as a result of the incursion (Bischof 217).

The Warsaw Pact, and its second iteration in the Brezhnev Doctrine, were not only enforced in Eastern European countries with communist governments. While the language of the document suggested that the Soviets and the other Pact members would defend communism in their respective states, they were also prepared to defend communist rule outside of Europe. In 1979, the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (DPA) had violently seized power from the country’s ruling party (Reuveny 695). The DPAwas relatively weak and had internal schisms that saw the party fissure into two factions. Outside of this, the DPAdid not have popular support and had faced strong political opposition, most notably from the Mujahideen (who would later become the Taliban) (Clansy 2022). This threat to DPArule in Afghanistan led Brezhnev to order the deployment of Soviet troops to prop up the communist government. For a short time, the Soviets were successful in preserving the DPA’s control of government and rule of the country, but this did not come without severe repression and the extrajudicial murder of civilians and opposition forces (Reuveny 700). 100,000 Soviet troops were deployed (about 15,000 of them had been killed). The losses, on both sides, during this invasion are astronomical.Around 2,000,000Afghans had been killed, and 7,000,000 were either refugees or internally displaced (Reuveny 699) (Haslam 320). It is estimated that between 6.5 to 10 percent of the Afghan population had been killed during this conflict (Reuveny 699). These almost incomprehensible statistics led to international condemnation and the United States withdrawing from the Olympic games held in the Soviet Union the following year (Clansy 2022). It can be seen the vigor with which the Soviets bolstered communist rule both within and outside of Europe. The legacy of Soviet rule (inside and outside the country) is notorious for its harshness and resolute antidemocratic/totalitarian nature. The Warsaw Pact and the Brezhnev Doctrine were applied strictly, ruthlessly, and perhaps most importantly, unilaterally. Not much consultation was sought by the Soviets from the other members of Pact. There is a plethora of scholarship around how entrance into the Pact by the Satellite states was not voluntary, and empirical evidence reveals that this is true. This is also demonstrated by Soviet intervention (even in member countries) when there

was any challenge leveled at the Soviet leadership or changes in the orthodoxies of communism that were practiced.

Collapse of the Soviet Union and Disestablishment of the Pact

Mikhayil Gorbachev was elected as the First Secretary of the Communist Party in 1986. His election brought with it sweeping changes to the domestic and foreign policy of the Soviet Union. Perhaps the most important reform he made during his regime, Gorbachev introduced the policies of Glasnost and Perestroika (Clansy). These policies can loosely be translated to “openness” and “restructuring”. Glasnost entailed the relaxation of censorship in regards to information and media. Perestroika, on the other hand, entailed the restructuring of the overarching political and economic model (still under the communist framework). This meant that the USSR would now adopt some elements of the market model, and would abandon a centralized command economy. Historians and political scientists point to these two policies as the harbingers of the eventual dissolution of the USSR. Gorbachev had vowed not to use the Soviet’s powerful military might to force the satellite Communist states back in line, like his predecessors had done (Haslam 380). He had also refused to let Moscow so overtly intervene in the internal affairs of its neighbors (Haslam 380). This led to several pro-democracy protests throughout Eastern Europe against the communist hardliners that governed them. Though the leadership of these countries would request military support from the Soviet Union, Gorbachev, adhering to his policy of nonintervention, refused to grant this support (Haslam 380). He encouraged the leaders to enter dialogue with their people to bring about resolution and a cessation to any unrest. Starting with Poland in 1989, a domino effect seized communist regimes across Europe, and they all fell and gave way to liberal democratic governments. Within the Soviet Union, different states desired secession and declared independence from Moscow. This was met without contest from the Soviet Union.Afailed coup attempt by Soviet hardliners further cemented the already inevitable fall of the country. Following the Soviet Union’s fall, the Pact was officially disestablished. This period brought with it hope for peace, nuclear disarmament, and renewed relations between the United States and Russia. The Eastern countries (including Russia under Boris Yeltsin) previously under repressive communist rule all openly embraced liberalization and market economies. International sanctions were lifted on Russia and it was able to reintegrate itself into the global economy in order to revive its own domestic economy. For this period, Russia was no longer a somewhat-isolated state and was peacefully readmitted into the global theater. This was short-lived however, as future events would once again cause Russia to become a pariah. One of the biggest catalysts for this retardation back to a Cold War relationship between Russia and the United States was the election of Vladimir Putin to office. Putin presented a problem for the United States and the West as he was a devout practitioner of great power politics, a characteristic that likened him to the former Soviet strongmen. Putin’s domestic and foregin policy, which is reflective of this great power politics, has added strain to the bilateral relationship between the two countries that once held the promise of becoming stronger. These moves include the Chechen Wars, the Georgian War, the Syrian War, the annexation of Crimea, the 2016 US presidential election, and the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Putin alone cannot be blamed for the souring of Russo-American relations, as the United States has also dealt gratuitous blows to Putin and Russia. The two countries engage with each other as though they are still in the throes of the Cold War. Perhaps this is justified, as the dissolution of the Soviet Union did not bring about serious ideological change, eliminate competition, or remove the threat of nuclear war between the two countries. Because the two

countries still relate with each other as adversaries, NATO is still active, and consequently, the Warsaw Pact and the Brezhnev doctrine are also still active (in effect).

Post-1991: De FactoApplication of Warsaw Pact and Brezhnev Doctrine

One of the first instances of the Russians reviving the Brezhnev Doctrine in their foreign policy was in their conflict with the Chechens.As the several federal states of the USSR began declaring independence from Moscow, the Chechen Republic, an enclave in the south western part of the country, did the same (Shah 88). Chechen nationals wished to secede and create their own independent and autonomous state. The Chechens' desire for sovereignty led directly to the First and Second Chechen wars (Shah 88, 105). During both wars, the Russian military (even after it was decimated by the Union’s fall) proved too powerful and organized for the scattered and displaced forces of the Chechens. Recognizing that they were fighting an asymmetrical war, the Chechens resulted to nontraditional, extrajudicial means of warfare, particularly terrorism and guerilla war tactics (Clansy 2022) (Shah 92). The First Chechen War lasted for two years, from 1994 to 1996 (Shah 85). The Second Chechen War lasted much longer, from 1999 to 2009 (Fisher 1). Both times, Russia emerged victorious in the conflicts. One might argue that these conflicts are nothing more than Russia defending itself and its territorial boundaries against secessionist forces. This may be true to some degree. However, it is important to note that the manner in which Russia handled the Chechen conflict shares many characteristics to prior invasions carried out under the Doctrine and the Pact. Firstly, like all other nations that successfully seceded from the Soviet Union and the paternalism of Moscow, the Chechen Republic should have been afforded this right. Not affording them the right to secession and invading their oblast is akin to interference in their internal affairs. This is no different from the Soviet approach to Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Afghanistan. Additionally, the brutality with which they treated the Chechens is reminiscent of the way they suppressed dissent in the same countries mentioned above. The Russians committed gross human rights violations, including torcher and the detainment of young children. Finally, towards the end of the Second Chechen War, the Kremlin had appointed Ramzan Kadyrov as head of the Chechen republic, a known Putin sympathizer who is deeply loyal to Moscow (Fisher 2). The Kremlin installing puppet leaders during the Cold War is well documented, and in Chechen, their tactics did not depart from this at all. It can be seen why with further analysis and keener examination, it is appropriate to say that precepts of the Brezhnev Doctrine were employed in the RussianChechen war.

Another example of the continued application of the Warsaw Pact and Brezhnev Doctrine was in Russia’s military campaign in Syria. The 2011Arab Spring was one of the most momentous periods of political upheaval in the early 21st century. Starting in Tunisia, theArab Spring saw the fall of governments, dictators, and despots throughout NorthAfrica and the Middle East. It was this infamous period that brought about the fall of some of the most powerful political leaders in the region; Ben Ali of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Moumar Gaddaffi of Libya. The wave of protest had spread to Syria, and demonstrators took to the streets to challenge the violence and corruption in BasharAl-Assad’s government. Unlike the other North African and Middle Eastern leaders,Assad refused to step down and fought back against his people. The Syrian situation quickly deteriorated, leading to one of the worst refugee crises in the world and a terrorist insurgency in the country. Upon request by the Syrian government, the Russian airforce came to Syria and assisted the SDF by launching air raids on terrorist targets (Allison 807).

The Russian military presence in Syria is reminiscent of the Brezhnev Doctrine-era tactics for several reasons. First of all, Russian assistance was not sanctioned by a number of countries in the international community, but despite this, the Russians went ahead and conducted the raids. Secondly, the Russians supported a dictator in Assad.Assad has been accused by the United Nations and several human rights groups (includingAmnesty International) of using chemical weapons on his people (Allison 811). There are similar accusations leveled against him and his government, one being his amoral use of deliberate starvation to extract the terrorists from the civilian population (Allison 811). Even with these serious allegations, many of which constitute war crimes, the Russian government had elected still to offer its unwavering support to the Syrian government. Just like the Soviets had done to dictators in Hungary and Poland, they had ignored their human rights record and supported them simply because they showed fidelity to the Kremlin (much likeAssad does now).Assad is also the president of Ba’ath in Syria, a party that has shown support of communist principles (and is notoriously illiberal) and has demonstrated a desire to realize those principles (Allison 796). By supportingAssad, Russia is attempting to contain the spread of liberal democracy and the liberal democratic tradition. Russia continues to prop up governments that are loyal to the Kremlin. All of Russia’s actions in Syria are in strict accordance with the prescriptions of the Warsaw Pact, leading us to believe that perhaps the Pact (and the Doctrine) have not been entirely expunged from Russian foreign policy.

Shortly before the fall of the Soviet Union, Bush and Gorbachev had entered diplomatic talks to determine the paths their countries would take in light of significant global events (Clansy 2022). One of these events was the reunification of Germany.As pro-democracy protests swept across East Germany (and the Berlin Wall collapsed), it became clear that the reunification of East and West Germany was inevitable. Because a country such as Germany - with significant geopolitical weight - joining NATO would further bolster the alliance, it was believed that Gorbachev might attempt to stymie German reunification efforts (Clansy 2022). Bush promised Gorbachev that if he allowed German reunification and accession into NATO, the alliance would not expand “an inch eastward” (Gaddis 221). Gorbachev agreed to make these concessions and endorsed German entry into NATO. Since Bush and Gorbachev had come to this agreement, however, NATO has experienced five waves of expansion, with all annexations moving the alliance eastward and ever closer to Russia’s borders (The acceptance of the Baltic states into NATO brings the alliance right to Russia’s borders). Many of NATO’s new member states were either satellite states or former members of the Soviet Union. It is understandable why Russia is apprehensive about NATO expansion, particularly with states that were once under its control which may have historical grievances against Russia (Cohen 51).At the Bucharest Summit in 2008, NATO had expressed its interest in granting membership to two former Soviet republics, saying, “NATO welcomes Ukraine’s and Georgia’s EuroAtlantic aspirations for membership in NATO. We agreed today that these countries will become members of NATO” (“Bucharest Summit” 1). It was this declaration by NATO that led to the subsequent wars in Georgia and Ukraine. This period once again revealed Russia’s commitment to Brezhnev Doctrine-like policies.

In 2008 tensions between Russia and Georgia were severely strained. Putin and then president of Georgia, Saakashvili, disagreed strongly about a number of issues, and Saakashvili did not wish to be under Russia’s paternalistic rule (Stent 145). Tensions were strained further with NATO’s declaration of potentially granting membership to Georgia (“Bucharest Summit”

1). Secessionist forces and sentiment in the country were growing rapidly. The Georgian government sent in its military to the secessionist region of Ossetia to quell the protests, and to disband the rebels (Stent 210). The Kremlin, looking to disorganize Georgian troops and delegitimize Saakashvili’s government, backed the rebels and sent in their own forces. The war lasted five days and Russian forces made quick and easy gains in the country. They advanced into Georgia and stopped short of the capital city (they had captured all other cities that they had entered)(Stent 217). This action closely mirrors the behavior of Russia during the Brezhnev Doctrine-era. It intervened into the internal affairs of a sovereign country, invaded the country, dictated the alliances that the country would enter, and coerced it into exercising only the kind of policy that Moscow was comfortable with.

The Ukrainian situation closely mirrors that of Georgia. In 2014, Ukrainian protestors took to the streets to air their disaffection with then president, Viktor Yanukovych. Yanukovych had refused to sign a deal that would bring Ukraine closer to the West, particularly with the institutions of the European Union (EU) and NATO (Cohen 32). Under Yanukovych, Ukraine had developed strong bilateral ties with Russia. Yanukovych understood that signing the deal would anger the Kremlin as it would peel Ukraine out of the Russian orbit (Cohen 35). Western Ukraininans, however, desired accession into the West and its institutions, and expressed their strong disapproval of Yanukovych’s decision (Cohen 34). These protests were known as the Maidan protests, and they engulfed Kiev and much of Western Ukraine. The protests forced Yanukovych to resign as president and flee to Russia. Capitalizing on the ensuing chaos, Russian forces invaded Ukraine and illegally annexed Crimea to Russia (Cohen 39-40). In addition to the annexation, the Russians provided arms and intel to the separatists groups in Eastern Ukraine, a move that fueled secession hopes of Ukrainians living in the Donbass regions (Cohen 45).

More recently, in February 2022, Russian forces invaded Ukraine with the stated objective of “demilitarization and deNazification” (“Russian PresidentAddresses Nation” 06:4507:02). These goals might in fact be part of the Russian agenda in Ukraine. However, scholars have posited other reasons for the Russians invasion into Ukraine, with leading theories pointing to Putin's nostalgia for a great Russia, and slowing the advance of NATO closer to Russian territory. This has led the Russian military to behave with aggression and hostility in Ukraine. There are several reports that civilians have been killed en masse, nursing homes and children shelters have been bombed, and non-conventional weapons are being used on the battlefield and close to civilian areas. Putin has even ordered the nuclear forces to be on high alert in the event that they need to be immediately deployed (“Putin orders nuclear forces” 0:13-0:18). Civilian casualties continue to mount, and Ukrainian industries and cities have been flattened. The invasion has been condemned by the United Nations, the United States, and several other countries throughout the world. Severe sanctions have been placed on Russia by many countries, which has not borne any meaningful change to Russia’s posture about the war in Ukraine. Once again, this is a clear display of great power politics that is characteristic of the Warsaw Pact and Brezhnev Doctrine-era. Despite worldwide condemnation, Russia has shown unfaltering determination in controlling the affairs of its neighbors. It has used and continues to use military force to achieve its desired ends.

FurtherAnalysis: Why Has Russia Continued to Invoke Elements of Warsaw Pact and Brezhnev Doctrine Post-1991?

The End of the Cold War implied that the relationship between the United States and Russia would return to some level of normalcy and diplomacy. Not only did this period imply the

disestablishment of the Warsaw Pact and the Brezhnev Doctrine, but these alliances had been officially disbanded. Why, then, has Russia continued to conduct its foreign policy affairs as though it still strictly follows the tenets of these alliances? In order to understand this, it is important to understand the Western equivalent to the Warsaw Pact; NATO. As mentioned earlier, NATO had three primary objectives around which it oriented itself; keeping the Germans down, keeping theAmericans in, and keeping the Russians out (Clansy). However, one could argue that these objectives had been achieved by 1991. By then, Nazism had become a fringe movement/ideology that even the most conservative politicians could not espouse in a resolutely liberal and pacifist Germany. The Soviet Union had collapsed and fissioned into twelve sovereign nations. TheAmericans, through their political and economic partnerships throughout Europe, had an immovable presence in the region (Edem).

This means that NATO had (and has) no identifiable and legitimate purpose for existing, and is now rendered an obsolete organization (except, perhaps, as a tool for spreading liberal democracy). NATO, and theAmericans in particular, still regard Russia as an adversary, and thus, saw a formidable NATO presence as necessary and imperative for European, global, and national security. Russia was undergoing a significant geopolitical change and did not present a threat. The only threat that the former Soviet Union may have presented was to itself; the likelihood of the outbreak of civil war in the new, emerging nations was high (First and Second Chechen wars). Perhaps only for this reason may NATO existence and presence have been justified. Many of Russia’s critics tend to highlight the importance of NATO in maintaining European peace and security. While NATO may have had some measurable success in preserving peace in its member states, there are several other bodies and organizations (who, I might add, do not have historical grievances against Russia and do not see it as a rival and a competitor) who can assume the mandate of ensuring this peace. There is the United Nations, its Security Council, the European Union, the OSCE, and several other viable candidates for such a role. It makes little sense as to why this organization - whose political framework, economic model, and military architecture is used to carry outAmerican foreign policy - has appointed itself as an authority on European security. What makes less sense is why Russia is not part of NATO. Russia has tried several times (under Gorbachev, Yeltsin, and Putin) to become a part of NATO, but has habitually been denied entry by the US and the UK (more proof that these two countries are truly at the helm of NATO decision-making). How can any meaningful discourse about European security take place without Russia, arguably Europe’s most powerful country? Furthermore, why deny Russia entry into NATO unless it is, of course, the very threat around which NATO has been built?

Whether or not NATO had reason for remaining operational is still heavily disputed. Assuming for a moment, however, that it did, why did it continue to expand closer to the territory of its longtime geopolitical foe? This expansion has taunted and threatened Russia. This expansion is not benign either, as military drills and exercises are performed in member countries. Strategic missiles and other materiel are also placed in the member countries. It should have been expected that Russia would express disapproval with continued expansion, particularly into Ukraine, which shares a long border with Russia. This is where Russia has drawn the line with the reckless behavior ofAmerican presidents in expanding NATO. This places Russia’s de facto invocation of the Warsaw Pact and Brezhnev Doctrine in historical context. Russia has had to revive these policies as counterweights to offset the clear threat that NATO presents to it. If the Warsaw Pact and the Brezhnev doctrine are counterweights to NATO, it may have been naive to believe that they would have been fully disestablished when NATO

remains fully operational and more powerful than it ever has been. While Russia’s reckless exercise of great power politics in its neighboring countries (and countries outside its immediate neighborhood) is regrettable and should be condemned, we must also understand these actions as rational. Not right, but rational. Russia has been threatened, and this is its reaction, unfortunate as it is.

The Cuban missile crisis provides a perfect parallel to help further contextualize the current Ukraine crisis. When the Soviets placed their missiles in Cuba (a mere 90 miles from the tip of Florida) The United States vehemently opposed the move. This period in history is recognized as the closest point to open conflict the two countries had reached. It was so significant in both countries' relations that, for the first time, a direct channel of communication was opened between Moscow and Washington (Clansy). Khruschev agreed to remove Soviet missiles in Cuba in exchange for the removal ofAmerican missiles in Turkey. If the United States could not accept Soviet missiles in Cuba, how can it be expected that Russia allow the strategic placement of NATO missiles in Ukraine (Furthermore, American nuclear warheads have been strategically placed throughout Europe to counter Russian offensives into NATO territory. This is in addition to severalAmerican military bases scattered throughout Europe including a permanent one in Poland recently announced by Biden). If Russia – or China –entered a military alliance with Canada and Mexico, countries onAmerica’s borders, how would the US respond to this? Would they simply acquiesce the way they suggest that Russia do? The Monroe Doctrine and the Bush Doctrine, around which, it seems,American foreign policy is engineered, expressly forbid this.

Following the decision in the Bucharest Summit’s to integrate Ukraine and Belarus into NATO,Angela Merkel and Nicholas Sarkozy privately expressed their disapproval to other member-state representatives. They both understood that Moscow would not tolerate taking Georgia and Ukraine out of its orbit. Despite their protests however, theAmericans pressed on with plans for annexation. Since the conflict erupted in February 2022, Poland and the Czech Republic wanted to send fighter jets to Ukraine to ward of Russian forces, however the Pentagon rejected this proposal (as giving Ukraine such firepower may erode the possibility of peaceful resolution and may fully absorb the United States and the West into the conflict if their weapons are used on Russian soil). Bringing such information to bear helps us come to more grounded and truthful analyses of the situation. The answers to these questions reveal a startling and telling fact; it would seem that the United States is also guilty of engaging in great power politics and controlling the foreign policy decisions of sovereign countries.

Conclusion

It can be seen how and why the Soviet Union had established both the Warsaw Pact and the Brezhnev Doctrine. This was done to offset the collective strength of NATO. The majority of this paper has given tight focus on the repression in the Soviet empire, particularly through the application of the Warsaw Pact and the Brezhnev Doctrine. However, it is important to note that NATO has not been any more benevolent in its pursuit of its foreign policy agendas. In addition to containing Russia, NATO has been used largely as a mechanism for exporting neoliberal democracy, and consequently, capitalism. This explains theAmerican-led NATO war campaigns in Syria, Libya, Iraq,Afghanistan, Somalia, and other parts of the Middle-East andAfrica. As long as NATO remains active and powerful, and still tacitly deals with Russia as an enemy, it is not surprising that Russia revived one of its only buffers against NATO i.e the Warsaw Pact. It seems that every great power has their own iteration of a Brezhnev Doctrine. It seems

appropriate to point out that one of the biggest impediments to the relaxation of Russo-American tensions is the poverty of good leadership and sound foreign policy. It seems that whenAmerica engages with Russia, it does so as though the two countries are still in a Cold War (as this essay outlines, they well might be). This is not to absolve Russia of blame, as it is almost equally responsible for souring its relationship with the United States and the West. From both nations, sober foreign policy experts and leadership is required to mend these ties. Unfortunately, Vladimir Putin and Joe Biden do not carry any hope of ushering in this new era of peace and diplomacy. Putin has resorted to aggressive displays of militarism that have led to thousands being killed and millions of Ukraininans being displaced. The burgeoning refugee crisis in Europe is adding more pressure to its already overburdened political system. Joe Biden on the other hand seems more concerned with condemning Putin and Russia than with addressing the real reasons that Russia has launched this attack. Biden does not want to acknowledgeAmerica’s inextricable role in this conflict. In addition to this, Biden seems to be preparing for and encouraging a protracted conflict , visiting the plants ofAmerican defense contractors, and urging Congress to offer more defense aid for Ukraine (Congress in March had already approved a $14 billion aid package). Under the leadership of these two men, Russian and American relations will continue to deteriorate. On both sides, more competent leaders are needed. Leaders such as Gorbachev and Bush, who, even in the face of a crumbling empire, were able to find points of mutual understanding. Under leadership such as this, perhaps Russia (as well as the United States) can begin to sincerely dismantle the military alliances/structures that it had built to defeat its Cold War enemy. Until this point is reached, untilAmerican leadership becomes sober and willing to compromise, we can expect Russia to continue aggressively invoking elements of the Warsaw Pact and the Brezhnev Doctrine. With Ukraine as the current theater for this proxy war between the United States and Russia, unless a resolution is swiftly drawn up, we can expect the situation only to grow worse.As a parenthetical remark, it would also seem thatAmerica's deep concern about the violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and incursion into its territory is either artificial, or hypocritical.As a nation that has meddled in the affairs of countries in Central America, South America, Europe, the Middle East, South EastAsia andAfrica, it seems that America’s own commitment to democratic values is a tenuous one. This is not to rationalize Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. However, the US has sullied its role as an ethical arbiter of conflict, and more so, as a bastion of democracy.

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Understanding the RoleArt Therapy Plays in Individual Versus Group Therapy Contexts

Cara Janowsky Class of 2023

Psychology

Faculty Introduction

Cara Janowsky authored “Understanding the RoleArt Therapy Plays in Individual Versus Group Therapy Contexts” as the culmination of an Independent Study course. To achieve approval for an Independent Study, students must demonstrate to faculty several things, including outstanding academic aptitude, strong work ethic, and a desire to explore a topic for which Saint Rose does not offer a specific course. Cara was perfect for an Independent Study because of her excellence in academics and her interest in exploring art therapy as a possible part of evidence-based psychotherapy for various populations, including children with special needs, college students experiencing significant stress and anxiety, veterans with PTSD, adults undergoing serious medical procedures, and many others. This topic is particularly challenging for two primary reasons. First, there is limited research on art therapy, especially relative to well-studied psychotherapies such as cognitive-behavioral therapy. Second, misunderstanding of art therapy is quite common, even among those relatively educated on the topic of psychology. Cara’s manuscript reviews the existing literature and provides perspective and interpretation of the evidence, especially regarding implementation of art therapy is group and individual contexts. I was fortunate Cara asked me to supervise her Independent Study. I learned a great deal as we reviewed the topics together and I hope readers of The Saint Rose Journal of Undergraduate Research find her work as informative as I did.

Ross Krawczyk Psychology

Art therapy is a combination of traditional psychotherapy and the arts purposed to allow deeper self-understanding, personal growth, and healing. It can be practiced in various settings with different media or types of people; it is essentially for everyone.A common misconception of art therapy is that it is only for those interested in art or someone who has artistic ability – this is far from the truth.Art therapy has been known to benefit children with autism by enhancing their social and communication skills (Koo and Thomas, 2019), assist college students in reducing their feelings of anxiety and perceived stress (Lith et. al., 2021), and even be used as a supplement to traditional therapy for breast cancer patients (Reilly et. al., 2021). These are just a few examples as the field can touch a vast majority of people whether they are in need of psychological treatment or purely support during a hard time.An interesting aspect of art therapy is whether or not it is more beneficial when done in individual sessions or in group sessions. While there is not a large amount of literature directly explaining the difference between individual or group art therapy, most research on the topic is based on one type or the other. The remainder of this essay will examine the benefits of art therapy in the context of one client and therapist versus a group setting with one therapist.

Art therapy as a general practice has seen success in a variety of studies. When it is done as group therapy, it can be more beneficial than regular individual art therapy. Art psychotherapy groups emphasize individual experiences in the context of a group to foster support and the sharing of experience (Malchiodi, 2006). There are often common symbols in art and these can be explored in a group setting. Individuals who participate in this type of therapy feel more of a connection and can share their pain in a way that is not possible without group therapy. For instance, Schnitzer, Holttum, and Huet (2022) conducted a study with military veterans who have PTSD and they reported that art therapy was an excellent tool between group members. The study was done with British men averaging 58 years old, and despite possible hesitation in the success of administering this type of therapy, the men suggested that the bonds they formed in the group were essential and that art therapy served as a great way to help their communication with each other and people outside of the group. Adifferent study reported by Kang, Kim, and Baek (2021) dissected a unique type of art therapy, nature-based art therapy, with a group of children who were siblings of children with special needs. This population is vastly different from the last study which helps show that art therapy can be applied in different contexts. For these kids specifically, researchers found that the nature-based art therapy brough positive changes in an EEG measure, facilitated stress reduction, and had beneficial effects on the children’s self-esteem. Both examples depict success using art therapy in a group setting as well as emphasizing how group therapy functions in a way that individual therapy cannot. Still, individual art therapy has also seen success in a variety of situations. Similar to Schnitzel, Holttum, and Huet’s (2022) study with military veterans experiencing PTSD, Decker et. al. (2019) also examined the role art therapy could play in treatment for victims of PTSD. This study utilized a control group who received cognitive processing therapy (CPT, a popular treatment for a PTSD diagnosis) and compared results to a group who would receive art therapy treatments. With the individual sessions, PTSD symptoms and anxious arousal improved significantly more in the experimental group than the CPT only group. Decker et. al. (2019) noted this as important because anxious arousal is often difficult to treat with any variety of medication, so art therapy being successful in this study is a great indicator of its success. In a different context where art therapy was used over regular verbal therapy, women dealing with infertility reported improved self-awareness, the validation of their feelings, and facilitation of new coping skills (Streeter and Deaver, 2018). This study found a highly significant reduction of depression levels in the participants’depression test scores which suggests that art therapy can be helpful in a context where psychological impact is usually overlooked. Much like veterans with PTSD can have a hard time seeking help and feeling supported, women experiencing loss or trouble with infertility also feel overlooked or that they are not supported. Because art therapy helps these different populations, it helps demonstrates its strength and versatility as an individual process compared to previously mentioned group studies.

Despite the success of art therapy in both group situations and individual contexts, it is also important to examine it in situations where results are not always as clear or positive. In a study reviewing the effects of art therapy on mothers of children with special education needs (SEN), findings were very inconsistent (Lee and Peng, 2017). Evidence from standardized scales did not support the hypothesis that art therapy would improve the emotional well-being of mothers with SEN children. On the other hand, this same study maintained that on a qualitative level, the mothers felt that the art therapy did help them feel closer to their children and broaden their awareness and understanding of their children’s challenges. Lavin et. al. (2020) focused on flower arrangements as a type of art therapy and found that family member feedback consistently

supported that the program relaxed and comforted those caring for someone at the end of their life. The study yielded generally positive results but like the study by Lee and Peng (2017), it lacked quantitative evidence for the success of art therapy. Studies regarding individual art therapy also have this issue. Guseva (2018) examined how individual art therapy could benefit an elderly woman with Alzheimer’s in addition to her weekly group therapy treatments.An interesting positive factor of the study is that the individual treatments used a variety of warm toned materials because individuals withAlzheimer’s can have issues discriminating blues and greens. Despite this unique accommodation, and the knowledge of other positive results about an increase in emotional expression and improvements in communication, it was a case study and lacks generalizability. Lee, Mustaffa, and Tan (2017) also reported positive results from their visual arts study with individual art therapy sessions but noted a lack of enjoyment or benefit from the first few sessions that take place.Asimilar issue was discovered by David et. al. (2021) when participants saw benefits from using art therapy but did not experience them until long after starting treatment. Agraphed depiction of the strength between the therapist and client utilizing art therapy included a rupture and repair-like situation, possibly demonstrating that it takes longer for patients to trust in the process of art therapy before benefits can occur. Regardless of these issues, art therapy still maintains additional benefits that talk therapy or traditional psychotherapy cannot provide.

The strength of group therapy and the strength of individual therapy are ultimately not as comparable as one would assume. While each type can have its positives and negatives, research ultimately indicates that the situation will depict which method more helpful. In a more general sense, Sripada et. al. (2016) found that individuals with PTSD were more likely to initiate individual therapy but that group therapy was more predictive of continued therapeutic visits. When applied to art therapy, this may mean that people are not as likely to seek out group art therapy but in doing so, are more likely to have higher attendance to these sessions. Still, this would not mean that one method is better than the other. Researchers of this study also recognize its limitations for generalizability. Therefore, even though one could imagine how effects from this study apply to people with different diagnoses or using other methods, a specific study addressing those hypotheticals has not been conducted. On a different note, Wergeland et. al. (2014) found that for youth with anxiety disorders, there was no significant difference between someone receiving individual therapy or someone receiving group therapy. In fact, the study noted that despite significant improvements in anxiety because of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), that recovery rates were still relatively low. This would indicate that even though individual therapy compared to group therapy has no significant advantage, CBT in this context is not sufficient enough to get high numbers of recovery rates. Considering that art therapy is often a method integrated with standard forms of therapy, this would mean that people would benefit from receiving both CBT and art therapy but not from only individual or only group therapy. In order to truly make a decision about which method of art therapy is best, it must ultimately come down to the individual’s situation and preferences.

Art therapy as a whole is mainly purposed to help an individual express themselves in a way they could not without art-making. For someone who struggles to communicate effectively or is usually closed off about their feelings, individual art therapy would be a great place to start because it provides a safe environment with particular attention for the individual. Like in the case of Ms. K (Guseva, 2018), treatment could also be specifically adjusted to fit the needs of the individual – whether this be using particular media or using a different method based on a person’s diagnosis. Combined with the knowledge from Sripada et. al. (2016), this would make

sense assuming that people with diagnoses other than PTSD might also tend to seek out individual therapy before group therapy. Of course, results from the same study also mentioned that group therapy seemed to yield more frequent group therapy sessions than individual therapy sessions. This could mean that like Schnitzer, Holttum, and Huet (2022) discovered, the environment offered within group therapy must have fostered some unique individual growth that cause people to continue coming back to the group. When one considers that people who try art therapy are often not great artists, it would make sense that art-making in a group could result in more attended sessions because it easier to create and share your work with others who are experiencing something similar.Art therapy overall cannot be justified as being better in an individual context versus a group context. Although each type of context has provided both reasons for its success and limitations, neither method seems to have strengths that make it the best option.All in all, while art therapy is a valuable method or addition to regular therapy, it is not inherently better when given individually or in a group. Much like many other methods of treatment or types of therapy, each method will have its own form of success depending on the individual’s unique situation.

Works Cited

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Decker, K. P., Deaver, S. P., Abbey, V., Campbell, M., & Turpin, C. (2019). Quantitatively improved treatment outcomes for combat-associated PTSD with adjunctive art therapy: randomized controlled trial. Art Therapy: Journal of the American Art Therapy Association, 35, 184-194. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07421656.2018.1540822

Guseva, E. (2018). Bridging art therapy and neuroscience: Emotional expression and communication in an individual with late-stageAlzheimer’s. Art Therapy: Journal of the American Art Therapy Association, 35, 138-147.

Kang, S-J, Kim, H-S, & Baek, K-H (2021). Effects of nature-based group art therapy programs on stress, self-esteem and changes in electroencephalogram (EEG) in non-disabled siblings of children with disabilities. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18, 1-10. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18115912

Koo, J. & Thomas, e. (2019).Art therapy for children with autism spectrum disorder in India. Art Therapy: Journal of the American Art Therapy Association, 36, 209-214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07421656.2019.1644755

Lavin, J., Lavin, C., Xin, B., Mastropaolo, S., & Feldman, D. (2021). Determining the effect of group flower arranging sessions on caregiver self-efficacy and stress levels in an inpatient Hospice. OMEGA: Journal of Death and Dying, 84, 491-511. 10.1177/0030222819900441

Lee, K. L., Mustaffa, M. S., & Tan, S. Y. (2017). Visual arts in counseling adults with depressive disorders. British Journal of Guidance and Counseling, 45, 56-71. https://doi.org/10.1080/03069885.2015.1130797

Lee, S-L. & Peng, M. S-C. (2017). The effects of group art therapy on mothers of children with special educational needs. Art Therapy: Journal of the American Art Therapy Association, 34, 12-19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07421656.2016.1273697

Lith, T. V., Cheshure,A., Pickett, S. M., Stanwood, G. D., & Beerse, M. (2021). Mindfulness based art therapy study protocol to determine efficacy in reducing college stress and anxiety. BMC Psychology, 9, 1-8. 10.1186/s40359-021-00634-2

Malchiodi, C. (2006). Art Therapy Sourcebook (2nd Edition). McGraw-Hill Professional.

Reilly, R. C., Lee, V., Laux, K., & Robitaille,A. (2021). Creating doorways: Finding meaning and growth through art therapy in the face of life-threatening illness. Public Health, 198, 245-251. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.puhe.2021.07.004

Schnitzer, G., Holttum, S., & Huet, V. (2022). “My heart on this bit of paper”:Agrounded theory of the mechanisms of change in art therapy for military veterans. Journal of Affective Disorders, 297, 327-337. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2021.10.049

Sripada, R. K., Bohnert, K. M., Ganoczy, D., Blow, F. C., Valenstein, M., & Pfeiffer, P. N. (2016). Initial group versus individual therapy for posttraumatic stress disorder and subsequent follow-up treatment adequacy. Psychological Services, 13, 349-355.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ser0000077

Streeter, K. & Deaver, S. (2018).Art therapy with women with infertility:Amixed-methods multiple case study. Art Therapy: Journal of the American Art Therapy Association, 35, 60-67.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07421656.2018.1483163

Wergeland, G. J. H., Fjermestad, K. W., Marin, C. E., Haugland, B. S-M, Bjaastad, J. F., Oeding, K., Bjelland, I., Silverman, W. K., Ost, L-G, Havik, O. E., & Heiervang, E. R. (2014).An effectiveness study of individual vs. group cognitive behavioral therapy for anxiety disorders in youth. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 57, 1-12.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2014.03.007

It’s Not a Phase, Mom: The Influence of Emo Subcultural Identity on the Performance of Self

Kyla Mayberry

Class of 2024

Communications

Faculty Introduction

It is my honor and pleasure to introduce Kyla Mayberry’s paper, “It’s Not a Phase, Mom: The Influence of Emo Subcultural Identity on the Performance of Self.”

This paper is historical. It traces a historical development of pop culture, focusing on the emo subculture. Kyla’s work is grounded in Goffman’s dramaturgy and his theory of performance, with subdued nods to Dick Hebdige’s theory of subculture. In essence, this paper brings together with the ideas of Goffman, Hebdige, and Mayberry in this paper.

This article is timely. It addresses a significant issue within the pop subculture: misogyny. Despite its origins in resistance and freedom, the subculture has not escaped ideas and practices of male dominance and systematic biases. This paper sheds light on this issue, making it fundamentally important.

This research is rigorous. It took two years to develop into this version. Kyla began contemplating about writing on Emo culture in fall 2022 during COM 298 Introduction to Communication Theory under my supervision. The paper initially focused on TikTok videos related to Emo genre music. She did not stop there. In COM 398 Research in Communication, spring 2023 (again, my class!), she further developed the paper, including in-depth analyses of lyrics (419 songs!), ethnographic observations on Emo events and social media postings. Kyla successfully completed the revision process, submitting it to National Communication Association conference and presenting it at the Saint Rose research symposium inApril 2023.

And this essay is cool! Because it is about music, songs, Emo, life, performing... How can it not be? I truly enjoyed reading this paper. Hope you do, too.

Jin Kim Communication Studies

Abstract

Subcultural role models heavily influence the appearance and behaviors of other members of the same subculture. For the emo subculture most of those role models are men, modelling how to be emo for other men. Drawing on dramaturgical theory to understand different aspects of performance, I explore how membership in the emo subculture influences performances of self and how misogyny in emo music influences the behavior of fans. Through the analysis of 419 songs, 79 TikTok posts, and three in-person events I found that the appearance of emo people is diverse but often shares key aspects, emo music often contains

harmful messages towards women, and the behavior of emo men often reflects those values presented through lyrics.

Keywords

Emo Music, Subculture, Performance, Misogyny

Introduction

“Emo is a joke. What is emo? It is something for fifteen-year-old girls that are barely growing pubic hair” (qtd. in Carrillo-Vincent 1). Outsider opinions on the emo subculture have often been disdainful at best and hostile at worst. Emo is associated with weakness, selfcenteredness, social alienation, and mental illness. People who identify with the label of emo or the traits of the subculture often feel as if they are alone in the world. Despite that feeling of isolation, the emo subculture remains very popular. Fairly recently, people have begun to be more conscious of the content they consume, and music is not exempt from this. This has led to the realization for many people of how misogynistic many of the lyrics from some of emo’s most adored bands are. The potential impact of those lyrics and messages on the values of the subculture has gone largely unevaluated.

This study examines the influence of emo subcultural identity on the behavior of emo people. Three methods were combined to complete this study: analysis of first-hand experiences in events of the emo subculture, analysis of posts made to digital platforms, and lyrical analysis of emo songs. These three methods will help to explore how membership of the emo subculture influences performance of self and how misogyny in the emo subculture influences the behavior of members. In the next section previous literature on dramaturgical theory, subcultures, and misogyny will be reviewed and connected to the emo subculture.

Dramaturgy

Erving Goffman’s dramaturgical theory argues that people are performing for an audience; they fill a role and aim to perform all expectations of the role (Kilvington 259-260). The roles that actors attempt to fill come from previous experience with others performing the same roles. The goal of every performance is impression management, or controlling others’ perceptions (Quist-Adade 122). One of the most common ways people attempt impression management is through the façade. The façade is made of two distinct parts; appearance, and manner. Appearance refers to the characteristics of a person such as their age, their clothing, and more. These characteristics allow the audience to make judgements about the actor drawing from past knowledge (Kilvington 259). Manner is how one acts; an actor can intentionally give expressions through verbal messages, or they can give off expressions through unintentional non-verbal cues (Kilvington 259). Manner manipulation is often where concealment is most important, to ensure that no unintentional contradictory messages are given off that would bring into question one’s authenticity.

Subculture

Avery cursory definition of subcultures defines them as large groups of people united by a core identity and set apart from mainstream society (Haenfler 130-131). For many subcultures, that central unifying identity is tied to the music of the subculture. Subcultural identity goes further than a single identifying characteristic, as many subcultures hold particular values and have a certain style of dress associated with them that often reflects those values. For hippies, the

style was loose, unrestrictive clothing. For grunge, their clothing was often second-hand and, in some way, torn and/or repaired. Clothing choice remains “vital in giving individuals and groups both a sense of belonging and of being unique” (McBride).

Amore detailed definition of subculture comes from Susanna Larsson: First, the subculture is a group of people sharing a culture that sets them apart from the overarching society in which they live. Second, this group acts as a critique against this overarching society and thus serves to give the individual a sense of autonomy from parents and other authorities. Third, this otherness and critique is manifested through a complex usage of style: symbols, codes, manners, and jargon. (96)

This definition of subcultures helps to contextualize it in the lens of dramaturgy. Criterion one sets the members of the subculture in a role distinct from the mainstream. Criterion three sets the rules of the façade, in both appearance and manner, for the role taken on. In most subcultures the role models are musicians in the group. The way these musicians dress, speak, and act become the expectations of the role for other members of the subculture. The music that they create also influences those expectations, while the messages included reflect the values of the subculture and help to inform members and nonmembers alike.

As Larsson’s second criterion states, subcultures form in opposition to something in the mainstream culture (96). Some subcultures form in opposition to new events or policies. For example, the hippie movement was a subculture that opposedAmerican involvement in the Vietnam War (Pruitt). Other subcultures form in opposition to preexisting longstanding ideals, values, or systems.An example of this is the grunge subculture. Grunge began as a music style in the Northwest ofAmerica and formed to oppose many “American values” like capitalism, conformity, and superiority. No events fueled the inception of grunge, but the subculture gathered many members who were similarly disillusioned withAmerican ideals.

Subcultural Membership andAuthenticity

The dramaturgical principle of belief is a key factor in belonging to any subculture. If other members don’t believe your performance, you are out. The idea of “posers” is present in every group. Some groups have their own names for them, for example, in theAustralian hardcore scene they are known as “sweaters,” in punk circles they are “pretenders,” or “plasticpunks,” and some people refer to them as “tourists” (Driver 986). The word chosen to represent them does not matter because the connotation stays the same: they lack authenticity. The traits that characterize a poser are not agreed upon and change for every subculture. However, one quality that is agreed upon is that posers do not enjoy the music of the subculture, but they pretend to, in order to gain some form of social capital.

Authenticity within a subculture can be summarized as “being” instead of “doing.” If someone only “does” what is expected of the subculture, they are inauthentic, because “they are insincerely putting on a front... in order to look the part” (Beverland et al. 700). If someone is invested in “being” a member of the subculture they “imbue subcultural values as a lifestyle and earn their authentic status over time” (Beverland et al. 700). Michael Beverland, Francis Farrelly, and Pascale Quester identified three interconnected factors in the perception of authenticity: sincerity of motive, level of involvement, and temporality. If someone is seen as engaging in a subculture for “the wrong reasons,” their sincerity of motive, and in turn, their authenticity is questioned because their membership is seen as temporary (Beverland et al. 700). If someone is only passively involved in their subculture, they are also seen as inauthentic because “their

distance signals an insincere motive” (Beverland et al. 700). Finally, newer members are often seen as inauthentic because they have yet to demonstrate their commitment and sincere motives (Beverland et al. 701). To be authentic one must have a genuine passion for the music and values of the subculture, actively engage with the scene, and be committed to it.

Historically, authenticity has been tied to masculinity, “femininity and feminine-coded behaviors are frequently aligned with the inauthentic,” leading to the “elevation of boys as more valued (and authentic) fans” (Fathallah 176:168). It is much harder for non-men to be seen as authentic members of a subculture than it is for men. The relationship of non-men to music is seen as “artificial and contrived, therefore worthless” (Coates 84). This idea has been present throughout history and will likely continue. “Screaming, even in 1969, is still coded as the female sexual response to rock music and musicians; male fans are there for authentic musical experience, not for sexual thrills” (Coates 84-85). The assumption that non-men get into a band simply because they find them attractive is constant. The implication that attraction makes the authenticity of enjoyment any less sincere, profound, valuable, or authentic is incorrect but pervasive.

What is Emo?

Emo is, at its core, a music-based subculture, whose members enjoy emo music. The values of the subculture and music often focus on social alienation, internal pain, and emotional connection. This is a very basic definition of the subculture which paints it as a static entity rather than something that is dynamic and constantly developing. The following sections will help to explore the development of the subculture over time.

Emo Roots and Values

The emo genre is thought to have been created in the 1980’s when the band Embrace was called “emocore,” a portmanteau of emotional and hardcore, referencing its roots in the hardcore scene (Rogers). Like many other subcultures emo is ridiculed by outsiders constantly, however, it was even ridiculed by the bands considered to be emo, so “the best metric for figuring out if a band qualified as emo was to see if they had ever denied being emo in the first place” (Rogers). Gerard Way, lead singer of My Chemical Romance, one of the most popular modern emo bands, called emo as a genre “fucking garbage” (Rogers).Andy Greenwald, a former writer for Spin Magazine, said of the general sentiment toward emo music, “It’s always been mildly derisive.. every generation that loves emo bands simultaneously rejects the term while claiming ownership of it” (qtd. in De Boise 226).

The genre's formation was in opposition to an increase in violence, hypermasculinity, and white-power skinheads in the hardcore scene (Miernik 3). In its early stages the values of the genre were social alienation, teenage angst, liberal politics, and a straight-edge lifestyle (abstaining from substances and “promiscuous” sex) (Miernik 3). In its second iteration emo was “defined by an emotional intimacy between bands and their fans” (Connick). Modern emo, the fourth wave, has much more ambiguous values, but the most prominent values are deviance from social norms, emotional vulnerability, and authenticity.

Emo Style

Emo style is more clearly defined than the values and music genre as something “dark and grungy, and in many ways, [reflecting] how someone is actually feeling rather than how they wish they felt” (Guerra). Much like the music that inspired the subculture, the look takes

elements from many other subcultures and styles.As within the grunge subculture, most emos prefer to look like they did not put much effort into their daily appearance. From punk came the adoption of Doc Martens, safety pins, and patch vests or jackets to show off not only their taste in music but their political affiliations as well. Many emo people like to channel their creativity into making things that show off their style. This do-it-yourself attitude is a strong remnant of earlier subcultures.

Modern emo style has continued to diversify even more than it has already done. Many emos have abandoned the notion that to be authentic one must dress emo; the classification of poser is reserved for those who pretend to like the music rather than those who do not fit into a rigid style category. However, some of the most significant aspects of the style remain, namely connecting the earliest emos to modern day emos is a preference for dark clothing, hair, and makeup.

Emo Music

Emo music is an amalgam of many other genres of music and lacks a clear definition. “As far back as the early ’90s, the term ‘emo’was plastic, one that stretched and changed shape as it was applied to different bands from different corners of the underground.At the time, it was more of an adjective than a genre name” (Richman). The original meaning of emocore was “a melodic sub-genre of Punk rock with ‘emotional’or personal themes” (Phillipov). The emo sound varies between bands and eras of the genre. With original emocore bands there are more vestigial qualities from the punk and hardcore bands they evolved from such as “distorted guitars... with shouted, screamed, or strained vocals laid over” (De Boise 226-227). In the 90’s the music was “slower and more melodic than hardcore and made greater use of vocal and instrumental dynamic range” (De Boise 227). The current era of emo music is arguably the most undefinable, where many bands within the emo genre consistently push the boundaries of an already broad musical genre.

Throughout all iterations of emo, the lyrical content of the music has been consistent, where the lyrics are often very vulnerable and emotionally raw. The lyrics focus on “individual, subjective feelings of insecurity or hurt” (De Boise 227). The songs touch on a variety of painful topics like bullying, suicide, and loneliness. One of the most common topics of emo music is romantic relationships that failed in some way “offer[ing] young men the language to name the woes that haunt them” (Mack 181).

Misogyny in Emo

Since its inception emo was a rebellion against traditional views of masculinity, offering men a place to violate the typical societal rules of gender without repercussions. However, as admirable a goal as rebelling against hegemonic masculinity is, the emo subculture often perpetuates misogyny. There are many lists that discuss which emo bands are the “best” and while a variety of bands often show up, they are almost exclusively composed of men. This observation is not groundbreaking, many people notice “there [are] rather few women in emo bands, and song lyrics [are] often about men who had been wronged by women” (Miernik 9). The lack of prominent women in the scene is a result and reinforcement of the misogyny present in the subculture.

The women who are discussed are often dehumanized, because “they are typically represented as muses and femme fatales by the genre’s nearly exclusively male performers” (Mack 181). Women are seen as objects to be used to bring some form of value to the scene. The

humanity and complexity women had in early emo songs was lost as emo evolved. Jessica Hopper, a self-described “female rock critic,” discussed these changes in an article originally published in 2003:

Girls in emo songs today do not have names. We are not identified beyond our absence, our shape drawn by the pain we’ve caused... We’re vessels redeemed in the light of boylove. On a pedestal, on our backs. Muses at best. Cum rags or invisible at worst.

(Hopper; emphasis added)

The options available to women were to lose their humanity by being idealized, being used, or being ignored. They were not allowed to simply be.

Many of the most popular songs in the subculture are deeply misogynistic and objectify women while allowing men to victimize themselves, where “women are often labelled as promiscuous and this is identified as a source of male pain” (De Boise 234-235).As mentioned above, many emo songs refer to the failed relationships of the songwriters. Unfortunately, most of those lyrics are written by men about women and do not paint those women in the best light. These songs tend to have a myriad of categories that they may fall into, such as: women are cruel, women use men, men take revenge on women who have wronged them, and women need to be saved.

The final category highlights a particularly insidious issue in the emo subculture. These notions perpetuate the idea of beta male misogyny which “foregrounds competition for female affection and, more importantly, possession as a means of asserting moral superiority over other men” (De Boise 237). As the last part of De Boise’s definition shows, women are valued only for their ability to act as a signal of moral superiority. Their personhood is removed as well as their autonomy, leaving them at the will of a man who thinks he knows what is best for her, and in most cases, what is best for her is him. This follows the idea of “nice guys” that has become increasingly prevalent in modern culture. The “nice guy” will often commit misogynistic acts such as objectifying women under the guise of complimenting them, groping women while maintaining that it was unintended, and befriending women to better their chances with them. These misogynistic behaviors are often clandestine and can easily be ignored. However, that is part of what makes them so pervasive and harmful. By actively putting out messages that allow men to victimize women, shift blame, and control women, the emo subculture allows for the justification of harm.

Agruesome but all too common occurrence in the subculture is the accusation, but rarely prosecution, of sexual assault against bands. When the lyrical content of the music they create is considered, it is not surprising that the actions of these musicians would align with the values they put into their music. The singer for Bring Me the Horizon, Oli Sykes, was accused of urinating on a fan who turned down his advances, charges were dropped due to a lack of evidence (Diver). Years later Sykes’ex-wife claimed that he slapped her and spat on her multiple times and that she was not the first he did that to (Seling). Multiple women have come out with accusations against Pierce the Veil’s drummer, Mike Fuentes, accusing him of inappropriate sexual conduct with them when they were minors. Fuentes left the band for a while before rejoining (Loudwire). Both bands, Bring Me the Horizon and Pierce the Veil, are currently on tour. Many fans will opt to side with the musician rather than with the victim and may harass them. This leads to a culture that discourages speaking out about sexual misconduct in the scene and reinforces harmful systems of misogyny.

Dramaturgical theory has been used often to describe standard roles in society such as careers, however, I have found that applications of this theory to more niche roles has been

limited, because of this, my study focuses on applying dramaturgical theory to membership in the emo subculture. My overarching research aim was to explore how membership of the emo subculture influences performances of self. I had the secondary aim of examining specifically how misogyny in the music of the emo subculture influences the behavior of the audiences.

Method

This study uses ethnography to analyze the performances of emo subcultural members both in person and online. Firsthand experiences at three emo concerts in Upstate New York were used to judge both the appearance and the manner of members. Social media observations were also used to analyze members' performance. 105 outfits or clothing choices from 79 TikTok videos were analyzed. By only selecting posts that were tagged as “#emo” or “#emooutfit” it was ensured that the person identified with the subculture. Because emo has no clear boundaries or set guidelines, self-identification is the best metric to judge a person’s membership. Three playlists were chosen to use as a pool of songs to analyze: I Miss Emo by Apple Music, Emo Forever by Spotify, and a playlist curated by Emo Night, a touring DJ group. Those three playlists provided 419 total songs, comprising 345 unique songs, and 60 repeated songs.

Appearance – Online

Some values important to the emo subculture are angst, introspection, and creativity. These values manifest themselves in the style of the scene through a lot of black clothing, clothing that shows off the wearer’s personality, and outfits with some self-made aspect. The most popular color of any item in the outfits was black. From the data collected, 88% of tops, 78% of bottoms, and 72% of shoes were at least half black in color. Many outfits were almost entirely black. The outfits that were not only black often featured one other color, either red or white.

Many members of the subculture will alter their physical appearance to show off their personality in a way that shows more commitment than through their clothing choices. Tattoos, piercings, and dyed hair are quite common within the subculture. For example, from the data collected from TikTok, 82% of people had dyed hair, 59% had dyed their hair black. 42% of emo people online had visible tattoos, however, many emo outfits cover a lot of skin and would cover many tattoos, if any were present. Only 12% had visible piercings, though, those that did often had multiple facial piercings.

Afinal aspect of emo outfits that show off the personality of the wearer is accessories. Many outfits will have multiple necklaces, bracelets, and even belts. 25% of the accessories found online were layered necklaces (counted as one item not individually). The accessories worn also help to show the interests of the wearer. Bracelets often show band names, necklaces have charms on them that show a hobby or interest, and hats have logos of favorite brands. Many members of the emo subculture have adopted adorning jackets with patches that show off their interests and political beliefs. This goal is also often accomplished with buttons and pins on jacket lapels or bags.

Appearance – In Person

Observations of emo people in person show a standard outfit formula that is more casual (often resembling grunge) than online outfits or concert outfits. The standard outfit involves a shirt that is often a band tee shirt or a plain top, ripped jeans, an outer layer that is either a flannel shirt (much like grunge and punk styles) or a zip-up hoodie, and the shoes are likely to be either

high-top Converse, Doc Martens, or Vans. In person, more color is seen in the outfits, but the color is rarely bright. Much like the outfits online, there is a lot of red involved in outfits in person. The makeup is also toned down. The eyes remain dark but not as dark as is present online and at concerts. The outfits show the musical taste of the wearer through the general aesthetic of the clothing, along with any merchandise they have on. There are fewer people dressing in the style of early 2000’s emo in-person as there are online. Many people tend to opt for outfits that are more muted and simpler.

At concerts, emo outfits exaggerate the core components of the style. Many people wear their largest boots; thigh high, platform, or both. Their makeup is often extremely dark around the eyes and lips, often featuring tear streams down their cheeks. The accessories at events are limited, likely to avoid losing anything or harming anyone. Hair is often styled in ways that resemble popular styles of the 2010’s grunge movement or the early 2000’s emo scene. The largest difference in concert outfits is that they are often much more revealing than other outfits. Concerts are full of emo people in short skirts, crop tops, and fishnets. Once again, this is likely more for convenience than anything else.

Lyrical Content

Of the 419 songs analyzed, 27% or 113 songs were misogynistic in some way. The most prevalent categories these songs fell into were: women are cruel (32%), love causes harm (29%), men are victims (28%), and objectification of women (17%). Songs that focus on women wronging men (by cheating, lying, etc.) make up 53% of these songs while songs that focus on men acting aggressively against women (by being violent, objectifying women, etc.) make up 31% of these songs.Almost every song fits into multiple categories.

Asong that fits within both women wronging men and men aggressing against women is “Whoa Oh! (Me Vs Everyone).” This song fits into the categories of sexual assault, objectification, victimization of men, and women are cruel. In this song the narrator is at a party when he sees an attractive girl dancing. He proceeds to objectify her, and the sexual assault is referenced only in passing, having one of the singers sing “don’t touch me” after singing about walking up to a girl and grabbing her. The bridge features the lyrics, “You're worth losing my self esteem/Your clever words mean nothing” (Forever the Sickest Kids, 2:02-2:14). These lyrics reflect a common view of women within the scene, that they are cruel but that is acceptable if they have sex with the men.

Asong that shows the category of men acting aggressively against women extremely well is “The Curse of Curves” by Cute Is What WeAim For. This song fits into the subcategories of objectifying women, justifying sexual assault, women are vain, and women are dumb. The song tells the story of a guy who wants to have sex with a girl he finds attractive but is annoyed by her lack of depth, “I want someone provocative and talkative/But it's so hard when you're shallow as a shower/And from what I've heard, with skin, you'll win/Her bone structure screams, ‘Touch her! Touch her!’” (0:39-0:56). The singer attempts to paint himself as the victim of his narrative because he is unable to find a partner who he finds sexually attractive and intellectually stimulating while he is painting the picture of a girl who is nothing more than her body and justifying his objectification of her because of her body.

Many songs explicitly reference committing violence against women and feeling good about doing so. One such song is from Fall Out Boy, a band that is popular in the mainstream as well as in the subculture sitting as the 87th most streamed artist on Spotify (as of March 26, 2023; ChartMasters), in the song “Tell That Mick He Just Made My List of Things To Do Today

(Album Version)” the lyrics focus on feelings of contempt for an ex-girlfriend, “Let's play this game called ‘when you catch fire/I wouldn't piss to put you out’” (1:04-1:11). The entire song is about wishing an ex-girlfriend and her new boyfriend would die.

The categories of women needing to be saved by men and beta male misogyny are relatively small but still extremely important to the values of the scene.Another song by Fall Out Boy shows these values very well, as shown in the following lyrics: “I'm willing to take my chances on/The hope I forget that you hate him more than you notice” (Grand Theft Autumn/Where Is Your Boy Tonight 0:27-0:34). This song revolves around the narrator questioning the judgement of a girl he cares about. However, his questioning of her boyfriend's moral integrity does not come from a desire for her to be happy but to take her boyfriend's place. The narrator places himself in competition with her boyfriend and insists that he is better for her. The idea that women cannot think for themselves as well as displaying beta male misogyny are both very prevalent in the emo subculture.

Misogynistic Behavior

There were also some significant differences in the behavior of men in the scene compared to everyone else. The behaviors observed are obviously not going to be applicable to every man who is a part of the subculture. However, they showed up far too often to ignore, especially in conjunction with the lyrics explored earlier. Online, men tended to take a more aggressively misogynistic stance. They would tell people, mainly young girls, that they were not really emo for any number of reasons; they did not listen to the right bands, their style was more akin to a different subculture, they critiqued their favorite band, or they learned about the music from a source that was deemed inadequate.

The in-person behavior of men is equally as unnerving as their behavior online.At one concert, I managed to personally experience three separate instances of misogyny at varying levels from three different emo fans. The first interaction was the least intense but still quite common and harmful: while I was standing and waiting for the show to start, a strange man decided that the best way to get around me was by grabbing and rubbing my shoulder and then pushing me to get by.

The second man came up to my friend and I as we stood in a less crowded section of the concert venue. He approached and began trying to talk to me, but because music was blaring, he had to lean in close and yell.After a few minutes he asked for my phone number. Throughout the encounter he ignored my friend, who he evidently was uninterested in, and only looked at her briefly when asking if we wanted to go onstage with him. He left when we said no. However we did have to reassert multiple times that we were sure in our decision not to go onstage.

The final man was the most extreme. My friend and I were dancing together in a sparse area when a man decided we could not figure out for ourselves the best place to stand. He tried to get us to move to the middle of the venue with him. When we laughed and said “no thank you,” he walked behind us and grabbed both of us by the waist, patting mine, before trying to pull us with him.

While the behaviors of the three men differ, they all reaffirm the misogynistic values of the emo subculture. Instances one and three reflect a lack of bodily autonomy for non-men of the scene. The control of their body does not lie with them; instead, it lies with the men present who decide if they are going to touch them or not. Both the second and third experiences reflect the idea of non-men being unable to make decisions for themselves. The frequent objectification of non-men fuels the idea that they are just bodies that exist for men’s gratification. This notion

leads to the degradation of boundaries between non-men and men as well as a reduction of personhood for non-men. By continuously ignoring boundaries, both physical and non-physical, it becomes apparent that non-men lack personhood. The ways in which men interact with other men of the scene differs immensely to the way they interact with the non-men present, further asserting that, in their eyes, there is a clear divide between acceptable ways to treat men and other members of the scene.

Conclusion

The performance of emo is highly influenced by the music and values of the subculture. The values shared through songs influence the behavior of members and what is deemed acceptable in the community. When the bands are making music that promotes misogyny, the idea becomes normalized. When bands push back against those notions, they help to remove some harmful aspects of the subculture. The emo subculture has, for a long time, accepted misogyny as a given. However, just because misogyny has been part of the subculture does not mean it is ingrained. Emo does not need to be a safe space only for men. If members of the subculture dedicate themselves to altering it, they can do it. Subcultures are created by and for the members, and only the members can change the subcultures.

The internet has drastically changed the idea of subcultures. With the expansion of the internet and the movement of subcultural spaces to digital stages, the lines between subcultures have blurred. Subcultures with already blurry boundaries, like emo, have become integrated into other larger subcultures. One of the issues encountered during this study was separating generally “alternative” people from emo. Subcultures also vary depending on geographic location. This study focused on Central New York emo events and would have benefited from a larger geographic area. Finally, larger and more advanced lyrical analysis would help to give a better understanding of the values in the emo genre at large, rather than a select number of songs.

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Why Not Bail Reform?

The role of colorblind racialized rhetoric in opposition to bail reform

Jacob Scofield Class of 2023

Political Science

Faculty Introduction

The study of race remains a crucial project among the social sciences. Scholars now largely agree that “race” is a social construct without biological meaning, but many continue to argue that it has a strong social meaning and impact. This continued importance means that we must continue to study race, racial politics, and how they impact people and policy.

In “Why Not Bail Reform? The role of colorblind racialized rhetoric in opposition to bail reform,” Jacob Scofield skillfully weaves together multiple groups of literature to show that arguments against New York’s bail reform law are racially oppressive. Combining traditional racial literature of oppression and colorblindness with a more contemporary understanding of Whiteness as a specific racial category, Scofield’s intellectual acumen is clear throughout this piece.

Empirically, Scofield shows that qualitative methodologies can be incredibly powerful, and that scholars need not gain personal interviews or engage in field work to develop arguments. Publicly available data, such as those Scofield gathered, can be analyzed in a broader context to build original arguments.

Scofield successfully challenges colorblindness as a motivator of policy change, and uses multiple methodologies to show that race continues to shape policy in New York State. Those who are concerned about democracy and equity in the United States should read this piece as a serious caution.

Professor Ryane McAuliffe Straus History and Political Science

Racialized Language as a Means of Oppression

The New York State government enacted an unprecedented law of bail reform in January of 2020. This revolutionary law was designed to ameliorate the classist system of bail, a system that effectively reserved the presumption of innocence for the affluent. Bail is the practice of requiring a person accused of a crime to pay a fee to be released from custody as they await their day in court. The utilization of a fee as a barrier for a person accused of a crime in maintaining their freedom in anticipation of trial, creates a system in which only those with the fiscal means to pay said fee, are awarded the benefit of their freedom. This results in a classist system that only allows for the economically advantaged to be awarded this right, despite the presumption of innocence extending to all those accused of a crime. Therefore, due to the intersecting nature of class and race as systems of oppression and the excessive incarceration of Black people, this classist bail system disproportionally affects people of color. Hence, bail is an institution of both class and racial oppression, meaning that any attempt to reform this institution is derivatively an attempt to achieve more racial and class equity within our criminal justice system.

Despite the benefits of such a reform there has been an immense opposition to this law. The justification for the hostility is that this reform is the cause of increased crime rates in New York State. However, those asserting these criticisms are unable to statistically substantiate the connection between bail reform and rising rates of crime. This contradiction between belief and fact, raises the question as to why the critics of bail reform attribute it to rising crime rates, in spite of the lack of evidence to corroborate such a claim? This paper argues the widespread belief that bail reform is the driving factor of increased crime within New York State, despite the lack of data to support of this claim, is primarily driven by a racialized rhetoric rooted in colorblindness. This racialized language stems from in-group interactions of the dominant racial group of whiteness. However, in order to answer this question, it is imperative to define what it means when referring to racialized rhetoric, colorblindness, and in-group.

Words about Words

The focal point of this paper is the involvement of race and racialized language within political discourse surrounding the bail reform law of 2019. Therefore, it is imperative to define what it means when one refers to race. The definition of race is a highly contested subject within academia due to its ever-changing conception throughout history. This paper views race from the perspective of social constructivism, a paradigm of thought that asserts that race is a concept that was developed by humanity to act as a political classification system. Scholars from this perspective argue that race has been used as a means of dividing and oppressing groups of people throughout history.

A definition of race that builds upon this assertion can be found within the work Racial Formation in the United States. In their aforementioned work, Omi and Winant distinctly define race as “a concept that signifies and symbolizes social conflicts and interests by referring to different types of human bodies” (Omi and Winant, 110). This definition is built upon the argument that race acts as a master category that is fundamental to our society, in that it has and continues to profoundly “shape the history, polity, economic structure and culture of the United States” (Omi and Winant, 110). This definition aligns with the social constructivist view that race is a social reality that is discussed within the work Racism without Racists. In that work, Bonilla-Silva argues that race as a social category may be constructed but nevertheless it is still a social reality (Bonilla-Silva, 8). This means that race still produces real tangible effects on the individuals or groups classified as a racial category such as “Black” or “white.” The effects of this social construct of race manifests in the form of racism.

Racism is another definition that is highly contested in scholarship, and therefore an operational definition must be established for this paper. This paper will be relying on the definition developed by Ture and Hamilton in their work Black Power: The Politics of Liberation Ture and Hamilton define racism as “the predication of decisions and policies on considerations of race for the purposes of subordinating a racial group and maintaining control over that group” (Hamilton and Ture, 24). This definition is suited for the purposes of this paper as it places an emphasis on the institutional aspect of racism and this paper analyzes the involvement of race and racism in the development of policy for the institution of bail. This definition cements the political nature of race and its saliency in policy, an assertion that is fundamental to this research.

Racism has changed from the overtly racist policies such as the Black Codes in the 19th century and has evolved into a more covert method of oppression. This evolution is exemplified by the prison industrial complex that specifically and disproportionately targets Black

communities in action; this institution avoids accusations of racism by reframing the cause of this racial discrepancy as a byproduct of a non-racial dynamic, as opposed to the actual cause of racial discrimination. Colorblindness is defined as the reframing of racial inequality as the outcome of a non-racial dynamic and was developed by Bonilla-Silva (Bonilla-Silva, 2). BonillaSilva goes further to argue that “whites have developed justification for contemporary racial inequality that exculpate them from any responsibility for the status of people of color. These explanations emanate from a new racial ideology that I label colorblind racism” (Bonilla-Silva, 2). Building on the established definition of racism, and this new contemporary perspective of colorblindness in practice, I argue that contemporary racism manifests in the predication of policy decisions on considerations of race, through the use of colorblind justifications, to allow for the subjugation and maintenance of control over a racial group. Finally, in the contemporary United States the dominant racial group is white and its location at the top of the racial hierarchy allows for it to develop racially oppressive policies such as the practice of bail.

Since racism occurs in a covert form that attempts to justify racial equality through nonracial dynamics, how can one determine what language is racialized? Firstly, racialization has been defined as “the extension of racial meaning to a previously racially unclassified relationship, social practice or group” (Omi and Winant, 110). This process of racial meaning being given to certain concepts has manifested in a variety of forms throughout the history of the United States, but the most pertinent to this paper is racialization in the criminal justice system. This is because the institution of criminal justice in the US, but more specifically, New York, is the one that bail reform attempts to remedy by removing the classist and racist barrier of bail. Scholarship has discussed the evolution of the relationship between race and crime, and academics have argued that the criminalization of the Black community has been utilized as a form of racial oppression to allow for the subordination of Black people through surveillance and incarceration (McCann,14 and Alexander, 19). Essentially, the Black body is made out to be synonymous with crime, and thus the relationship of race and crime is born. McCann argues that our society views criminals as public enemies, and therefore if an individual or group is labeled as a criminal, they are viewed as an enemy (McCann,14).

An example of this criminality being utilized for racial subjugation is evident in the War on Drugs. In the work Punishing Race: A Continuing American Dilemma the author argues that the War on Drugs was utilized by the Republican party to lock up Black people and attract white voters in the South (Tonry, 2). This can be seen in the disparity of sentencing between crack and powder cocaine, because cocaine, the drug used by white people was punished less severely than crack, a drug that is essentially the same, except it is used more heavily by Black people. By focusing on crack as opposed to cocaine you can police Black communities more harshly than whites without referencing race, or in other words you can attribute this disparity to a non-racial dynamic and use a colorblind justification. This allows for racism to occur via the predication of criminal policy on considerations of race without explicitly establishing the relationship.

This perspective of criminality as a form of vilification further secures the arguments of colorblindness. In the contemporary era a policy would be rejected if it wanted to wage a war on Black communities for the purposes of surveillance and subjugation. However, if a policy is intended to fight crime and combat criminals it would be accepted. Therefore, legislation that seeks to increase the policing of Black communities can still be enacted as long as it is phrased in a colorblind manner that attributes the disproportionate effect on that community as a result of crime and poverty, and not as a result of intentional racial discrimination. Revisiting the War on Drugs, legislation could be passed to subjugate Black communities because it did not vilify

Blackness itself but rather vilified acts adjacent with Blackness. Therefore, racism could continue to endure in a new hidden fashion because of the racialization of criminality. This racialization is vital to colorblindness as it allows for racial oppression to persist through an indirect, covert, and acceptable means.

If this new era of racism is covert, then how can one assess if a policy is justified by racialized rhetoric? The answer to this question is far simpler than one would assume it is done through statistical analysis, historical examination and then document review. First, establish a racial disparity caused by a policy utilizing statistics to justify the need for the research. Then use a historical analysis to determine phrases that are racialized. This is followed by an examination of contemporary documents to see if the disproportionate statistics and language are reminiscent or similar to that which has been historically utilized.

Once again looking at the War on Drugs, it is a perfect case study for this question. The War on Drugs was the beginning of colorblindness, and it established the precedent for the racialized language used today. Furthermore, the use of this war as a means of racial oppression is undeniable considering the historical evidence of the disparity in incarceration rates in white and Black communities during this period. It is also cemented by the statements from key actors in the development of this policy such as John Ehrlichman the Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs during the Nixon campaign. Ehrlichman stated clearly that the War on Drugs was created because the Nixon campaign could not outright wage war on Black people but could get the public to associate the community with heroin and then criminalize it (Drug War Confessional, para. 1). Therefore, the use of the War on Drugs as a colorblind means of racial oppression is undeniable and it establishes the beginning of the racialization of crime in the contemporary era. This example allows one to see the origin of this racialized rhetoric and that it has manifested through an association of Blackness with criminality, an association that has been examined by scholarship such as McCann. Based on this we can define racialized rhetoric, for the purposes of this paper as language that attempts to justify a racially discriminatory initiative through the use of common racial stereotypes. This definition of racialized rhetoric will be used to examine the presence of said rhetoric within documents and speeches given in opposition to bail reform, in order to determine the driver of this unsubstantiated claim that bail reform is the cause of rising crime. However, the question of how racialized rhetoric is so effective at garnering support from bodies of white voters still remains.

Two Answers

Scholarship has derived two leading paradigms to explain why racialized rhetoric is so effective in garnering support amongst white communities: in-group and out-group interactions. Out-group theorists analyze the effectiveness of this rhetoric through interactions between white and non-white racial groups. Scholars that argue from an out-group perspective believe that this rhetoric is effective because it builds on the racial animus and racial resentment of white communities towards Black people. Conversely, in-group theorists view this question through the interactions of whiteness amongst itself and would argue that this rhetoric is effective because it builds on the tendency of white people to act in solidarity with their white identity. In other words, this rhetoric is effective because white voters will mobilize in response to threats to white dominance and support polices that positively effect themselves regardless of its effects on other racial identities. I argue that the more compelling explanation of the effectiveness of this racialized language is the in-group paradigm.

Out-group scholars examine the interactions amongst white racial groups and other identity groups in order to examine the influence those interactions have on the political perspective of members of each identity group. This paradigm would argue that the reason white voters are persuaded by the racialized rhetoric that opposes bail reform is because it aligns with the white voters’ own values of outward racial resentment towards people of color. Out-group scholars lack substantive works examining racialized rhetoric within bail reform debates due to its recent nature, but their perspective is still pertinent as it draws conclusions as to why racialized rhetoric can persuade white voters.

Leading scholars in this field such as Richard Fording and Sanford Schram examined the role of racialized and hateful rhetoric during the tenure of Former President Donald Trump. The authors argued in their work Hard White: The Mainstreaming of Racism in American Politics that overtly hateful racialized rhetoric utilized by Trump allowed him to garner support of white voters because it appealed to their value of racial animus (Fording and Schram, 45). Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson mirrored this argument in their work Let Them Eat Tweets. In that work, they argue that Trump’s racialized rhetoric and discriminatory policies enabled him to develop a staunch body of white support because those acts align with their own racial animus (Hacker and Pierson, 107). Hacker and Person assert that this racialization to garner support is a precedented tactic within the Republican Party and is known as the three R’s. The three Rs consist of resentment, racialization, and rigging. The most pertinent for the purposes of this paper are resentment and racialization as these tactics could be applied to rhetoric. First, the Republican Party would blame a minority group for an issue within US domestic or foreign affairs in order to build resentment for that group. Then, the party would use racial stereotypes in their rhetoric to not only further cement this racism, but also attempt to make overt racism more palatable in the mainstream. This paradigm of thought could be applied to an examination of opposition to bail reform by reviewing documents and looking for language that blames a racial group for rising crime and then subsequent language using stereotypes of that said racial group.

The opposing end to this spectrum of scholarship in racialized rhetoric are those that view it through the lens of in-group interactions. This paradigm, much like the out-group perspective lacks literature on bail reform specifically, but still draws conclusions regarding racialized rhetoric and is therefore still relevant to the discussion. This perspective assesses the interactions of whiteness with itself to determine its political influence. Scholars working in this paradigm would argue that racialized rhetoric used in opposition to bail reform is effective because white communities perceive bail reform as a threat to the dominance of whiteness. In other words, academics from this perspective would assert that the driving factor in white opposition of bail reform, is solidarity with their racial identity as opposed to outward racial resentment. This branch of scholarship is led by Ashley Jardina and her work in White Identity Politics. In that text, Jardina claims that whiteness is a reactionary entity, and that does not gain saliency until it mobilizes in response to perceived threats to the whiteness’ place at the top of the racial hierarchy (Jardina, 7). This reaction to reassert the dominance of whiteness is referred to as the white consciousness. Jardina applies this theory to Trump’s massive support from white voters and asserts that the primary cause of his wide base of support from this white identity stems from this mobilization (Jardina, 7). This argument is not a claim that outward racial resentment plays no role in the persuasiveness of racialized rhetoric, but rather argues that the more prominent cause is white consciousness and identity. In fact, Jardina’s study found that white voters that align with their whiteness were far more likely to support policies or decisions that preserve the dominance of whiteness (Jardina, 67).

A pertinent example in 2022 would be the advocates in favor of repealing bail reform, as this decision to repeal the law would allow bail, a racially discriminatory practice that benefits whiteness, to remain in place. Whiteness would view bail reform as a threat to the status quo of the racial hierarchy because it is an attempt to establish some semblance of racial equity in the criminal justice system. Therefore, white voters and advocates would mobilize in response to this as an act of preservation of their power and privilege in society. This mobilization would allow for racialized rhetoric to be incredibly persuasive amongst white groups as it would appeal to their solidarity with those that share their racial identity much like Jardina’s findings in her research regarding Trump’s voter base.

The in-group perspective is the superior lens for analyzing the persuasiveness of racialized language in forming opposition to the policy of bail reform. Firstly, in-group scholars address the presence of out-group interactions and utilize data to assert the greater prevalence of in-group motivations. In-group scholars accept the existence and influence of these out-group interactions, but out-group scholars fail to mention the possibility of in-group influence. In-group theorists illustrate that white supremacists driven by racial animus are not the vast majority of white support in Trump’s voter base. Then, these scholars established the fact that those who align with their whiteness are more likely to support policies that uphold white dominance. Ingroup theorists are more compelling due to their use of data to substantiate that white consciousness and solidarity are far more prevalent in whiteness’ support of Trump than outward racial resentment. Additionally, out-group scholarship lacks any literature that accounts for the more contemporary colorblind era of racism. Out-group theorists relied on overt racialized language to illustrate the presence of racial animus in white support for Trump and argued that Trump mainstreamed overtly racial language. However, scholarship such as Bonilla-Silva diverges from this belief and argues that racism is more covert in the modern day. The scholarship in the out-group paradigm has not revised their studies to account for this evolution of racial language and therefore is unable to be utilized as the primary paradigm for this paper in assessing the presence and influence of colorblind language within policy debates. Current scholarship focuses on racialized language and its influence in the support of Trump but lacked any substantive research on its influence in more recent policy debates that occurred in the postTrump era. This study seeks to build on scholarship in racialized rhetoric by assessing the prevalence of out-group versus in-group racialized language in a recent policy debate over bail reform that has persisted past the era of Trump. This development in literature is imperative as it will allow academics to further examine the influence of covert racialized language in policy in altered state of politics since the end of Trump’s presidency. After reviewing the scholarship and data, I argue that the widespread belief that bail reform is the driving factor of increased crime within New York State, despite the lack of data in support of this claim, is primarily driven by a racialized rhetoric rooted in colorblindness. This racialized language stems from in-group interactions of the dominant racial group of whiteness in an attempt to preserve white supremacy and racial dominance.

Methodology

The goal of this paper is to determine the role of colorblind racialized rhetoric in the widespread opposition to bail reform, and it seeks to ascertain this through the use of qualitative analysis. I reviewed 10 documents from prominent Republican politicians within the state of New York, in the search of language that aligns with the aforestated definition for colorblind racialized language. These documents consisted of news articles with direct quotes from these

politicians, press releases from the politicians, transcripts of public statements made by the politicians, and transcripts of public debates that occurred during the campaign season for the 2022 elections. The documents were selected because they discussed the topic of this paper which is bail reform, and they were issued in opposition to the law by prominent officials. The politicians whose statements were analyzed are as follows: former Congressman Lee Zeldin, Congressmen Mike Lawler, Senate Minority Leader John Flanagan, Assemblymember Philip Palmesano, State Senator Peter Oberacker, Assembly Minority Leader William Barclay, Assemblymember Joseph Giglio, Assemblymember Elise Stefanik, Congresswoman Claudia Tenney, Assemblymember Brian Miller, and Assemblymember Chris Friend. These politicians were chosen because they were at the forefront of the movement against bail reform, and several of them were part of the leadership within the Republican party and would therefore play a pivotal role in the oppositional strategy of the party. The leadership included Assembly Minority Leader William Barclay, who is leader of Republicans in the lower house of the legislature; Senate Minority Leader John Flanagan, who is leader of Republicans in the upper house of the legislature; and Lee Zeldin, who was the Republican candidate for the Gubernatorial elections in 2022. The critical position these individuals had in the statewide political strategy for repealing or altering bail reform make them of unique importance in determining the role of colorblind racialized language in the Republican strategy.

Document review is the optimal method of research for this paper as it allows you to meticulously examine the speech patterns of the common arguments utilized to oppose this law. The use of direct quotes from these prominent politicians allows for a primary source of evidence for the research which bolsters the validity of the findings. Additionally, document review was the most accessible means of gathering statements on bail reform in terms of statewide Republican strategy, as it would have been an arduous endeavor to get any one of these politicians to interview for this research, let alone all of them. The reason that Republican politicians are the focus of this research paper is that reviewing the arguments promulgated by the Republican leadership will allow for a statewide perspective on opposition bail reform directly from the source of said opposition. Interviews, or statements from laypersons would not be indicative of the broader state perspective on those who oppose the law, whereas the arguments utilized by these politicians are often mirrored and regurgitated by their supporters. While document review may be the most optimal method of analysis for this topic, it is not without its flaws. Firstly, only ten documents were reviewed when the Republican party has issued hundred if not thousands of documents on this subject. This research did not have the scope, resources, or time available to review all of these documents, and thus must work with a more manageable sample size of ten. While more data is always preferred, ten documents from leadership in the party will still be illuminating as the leadership promulgates the arguments that the party utilizes statewide. Another shortcoming of this method of research is it does not address the influence of these arguments on the citizens of New York that oppose bail reform. This method will allow for the researcher to determine the source of the primary arguments utilized against bail reform and if the sources utilized racialized rhetoric but cannot establish the direct causal relationship on broader public opinion. Nevertheless, the goal of the research is to determine if racialized language is significantly present within anti-bail reform arguments and can derive conclusions regarding this question via the afore detailed methodology.

Analysis

The analysis will be broken down into three portions that examine the three primary potential manifestations of colorblind racialized rhetoric in the documents reviewed. Upon review the three manifestations are as follows: the phrases “dangerous criminals” and “criminal,” the call for a provision of a “dangerousness standard” and the presence of overt racial stereotypes. These manifestations were observed through direct statements and quotes to establish their existence, and then grouped based upon historical and statistical research to establish their relevance. The phrases “dangerous criminal” and “criminal” were grouped together based on the arguments presented by McCann and Alexander in their respective texts. These scholars argued that the Black body had been made synonymous with criminality through discriminatory incarceration and policing practices. Furthermore, these academics argued the term “criminal” is often used in place of the word “Black” in order to justify racially discriminatory policies without being overtly racist. Essentially, it was a means of phrasing a racially oppressive policy in a manner that was palatable to the public. Since, the term criminal has been utilized in lieu of the word “Black” to justify these racially oppressive policies, then any mention of the term “criminal” in the defense of the removal of a law enacted to bring about racial equity, would stem from a racist and colorblind perspective.

Dangerous Criminals

The first portion of the analysis will be a discussion on the utilization of the phrases “dangerous criminals” and “criminal” in oppositional statements to the bail reform law. These phrases have historically been utilized to covertly justify racially discriminatory policies as discussed by McCann and Alexander. A prominent example of this practice was discussed in the literature review of the War on Drugs. During the War on Drugs, Republican politicians would argue that there was an abundance of criminals selling and using drugs, and this would necessitate an increase of policing in order to ameliorate this issue. However, this increase of policing would only occur in Black communities and would be done so with the intent to disproportionately incarcerate Black people (Alexander, 17). Additionally, once this disproportionate incarceration had begun, these statistics would be utilized in order to label Black people as criminals and establish a relationship between Blackness and criminality. McCann argues that this relationship would then be used to enact more racially discriminatory polices because it is more acceptable to the masses to pass laws targeting criminals as they are viewed as enemies of the public. Therefore, this use of the word “criminal” as a means of justifying a racially discriminatory practice in a colorblind manner is a precedented practice by the Republican party.

This non-racial phrasing to support a racist initiative is abundantly present throughout the statements reviewed. In fact, it is utilized in every single document reviewed. Congressman Mike Lawler in a campaign press event stated clearly “violent criminals need to be kept off the streets” (Lawler, 1-2). Lawler then went further to use this line of reasoning in order to advocate for an increase in anti-crime units within law enforcement. Lawler’s use of the phrase “dangerous criminal” in order to exhort the repeal of this law is one of many examples of Republican lawmakers using a colorblind phraseology. This phrasing fits the established definition of colorblind racialized language as it attempts to justify a racially discriminatory initiative, the repeal of bail reform a law enacted to create racial equity through the use of a precedented term that is a racial stereotype, the word “criminal” and its synonymous nature with Blackness, a relationship that was created through historically racist policies.

Another pertinent example comes from the campaign of the former gubernatorial candidate Lee Zeldin, who characterized bail reform as a “pro-criminal” law (Zeldin, 2022). The mischaracterization of this law as “pro-criminal” is an attempt by Zeldin to persuade the public to oppose this law because it aids criminals, the public enemy. The first issue with this characterization is that bail reform does not extend to criminals who have been convicted of a crime. America, and derivatively New York state, utilize an adversarial court system, which means that the accused are awarded the presumption of innocence, until proven guilty beyond all reasonable doubt, in front of a jury of their peers. Bail reform extends only to those who have been accused of a crime and are awaiting trial, or in other words those who are presumed innocent. Therefore, this mischaracterization of bail reform as “pro-criminal” is unequivocally false. Furthermore, Lee Zeldin before he became a lawmaker was a practicing attorney that is licensed by the bar and would know that this presumption of innocence exists. Thus, this mischaracterization does not stem from a place of ignorance, but rather is intentional. This willful mischaracterization, that utilizes a racially charged phraseology, demonstrates that Lee Zeldin is attempting to justify his opposition to this bill by utilizing a colorblind racialized rhetoric. This aligns with the definition of colorblind racialized rhetoric, as it justifies a racist initiative, through the use of the racially charged term “criminal.”

The most prominent example of this colorblind racialized rhetoric for the purposes of this paper was observed in the press release by Minority Leader William A. Barclay. The reason this example is the most imperative is that as the Minority Leader, Barclay directs the entire Republican party in the Assembly in their argumentation and political agendas. Thus, Barclay’s statements are a representation of the Republican party’s ideology and beliefs in the Assembly, and his statements are indicative of the party’s interests on a statewide scale. In the press release it states:“The reforms were portrayed as a way to bring economic equality to the judicial system by easing bail restrictions for low-level, non-violent offenders. However, in practice, they have emboldened criminals and put New York in danger” (Barclay, para. 4). These statements are later in the article but the reform being referred to was clearly stated to be bail reform in the document. (Barclay, para. 5) The first fact to note about this statement is that it was released only a month after the law was enacted, and thus there existed no data on the effect the law had on the crime rate. Therefore, this statement was made without any facts or statistics to substantiate the claim. Additionally, as was stated earlier this law does not apply to criminals but rather only extends to the accused, who are innocent until proven guilty by a jury of their peers. Barclay is a licensed attorney, much like Zeldin, and thus his fallacious mischaracterization of this law does not stem from ignorance but is rather a willful decision made by him. This means that his mischaracterization was done for an intentional reason and his use of a racially charged term such as “criminal” in the statement indicates that it could potentially result from a colorblind rationale. This mischaracterization being utilized by the one of the two leaders of the Republican party in the legislature, and the colorblind roots of the phrase, demonstrate once again the presence of colorblind racialized rhetoric in the party’s opposition to bail reform.

The presence of the colorblind term “criminal” in the Republican party is cemented within that press-release by Minority Leader Barclay because within this release the other leader of the Republican party in New York, State Senate Minority Leader John J. Flanagan also utilizes a colorblind rhetoric. Senate Minority Leader Flanagan, another licensed attorney with knowledge of the presumption of innocence, claims that “Now, there are countless victims stripped of their right to justice while criminals continue to reap the benefits of this disastrous policy” (Barclay, para. 6). Once again, this law is being mischaracterized as aiding criminals, by someone with

firsthand knowledge of the structure of the American legal system. This mischaracterization by the two leaders of the Republican party in New York state, in spite of their intimate knowledge that this claim is false, in tandem with the fact that they utilized a racially charged term, cements the assertion that the Republican party within New York state relies on a racialized and colorblind rhetoric to oppose bail reform.

Dangerousness Standard

The next form of potentially racialized rhetoric that was perceived during the analysis was the advocacy for the addition of a dangerousness standard to bail reform. The dangerousness standard would be a provision within the law that allows for judicial discretion in denying the right to cashless bail, regardless of the offence committed, if the judge determines the person to be dangerous. This standard essentially allows judges to deny any accused individual of cashless release with full autonomy and no established metrics for defining a “dangerous person.”

Bestowing the judge with complete discretion such as this can result in discriminatory practices by judges which can lead to the disproportionate denial of cashless release for people of color. One of the foremost examples of an effective bail reform law with a dangerousness standard cited by Republicans was the version utilized in New Jersey.

In practice this standard has proven to be incredibly discriminatory against Black New Jerseyans, and this can be seen through a comparison of the incarcerated populations in New York and New Jersey. The Prison Policy initiative, a non-profit, non-partisan research institute, compiled data on New York’s incarceration rate by race in comparison to total population by race. The data found that New York’s Black population is 16% of the state’s total, and that Black inmates accounted for 53% of incarcerated individuals in New York as of 2022 (New York Carceral profile). This discrepancy is incredibly disproportionate and illustrates racial discrimination. However, this discrepancy pales in comparison to the statistics of New Jersey. The World Population Review, based on the most recent US Census data found that 13.39% of New Jersey’s population was Black as of 2023. (New Jersey Profile) Conversely, the New Jersey Monitor, a non-profit and non-partisan news organization, cited another non-profit and nonpartisan research group, the Sentencing project, that found that 59% of the state’s incarcerated population consisted of Black inmates (Nieto-Munoz, para. 3). Based on these statistics one can observe that New Jersey’s discrepancy between Black population and Black incarcerated population is 8.61% greater than New York, in spite of having the same option for cashless release. The most prominent difference between the cashless release in each of these states is the provision of a dangerousness standard. Therefore, the addition of the dangerousness standard to New York state’s existing bail reform law could exacerbate the already existing racial disparity in incarceration and cause it to be as extreme as New Jersey’s. Thus, advocacy for such a standard, is in essence support for a racially discriminatory initiative, or at the very least, support for an initiative that would worsen racial discrimination in New York’s carceral system. This advocacy for a dangerousness standard was ubiquitously present within all the documents reviewed. A prime example of this comes from Assemblymember Joseph Giglio in a statement to the press in which he said, “Those changes came with serious consequences and the release of some very violent individuals when judges were stripped of their power to determine threats to the community” (Giglio urges dangerousness, para. 4). This statement illustrates Giglio’s support for the standard that was a driving force of immense disproportionately between population and incarcerated population of Black New Jerseyans. Additionally, Giglio goes further to assert that communities are at risk because of this lack of the dangerousness standard,

in spite of the existence of no data to support such an assertion. This use of the phrase “violent individuals” attempts to vilify those accused of a crime in order to exhort people to oppose the law, but lacks any supporting data. This rhetoric is mirrored by the Minority party in the New York State Senate as well, which is illustrated by the statements of State Senator Peter Oberacker in a speech he gave at a conference held against bail reform. Senator Oberacker utilized the phrase “dangerous criminals” to support the necessity of the dangerousness standard. However, the lack of data to support this necessity, in tandem with the fact that this term “dangerous criminal” is a racially charged mischaracterization of the effects of the law, indicate a colorblind racialized rhetoric being used in repudiation of bail reform. This usage is the misuse of a phrase with a historical background of justifying racial oppression, to support an initiative that will increase racial discrimination within New York state, with the implementation of a dangerousness standard.

An example that cements the widespread presence of this support within the Republican party is from the statements of Lee Zeldin, made during the Gubernatorial debate. Zeldin as the Republican candidate for the highest office in the state was the face of the Republican party in New York, and in that role his statements represent the interests and rhetoric of the party. Zeldin argued during the debate that “You ask the will of the people. They want to see reform. Even Mayor Adams says that judges should have discretion and weigh dangerousness” (Zeldin, 5-6). This quote illustrates Zeldin as the face of the Republican party supports the adoption of this racially discriminatory standard. This quote, in tandem with his previous use of a racial characterization of the law as “Pro-criminal” cement the existence of colorblind racialized rhetoric in his opposition of bail reform. Furthermore, this colorblind and racialized argumentation being utilized by face of the Republication establishes the widespread existence of this perspective throughout the party. Once again, such public usage cements the presence of this colorblind racialized rhetoric as the foundation of the Republican party’s disapproval of bail reform.

Overt Stereotypes

The final potential indicator of colorblind language was the utilization of overt racial stereotypes within the anti-bail reform rhetoric in the reviewed documents. This manifestation of colorblind racialized rhetoric was the least prevalent of three, as it was only within one of the documents reviewed, as opposed to the other two which were present in all ten. However, this can be accounted for due to the unique nature of the document where it appeared. The overt racial stereotype was exhibited in the transcript of the debate between Lee Zeldin and Governor Kathy Hochul. This transcript was the only document that did not consist of pre-prepared statements that were issued at a partisan event. In fact, the statements were made by Zeldin at the debate, a setting in which he did not have knowledge of the questions before they were asked, which would force him to justify his claims extemporaneously. Conversely, the other documents consisted of statements made at events in which the speaker would not be surprised by questions they were unprepared for and they could read directly from pre-reviewed and vetted speeches that were revised by numerous members of their staff. In contrast, the debate format of speech allows for far more mistakes to occur since participants cannot rely on thoroughly reviewed prewritten answers which makes it far more likely for the speaker to say a controversial statement in a Freudian slip. The statement that Zeldin made that consisted of a stereotype was as follows: “I don’t think that if you’re two Mexican cartel drug smugglers with $1.2 million worth of crystal meth that you should just be instantly released on cashless bail” (Zeldin, 5-6). This statement

uses the example of Mexican cartel, and the specification of Mexican within this example indicates the possibility of the racialized rhetoric.

There are several factors regarding Zeldin’s statement that indicate that it is racialized. Firstly, this statement was made to be an example of crime within New York but cites the Mexican cartel which is an organization that operates a significant distance away from the state. The US-Mexican border, the area in which the cartel operates is almost 230 miles away from New York and is thus not a proximate threat to the state. Secondly, this example is supposed to act as a relevant criticism of bail reform, but it cites a drug crime which is not the most common type of crime in the state. In fact, the most common crime in the state. which is property crime consisting of acts such as larceny and burglary, account for 79% of crime committed in New York (Peters, para. 3). This statistic indicates that the example of a drug crime is not the most relevant in relation to bail reform, which would mostly impact those accused of property crimes. Third, the drug cited is crystal meth which is not the most common drug in relation to drug crime in New York; that would be marijuana; amphetamines. which would encompass meth, in addition to numerous other drugs such as Adderall, are only the 4th most common in drug crimes in the state. This demonstrates that even if drugs were a prevalent contributor of crime and relevant to bail reform, that crystal meth would be one of the least pertinent statistically to use. Lastly, the argument against bail reform cited by Zeldin and the Republican party is founded upon the notion that it is releasing offenders that were accused of violent crimes. This example of the Mexican cartel’s crystal meth is not of a violent crime, making it an abnormal and irrelevant example, which raises the inquiry as to why he would specifically utilize it. The example that deviates from the core of the Republican rhetoric, and is statistically irrelevant, does have one notable feature its specification of “Mexican” drug smugglers. This distinction of a specific nationality, that is predominantly not white, in addition to the irrelevance of the example, would indicate the racialized nature of this statement. In his statement, Zeldin making note of non-white individuals and associating them with the dangers of bail reform is a covert form of racializing language. This is cemented by the fact that it exemplifies the established definition of colorblind racialized rhetoric, as he is utilizing the common racial stereotype of Mexican people being drug smugglers, to support the racially discriminatory initiative of repealing bail reform.

Verdict

The statements reviewed within the ten documents examined displayed that colorblind racialized language was abundantly present within the Republican party’s opposition to bail reform. The analysis indicated that colorblind racial language was present within all of the statements, in at least one of three different forms. All ten documents contained both the racially charged phrase of “dangerous criminals” and the call for the provision of a racially discriminatory initiative the dangerousness standard. The phrase “dangerous criminal” has precedence of being utilized in the support of racially discriminatory policies, and its ubiquitous use in Republican argumentation for a racially oppressive initiative, exemplifies the operational definition of colorblind racialized language. That presence, in addition to the universal advocacy for the amending of bail reform to include the dangerousness standard, which was statistically proven to increase racial discrepancies in incarceration in New Jersey, further bolsters the validity of this argumentation containing colorblind racialized language. While the third form of colorblind racialized language was only present within one document, the unique nature of this document diminishes the statistical impact of this lack of abundance. Additionally, the very

notion that overt stereotypes were present within the live arguments of the face of the Republican party strengthens the validity of the thesis, as he is a representative of the perspective of the party statewide. Furthermore, the totality of leadership of the Republican party in New York, both the Senate and Assembly Minority leaders, used colorblind racialized rhetoric. This is incredibly illuminating as their position as the leaders of the party, means that their perspective is that of the party across the state, and thus it indicates that colorblind racialized language is the status quo of the Republican opposition to bail reform. These facts all accumulate to prove that colorblind racialized rhetoric is the driving force behind the widespread opposition to bail reform in New York, and therefore cements the thesis of this paper.

However, it is important to note that there are several inquiries left unanswered that should be addressed by future scholarship. Firstly, this paper does not utilize any sort of polling to establish the causal relationship between the Republican rhetoric and the widespread objections to bail reform in constituents. While the arguments of the Republicans utilized by the vast majority of people who object to bail reform indicates the existence of this relationship, a study relying on poll data should confirm this causal relationship. Additionally, bail reform is an ongoing issue within contemporary politics that is being debated at the time of this paper’s drafting, which means that further research should be conducted to examine the evolution of the rhetoric utilized in those debates, and its impact on the law itself. Another avenue in which further research would be beneficial is a comparative examination of bail reform policies across the nation to pinpoint which policies are the most and least effective at addressing racial discrepancies in incarceration. Lastly, further scholarship in the field of colorblind racialized language is an absolutely necessity. The operational definition for this paper was derived from existing scholarship on racialization, colorblindness, and race generally, but there lacked any academic works that establish a rigid definition for this language. This paper was not specifically focused on defining this term, and only attempted to do so out of operational necessity, but a more qualified expert that specializes within the field of racialized language should conduct peer-reviewed research to establish a definition that is based on a more meticulous and thorough examination. Nevertheless, this research successfully established that the widespread opposition to bail reform is based on racialized language rooted in colorblindness.

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Childhood Food Security and Disordered Eating Behaviors Later in Life

McKenzie Vondras Class of 2024

Forensic Psychology

Faculty Introduction

Psychological research indicates that there is a clear relationship between food insecurity and disordered eating, such as binge eating or engaging in unhealthy weight control behaviors. Research also indicates that disordered eating behaviors increase the risk of developing depression, suicidal ideation, and a diagnosed eating disorder. In a society where food insecurity is a very real problem, these topics warrant further study. After reviewing the relevant literature, Ms. Vondras identified some important questions that research has yet to fully investigate about these connections, including whether food insecurity in childhood is related to disordered eating behaviors in college students, and whether this relationship differs by gender. Based on the literature reviewed, she hypothesized that those who had experienced food insecurity in childhood would be more likely to develop disordered eating behaviors in college, and that these behaviors would be more common in men who had experienced food insecurity as opposed to women. After receiving approval from the Institutional Review Board, Ms. Vondras recruited a sample of college students to test these hypotheses. The participants completed a series of self report questionnaires on food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors, as well as a demographic questionnaire. Ms. Vondras then analyzed the data using a number of inferential statistical techniques and found a small to moderate relationship between food insecurity in childhood and disordered eating behaviors in college, among other results. Ms. Vondras concludes by discussing the strengths and limitations of her study as well as future research directions and implications for program development to further address these important issues.

Daniel Schoenfeld Psychology

Abstract

According to the United States Department of Agriculture, more than thirty-three million people lived with food insecurity in 2021; this includes over five million children (ColmanJensen et al., 2022). The general purpose of the present study is to assess the connection between food insecurity, disordered eating behaviors, and the gender differences in that relationship. Research participants were 50 undergraduate students at a private college in the capital region of New York State. This study utilized four questionnaires to assess level of food insecurity, disordered eating symptoms, type of disordered eating behavior, and some demographic variables. The results indicate that there is a small to moderate correlation between childhood food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors in college students. Findings provide further

evidence that disordered eating behaviors in adulthood possibly stem from food insecurity in childhood. This study can help colleges implement programs to help those who have experienced food insecurity in childhood to learn proper eating habits before developing disordered eating behaviors. Psychologists can use screening for food insecurity to prevent possible disordered eating behaviors later in adulthood.

Introduction

Childhood is a time when everything is new, and we learn valuable lessons on how to take care of ourselves.According to the United States Department of Agriculture, more than thirty-three million people lived with food insecurity in 2021; this includes over five million children (Colman-Jensen et al., 2022). Information like this has led many researchers to wonder what effect this has on these children as they learn and grow. The general purpose of this paper is to assess the connection between food insecurity, disordered eating behaviors, and the gender differences within that relationship.

Food Insecurity

Food insecurity is defined as a lack of consistent access to enough food for every person in a household to live an active and healthy life (FeedingAmerica). Several works have reported findings that are consistent with the idea that there is a connection between disordered eating behaviors and food insecurity. Becker et al. (2017) found that participants who reported having very high levels of food insecurity also reported significantly higher levels of binge eating than those experiencing lower levels of food insecurity. In a similar study, Becker et al. (2019) found that participants in the most severe food insecurity group reported significantly higher levels of eating disorder pathology, dietary restraint, anxiety, and depression.

Consistent with these results Barry et al. (2022) found that child-reported food insecurity was associated with greater eating disorder risk, food preoccupation, weight preoccupation, and social pressure to eat. This shows that there is a connection between disordered eating behaviors and the level of food insecurity experienced These findings emphasize the connection between food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors at one point in time, but what about as children grow? We know that habits we develop in childhood and adolescence often follow us into adulthood. This should be consistent with eating habits, specifically disordered eating behaviors.

Disordered Eating Behaviors

According to Eat Right, disordered eating is used to describe a range of irregular eating behaviors that may or may not warrant a diagnosis of a specific eating disorder. These behaviors include binge eating or unhealthy weight control behaviors, which encompasses behaviors like vomiting, fasting, skipping meals, and/or using laxatives/diuretics to lose weight (APA, 2013). Disordered eating behaviors have become a great concern for many in the general population. One study found in a sample of overweight and obese young adults, 29% of females and 15% of males engage in disordered eating behaviors (Nagata et al., 2018). Disordered eating behaviors are associated with negative psychological effects including an increased gradual development of depression (Herpertz-Dahlmann et al., 2015, Stice & Bearman, 2001), future suicidal ideation (Kim & Kim, 2009), and the future development of full-blown eating disorders (Stice et al., 2017). Disordered eating behaviors have also been linked with physical effects as well. Neumark-Sztainer et al. (2012) found that those who have engaged in disordered eating behaviors had experienced excessive weight gain by the end of the study. This means that if we

identify childhood food insecurity as a possible risk factor for disordered eating behaviors in adulthood it can lead to important and useful results.

Some researchers have taken on the challenge to further examine the connection between childhood food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors later in life. Hooper et al. (2022) found that participants who lived in food-insecure homes as adolescents had a qualitatively higher prevalence of unhealthy weight control behaviors (such as purging, restriction, etc.) and binge eating compared to those without a history of food insecurity. What does this mean for college students who come from a food-insecure household? Going from a food-insecure household to a place that has a constant food source can be a culture shock to some students.

As children, our parents are in control of our eating habits but as we grow older that responsibility falls to us For those in college who have experienced food insecurity in their childhood, this is the first time they have access to a constant food source, namely dining halls. It has been found that these individuals often become obsessed with food causing them to overindulge because they are not used to unlimited access to meals (Poll et al., 2018). This pattern has been observed in Division I male college athletes. Poll et al. (2018) observed a strong association between childhood food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors and found that the athletes who experienced household food insecurity had a significantly higher preoccupation with food in college. However, some may argue that athletes often obsess over their eating habits to remain in shape but other research that has analyzed college-aged individuals has reported similar results. Hazzard et al. (2022) conducted a longitudinal study and found that severe food insecurity in childhood was significantly associated with a greater prevalence of binge eating behaviors five years later, forty-one percent greater to be exact. Other studies have examined disordered eating behaviors consistent with other eating disorders and their possible connections to food insecurity. Lydecker and Grilo (2019) examined the connection between the level of food security and bulimia nervosa. They found that low and very low food security were associated with an increased likelihood of being in the bulimia nervosa group than the healthy weight group. These findings suggest a connection between disordered eating behaviors consistent with eating disorders in adulthood and a history of food insecurity.

Gender Differences

These findings are very intriguing, but what about the gender differences when it comes to disordered eating behaviors? The literature on this topic is quite scarce when it comes to gender differences. It is known that a lot of men are reluctant to come forward about a possible eating disorder due to the stigma surrounding it. Griffiths et al. (2015) confirmed this relationship when they found that being male and reporting greater self-stigma of seeking psychological help was independently associated with an increased probability of having an undiagnosed eating disorder. They also found that the association between self‐stigma of seeking psychological help and increased likelihood of having an undiagnosed eating disorder was stronger for males than for females.

Consistent with these findings, Grillot and Keel (2018) found that being female and having self-recognition were both associated with an increased likelihood of seeking treatment. These findings support that there is a connection between being male and not seeking treatment for a possible eating disorder. This connection discussed above has also caused problems for men who are diagnosed with eating disorders. Siegel and Sawyer (2020) examined men’s experience with an eating disorder diagnosis and the way they conduct themselves in the workplace. These researchers report that men with eating disorders reported unique challenges, such as fear of

stigma, impaired work performance, and emotional reactions while trying to perform masculinely at work. This explains why there is not much research on childhood food insecurity and its connection to men with disordered eating behaviors.

The Current Study

Literature is abundant on the topic of the connection between disordered eating behaviors and food insecurity, however, there are also gaps in the literature that are needed to be filled and will be by the current study. The literature commonly fails to focus on the common college student. There are studies on college athletes and people who are the age of an undergraduate student but nothing that specifically focuses on an average student. The literature also does not discuss if there is a connection between food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors consistent with anorexia nervosa. Many studies also do not discuss the differences between genders and disordered eating behaviors. The current study will be used to fill the gaps in the literature and expand the knowledge on this topic.

The current study will utilize students at a medium-sized college in eastern upstate New York. It will analyze correlations between the level of childhood food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors consistent with different eating disorders in college students. The current study will also analyze differences in disordered eating behaviors between males and females who have experienced food insecurity.

This study hypothesizes that there is a strong correlation between disordered eating behaviors in college students who have experienced food insecurity compared to college students who have not. Disordered eating behaviors will be more common in men who have experienced childhood food insecurity than women who have. Disordered eating behaviors consistent with anorexia nervosa will be more common in those who experienced food insecurity than those who experienced no food insecurity.

Method

Participants

Research participants were 50 undergraduate students at a private college in the capital region of New York State. Five Participants were male, and forty-three Participants were female, and two participants declined to answer. The mean age was 17-21 years old. Of those who participated, 32 identified as White/Caucasian, 5 as AfricanAmerican/African/Black, 9 as Hispanic/Latino(a), and 4 as other. Thirteen Participants were freshmen, 12 were sophomores, 15 were juniors, and 10 were seniors. Participants who were under the age of 18 were excluded from this study. Students enrolled in Psychology classes are automatically eligible for participation and were solicited using the SONASystems database. Students were granted course credit for participating in their studies. Participants were offered an alternative to participating in studies on SONAsuch as making article critiques. Participants had the discretion of whether or not to participate in a study. There were also several studies available to participants.

Measures

The demographic survey is a four-item measure. Participants will be asked what year they are in school (first, second, third, etc.), their age (17-21, 22-25, etc.), gender (male or

female), and ethnicity (Black, White, Asian, etc.). The only measure that will be attached to the data will be the gender of the individual.

The Household Food Insecurity Access Scale Version 3 (Coates, Swindale, & Bilinsky, 2007) was used by participants to indicate their level of food security in childhood. This scale consists of 18 total items. These questions, for the purpose of this study, were modified to assess childhood food security. There were nine occurrence questions, such as “In your childhood, did you worry that your household would not have food?”, with two possible responses, “Yes” or “No”. Participants who answered “No” were instructed to move on to question 2. Those who answered “Yes” were instructed to answer the corresponding frequency question. The questionnaire includes 9 frequency questions, such as “How often would this happen?”, with three possible responses, “Rarely”, “Sometimes”, and “Often”. Those who answered “Rarely” received a score of 1, those who answered “Sometimes” received a score of 2, and those who answered “Often” received a score of 3. Participants received a score ranging from 0(food secure) to 27(severely food insecure) to indicate the level of food insecurity experienced by the individual. Those who receive a 27 experienced high levels of food insecurity, meaning they had little to no access to food in childhood, and answered “Yes” to all occurrence questions and “Often” to all frequency questions. Those who received a score of 0 answered no to all occurrence questions.

The Disordered Eating Behaviors Scale (Breines et al., 2014) was used to indicate whether or not participants have engaged in certain types of disordered eating behaviors. This is a 9-item measure that utilizes a five-point scale ranging from never (1) to always (5). Five of these items assess eating restriction, such as “dieted” or “tried to control your weight by eating little or no food”, and 4 items assess binging and purging behavior, such as “used laxatives” or “rapidly ate very large amounts of food.”

Disordered Eating Symptoms Scale (Shearer et al., 2015) has four items which were rated on a five-point scale ranging from often to never. This scale will be used to measure eating disorder symptoms that align with specific disordered eating behavior and how often they partake in the behavior. The four questions include:

1) How often do you think you are fat even though some people say you are skinny?; 2) How often do you try to control your weight by skipping meals?; 3) How often do you try to control your weight by making yourself throw up?; and 4) How do you have trouble stopping eating once you’ve started? The first item assesses disturbance in body weight criteria, which is seen in bothAnorexia and Bulimia. The second item aligns with the restriction criteria that go along withAnorexia. The final two questions assess a binge-purge cycle that goes along with Bulimia.

Procedures

Participants were informed of what the study was about, the average length of time it takes to complete the study, the risks, and restrictions on SONAsystems. They were also informed of the number of credits that are awarded upon completion and by choosing to continue they agreed to the informed consent.After the informed consent, participants complete the demographic survey.After this, participants will be asked to complete the three surveys in this order: 1) Household Food Insecurity Access Scale Version 3 (Coates, Swindale, & Bilinsky, 2007), 2) Disordered Eating Behaviors Scale (Breines et al., 2014), and 3) Disordered Eating Symptoms Scale (Shearer et al., 2015). Upon completing all the surveys, participants are thanked, debriefed, and awarded the appropriate number of credits.

Results

To test the hypothesis that there is a strong correlation between disordered eating behaviors in college students who have experienced food insecurity compared to college students who have not, Pearson correlation coefficients were computed. The Type 1 error rate was set to a=.05 and a two tailed test was conducted. Results showed that there was a significant small to moderate positive correlation between childhood food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors in college students, r(48) = .384, p=.006, ��2 = 15

AT-test for independent means was conducted to test the hypothesis that disordered eating behaviors will be more common in men who have experienced childhood food insecurity than women who have. The Type 1 error rate was set to a=.05 and a two tailed test was conducted. Results showed that there was no significant difference between male students who experienced childhood food insecurity and female students who had, t(6) = -.525, p= .618, d=.383. The mean differences between male and female participants on the scale measuring disordered eating behaviors are reported in Table 1.

To test the hypothesis that disordered eating behaviors consistent with anorexia nervosa will be more common in those who experienced food insecurity than those who experienced no food insecurity, Pearson correlation coefficients were computed using a subscale on the disordered eating behaviors scale and Household Food Insecurity Access Scale Version 3 The Type 1 error rate was set to a=.05 and a two tailed test was conducted. Results showed that there was no significant correlation between childhood food insecurity and eating restriction, r(48) =.132, p=.361, ��2 = .361. Results are inconclusive.

Discussion

The results of this study tell us many things about the various aspects of childhood food insecurity. The first hypothesis of the current study was there is a strong correlation between disordered eating behaviors in college students who have experienced food insecurity compared to college students who have not. Results partially confirmed this because there was a moderate correlation between disordered eating behaviors and childhood food insecurity. Since the study hypothesized that there would be a strong correlation between the two variables it is only slightly supported by the results (due to the fact that the results found a moderate correlation and not a strong correlation). It is likely that there was a small-moderate correlation found rather than a strong one as hypothesized due to there being a small number of people in the study. This is consistent with past findings of other research that there is a correlation between food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors (Becker et al., 2017; Becker et al., 2019; Hazzard et al., 2022;

Table 1

Hooper et al., 2022; Poll et al., 2020; Stice et al., 2017). However, this study fills the gaps in the literature concerning the common college student as well as adding to the literature on childhood food insecurity and how it affects this population as they grow.

The second hypothesis was disordered eating behaviors will be more common in men who have experienced childhood food insecurity than women who have. This hypothesis was not supported by the results. The results showed no significant difference in disordered eating behavior scores between males and females who have experienced childhood food insecurity.

The study’s hypothesis indicated that there would be a significant difference between genders but as we see from the results that was not the case. This fills that gap in past research which failed to compare the difference between genders in regard to disordered eating behaviors and its connection to food insecurity.Apossible explanation for why this is the case is that the questions to assess disordered eating behaviors are obvious about what they are intended to measure, and past research has shown there is self-stigma for men surrounding eating disorders (Griffiths et al., 2015; Grillot & Keel, 2018; Siegel & Sawyer, 2020). This self-stigma could cause men to downplay their answers on the scale for disordered eating behaviors. Since there was a very small sample size for this hypothesis, the results are difficult to interpret.

The third hypothesis that disordered eating behaviors consistent with anorexia nervosa will be more common in those who experienced food insecurity than those who experienced no food insecurity was also not supported by the results. It was determined that there was no significant correlation between childhood food insecurity and eating restriction. These findings provide evidence that there is likely no correlation between the two. This finding fills a gap in the literature concerning disordered eating behaviors consistent with anorexia nervosa and its connection to food insecurity.Apossible explanation for this finding is that those who engage in disordered eating behaviors often downplay the occurrence.

Strengths and Limitations

The current research also comes with a set of strengths and limitations. Some strengths of this study are that the questions represent the construct well, thus demonstrating content validity. Another strength is that the study fills gaps in the literature concerning gender differences as well as the relationship between childhood food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors consistent with anorexia nervosa. This study also adds to the extensive literature on the topic of food insecurity and its connection to disordered eating behaviors.

Some limitations of this study come from the sample. The population of interest in this study were college students in general however a convenience sample was utilized. This was a convenience sample because this study only utilized college students at a private college in upstate New York who were enrolled in psychology classes meaning that not everyone in the population of interest had a known and equal chance of being selected. This is a threat to the generalizability of the study and as an extension, the study’s external validity. For hypothesis two, a limitation was that only those designated as severely food insecure in childhood were used. This is a limitation because only 8 participants fit the label of food insecure and out of those 8 individuals only 3 were men. This small sample size leads to questions about the statistical validity of these results. There may have likely been a different result if this portion of the study included more participants.Another weakness of the study comes from the study’s design. This study utilized a self-report design. As with any self-report measure, you have to worry about individuals not telling the truth however since this study assesses childhood food insecurity the researcher was also concerned with other aspects. One aspect is the participant’s

ability to recall if they or a family member did/did not have access to food in childhood. Another point of concern was that the survey to assess food insecurity asked questions regarding other family members; this is concerning because oftentimes parents do not discuss finances with children. This means that some individuals may have been food insecure but were not aware of it.

Implications

This research has some real-world implications. This study can help colleges implement programs to help those who have experienced food insecurity in childhood to learn proper eating habits before developing disordered eating behaviors. Psychologist can use screening for food insecurity to prevent possible disordered eating behaviors later in adulthood. This research shows that food insecurity in childhood is a possible predictor for disordered eating behaviors later in life. It could also help assess eating disorder risk. Research on this topic could also be used to help implement policies that will help alleviate food insecurity in childhood due to it being a possible risk factor for disordered eating behaviors. Research in this area has the possibility to aid those who don’t have a constant access to food/live below the poverty line.

Future Research

Future research should explore these relationships in further detail. It should also look into the relationship between food insecurity and other demographic factors beyond gender, including race. This would help establish if there is a difference between races when it comes to childhood food insecurity and its connection to disordered eating behavior risk. This research should also delve deeper into the connection between disordered eating behaviors consistent with anorexia nervosa and childhood food insecurity. Future research should also assess disordered eating behaviors in older adults (approximately 40-60 years old) who experienced childhood food insecurity. This type of research would help establish if disordered eating behaviors carry on as we grow older.

This researcher suggests utilizing a longitudinal design from childhood to mid-adulthood. Utilizing a different design for collecting data regarding food insecurity would also be beneficial for future research. Alongitudinal design in particular would be most beneficial because it will allow for future research to get as close to causality as possible in a situation where an experimental design would be unethical. Perhaps asking parents whether or not participants were food insecure would be a better way to assess food insecurity in childhood as opposed to asking participants themselves. Future studies should also utilize a larger sample size and a more diverse population. This would allow for more conclusive and comprehensive results. Future studies should also utilize a less obvious assessment for more accurate results.

The present study’s results support the findings of previous research that there is a significant correlation between childhood food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors. This study also fills the gaps in the literature called for by previous studies. Despite only one hypothesis being supported, this study tells us many things about the relationship between food insecurity and disordered eating behaviors. The researcher only hopes that the current study will lead to many other studies that can help to create a comprehensive literature on the connection between childhood food insecurity, disordered eating behaviors, and several other factors. Only then will this field be able to better eating disorder treatment, governmental policy, and the current food insecurity crisis inAmerica.

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Art and the Law: The British Museum, The Elusive White-Collar Criminal

Peyton DeRouen Class of 2025

Criminal Justice

Faculty Introduction

Peyton DeRouen’s article “Art and the Law: The British Museum, The Elusive White-Collar Criminal” is the product of Peyton’s dedication to the study of law, crime, and fundamental fairness. In the article she pointedly examines the historical and modern challenge of whether artifacts and antiquities taken from their places of discovery and origin were stolen in violation of criminal law.And further, she considers whether those artifacts should be returned to their countries of origin, morally and ethically. Beyond the fundamental questions, Peyton examines whether these acts were simply “a sign of the times,” and concludes that the intent and actions were clearly something much more nefarious – early and centuries-long “white-collar crimes.” Peyton artfully reviews common characteristics of white collar crimes – factors such as trust, complexity, victims, power imbalance, time, secrecy, among others – and applies those to the historical record of British citizens and government taking artifacts from Greece and Nigeria, to the UK, and displaying them in the British Museum – without any real permission, authority, or fair purchase. Peyton concludes her article with the hope of resolving the thorny issues of international jurisdiction, the passage of time, changing social values, and the simple differences between right and wrong.

Stephen Maher Criminal Justice

Abstract

The British Museum has had decades of controversy about the legitimacy and legality of possessing ancient artifacts from countries worldwide. The museum has a collection of at least 8 million objects; however, some have claimed that the museum collected these objects through illegal and immoral means. This paper seeks to connect the academic analysis of white-collar crime to the alleged criminal acts of the British Museum in its possession of stolen artifacts from their countries of origin. This research examines two contested artifacts in the British Museum, the Parthenon Sculptures1 (commonly known as the Elgin Marbles) and the Benin Bronzes, to answer whether these artifacts are illegally owned; if so, this situation would make the British Museum one of the world’s greatest white-collar criminals.After reviewing research, it is apparent that no legal argument can establish the museum’s claim of legal ownership over the artifacts; the acquirement of these artifacts is considered a white-collar crime. In reviewing the museum’s actions, the British Museum may be a white-collar offender, but not in the way one may think.

1 Avoidance of the commonly used name, "Elgin Marbles" is purposeful in this article because the name connotes Elgin's claim to the works the very usage and entitlement called into question in this essay.

The British Museum is known as “The World’s Museum,” with an impressive collection of over 8 million artifacts originating from every continent on the planet. Though this museum is praised for its fantastic display, there have been controversies regarding the museum and its artifacts. It is alleged that the British Museum has acquired artifacts through illegal and immoral means for centuries. The actions taken by the museum and its representatives have raised the question of whether these alleged acts are criminal. The Parthenon Sculptures and the Benin Bronzes are two of the most highly contested artifacts regarding their rightful ownership by the museum. After researching the acquirement and history of these specific artifacts, the museum seemed complicit in immoral acts to obtain both artifacts.

Through further research, this report seeks to determine whether the actions taken by the museum for the two artifacts can be associated with white-collar crime or whether the museum acquired these artifacts illegally, thus committing an act of white-collar crime. This report begins with an in-depth analysis of white-collar crime, its definition, and the crimes’ relevant characteristics to fulfill this goal. Secondly, this report briefly connects white-collar crime to the British Museum to serve as a preparatory paragraph before analyzing the history of the artifacts. After analyzing the artifacts, the paper explores the legal aspect of the artifact’s acquirement. Lastly, I conclude by answering whether the British Museum is a white-collar criminal.

Defining White-Collar Crime

White-collar crime has been loosely studied within criminal justice academia for decades. This foreign criminal concept refers to nonviolent offenses different from other criminal behaviors. Though many criminologists have studied these offenses, Sutherland (1949) first introduced the term white-collar crime in 1939 during his presentation at the American Sociological Association. Sutherland (1949) defined white-collar crime as “crimes committed by a person of respectability and high social status in the course of his occupation” (p. 9). In other words, a business or government professional uses their occupation and prestige to commit nonviolent criminal offenses.

Additionally, the term has evolved to encompass the many frauds these professionals commit while establishing that offenders do not have to be of high social status. The definition currently stands as the abuse of authority or position to commit and conceal noncriminal offenses and frauds regardless of social status. These frauds include but are not limited to embezzlement, bank and tax fraud, sexual misconduct, and theft. Edelhertz (1983) encompassed this idea when defining white-collar crime as “an illegal act or series of illegal acts committed by nonphysical means and by concealment or guile, to obtain money or property, or to obtain business or personal advantage” (as cited in Johnson & Leo, 1993, p. 68). Regarding the industries where these offenses occur, white-collar crime is associated with the financial sector; however, these crimes can occur in any public sector.

It is important to note the many definitions of white-collar crime developed from the negative discourse surrounding Sutherland’s (1949) definition. Critics have argued that Sutherland’s definition is too vague, concentrating on the occupation of the offender while creating ambiguous usage of the term. However, Sutherland provided a broad perspective of these crimes, which is needed for white-collar crime. Edelhertz’s (1983, as cited in Johnson & Leo, 1993) white-collar crime definition aligned with Sutherland’s (1949) definition of illegal acts; however, Edelhertz (1983) emphasized the nature of the offense rather than the offender’s occupation (as cited in Johnson & Leo, 1993, p. 68). Based on this discourse, these crimes cannot be limited to one definition. For example, murder is a specific type of crime defined

within a universal definition. At the same time, white-collar offenses include a wide range of criminal conduct that cannot be encompassed into one definition. Thus, for this report, the definition from Sutherland (1949) and Edelhertz (1983, as cited in Johnson & Leo, 1993) is used in this paper.

Characteristics of White-Collar Crime

Many characteristics associate criminal offenses with white-collar crime. These crimes do not have a universal definition; therefore, the characteristics associated with such crimes are necessary for determining and exposing these offenses. This section summarizes the characteristics of white-collar crime.

Nonviolent

Most academics agree that a common element of this crime is that these crimes are nonviolent. However, violence can still be an aspect of white-collar crime. The U.S. Penal Code defines a nonviolent offense as an offense that does not have as an element the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against the person or property of another; or, is not a felony that by its nature involves a substantial risk that physical force against the person or property of another may be used in the course of committing the offense. (34 U.S.C § 10596)

These crimes are committed through deception, manipulation, fraud, and exploitation. Commonly, the offender will not encounter their victim(s). Some examples of crimes that feature this characteristic include fraud in the insurance system, such as theft; fraud in the economic system, such as investment fraud; and fraud in the cyber system, such as phishing. Although white-collar offenses rarely result in physical harm, the crimes are not victimless. White-collar crimes can destroy a civilian, a multimillion-dollar business, or an entire public system.

Power Dynamics

The power dynamics between perpetrators and victims are elements of crimes studied for decades. In white-collar crimes, the unspoken power dynamics between the perpetrator and victim are critical factors in successful white-collar crimes. White-collar crimes operate in systems that require some form of trust from the people served. As white-collar fueled systems, such as the financial or insurance industry, tend to be complex, trust is relied on to enable the hierarchy white-collar offenders tend to exploit. Sutherland (1949) stated that offenders were in high social status positions and occupations. White-collar offenders use their power to exploit, manipulate, and violate their victims. White-collar crimes are unique in this way, as the victims usually trust offenders based on societal expectations defined by the offenders’ occupation or prestige. In other crimes, victims do not have such pre-established trust in their offenders; trust is usually built over time.

The concept of power dynamics becomes complex regarding how these power dynamics differ within various systems. Power dynamics differ when other actions are combined with trust, resulting in the vulnerability and exploitation needed for white-collar offenses. I wrote a report focusing on white-collar crime in the healthcare and education sectors that provided an example of the varying types of power dynamics. I found that both systems incorporated trust as a primary element; however, these systems differed in other factors combined with trust to accomplish the goal of vulnerability and exploitation.

In the education system, society reinforces the straightforward power dynamic of unwavering respect awarded to professors and teachers. Educational professionals can mold and develop future generations, regardless of intent. The education system symbolizes the power dynamic fueled by trust and manipulation, as represented in this equation: Trust + Manipulation = Exploitation and Vulnerability. Educators have preinstalled trust based on U.S. society’s values while having the ability and opportunity to manipulate children, similar to the exploitation and vulnerability sought by white-collar offenders. In contrast, the healthcare system has the same societal trust element but differs from the education system. The healthcare system is complex as everyday citizens typically do not diagnose themselves or question a doctor’s conduct regarding their illnesses. This complexity also reinforces the necessary trust element, instilling in patients to always trust and believe their doctors. The healthcare system symbolizes the power dynamic fueled by trust and complexity (i.e., Trust + Complexity = Exploitation and Vulnerability).

As seen in the two examples, white-collar offenders may use trust, complexity, and manipulation to commit their crimes. These characteristics show the importance of power dynamics in whitecollar offenses and the variety of these dynamics. Therefore, there is a unique separation of power between offenders and victims in white-collar crimes. Regardless of the specific type of power each offender holds, the offenses depend on the hierarchy and power awarded to a position.

Trust

Trust is another characteristic seen in white-collar offenses. As the preceding paragraph establishes, trust is critical in the power dynamics of white-collar offenses. However, trust allows these crimes to exist while staying undetected. As mentioned, Sutherland’s (1949) definition of white-collar crime includes the offenders’ occupations or prestige, establishing that the offenders of these crimes may occupy positions of power that require trust from clients or other parties. The credibility and prestige of these positions of power establish trust in their victims, a fundamental component of crimes.

White-collar offenses often occur in businesses or organizations, regardless of whether public or private. Trust is essential to any organization, as they cannot effectively operate if potential clients cannot trust and rely on their professionals and leaders. This issue explains why almost every definition of white-collar crime includes the occupational role of the offender. These offenses depend on the trust developed from an offender’s occupation or prestige. Without trust, offenders do not possess the power dynamic relationship or the ability to manipulate, deceive, and exploit white-collar victims effectively.

Regarding trust in the offense itself, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (n.d.) includes the violation of trust when defining white-collar crime. In these crimes, trust is violated when individuals in power commit fraudulent or illegal behaviors against vulnerable victims. These acts can include embezzlement, forgery, and various types of fraud. These crimes not only violate trust on an individual basis but also abuse trust on a national level because white-collar crime exists in the public service sector.

Culture

When analyzing white-collar offenses, a characteristic often discovered and investigated is the culture of an organization. The importance of culture in U.S. society cannot be understated, as it can affect anyone and anything. In Gideon’s Promise, Rapping (2021) stated, “Culture is

powerful. Systems shaped by corrupt value sets can mold anyone into a professional they never meant to become” (p. 6). A culture is a powerful tool that can positively or negatively change and develop values and motivations for any participant. In analyzing white-collar crimes, many organizations possess cultures that perpetuate criminal acts or offenses, with several examples of corporations’ toxic cultures offering the opportunity to commit white-collar crimes. These cultures promote values that contribute to offenders committing such illegal acts. Offenders are motivated by greed, power, money, and domination to engage in white-collar offenses. However, greed and power are the most prominent motivations.

An obvious motivation for many white-collar crimes is some form of monetary incentive. Offenders commit these crimes to increase profit individually and for their company. Many corporations promote a culture of achieving success through economic gain or occupational success, instilling an employee mindset that success is determined by the dollar amount generated. This motivation enables offenders to commit white-collar offenses for profit, often resulting in greed. The motivation of greed becomes dangerous as offenders continue to engage in white-collar criminal activity to earn more money, creating an endless cycle of crime.

Power is another motivation for committing these offenses perpetuated by a toxic culture. As mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, power and power dynamics play a significant role in white-collar crimes. Specifically, white-collar offenders tend to love the power they feel from the victimization of others while committing their crimes. It is common for businesses to instill hierarchy into the work culture. The more power, the more respected the person would be, which is a common phenomenon in the business world. Corporate cultures that promote the desire for power in business structures risk enabling their employees to engage in behaviors to gain the desired power. This motivation drives white-collar crime.

Greed and power are just two values perpetuated through toxic corporate cultures. The constant need for success, whether money or power, creates a “culture of competition”

(Coleman, 1987, p. 32). This culture provides the motivations and opportunity for white-collar crime in corporate or systemic settings.

Complexity

White-collar offenses are complex, making the detection and suppression of the crime difficult for any justice system. White-collar offenses may be reduced to lying, cheating, or exploiting while remaining complex in reality. Unlike other crimes, such as robbery or assault, white-collar offenses are not committed in a singular act. These sophisticated schemes involve a series of criminal actions that can span long periods. These schemes must be carefully planned and performed to avoid detection, adding to the crime’s complexity.

These complex crimes also occur within closed systems (i.e., systems that are selfregulated and not common knowledge to the general public). Closed systems operate on their merit, and the public often needs to gain knowledge of the complex nature of the system and operations. Examples of closed systems include finances, investment, insurance, and healthcare. Because white-collar offenders often commit these crimes in systems that are unregulated by society, the crimes can become complex as they cannot be understood without serious investigative efforts. The closed system also conceals the crimes, as society would have no way of knowing that criminal conduct had occurred.

Another factor contributing to these crimes’ complexity is the expertise required for the offender’s occupation. White-collar crimes occur within occupations involving some form of acquired knowledge inaccessible to the public. The complexity of these occupational roles makes

understanding and detecting white-collar offenses even more difficult. Complex and organized crimes have become synonymous with white-collar offenses because of the perception of many complex systems, such as the financial industry, invaded by white-collar offenders.

Detection

The characteristics mentioned in this report of white-collar crime have made these crimes difficult to detect and regulate by governing bodies. These crimes go undetected for a plethora of reasons; the examples established in this report show the power dynamics between the victim and offender, the trust in the organization, and the complexity of the crimes. However, a few additional factors affect the detection of these crimes.

First, as mentioned in Sutherland’s (1949) definition, offenders are in positions or occupations with much power. This power not only provides vulnerability to their victims but also aids in shielding the offenders from detection. Many criminals’ power and influence allow them to exploit their connections to hinder prosecutorial or investigative efforts.

Second, another factor contributing to the lack of detection regarding these crimes is the difficulty in proving that the offenses occurred. White-collar criminals are good at concealing their crimes; nevertheless, many victims do not know that these criminals have victimized them nor to whom they should report the crime. Additionally, in trying to prove the offense happened, it is difficult to establish who committed the offense. Braithwaite and Geis (1982) elaborated this point, stating that “even when offences are detected, it may be difficult to prove that an offence has been committed and to establish who is responsible for it” (as cited in Croall, 1992, p. 20). This diffusion of responsibility not only contributes to the detection and prosecution of whitecollar offenses but also further increases the complexity. When investigators and prosecutors cannot determine who committed the crime or the chain of responsibility, it is nearly impossible to prove that a criminal act occurred.

Third, these offenses are difficult to detect as there needs to be more oversight. Oversight functions are actions that review various organizations or sectors to ensure the achievement of expected and ethical standards. The functions ensure that these systems or organizations have behaved correctly. Some examples of oversight functions include governmental agencies investigating various systems, a committee that regulates actions by a system, and leaders monitoring and evaluations.

Oversight functions are essential to white-collar crime, as many of these crimes happen because there is no oversight or regulation. However, complexity, culture, and trust limit oversight over these systems that have white-collar crime. As mentioned, typical white-collar systems are closed, meaning there is no external oversight over these systems and companies. Without oversight, offenders have little to no deterrence; thus, investigators or prosecutors have limited ways to detect these crimes. Therefore, the investigations cannot be proactive and are instead reactive.

In highly complex crimes, investigators should engage in proactive investigations. Proactive investigation occurs before or during the commission of a crime. Because of the lack of oversight, most white-collar offense investigations are reactive (i.e., an investigation occurring after the commission of a crime). The lack of oversight allows time for white-collar offenders to destroy evidence for a crime.

In brief, detecting white-collar offenses can become difficult because of many competing factors. The crime’s sophisticated nature, the criminal’s power dynamics, diffusion of responsibility, and lack of oversight are only a few components that create difficulty in

effectively detecting and prosecuting these offenses. Another characteristic is discussed in the following section.

Impact

The impact of white-collar offenses cannot be overstated, as they are detrimental to victims and society. Unlike ordinary street crimes, white-collar offenses can affect large groups, ranging from a few victims to thousands of victims. The consequences include financial losses, physical harm, and societal harm.

Academics of white-collar crime agree that the economic impact of these crimes is of international importance. White-collar crimes can financially damage their victims. Not only can individual victims face financial destruction, but companies, organizations, and public service systems can also face the consequences.

Financial loss can come from many different types of white-collar schemes, whether embezzlement or fraud. Most white-collar offenses have some form of financial destruction. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (n.d.), white-collar crime damages in the United States exceed $300 billion annually. Victims of these crimes go into a financial crisis as they have been funded or exploited by white-collar offenders. Businesses can also fall into financial ruin if they engage in white-collar crime and are discovered or are a victim of an offender. The Bernie Madoff case is an example of a white-collar crime with citizens and corporations as victims.

Bernie Madoff committed the largest Ponzi scheme in history by scamming investors. Bernie Madoff operated a multibillion-dollar scheme within a brokerage business by defrauding investors and promising incredibly high investment returns. Madoff compiled and deposited his clients’ investments into his personal bank account. Madoff did not make a single investment with the invested money with which he was trusted. Instead, Madoff paid old investors with new investors’ money, signifying to the client that their promised return was made.

Madoff operated this scheme for over seventeen years, resulting in over $20 billion in cash and $65 billion in paper losses. However, this case involved hundreds of victims, from everyday investors to large companies and organizations. Individual investors gave their savings some even used their life savings to Madoff, who would later lose it all. These victims went into financial crises because of Madoff’s crimes. Corporations and nonprofit organizations also placed their funds into Madoff’s scheme. Nonprofit organizations, private investment companies, and universities also bought into the scheme. The losses for these corporations were tremendous, with some losing millions. Therefore, this case conveys the reality of white-collar crime anyone or anything can become a victim of white-collar offenses. The consequences of these crimes influence victims financially and physically. An underrepresented consequence of white-collar crime is the physical harm of victims. The physical harm of white-collar offenses can happen through many different avenues. First, white-collar offenders can actively endanger employees by providing unsafe working conditions, practices, and cultures. Second, victims can experience physical harm because of victimization from whitecollar crime.

Regarding the Madoff case, many victims described the emotional pain they encountered because of the trust they had instilled in Madoff. Depression, suicide, and self-harm are other types of physical harm victims can encounter. Additionally, research suggests that the public understands the severity of white-collar crime as cases of embezzlement and activities that can result in death or injury (Meier & Short, 1982, as cited in Edelhertz & Overcast, 1982).

Another consequence of white-collar offenses is societal harm. Societal harm is defined as the collection of negative impacts from illegal acts that affect people on a societal level. Societal harm is relevant as it is a consequence of every white-collar crime system. These harms not only include the financial consequences of these crimes but also moral wrongfulness. Green (2004) emphasized moral wrongfulness, stating, “White collar crime tends to involve certain distinctive forms of moral wrongfulness: not only deception and breach of trust, but also cheating, exploitation, coercion, promise-breaking, and disobedience” (p. 33). Therefore, whitecollar crimes harm society based on moral principles and values set in place that function as a part of the administration of that society. These values are damaged because of white-collar crime’s basic format and characteristics.

White-collar crimes are committed by persons in power who are expected to set a moral example and behave responsibly (Meier & Short, 1982). The deception, breach of trust, and exploitation of white-collar offenses damage U.S. society’s moral consciousness. Meier and Short (1982) provided examples of such damage: “alienation from society, with consequent feelings of normlessness and powerlessness, and the loss of public confidence in major institutions” (p. 20).

In brief, the impact of white-collar crimes can have long-lasting consequences for individuals, businesses, and society. These crimes can cause financial disparity, physical harm, and societal harm. It is essential to recognize the impact of white-collar crimes by researching and understanding the various characteristics to detect white-collar offenses. This need represents the goal of this report.

In summary, white-collar crimes are crimes committed by a person of respectability and high social status from their occupation (Sutherland, 1949). White-collar crimes are an illegal act or series of illegal acts typically committed by nonphysical means and concealment or guile to obtain money, property, business, or personal advantage (Edelhertz, 1983, as cited in Johnson & Leo, 1993). Common characteristics of white-collar crime include nonviolence, power dynamics, trust, culture, complexity, lack of detection, and significant impact. These characteristics relate to the British Museum. The course of actions by the museum in acquiring the artifacts detailed in this research represents the definition and possesses the characteristics of white-collar crime. The following sections analyze the history of the artifacts and their acquisition by the museum.

The British Museum

The Parthenon Sculptures

The Parthenon is one of the most famous human-made works of the ancient world. Completed in 438 BC, this iconic Greek temple still stands on the Acropolis, an ancient citadel on top of a large hill in Athens, Greece. The temple was built during the Golden Age of Athens when the city was at its peak of influence and power. The Greeks dedicated the building to the Greek goddess Athena; however, the temple “has been recognized for centuries as the most vivid surviving material symbol of the culture of ancient Greece” (Ratté, 2003, p. 41). This temple has many significant meanings to the Greeks; it is a symbol of religion, politics, or culture. The temple remains one of the many masterpieces from the ancient world, showing the mastery of Greek architecture, with the monument constructed of white marble (Figure 1). Greek architecture displayed in the construction of the Parthenon would later inspire other critically acclaimed monuments, such as the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, DC. Additionally, the British Museum architecture, ironically, is influenced by the Parthenon and other Greek temples.

The Parthenon contained many sculptures and relics establishing its international acclaim, including the renowned marble friezes, and most notably a colossal statue of the goddess Athena, made of ivory and gold (Figure 2 and 3). The most striking elements of the temple are the handmade marble friezes and sculptures. The friezes are a continuous tableau of marble sculptures that run around the entire exterior of the inner building (see Figure 4 and 5; Wegrzyn, 2020). On the other hand, the temple contained other sculptures and architecture, including metopes and pedimental figures. Metopes are carved Pentelic marble square plaques or slabs that lined the outside of the Parthenon (see Figure 6). Whereas pedimental figures are large pentelic marble statues that filled the pediments (the triangle roofs) on the east and west ends of the Parthenon (see Figures 7 and 8). Figure 9 provides imagery of these marble sculptures and their relation to the Parthenon.

The controversy surrounding the Parthenon sculptures details these friezes, metopes, pedimental figures, and other sculptured pieces. The Parthenon Sculptures collection, or Elgin Marbles, consisted of 247 ft (75 m) out of 524 ft (159 m) of the original frieze, 15 of 92 metopes, and 17 pedimental figures, all of which are housed in the British Museum (The British Museum). Historians claim the collection included other pieces of architecture; however, the exact number of these pieces is unknown and not housed in the British Museum. Nonetheless, it is this collection that has been disputed between Greece and Britain for over 200 years.

The temple remained untouched and undamaged through multiple renovations for centuries until harmful disasters, such as earthquakes, invasions, and looting, caused damage. The most severe damage occurred in 1687 when the temple exploded during a war between Venice and the Ottoman Empire. Before the war, the Ottoman Empire occupied Greece and stored gunpowder in the famous temple. Thus, when Venice released fire onto the temple, it blew up. The temple lay in ruins but with most of its structure still intact (Figure 10). However, after this war and the continued occupation of Greece by the Ottoman Empire, the story and debate of the Parthenon Sculptures began.

The Acquisition

In the early 1800s, the Parthenon had fallen into ruin because of war, looting, and neglect. The Ottoman Empire from Turkey invaded Greece in the mid-15th century and occupied it for nearly 400 years until Greece won independence in the 1830s. The Parthenon was subject to the control of the Ottoman Empire, which did not find the temple significant based on their actions regarding the Parthenon.

The Parthenon Sculptures were acquired in 1801. Thomas Bruce, Seventh Earl of Elgin, was obsessed with Ancient Greece and its architecture. Bruce, often referred to as Lord Elgin, decided to embark on a project regarding the Parthenon. Elgin intended to go to Greece to produce drawings and casts of the Parthenon friezes to advance literature and arts in Britain and did not discuss removing anything from the building. Elgin presented this project to the British Government for public funding; however, Elgin was rejected and funded the project himself. Elgin sent his artists to Greece to start the project. The artists were denied access to the building. The Ottomans restricted the artists to the temple drawings for nine months. Nevertheless, this restricted access changed because of Britain’s involvement in international diplomacy.

The British Government sent Elgin to Constantinople, occupied by the Ottoman Empire, to serve as an ambassador for Britain. The Ottoman Empire was in an ongoing heated turf war with the French. In 1798, the French invaded Egypt, a province of the Ottoman Empire. The British armed forces attacked and defeated the French at the Battle of the Nile in August 1798,

establishing a relationship with the Ottoman Empire. The Turks appreciated this defeat and established a newfound relationship with the British Empire. This situation would put Elgin in an opportunistic position. As mentioned, prior to the British aid in the Battle of the Nile, Elgin, and all other British ambassadors were prohibited from accessing the Parthenon. This is likely due to the British’s reputation in international diplomacy with colonization. However, directly after the British involvement, the Ottomans changed their restrictive view of the British and became welcoming towards the Empire and its representatives.

Elgin used this opportunity and his government position to push his access to the Parthenon, which was unsurprisingly granted. The Turkish Government created a firman, an official document that authorized Elgin’s access to the Parthenon. However, controversy surrounds the details of this firman. There is no record of the official firman created by the Ottoman Empire; however, there is a translation of this firman in Italian. Elgin used this firman to justify gaining access to the temple. With access, Elgin ordered his men to proceed with their drawings and casts of the various sculptures on the temple. However, in August of 1801, Elgin’s plan to take casts of the marbles changed.

Elgin decided to take the friezes off the Parthenon. The British Government claimed Elgin could excavate from the temple because of the permission granted from the firman. Elgin ordered his men to take as many sculptures as they could. His men stripped the Parthenon of sculptures that fell off the temple due to the Ottoman attacks causing breakage, and around 50% of the remaining friezes still secured on the temple, using barbaric techniques to break the friezes off the temple. Elgin then transported these marbles to his estate in Britain to remain as art pieces in his home.

However, in 1816, 14 years after Elgin took the sculptures, he entered a financial crisis from funding the Parthenon excavation. Elgin spent around £40,000 in just 18 months on his men in Athens, which is over £1,000,000 today. Elgin attempted to sell the sculptures to the British Government, where leaders paid him an underwhelming amount of £35,000, equating to around £1,000,000 in today’s currency. The British Government then placed the sculptures in the British Museum, where they remain today.

The Benin Bronzes

The Benin Bronzes are some of the most well-known artifacts to come from Africa. The plaques are world-renowned for their intricate level of craftsmanship. The bronzes are a collection of metal plaques created by the Kingdom of Benin. The Kingdom of Benin, known as modern-day Nigeria, was a highly organized state known for its ivory and wood carvers, brass smiths, and bronze casters. The bronzes were created when Benin was one of the most powerful and wealthiest kingdoms in West Africa.

Between the 13th and 19th centuries, bronze sculptures were made from brass through a method of metal casting mastered by the Benin Kingdom. Brass is made from copper and zinc; notably, copper was used as a form of money from 1180 to 1987. The bronzes covered the palace of Benin, meaning the palace was covered in money. The plaques were also made from ivory; however, the Benin Bronzes in the British Museum are made from brass and bronze (Figure 11). The plaques show details of Benin mythology and history that have significant meanings to the Benin people. Some plaques depict the Oba, the King of Benin, and his chiefs; the plaques only include men (Figure 12). They also depict war exploits and battles fought by the Benin people. Important animals, such as leopards and mudfish, are shown on the plaques, which symbolize the Oba and the palace of Benin. Natural objects, such as rivers, are also of symbolic

value to the Benin Kingdom. Regardless of the type, the bronzes are power and prestige symbols of the Benin Kingdom. The cultural and historical significance of the bronzes to the Benin people cannot be disputed. The bronzes are also similar to the Royal Archives. In the past, plaques have been used to refer to Benin traditions, depicting historical proceedings and coronation paraphernalia.

The Benin Palace displayed these bronzes on the walls, only to be seen by the Oba and his special guest. The plaques started to become famous and increased in value as some bronze works were traded throughout Africa and Europe. Europeans also could not fathom that such intricate works of art could come from Africa, a byproduct of racist ideals. Meyerowitz (1943) conveyed this perception by Europeans: “It seemed incredible to the astonished world, that a people so ‘savage’ and ‘primitive’ in their way of life could be responsible for the creation of so highly developed art” (p. 248). As with the Parthenon, Europeans obsessed over the ancient world’s arts for centuries, making the plaques highly sought after, but the changing Obas stayed firm in their decision to keep the plaques in the palace. Thus, the only way the outside world would see the plaques was if someone stole them.

The Acquisition

In 1897, the British embarked on a brutal invasion of the Benin Kingdom. Throughout the 1800s, Europeans came to Benin to trade ivory and palm oil with the Benin people. However, as typical in almost every story of European colonization, Europeans, specifically the British, became forceful in their trade negotiations. They asserted dominance through forceful methods to take over Benin. The Oba recognized and feared for the safety and freedom of Benin, to which he restricted all trade of palm oils to Europeans. As evident, the British did not like this choice.

In 1892, the British sought a treaty to establish trade in the Benin Kingdom and void all independence of the Oba and Benin people. As the British began to invade more of Benin, the Oba became wary and allowed his people to engage in trade as before, causing the British to eliminate the treaty. On January 4th, 1897, a conflict between British soldiers and the Benin people ended in the death of many. Two British survivors escaped and depicted the event as a massacre to the British Government. The government retaliated against Benin on February 10th, 1897. The Benin Punitive Expedition set its sights on Benin to capture the Oba, destroy the city, and appropriate Benin’s wealth.

The British armed forces invaded the kingdom with extreme brutality. The army captured Benin with only eight deaths, burning the flourishing state to the ground. The number of deaths of the Benin people was never recorded, but many historians recognize that this event was deadly. The soldiers would steal thousands of royal treasures from the palace. The army took over one-third of the royal treasury, most of which included the Benin Bronzes. Many historians claim the British government planned this invasion to steal the bronzes as, for years, Europeans reported about the kingdom’s wealth and prestige. Photos exist of British soldiers posing with many plaques taken from the palace, laid on the ground like corpses (Figure 13).

Interestingly, the bronzes appeared in the British Museum shortly after the invasion and theft of Benin’s royal property. The conflict that caused the invasion is also disputed. The British claim the Benin people engaged and incited the violence of British soldiers, whereas the Benin kingdom denies this story and blames the Europeans. Based on the past of Britain and its colonization, the Benin story is likely more accurate, making one wonder if the government sent its armed forces on a mission to retrieve the bronzes illegally or whether the museum also engaged in this conspiracy. Although I doubt that the museum formed and conspired a

conspiracy with the government to steal the bronzes through invasion, the museum bought these plaques from British soldiers and did not ask any questions.

This issue differs from the heavy, so-called investigation by the museum regarding the Parthenon Sculptures. Regardless, no one can dispute that the bronzes were stolen from Benin. No legal document or legal argument can be made about these artifacts. The succeeding Obas have sent letters to the Queen of England and the British Government throughout the decades, seeking the return of these cultural artifacts. However, the museum has claimed that there have been no formal requests, which the Oba and the Nigerian Government deny. In 2021, the museum received a formal request to return the bronzes from the Nigerian Government. However, over 900 Benin Bronzes remain in the British Museum.

Legal Analysis of the Artifacts Acquisition

The first issue that must be addressed is whether the actions taken by the parties of the British Government were illegal. Edelhertz (1983) defined white-collar crime as “an illegal act or series of illegal acts committed by nonphysical means and by concealment or guile, to obtain money or property, or to obtain business or personal advantage” (as cited in Johnson & Leo, 1993, p. 68). Regarding the Parthenon and the Benin Bronzes, illegal actions were committed by British Government representatives to acquire these artifacts. These illegal actions include breach of contract, theft, and crimes against peace.

There is confusion regarding the firman established by the Ottoman Empire, allegedly permitting Elgin and his men to take the sculptures from the temple. As mentioned, the original firman no longer exists, and there is only an Italian translation of the purported firman. Because there is no existing document of this legal claim, the British Government’s argument is difficult to support. One may also question the trustworthiness of this translation of the firman.

In searching for the original document, many reputable sites viewed the translated firman on the British Museum’s website. However, the British Museum removed this page. Merryman (1985) still included a passage from the translated firman:

[I]t is incumbent on us to provide that they [i.e. Elgin’s artists] meet no opposition in walking viewing or contemplating the pictures and buildings they may wish to design or copy; and in any of their works of fixing scaffolding, or using their various instruments; it is our desire that on the arrival of this letter you use your diligence to act conformably to the instances of the saidAmbassador [Elgin] as long as the said five artists dwelling in that place shall be employed in going in and out of the citadel of Athens which is the place of observation; or in fixing scaffolding around the ancient Temple of the Idols, or in modelling with chalk or gypsum the said ornaments and visible figures; or in measuring the fragments and vestiges of other ruined buildings; or in excavating when they find it necessary the foundations in search of inscriptions among the rubbish; that they be not molested by the said Disdar nor by any other persons; nor even by you to whom this letter is addressed; and that no one meddle with their scaffolding or implements nor hinder them from taking away any pieces of stone with inscriptions and figures. (p. 1898)

The language in this clause of the firman is ambiguous, which is never helpful in legal analysis. Nonetheless, the British Government claimed its legal ownership over the sculptures:

“that no one meddle with their scaffolding or implements nor hinder them from taking away any pieces of stone with inscriptions and figures” (Merryman, 1985, p. 1898). The museum claims this part of the firman, especially the phrase “any pieces” (Merryman, 1985, p. 1898), gave Elgin the right to take the statue of Athena (see Figure 3). However, I would counter this claim based on the prior sentence’s context: “or in measuring the fragments and vestiges of other ruined buildings; or in excavating when they find it necessary the foundations in search of inscriptions among the rubbish” (Merryman, 1985, p. 1898). The wording “among the rubbish” (Merryman, 1985, p. 1898) contradicts the museum’s claim. It seems the firman establishes these “pieces” as “among the rubbish” (Merryman, 1985, p. 1898), not the sculptures attached to the temple.

Specifically, the firman details Elgin’s men engaging in drawings and castings as their principal activity. The firman does not permit the removal of the sculptures from the temple but states pieces among the rubble surrounding the temple. Neils (2001), a professor of art history at Case Western Reserve, agreed with this analysis:

The official Firman … does not specifically grant authority to remove superstructure of the temple, but rather to ‘carry away some pieces of stone with inscriptions and figures’(presumably those lying around theAcropolis after the explosion of 1687). It seems clear that Elgin and his henchman did exceed the authority granted him by the Turks who then occupied Greece, but no one at the time challenged their actions. The generous bribes to the Turkish officials quite customary throughout the Ottoman Empire, allowed Lord Elgin’s agents virtual carte blanche on theAcropolis. (p. 241)

Elgin breached this legal document by exceeding the authority given to him by the firman, causing a breach of contract. This breach would have called for terminating the document, as the contract or agreement established in the document was void because of the breach on Elgin’s part.

Regarding the Benin Bronzes, most have agreed that these precious metal plaques were stolen. The British Government and the museum recognize that the bronzes were acquired by immoral means; therefore, the British Government participated in theft and crimes against peace. The argument that the government engaged in the theft of the bronzes does not need much analysis; both parties, Nigeria and Britain, agree that the works were stolen.

Regarding this theft, there is more to the story. The European Union Agency for Asylum (n.d.) defines crimes against peace as

the planning, preparation, initiation, waging or participation in a common plan or conspiracy related to a war of aggression, which can only apply in relation to international armed conflict. Such a crime would usually be committed by individuals in a high position of authority, representing a State or a State-like entity. It can be noted that in practice this ground is rarely applied. (para. 1)

Although Nigeria and Britain dispute the reasoning for the invasion, Britain still invaded Benin with senseless brutality. Therefore, the British Government planned, prepared, and initiated a conspiracy to invade Benin and steal from the kingdom.

Were These White-Collar Crimes?

After reviewing research, I argue that the actions taken to acquire the artifacts can be considered white-collar crimes based on the similar characteristics established as part of whitecollar crimes. This section connects both artifacts’characteristics with white-collar crime to show their collection as white-collar offenses.

Nonviolent

The Parthenon acquisition was a nonviolent offense, as it had no acts of violence. On the other hand, the Benin Bronzes were acquired by a violent offense. However, not all white-collar offenses are nonviolent. An interesting argument in the case of the Bronzes is that many historians claim the British government invaded the kingdom to steal from the kingdom’s palace. The intent of theft for financial benefit is a characteristic of white-collar crime. The invasion and possible fabrication of violence by the Benin people may have served as a “concealment of guile” (Edelhertz, 1983, as cited in Johnson & Leo, 1993, p. 68) to their true intention of stealing the world-renowned but secret artworks. If this argument is valid, would the invasion and violence be a central element of the crime if the true intention was the theft of the bronzes? If the violent nature of the crime was not a central element of a crime, would it be considered a violent offense?

Power Dynamics

Secondly, both acquisitions had the characteristic of an unequal power dynamic between the parties. Regarding the Parthenon, the power dynamic was the leverage and power Elgin had as a British Ambassador over the Ottoman Empire. Elgin knew he had an opportunity when the British armed forces defeated the French in Egypt, helping the Ottoman Empire. Before Britain got involved in international diplomacy, the Ottoman Empire denied access to the Parthenon to Elgin’s men. Conveniently, after the Battle of the Nile, Elgin used the newly established relationship between Britain and the Ottoman Empire to get near the Parthenon. Elgin’s occupation as a British Ambassador further enhanced this new power dynamic between the Ottomans and himself. If it were not for the circumstances of Britain’s involvement with France and Elgin’s occupation, Elgin and his men would likely have not been able to access the Parthenon.

In the case of the Benin Bronzes, Britain was a world superpower that exploited its power over Africa to steal the bronzes. Based on the deadly outcome of the invasion, Britain was a dominant force compared to the Benin Kingdom. In colonial fashion, Britain used treaties to establish trade with Benin for financial benefit. As soon as Benin did not act accordingly, Britain attacked the kingdom, a common colonization tactic. Therefore, the British Government used its power dynamic over Benin to invade the country and take the bronzes. If Britain was not of world power status, it is unlikely that similar circumstances would have occurred, as the power dynamic would have been balanced between the two nations.

Trust

In both cases, the prestige of the British Empire gave each acting representative of the government preawarded trust by the Ottoman Empire and the Benin Kingdom. The British Army’s defeat of the French instilled trust between the Ottomans and Britain. The Ottomans did not trust the British Ambassador, Elgin, before the war, but afterwards, the Ottomans trusted Elgin and declared the firman. Without the trust gained by the British Army’s actions, Elgin

could not have taken the sculptures. The Benin Palace trusted the British Government because of an established trade. However, because of the language barrier, the Benin Palace and the Oba had no choice but to trust the British. Without this trust, the Benin Kingdom would not have signed the treaty, establishing further trade between the two nations. Trust was exploited as the British traders used and abused the Benin people and their resources.

Culture

Britain has had a long culture of colonization by using racist ideals promoting and allowing their government and representatives to commit white-collar offenses. Both cases show the British Empire’s culture of colonization during these periods. Without this culture, I do not believe Elgin would have believed he could take from the Parthenon, or the government would not have invaded Benin and Africa. The British Government possessed a culture that perpetuated these criminal acts or offenses. The British Government was motivated by the racism, greed, power, and domination, which allowed them to perform these illegal acts without any conscience or moral responsibility. This motivation is often seen in white-collar crimes as offenders are so used to a culture of exploitation that they engage in it without any thought.

Complexity

These crimes are complex as they detail international trade negotiations dating back to the 18th century. Because of each case’s complexity, this controversy has been disputed for centuries. The complexity of the nature and existence of the firman complicates the Parthenon controversy. The context for the situation surrounding the Benin Bronzes are also complex, as the nature of the event that led to the British invasion of the kingdom makes determining the event and crime challenging. The artifacts live up to the complexity commonly seen in whitecollar offenses.

Impact

The impact of these crimes is immense. The value of ancient cultural artifacts cannot have a price. The museum understands this issue as they hold onto valuable art pieces as if they are imprisoned. The museum is firm in its stance of complete ownership; however, the cultural significance of the art pieces to Greece and Nigeria is unprecedented. The artifacts represent the identities of each place’s people. The museum’s acquisition of these stolen artifacts still influences the people of Greece and Nigeria today. Generations have experienced the loss of these items that cannot be replaced, while the museum ignores the emotional and moral side of this controversy. Modern society only thinks of issues in legal terms, forgetting the morals and ethics that these civilizations lived by, as reflected in their laws. Morality and ethics also brought the works to life.

Is the Museum a White-Collar Criminal?

Concerning whether the British Museum is a white-collar criminal, I find the answer to this question complicated. As both artifacts were acquired through the illegal practices of outside parties acting on behalf of the British Government, I cannot necessarily say that the British Museum conspired with the British Government and acted with the intent to commit these illegal acts to place the artifacts in the possession of the museum. However, it is essential to note that the British Museum is aligned with the government. The government elects British Museum officials. The museum also receives government funding while remaining protected through

legislation enacted by the government. The British Museum Act of 1963 prohibits the museum from returning artifacts. Therefore, regarding the question, it is unclear whether the museum is a white-collar offender on its own merit.

Nevertheless, another interesting question comes from this controversy that may establish the museum as a white-collar offender. The question lies in whether the British Museum was complicit in the illegal acts of acquiring these artifacts through purchasing them. If the museum is considered an accomplice under accomplice liability, a form of liability in the United States, it could be charged and held as a white-collar criminal.

An accomplice is defined “as a person who knowingly, voluntarily, or intentionally assists another in (or in some cases fails to prevent another from) the commission of a crime. An accomplice is criminally liable to the same extent as the principal” (Legal Information Institute, n.d., para. 1). The concept of accomplice liability means that a person or organization can face the same degree of guilt as a person who has committed the crime without the person or organization having to commit the offense. The elements of accomplice liability include (a) another individual committed a crime; (b) the defendant “aided, counseled, commanded, or encouraged” (Findlaw, 2019, p. 20) the other person in the commission of the crime; and (c) the defendant acted with the requisite mental state, such as knowingly or purposefully, in their jurisdiction to assist in the crime.

I believe it can be argued that the British Museum was an accomplice in these criminal acts based on their actions toward the stolen artifacts. The museum quickly accepted the Parthenon Sculptures and the Benin Bronzes without any effort to determine a legal claim by the sellers. Additionally, the British Museum perpetuated a notion where people believed it would accept almost anything regardless of the acquisition process. This notion and the museum’s close ties with the government have likely influenced people to acquire artifacts and engage in stealing artifacts, knowing the museum would likely still buy them. It is important to note that accomplice liability does not require the accomplice to act; saying or doing something is enough to establish accomplice liability. Thus, the British Museum is complicit in the white-collar offenses of the Parthenon and Benin Bronzes, making the museum a white-collar offender.

Conclusion

Unfortunately, a museum regarded as “The Museum of the World” has engaged in and abetted offenses leading to acquiring precious artifacts illegally. The Parthenon Sculptures and Benin Bronzes are examples of white-collar crime in the world of art. Both artifacts were stolen from their countries of origin and placed in a museum with illegal artifacts already on their walls. In a time where crimes of the past are examined based on today’s society, it is essential to understand the white-collar practices of some of the world’s most prominent institutions; whitecollar offenders must be held accountable. The argument detailed in this report may not be well equipped to define the British Museum as a white-collar criminal based on its merit. However, the British Museum was complicit in the white-collar offenses of the British Government because of purchasing and influencing illegally acquired artifacts. Regardless of how the museum can be considered a white-collar offender, it is time the world recognizes the possibility that it was complicit in acquiring these historical pieces illegally.

References

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https://uscode.house.gov/search.xhtml?searchString=Nonviolent&pageNumber=1&items

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Figure 1:Artist: Morton, K. (n.d.). Illustration of The Parthenon.An introduction to the Parthenon and its sculptures. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum.org/blog/introduction-parthenon-and-its-sculptures.

Figure 2: Parthenon Frieze. (Athens, 438–432 BC). [Marble Sculpture]. The British Museum. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum.org/blog/introduction-parthenon-and-itssculptures.

Figure 3: Le Quire, A. (n.d.). Athena Parthenon Statue. An introduction to the Parthenon and its sculptures. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum.org/blog/introduction-parthenonand-its-sculptures.

Figure 4 : Artist: Alma-Tadema. Athens (Acropolis): Parthenon: Ref.: Pheidias and the Parthenon Frieze. (n.d.). https://jstor.org/stable/community.13910341

Figure 5:Artist: Morton, K. (n.d.). Illustration of The Parthenon Frieze. An introduction to the Parthenon and its sculptures. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum.org/blog/introduction-parthenon-and-its-sculptures.

Figure 6: Parthenon Metope. (Athens, 447–438 BC). [Marble Sculpture]. The British Museum. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum.org/blog/introduction-parthenon-and-itssculptures.

Figure 7:Artist: Morton, K. (n.d.). Illustration of The Parthenon Pediment.An introduction to the Parthenon and its sculptures. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum.org/blog/introduction-parthenon-and-its-sculptures

Figure 8: Sculpture from the Parthenon’s East Pediment. (Athens, 438–432 BC). [Marble Sculpture]. The British Museum. Retrieved from

https://www.britishmuseum.org/blog/introduction-parthenon-and-its-sculptures.

Figure 9: Illustration of the Parthenon Metopes, Frieze, and Pediment. (n.d.). An introduction to the Parthenon and its sculptures. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum.org/blog/introduction-parthenon-and-its-sculptures.

Figure 10:Artist: Frederic Edwin Church (American, Hartford, Connecticut 1826–1900 New York). (1871). The Parthenon [Oil on canvas]. The Metropolitan Museum ofArt. https://jstor.org/stable/community.18413551

Figure 11: Son of Groucho. (n.d.). Benin Bronzes. Flickr. photograph, London. Retrieved from https://www.flickr.com/photos/sonofgroucho/6971790113/in/photolist-bC5fiP-2hWZfdg57rbLk-2o6CFhc-bpapqL-2o3gG8r-NLuM3p-Sa4v36-bpaoyf-2kU1eQp-57ranv4WHmm8-4WHmvH-2pn69J8-bC5j5Z-NJEPmA-57r6BD-4WMCDW-4WHmrnbHtFui-dgSrNC-dgSrVn-dgSsbJ-dgSs5p-9uCNB3-9BGWLv-dgSrxi-dGtkhs-88eKZ17FHWuo-7vju6s-7vfCYM-7vfEzx-7vjsyN-6HeUaK-8oMD9V-7vjtJN-nTqEhT-aB5EdW7vfDox-89HrqQ-7LoUtB-aB5E1w-dMnhX6-nRuXmA-2kShMy3-GsxmXJ-aphGWP88eL1d-dyFpjc.

https://jstor.org/stable/community.15432507

Figure 12: Bronze plaque, bas relief of three men, decorative background, perforated. (Mid 14th century - Mid 16th century). [Copper alloy, bronze]. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology.

Figure 13: Granville, Reginald (1897). Interior of King’s Compound Benin [Photograph]. Benin, Nigeria.

Note. A reconstruction of how the Acropolis may have looked in ancient times, including the Parthenon. Illustration by Kate Morton.

Figure 1

Illustration of The Parthenon

Figure 2

Parthenon Frieze

Note. A section of the Parthenon Frieze. Athens, 438–432 BC.

Figure 3

Athena Parthenon Statue

Note. Replica of the Athena Parthenon statue in Nashville by Alan Le Quire. Image from Wikimedia Commons. Photo: Dean Dixon.

Figure 4

Painting of The Parthenon Frieze

Note. Tadema, A., Painting of the inner side of The Parthenon, of the friezes.

Figure 5

Illustration of The Parthenon Frieze Location

Note. A reconstruction of the Parthenon showing the location of the frieze. Illustration by Kate Morton.

Figure 6 Parthenon Metope

Note. Marble metope from the Parthenon showing the battle between a Centaur and a Lapith. Athens, 447–438 BC.

Note. A reconstruction of the Parthenon showing the location of one of the pediments. Illustration by Kate Morton.

Figure 7

Illustration of The Parthenon Pediment Location

Figure 8

Parthenon Pediment Sculptures

Note Sculptures from the Parthenon's East pediment on display in Room 18 of The British Museum. Athens, 438–432 BC.

Figure 9

Illustration of The Parthenon Metopes, Frieze, and Pediment Location

Note An illustration showing the location of the pediment, metopes, and frieze on the Parthenon.

Figure 10

Painting of The Parthenon

Note. Church, F., Oil Painting of The Parthenon.

Figure 11

Benin Bronzes

Note Benin Bronzes Exhibit. The British Museum.

Figure 12

Benin Bronze

Note. Benin Bronze Plaque.

Figure 13

Benin Bronzes Stolen

Note. Interior of Oba’s Compound Burnt During the Seige of Benin City (present-day Nigeria), with Bronze Plaques in the Foreground and Three British Soldiers of the Benin Punitive Expedition 9-18 February 1897. Photographer Reginald Granville.